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Catalan phonology

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(Redirected from Valencian phonology) Sounds and pronunciation of Catalan For assistance with IPA transcriptions of Catalan for Misplaced Pages articles, see Help:IPA/Catalan. This article contains phonetic transcriptions in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA. For the distinction between , / / and ⟨ ⟩, see IPA § Brackets and transcription delimiters.

The Catalan phonology (or Valencian phonology) has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences.

Catalan is characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition, and voicing assimilation; a set of 7 to 8 phonemic vowels, vowel assimilations (including vowel harmony), many phonetic diphthongs, and vowel reduction, whose precise details differ between dialects.

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Consonants

Consonants of Catalan
Labial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ (ŋ)
Plosive voiceless p t k
voiced b d ɡ
Affricate voiceless (t͡s) t͡ʃ
voiced d͡z d͡ʒ
Fricative voiceless f (θ) s ʃ (x) (h)
voiced (v) z ʒ (ʁ)
Approximant central j w
lateral l ʎ
Trill r (ʀ)
Tap ɾ

Phonetic notes:

  • ^1 /t/, /d/ are laminal denti-alveolar [t̪], [d̪]. After /s, z/, they are laminal alveolar [t̻], [d̻].
  • ^2 /k/, /ɡ/ are velar but fronted to pre-velar position before front vowels. In some Majorcan dialects, the situation is reversed; the main realization is palatal [c], [ɟ], but before liquids and rounded back vowels they are velar [k], [ɡ].
  • ^3 /n/, /l/, /ɾ/ are apical front alveolar [n̺], [l̺], [ɾ̺], but the first two are laminal denti-alveolar [n̪], [l̪] before /t/, /d/. In addition, /n/ is postalveolar [n̠] or alveolo-palatal [ɲ̟] before /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /t͡ʃ/, /d͡ʒ/, velar [ŋ] before /k/, /ɡ/ and labiodental [ɱ] before /f/, (/v/), where it merges with /m/. It also merges with /m/ (to [m]) before /p/, /b/.
  • ^4 /s/, /z/, /r/ are apical back alveolar [s̺], [z̺], [r̺], also described as postalveolar.
  • ^5 /t͡s/, /d͡z/ are apical alveolar , . They may be somewhat fronted, so that the stop component is laminal denti-alveolar, while the fricative component is apical post-dental. /t͡s/ is rare and may not be phonemic (see below).
  • ^6 /ʎ/, /ɲ/ are laminal "front alveolo-palatal" [ʎ̟], [ɲ̟].
  • ^7 There is some confusion in the literature about the precise phonetic characteristics of /ʃ/, /ʒ/, /tʃ/, and /dʒ/; while Recasens Vives, Fontdevila & Pallarès Ramon (1995) and Recasens Vives & Espinosa (2007) describe them as "back alveolo-palatal", implying that the characters ⟨ɕ ʑ tɕ dʑ⟩ would be more accurate, they (and all literature on Catalan) use the characters for palato-alveolar affricates and fricatives while using ⟨ɕ ʑ⟩ for alveolo-palatal sounds in examples in other languages like Polish or Chinese. Otherwise, sources, like Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix (1992) generally describe them as "postalveolar".

Obstruents

Obstruents assimilate to the voicing of the following consonant. Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing so that fred ('cold', m. s.) is pronounced with (, , ) while fredes ('cold', f. pl.) is pronounced with (, , ).

Table with minimal pairs:

Coda obstruents minimal pairs
IPA word gloss word gloss
cub 'cube' cup 'winepress'
tord 'thrush' tort 'crooked'
mag 'magician' mac 'pebble'
salv 'exempt'
brunz 'he or she buzzes' bruns 'dark browns'
raig 'ray'

Plosives

Voiced plosives (also called stops) become lenited to fricatives or approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants: /b/ → [β], /d/ → [ð], /ɡ/ → [ɣ].

  • Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants (e.g. ull de bou (E) / (W) 'oeil-de-boeuf') and /b/ after labiodentals (/f/, ), e.g. bolígraf boníssim (E) / (W) ('really good pen').
  • In non-betacist dialects (those who do not merge /b/ with /v/), /b/ remains unlenited (ull de bou (B) / (V) 'oeil-de-boeuf').
  • In some dialects, e.g. many Valencian accents, initial (that is, in all environments except after a nasal) /ɡ/ can be lenited: gat ('cat').
  • In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as stops; except in some Valencian dialects, where they might be lenited.

In Catalan and Balearic (not in Valencian), labial /b/ and /p/, and velar stops /ɡ/ and /k/ may be geminated in intervocalic position before /l/ (e.g. poble 'village, people', regla 'rule').

Intervocalic /d/ is dropped (particularly in participles) in regular speech in Valencian, with compensatory lengthening of vowel /a/; e.g. vesprada ('afternoon').

In Majorcan varieties, velar stops /k/ and /ɡ/ become [c] and [ɟ] word-finally and before front vowels, in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels; e.g. sang ('blood').

  • The dorso-palatal [ʝ] may occur in complementary distribution with [ɟ], only in Majorcan varieties that have dorso-palatals rather than the velars found in most dialects: guerra ('war') vs. sa guerra ('the war').

In the Valencian dialects final voiceless plosives (/p, t, k/) may be lenited before a vowel: tot açò ('all this').

The preposition amb ('with') in Central Catalan is usually pronounced , but in careful speech when it is before a vowel sound or an /l/ is pronounced .

Affricates

The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa ~ (E) / (W) ('hair parting') and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

  • Alveolar affricates, [t͡s] and [d͡z], occur the least of all affricates.
    • only occurs intervocalically: metzines (E) / (W) ('toxic substances').
      • In Valencian, many instances of (especially the -itzar suffix) are deaffricated to : utilitzar ('to use').
    • Instances of arise mostly from compounding; the few lexical instances arise from historical compounding. For instance, potser (E) / (W) ('maybe') comes from pot ('may') + ser ('be' inf). As such, does not occur word-initially; other than some rare words of foreign origin (e.g. tsar 'tsar', tsuga 'tsuga'), but it may occur word-finally and quite often in cases of heteromorphemic (i.e. across a morpheme boundary) plural endings: tots ('everybody'). Several linguists claim is not a phoneme on its own, but a simple combination of and , in the same way that the in English 'cats' is not phonemic.
  • The distribution of alveolo-palatal affricates, [t͡ʃ] and [d͡ʒ], depends on dialect:
    • In most of Valencian and southern Catalonia, most occurrences of correspond to the voiced fricative in Standard Eastern Catalan: gel ('ice').
    • In Standard Eastern Catalan, word-initial is found only in a few words of foreign origin (e.g. txec 'Czech', Txaikovski 'Tchaikovsky') while being found freely intervocalically (e.g. fletxa 'arrow') and word-finally: despatx (E) / (W) ('office').
    • Standard Eastern Catalan also only allows in intervocalic position (e.g. metge 'medic'). Phonemic analyses show word-final occurrences of /d͡ʒ/ (e.g. raig esbiaixat (E) / (W) 'skew ray'), but final devoicing eliminates this from the surface: raig ('ray').
    • In various other dialects (as well as in emphatic speech), including Valencian and its standard variety, occurs word-initially and after another consonant to the exclusion of (although there are exceptions). These instances of word-initial seem to correspond to in other dialects, including the standard (Eastern Catalan) on which the orthography is based: xinxa ('bedbug'), pronounced in Standard Catalan, is in these varieties (including Standard Valencian).

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and few areas in Southern Valencia. Also, intervocalic affricates are predominantly long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (e.g. metge (E) / (W) 'medic'). In Modern Valencian and have merged into /d͡ʒ/, except in some parts of Southern Valencian.

In Aragonese Catalan (especially Ribagorçan) and Central Valencian (the so called apitxat accent), voiced fricatives and affricates are missing (i.e. /z/ has merged with /s/, /d͡ʒ/ has merged with /t͡ʃ/, with only voiceless realizations occurring).

Fricatives

The labiodental fricative (/v/) occurs in Balearic, as well as in Alguerese, Standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia. Everywhere else (including parts of Valencian, like its central dialect), it has merged with historic /β/ so that and occur in complementary distribution.

  • In Valencian, /v/ is realised as an approximant [ʋ] after continuants: avanç ('advance').
  • In Majorcan, and are in complementary distribution, with [v] occurring before vowels (e.g. blava 'blue' f. vs. blau 'blue' m.).
  • In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of [w] before consonants.

In Majorcan and Minorcan, /f/ undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros ('large puff').

The dental fricative /θ/ only appears in Ribagorçan and Lower Aragon, in contrast with /s/. Spanish loanwords with this sound may be replaced by /s/ in both Catalan and Valencian.

The velar fricative /x/ is found in Spanish interferences, especially in Aragon and Southern Valencia.

The glottal fricative /h/ is found in loanwords and interjections, although /h/ is usually replaced by /x/ in loanwords.

Sonorants

Laterals

Laterals assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant (see "Assimilations" below). The lateral /l/ may be geminated in careful speech (e.g. iŀlusió 'illusion'). A geminated /ʎː/ may also occur (e.g. ratlla (E) / (W) 'line').

  • While "dark (velarized) l", [ɫ], may be a positional allophone of /l/ in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda; e.g. sòl 'ground'), /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan and standard Eastern Catalan (e.g. tela ). For simplicity dark l is not transcribed in this article.
  • In Aragonese Catalan (including Ribagorçan), /l/ is palatalized to [ʎ] in consonant clusters; e.g. plou 'it rains'.
  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final /ʎ/ is depalatized to [l]: gall ('rooster').

Nasals

Nasals assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant (see "Assimilations" below). In careful speech, /n/ and /m/ may be geminated (e.g. innecessari (E) / (W) 'unnecessary', emmagatzemar (E) / (W) 'to store').

  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final /ɲ/ is depalatized to [n]: any ('year').

Rhotics

The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /ɾ/ closely parallels that of Spanish. Wheeler analyzes intervocalic as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme: serra /ˈsɛɾɾə/ → (E) / /ˈsɛɾɾa/ → (W) 'saw, mountains' (this is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics).

  • Between vowels, the two contrast (e.g. mirra (E) / (W) 'myrrh' vs. mira (E) / (W) 'he or she looks'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution. [ɾ] appears in the onset, except in word-initial position (ruc 'donkey'), after /l/, /n/, and /s/ (folre 'lining', honra 'honour', Israel 'Israel'), and in compounds (infraroig 'infrared'), where [r] is used.
    • Majorcan contrasts /r/ and /ɾ/ in word final position, e.g. xerr ('I speak') vs. mor ('he or she dies').
    • In Majorcan final /ɾ/ + can be assimilated to (e.g. carn 'meat').
  • Different dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda, with Western Catalan generally featuring [ɾ] and Central Catalan dialects like those of Barcelona or Girona featuring a weakly trilled [r] unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case [ɾ] appears (per (W), (E) 'for', but (E) per a tu 'for you').
  • There is free variation in /r/ word-initially, after /l/, /n/, and /s/, and in compounds (if /r/ is preceded by consonant), wherein /r/ is pronounced or [ɹ], the latter being similar to English red: ruc ~ ('donkey').
    • In Northern Catalonia and in some accents of Majorcan (e.g. in the town of Sóller), a uvular trill [ʀ] or approximant [ʁ] can be heard instead of the alveolar trill; e.g. córrer ~ ('to run').

Vowels

Vowels of Catalan
Front Central Back
Close i   (y) u
Close-mid e   (ø) (ə) o
Open-mid ɛ   (œ) ɔ
Open a   (ɑ)

Phonetic notes:

  • The vowel /a/ ([ä] in General Catalan) is further back and open than the Castilian counterpart in North-Western and Central Catalan (i.e. it approaches [ɑ] in isolation or in a neutral environment), it is slightly fronted and closed in Valencian and Ribagorçan (), and further fronted and closed () in Majorcan.
    • Stressed /a/ can be further retracted to [ɑ] in contact with velar consonants (including the velarised [ɫ]), and fronted to [a] in contact with palatals. This is not transcribed in the article.
      • The palatal pronunciation of /a/ may merge with /ɛ/ by some speakers.
  • The central vowel /ə/ in stressed position is found in Majorcan and part of Minorcan, in the Balearic Islands.
    • The realization of the reduced vowel /ə/ varies from mid [ə] to near-open [ɐ], with the latter variant being the most usual in the Barcelona metropolitan area, where the distinction between /ə/ and /a/ is less pronounced than in other varieties that maintain the distinction.
  • The open-mid /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are lower in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian.
    • /ɛ/ is slightly more open and centralised before liquids /l, ɾ, r/ and in monosyllabics.
    • /ɔ/ is most often a back vowel. In some dialects (like Majorcan and Southern Valencian) /ɔ/ can be unrounded.
  • /e/ and /o/ can be realised as mid vowels in some cases. This occurs more often with /o/.
  • The close vowels /i, u/ are more open than in Castilian. Unstressed /i, u/ are centralized.
    • In Valencian and most Balearic dialects /i, u/ are further open and centralized, especially in unstressed position .
  • Northern Catalan sometimes adds two loan rounded vowels, [y] and [ø], from French and Occitan (e.g. but 'aim', fulles 'leaves').
    • Similarly French /y/ and /œ/ (and /ø/) are mostly adapted with (e.g. déjà vu) and (amateur), respectively .
  • Phonetic nasalization occurs for vowels occurring between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal; e.g. diumenge (E) / (W) ('Sunday').
  • Vowels can be lengthened in some contexts.

Stressed vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan
Vowels of Valencian

Most varieties of Catalan contrast seven stressed vowel phonemes. However, some Balearic dialects have an additional stressed vowel phoneme (/ə/); e.g. sec /ˈsək/ ('dry, I sit'). The stressed schwa of these dialects corresponds to /ɛ/ in Central Catalan and /e/ in Western Catalan varieties (that is, Central and Western Catalan dialects differ in their incidence of /e/ and /ɛ/, with /e/ appearing more frequently in Western Catalan; e.g. Central Catalan sec /ˈsɛk/ vs. Western Catalan sec /ˈsek/ ('dry, I sit').

Contrasting series of the main Catalan dialects:

Central Catalan
LS IPA Gloss
sac a 'bag'
sec ɛ 'dry', 'I sit'
e 'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LS IPA Gloss
*set ɛ 'seven'
'thirst'
Balearic
LS IPA Gloss
sac a 'bag'
sec ə 'dry', 'I sit'
e 'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LS IPA Gloss
*set ɛ 'seven'
ə 'thirst'
Western Catalan &
Alguerese
LS IPA Gloss
sac a 'bag'
sec e 'dry', 'I sit'
'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LS IPA Gloss
set ɛ 'seven'
e 'thirst'
Northern Catalan &
Mod. Alguerese
LS IPA Gloss
sac a 'bag'
sec e 'dry', 'I sit'
'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc o 'clog'
'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LS IPA Gloss
*set e 'seven'
'thirst'
  1. In Northern, many instances of stressed /o/ merges with /u/.

Reduced vowels

In Eastern Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to three : /a/, /e/, /ɛ/ → (phonetically in Barcelona); /o/, /ɔ/, /u/ → ; /i/ remains unchanged. However there are some dialectal differences: Alguerese merges /a/, /e/ and /ɛ/ with /a/; and in most areas of Majorca, can appear in unstressed position (that is, /o/ and /ɔ/ are usually reduced to ).

In Western Catalan (which includes Valencian and North-Western Catalan), vowels in unstressed position reduce to five: /e/, /ɛ/ → ; /o/, /ɔ/ → ; /a/, /u/, /i/ remain unchanged. However, in some Western dialects reduced vowels tend to merge into different realizations in some cases:

  • Unstressed /e/ may merge with /a/ before a nasal or sibilant consonant (e.g. enclusa 'anvil', eixam 'swarm'), in some environments before any consonant (e.g. terròs 'earthy'), and in monosyllabic clitics. This sounds almost the same as the Barcelonian open schwa [ɐ]. Likewise, unstressed /e/ may merge into /i/ when in contact with palatal consonants (e.g. senyor 'lord').
  • Unstressed /o/ may merge with /u/ before a bilabial consonant (e.g. cobert 'covered'), before a stressed syllable with a high vowel (e.g. conill 'rabbit'), in contact with palatal consonants (e.g. Josep 'Joseph'), and in monosyllabic clitics.
  • Besides vowel harmony or vowel assimilation (see below), unstressed and may be found sporadically in compounds like dèsset ('seventeen') and dènou (or dèneu) ('nineteen').
General
Eastern Catalan
Term IPA Gloss
parla ə 'speech'
rere 'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro u 'iron'
mutu 'mutual'
Majorcan Balearic
Term IPA Gloss
parla ə 'speech'
rere 'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro o 'iron'
mutu u 'mutual'
General
Western Catalan
Term IPA Gloss
parla a 'speech'
rere e 'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro o 'iron'
mutu u 'mutual'
  1. In Barcelona, it becomes near-open .
  2. In Alguerese, it becomes open .
  3. In Majorcan, pretonic /o/ merges with /u/ in words that contain a close tonic vowel.

Vowel harmony

The harmony of Valencian is a clear example of harmony conditioned by a strong element: in some Valencian dialects, word-final post-tonic /a/ becomes and when the preceding syllable contains tonic open-mid (or near-open) vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/; that is, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ propagate the palatal and labial features, respectively, to the final vowel /a/, as the examples. The articulatory features extend from a phonologically privileged position—the stressed syllable—to a weak position—an unstressed syllable—a perceptual asymmetry emphasized by the fact that the harmony trigger belongs to the radical while the assimilated segment is normally an inflectional affix.

a)
Example IPA Translation
terra 'Earth, land'
tela 'fabric'
pela 'he or she peels'
perla 'pearl'
b)
Example IPA Translation
cosa 'thing'
mora 'Moor', f.
tova 'soft', f.
vora 'edge, shore'

In the most widespread system of harmony, both open-mid vowels cause assimilation; in other systems, distributed over the harmonic territory quite randomly, only one of the vowels triggers the change. For example, in Cullera only the front vowel causes assimilation, while in Borriana the labial vowel is the only one that allows harmony. However, in both the broadest and the narrowest versions, and even in the sporadic cases of two-way harmony that are presented here, the pattern of strong → weak extension remains constant.

In the harmonic phenomenon just described, articulatory features spread from left to right. However, there is no shortage of assimilations in which the features spread to the left of the prominent position. This occurs in Majorcan when pretonic /o/ is closed to in words that contain a close tonic vowel, e.g. cnill, csí, cmú (cf. Veny Clar (1982)). The change involves the extension of the height feature again in the direction dictated by the strong → weak saliency relationship. Similar closures are documented in various Western languages; among these, Tortosan stands out, where the phenomenon, quite variable and often limited to the elderly, presents the peculiarity that height does not only propagate from tonic vowels, but can also do so from unstressed ones (cfr. Morales). In general terms, and in accordance with the data collected by Morales (in prep.), a pretonic mid vowel may become close under the influence of a close vowel with the same point of articulation—palatal or labial—in a following syllable; in this way, vowel sequences of the type e...i and o...u become i...i a) and u...u b), respectively. The assimilation of mid vowels to a high vowel of a different point of articulation is possible, but in the sequence e...u it is reduced to some words c), and in the sequence o...i it is usually limited to fossilized cases, so that the disharmonious alternatives in d) reflect only copied pronunciations of the orthography.

a)
Example IPA Translation
melic 'belly button'
delicat 'delicate'
b)
Example IPA Translation
absolut 'absolute'
bromur 'bromide'
c)
Example IPA Translation
betum 'betumen'
menut 'small'
d)
Example IPA Translation
avorrir 'to bore'
botiga 'shop'

Of the phenomena presented above, the most common and systematic is the change e...i → i...i. As in the examples, /e/ becomes when it precedes a stressed /i/ or unstressed /i/. Closure can even affect a series of two pretonic vowels. Assimilation never affects stressed vowels and there is also no harmony when /e/ and /i/ do not occupy adjacent syllables.

With certain restrictions, the phenomenon can modify the final vowel of the first element of a compound and proclitic elements such as numerals or unstressed pronouns. In the last case, when the vowel of the pronoun is not strictly adjacent to the syllable that triggers the harmony, there is no assimilation; according to Morales (in prep.), the lack of spread is related to the fact that groups of pronouns generate a secondary accent, which would protect the original quality of the vowel.

Morales also reports some examples of rightward (regressive) assimilation between weak elements; that is, cases where an unstressed sequence i...e becomes i...i. Harmony to the right is documented only between vowels that are in pretonic position; therefore, the inflectional elements and the post-tonic vowels belonging to the radical are excluded from the change.

General Valencian is another variety in which the extension of features is limited to the main metric foot: in plain words, the final post-tonic, which is part of the main foot, is affected by harmony a); on the other hand, in proparoxytone words (esdrúixoles) the final does not belong to the main foot and is, therefore, beyond the scope of assimilation b). In Valencian from the south of Alicante, the harmony affects an intermediate layer between the main metrical foot and the clitic group: the prosodic word (PPr) (cfr. Montoya (1989), Segura (1996), Beltran (2008)).

Harmony in General Valencian:

a)
Example IPA Translation
afecta 'affects'
granota 'frog'
b)
Example IPA Translation
mèdica 'medic', f.
ròtula 'kneecap'

Harmony from Southern Valencian (Alicante):

a)
Example IPA Translation
afecta 'affects'
granota 'frog'

In the harmony of Valencian, Majorcan and, mostly, Tortosan, the features extend from a strong element to a weak element. In the other possible model, on the other hand, the features are spread in the reverse direction, that is, from positions that are not prominent to positions that are stronger from the perceptual point of view. The trigger for change is in this case a weak element (cf. Walker (2005)). Central Catalan provides an example of harmony—with considerable geographical and idiolectal variation—conditioned by segments located in weak positions. In this dialect, stressed mid vowels in words from other languages tend to be adapted as open mids, as in the paroxytones in example a), with regular reduction in the unstressed syllable, that is, with the vowels , and in this position. Borrowings also have the peculiarity that they tend to block the neutralization of the unstressed middle vowels e and o, which are realized as and , respectively. In principle, these two trends should not be mutually exclusive; however, if the post-tonic sound is close-mid, the tonic mids are usually also realized as close, as shown by the plain words in example b), in which the levelling between the two vowels is almost universal. Therefore, the quality of the most prominent vowel is determined by the features of the following vowel, since the appearance of close-mid vowels in tonic position depends on the presence of vowels of the same pitch in the post-tonic syllable.

a)
Example IPA Translation
Creta 'Crete'
euro 'Euro'
Betty 'Betty'
Rodes 'Rhodes'
poli 'cop'
gnosi 'gnosis'
b)
Example IPA Translation
Lesbos 'Lesbos'
euro 'Euro'
Bette 'Bette'
Rodos 'Rodos'
polo 'polo'
Cnossos 'Knossos'

In proparoxytones there is greater variability. In the variety analyzed by Cabré Castellví (2009) esdrúixol words (i.e. words with stressed on the antepenultimate syllable) are generally subject to the same restrictions and the presence of a close mid in post-tonic position implies the presence of close mids in tonic position a); the syllabic adjacency between the two vowels is key to harmony, since words like Sòcrates or Hèrcules are usually presented without assimilation despite the presence of an unreduced post-tonic e. In the variety described by Bonet Alsina, Lloret-Romanyach & Mascaró Altimiras (2007), on the other hand, post-tonic vowels do not condition the realization of the tonic vowel in esdrúixols b). On the other hand, and in accordance with the interpretation of the aforementioned authors, the adaptation of tonic vowels as open mids is compatible in all varieties with the appearance of unreduced mid vowels in pre-tonic syllables.

a)
Example IPA Translation
Jespersen 'Jespersen'
Penèlope 'Penelope'
Hölderlin 'Hölderlin'
b)
Example IPA Translation
Jespersen 'Jespersen'
Penèlope 'Penelope'
Sòfocles 'Sophocles'

Other harmony examples in Central Catalan:

Example IPA
Everest
Interpol
Example IPA
OPEC
Repsol
Example IPA
Flaubert
Montessori

Vowels in contact

One of the most unique features of Catalan and Valencian is the treatment of vowels that come into contact within the speech chain. When a word-final vowel meets an initial vowel there are two possible reactions: lengthening (if both vowels are the same) or weakening/elision of one of the vowels (if they are different). In general terms, two consecutive vowels diphthongize more frequently in Valencian, North Western Catalan and Alguerese. Some examples (in Valencian):

Lengthening
  • Unstressed /i/ followed by /i/, e.g. platges i illots ('beaches and islets').
  • Unstressed /o/ followed by /o/, e.g. escrit o oral? ('written or oral?').
Elision
  • Unstressed /a/ followed by stressed /ɔ/ → , e.g. quina hora és? or ('what time is it?').
  • Stressed /a/ followed by unstressed /e/ → , e.g. mà esquerra or ('left hand').
  • Unstressed /a/ followed by unstressed /e/ → , e.g. agarra el gos ('take the dog').
  • Stressed /e/ followed by stressed /a/ → , e.g. què has fet? ('what have you done?').
  • Unstressed /e/ followed by /ɔ/ → , e.g. este home ('this man').
  • Stressed /o/ followed by unstressed /e/ → , e.g. no els volen ('they don't want them').

Diphthongs and triphthongs

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs and triphthongs, all of which begin and/or end in [j] or [w].

Falling diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
aigua 'water' taula 'table'
(E) / (W) mainada 'children' (E) / (W) caurem 'we will fall'
oleic 'oleic' peu 'foot'
rei 'king' seu 'his/her'
(E) / (W) Eivissa 'Ibiza' (E) / (W) eufemisme 'euphemism'
(B) novii 'bridegroom' niu 'nest'
heroi 'hero' nou 'new'
(E) / (W) Moisès / Moisés 'Moses' sou, mouré 'you are', 'I will move'
cuit 'cooked' duu 'he or she carries'
 
Rising diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
iaio 'grandpa' guant 'glove'
(E) / (W) feia 'he or she was doing' (E) / (W) aquareŀla 'watercolour'
Aielo 'Aielo' seqüència 'sequence'
seient 'seat' ungüent 'ointment'
(E) / (W) laietans 'Laietani' (E) / (W) qüestió 'question'
pingüí 'penguin'
iode 'iodine' quota 'payment'
(E) / (W) iogurt 'yoghurt' seuós 'greasy'
iugoslau 'Yugoslav'
 
Triphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
iai 'old person' Alguaire 'Alguaire'
(E) / (W) guaitar 'to observe, look'
(E) / (W) veieu 'you see' (E) / (W) adeqüeu 'you adequate'
(E) / (W) dèieu 'you were saying'
  1. The diphthong is mainly found in Balearic.
  2. may merge with in Southern Valencian.
  3. Unstressed may merge with or in Eastern dialects.
  4. Merges with in some dialects.
  5. in the Balearic dialects.

In Standard Eastern Catalan, rising diphthongs (that is, those starting with or ) are only possible in the following contexts:

  • in word-initial position, e.g. iogurt ('yoghurt').
  • The semivowel ( or ) occurs between vowels as in feia ('he or she was doing') or diuen ('they say').
  • In the sequences or plus vowel, e.g. guant ('glove'), quota ('quota'), qüestió ('question'), pingüí ('penguin'); these exceptional cases even lead some scholars to hypothesize the existence of rare labiovelar phonemes /ɡʷ/ and /kʷ/.

Processes

There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that troncs /ˈtɾoncs/ ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal stop) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as (and contrasts with the unpluralized ). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in ('year') vs. ('years').

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal stop (/k~c/) and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it is extended to palatals).

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (gemination) of voiced affricates: metge /ˈmed͡ːʒə/ → ('medic'). In Barcelona, voiced stops may be fortified (geminated and devoiced); e.g. poble 'village, people').

In (Majorcan) Catalan is known the historical process of erasing the vowel (the nucleus) of unstressed final syllables. Burzio (1988) (cited by Kenstowicz (1994)) and Kaye (1990), have proposed similar theories, in that one or more 'extrasyllabic' final consonants represent the opening of a syllable with null vowel (Burzio) or empty nucleus (Kaye). However, in the case of Catalan, such a structure is fundamentally the one that has been proposed (e.g. in Mascaró Altimiras (1987)) to trigger vowel epenthesis in cases such as the followings:

  • ampl /ˈampl/ → ('I wide')
  • segl /ˈsɛɡl/ → ('I ?')
  • aspr /ˈaspɾ/ → ('I stake', ag.)
  • corr /ˈkoɾɾ/ → ('I run')

Assimilations

Nasal Lateral
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
ínfim 'lowest'
anterior 'previous' altes 'tall' (f. pl.)
engegar 'to start (up)' àlgid 'decisive'
angle 'angle'
sagna 'he or she bleeds'
setmana 'week'
cotna 'rind' Betlem 'Bethlehem'
rotllo 'roll'

Catalan denti-alveolar stops can fully assimilate to the following consonant, producing gemination; this is particularly evident before nasal and lateral consonants: e.g. setmana ('week'), cotna ('rind'), Betlem, rotllo ('roll'). Learned words can alternate between featuring and not featuring such assimilation (e.g. atles ~ (E) / ~ (W) 'atlas', sotmetre ~ (E) / ~ (W) 'to submit', ètnic ~ 'ethnic').

There is dialectal variation regarding words with ⟨tll⟩. While Central and North-Western Catalan tend to innovate with a palatalised pronunciation , Valencian and Balearic maintain the traditional pronunciation without palatalisation , i.e. ⟨tl⟩, in most cases (e.g. ametlla vs ametla 'almond').

Valencian dialects (especially Central Valencian) features simple elision in many of these cases (e.g setmana 'week', rotllo 'roll') and learned words might not exhibit either assimilation or elision: atles and administrar .

Prosody

Stress

Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word (e.g. brúixola (E) / (W) 'compass', càstig 'punishment', pallús (E) / (W) 'fool').

Compound words and adverbs formed with /ˈment/ may have a syllable with secondary stress (e.g. bonament (E) (W) 'willingly'; parallamps (E) (W) 'lightning conductor') but every lexical word has just one syllable with main stress.

Phonotactics

The structure of the syllable shows a mandatory nucleus, and the optional presence of a margin before and/or behind the nucleus. Core and margin contrast articulatory due to the fact that the core is emitted with a higher degree of oral opening than the margin. In Catalan and Valencian, the core position is occupied by a vowel and the margin position by one or more consonants. Depending on the number of consonants that make up the margin and the location of the margin in relation to the core, syllabic structures of the type V, CV, VC, CVC, CCV, CCVC, CCVCC, VCC, VCCC, CVCC, CVCCC, etc. are possible. The margin that precedes the nucleus is called "explosive", and the one that follows it, "implosive", syllables can be classified as "open" or "closed" by virtue of the absence or presence of a margin postnuclear, respectively.

Any consonant, as well as and may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C, C) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context).

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + (extra (E) / (W)). In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized. Although there are exceptions (such as futur 'future'), syllable-final rhotics are often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color (E) / (W) ('color') vs. coloraina (E) / (W) ('bright color').

In Central Eastern (and North-Western Catalan), obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. /nt/ → ). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn't result in the loss of place specification.

Suffixation examples in Central Eastern and North-Western Catalan varieties
Final gloss Internal gloss
no cluster camp 'field' camperol (EC)
(NW)		 'peasant'
punt 'point' punta (EC)
(NW)		 'tip'
banc 'bank' banca (EC)
(NW)		 'banking'
malalt (EC)
(NW)		 'ill' malaltia (EC)
(NW)		 'illness'
hort 'orchard' hortalissa (EC)
(NW)		 'vegetable'
gust 'taste' gustar 'to taste'
cluster serp 'snake' serpentí (EC)
(NW)		 'snake-like'
disc 'disk' disquet (EC)
(NW)		 'diskette'
remolc (EC)
(NW)		 'trailer' remolcar (NE)
(NW)		 'to tow'

When the suffix -erol is added to camp it makes , indicating that the underlying representation is /ˈkamp/ (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula is added it makes . The resulting generalization is that this underlying /p/ will only surface in a morphologically complex word. Despite this, word-final codas are not usually simplified in most of Balearic and Valencian (e.g. camp ).

Word-initial clusters from Graeco-Latin learned words tend to drop the first phoneme: gnom ('gnome'), mnemotècnia (E) / (W) ('mnemotechnical'), pneumàtic (E) / (W) ('pneumatic'), pseudònim (E) / (W) ('pseudonym'), pterodàctil (E) / (W) ('pterodactylus').

Word-final obstruents are devoiced; however, they assimilate voicing of the following consonant, e.g. cuc de seda (E) / (W) ('silkworm'). In regular and fast speech, stops often assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant producing phonetic gemination: tot bé → ('all good').

Word-final fricatives (except /f/) are voiced before a following vowel; e.g. bus enorme (E) / (W) ('huge bus').

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan
Eastern dialects:   Northern Catalan   Central Catalan   Balearic and Alguerese Western dialects:   North-Western Catalan   Valencian

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler distinguishes two major dialect groups, western and eastern dialects; the latter of which only allow [i], [ə], and [u] to appear in unstressed syllables and include Northern Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include Valencian and North-Western Catalan.

Regarding consonants, betacism and fricative–affricate alternations are the most prominent differences between dialects.

Other dialectal features are:

Vowels
  • In a number of dialects unstressed /i/ can merge with /ə/ (Eastern dialects) or /e, a/ (Western dialects) according to the previous or following vowel (i.e. through assimilation when these vowels are high or dissimilation when they are mid or low). This merger is especially common in words with the prefix in- or im-.
  • In Southern Valencian subvarieties, especially in Alicante Valencian, the diphthong /ɔw/ (phonetically in Valencian) has become : bous ('bulls').
  • In regular speech in both Eastern and Western Catalan dialects, word-initial unstressed /o/— or —may be diphthongized to (Eastern Catalan) or (Western Catalan): ofegar (E) (W) 'to drown, suffocate'.
Consonants
  • Varying degrees of L-velarization among dialects: /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Balearic and Central Catalan and might tend to vocalization in some cases. In Western varieties like Valencian, this dark l contrasts with a clear l in intervocalic and word-initial position; while in other dialects, like Alguerese or Northern Catalan, /l/ is never velarized in any instance.
  • Iodització (also known as iesme històric "historic yeísmo") in regular speech in most of Majorcan, Northern Catalan and in the historic comarca of Vallès (Barcelona), Latin-derived words that had intervocalic /l/ + yod (-LI-, -LE-) or velar + /l/ (-CVL-, -GVL-) developed (e.g. palla 'straw') from Latin PALEA), rather than /ʎ/ as in the majority of other regions. Accents with traditional ieisme use /ʎ/ only in words where this sound developed from Latin initial L- (as in lluna 'moon') or intervocalic -LL- (as in ella 'she').
  • In northern and transitional Valencian, word-initial and postconsonantal /d͡ʒ/ (Eastern Catalan /ʒ/ and /d͡ʒ/) alternates with intervocalically; e.g. joc 'game', but pitjor 'worse', boja 'crazy' (Standard Valencian /ˈd͡ʒɔk/, /piˈd͡ʒoɾ/; /ˈbɔd͡ʒa/; Standard Catalan /ˈʒɔk/, /piˈd͡ʒo/ and /ˈbɔʒə/).
  • In northern Valencia and southern Catalonia /s/ has merged with realizations of /ʃ/ after a high front vocoid; e.g. terrissa ('pottery'), insistisc ('I insist') vs. pixar ('to pee'), deixar ('to leave'). In these varieties /ʃ/ is not found after other voiced consonants, and merges with /t͡ʃ/ after consonants; e.g. punxa ('thorn').
  • In some Valencian dialects (e.g. Northern Valencian), /s/ and /ʃ/ are auditorily similar such that neutralization may occur in the future. That is the case of Northern Valencian where /ʃ/ is depalatalized to as in caixa ('box'). Central Valencian words like mig ('half') and lleig ('ugly') have been transcribed with rather than the expected , and Southern Valencian /t͡ʃ/ "has been reported to undergo depalatalization without merging with ", as in passets ('small steps') vs. passeig ('stroll, avenue')

Historical development

Main article: Phonological history of Catalan

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish).

  • Marked contrast of the vowel pairs /ɛ/ ~ /e/ and /ɔ/ ~ /o/, as in other Western Romance languages, except Spanish and Sardinian.
  • Lenition of voiced stops → , → , → as in Galician and Spanish.
  • Lack of diphthongization of Latin short ĕ, ŏ, as in Galician, Sardinian and Portuguese, and unlike French, Spanish and Italian.
  • Abundance of diphthongs containing /w/, as in Galician and Portuguese.
  • Abundance of /ʎ/ and /ɲ/ occurring at the end of words, as for instance moll ("wet") and any ("year"), unlike Spanish, Portuguese or Italian.

In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters. Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend').

Phonological sample

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1
Original Tots els éssers humans neixen/naixen lliures i iguals en dignitat i en drets.
Són dotats de raó i de consciència, i han de comportar-se fraternalment els uns amb els altres.
Majorcan (Balearic) Catalan IPA
Eastern Central Catalan IPA
Northern Catalan IPA
North-Western Catalan IPA
Valencian IPA

See also

Notes

  1. "Voiceless dental plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless dental plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless dental plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  2. "Voiced dental plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced dental plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced dental plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  3. "Voiceless velar plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless velar plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless velar plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  4. "Voiced velar plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced velar plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced velar plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  5. "Voiced alveolar nasal – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar nasal – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar nasal – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  6. "Voiced alveolar lateral – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar lateral – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar lateral – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  7. "Voiced alveolar flap – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar flap – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar flap – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  8. "Voiceless alveolar fricative – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar fricative – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar fricative – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  9. "Voiced alveolar fricative – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar fricative – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar fricative – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  10. "Voiced alveolar trill – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar trill – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar trill – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  11. "Voiceless alveolar affricate – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar affricate – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar affricate – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  12. "Voiced alveolar affricate – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar affricate – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar affricate – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  13. Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Tsar (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.
  14. Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Tsuga (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.
  15. Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Txec (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.

References

  1. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 172–173.
  2. ^ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1999, p. 62.
  3. ^ Recasens Vives & Pallarès Ramon 2001, p. 288.
  4. ^ Wheeler 2005, pp. 10–11.
  5. ^ Rafel Fontanals 1999, p. 14.
  6. ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 10.
  7. Wheeler 2005, p. 11.
  8. Recasens Vives, Fontdevila & Pallarès Ramon 1995, p. 288.
  9. ^ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 145.
  10. Recasens Vives 1993.
  11. Recasens Vives & Pallarès Ramon 2001.
  12. ^ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, p. 53.
  13. Lloret-Romanyach 2003, p. 278.
  14. ^ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1999, p. 63.
  15. Wheeler 2005, pp. 147–149.
  16. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 57.
  17. Hualde 1992, p. 368.
  18. ^ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 1.
  19. Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, pp. 53–55.
  20. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 190–191.
  21. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 91–92.
  22. Wheeler 2005, pp. 22–23.
  23. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 53.
  24. https://esadir.cat/gramatica/criteris/cons_amb
  25. ^ Wheeler 2005, pp. 11–12.
  26. ^ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 144.
  27. ^ Hualde 1992, p. 370.
  28. Badia Cardús 1992–1993, pp. 307–351.
  29. Wheeler 2005, pp. 13–14.
  30. Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, pp. 148–149.
  31. Wheeler 2005, p. 12.
  32. ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 23.
  33. Veny Clar 2007, p. 51.
  34. Wheeler 2005, p. 13.
  35. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 59-65.
  36. ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 81.
  37. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 205–206.
  38. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 232–233.
  39. Ortografia catalana 2017, p. 28.
  40. Pons-Moll, pp. 2–3.
  41. ^ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 20.
  42. Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 3.
  43. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 311–312.
  44. ^ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 266.
  45. ^ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 321.
  46. ^ Wheeler 1979.
  47. Bonet Alsina & Mascaró Altimiras 1997.
  48. Dols & Wheeler 1995, p. 61.
  49. Dols & Wheeler 1995, p. 60.
  50. Padgett 2009, p. 432.
  51. Wheeler 2005, p. 24.
  52. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 60.
  53. Coromines 1976.
  54. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 90–92.
  55. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 90–104.
  56. Saborit Vilar 2009, pp. 24–25.
  57. Harrison 1997, p. 2.
  58. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 81.
  59. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 130–131.
  60. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 27.
  61. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 29.
  62. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 69–77, 135–140.
  63. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 59.
  64. ^ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 66, 141.
  65. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 69, 80–81.
  66. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 70.
  67. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 59–142.
  68. Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 23.
  69. ^ Wheeler 2005, p. 38.
  70. Francesc Ballone.
  71. Bech.
  72. Wheeler 2005, p. 54.
  73. Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, pp. 54–55.
  74. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 75–76.
  75. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 128–129.
  76. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 138.
  77. Jiménez & Lloret-Romanyach 2009, pp. 3–4.
  78. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 165.
  79. Saborit Vilar 2009, pp. 42–43.
  80. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 154.
  81. Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, p. 54.
  82. Institut d'Estudis Catalans 2009.
  83. Lleó Pujol 1970.
  84. Wheeler 2005, p. 101.
  85. Mascaró Altimiras 2001, pp. 580–581.
  86. Mascaró Altimiras 2001, p. 581.
  87. Dols & Wheeler 1995, pp. 54–55.
  88. Fabra Poch 2006, p. 24.
  89. Lacreu Cuesta 2002, p. 53.
  90. Wheeler 2005, p. 36.
  91. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 49–50.
  92. Wheeler 2005, p. 78.
  93. Wheeler 2005, p. 166.
  94. Wheeler 2005, p. 145.
  95. Herrick 2000, p. 70.
  96. Herrick 2000, p. 72.
  97. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 192.
  98. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 175.
  99. Badia i Margarit 1988, p. 35.
  100. Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007.
  101. Wheeler, Yates & Dols Salas 1999, p. 18.
  102. Wheeler 2005.
  103. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 68.
  104. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 131–132.
  105. Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 138–139.
  106. Recasens Vives 1996, p. 307.
  107. Wheeler 2005, pp. 34–35.
  108. Wheeler 2005, p. 15.
  109. Wheeler 2005, p. 22.
  110. ^ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 147.
  111. Wheeler 2005, p. 1.
  112. ^ Ferrater Soler 1977, p. 630.
  113. Hall 2001, p. 19.

Bibliography

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