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Template:Totally-disputed Race and intelligence is a controversial area of intelligence research studying the nature, origins, and practical consequences of racial and ethnic group differences in intelligence test scores and other measures of cognitive ability.

This research is grounded in two controversial assumptions:

• the social categories of race and ethnicity are concordant with genetic categories, such as biogeographic ancestry.
• Intelligence is quantitatively measurable (see psychometrics) by modern tests and is dominated by a unitary general cognitive ability.

Much of the evidence currently cited is based on IQ testing in the United States. There is much less data from other nations, in particular the developing world, and conclusions from the US data cannot automatically be generalized to the world as a whole. While the distributions of IQ scores among different racial-ethnic groups in the US overlap and often have a comparable range, groups differ in where their members cluster along the IQ scale. Similar clustering has been reported with related variables, such as school achievement, reaction time, and brain size. Most variation in IQ in the U.S. occurs within individual families, not between races. However, even small differences in average IQ at the group level might theoretically have large effects on social outcomes.

Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain why average IQ varies among racial-ethnic groups. Certain environmental factors, such as nutrition, are thought to moderate IQ in children, and other influences have been hypothesized, including education level, richness of the early home environment, and other social, cultural, or economic factors. The primary focus of the scientific debate is whether group IQ differences also reflect a genetic component. Hereditarianism hypothesizes that a genetic contribution to intelligence could include genes linked to neuron structure or function, brain size or metabolism, or other physiological differences which could vary with biogeographic ancestry.

The findings of this field have engendered significant controversy. Media opinion of the role of genetic and environmental factors in explaining individual and group differences in IQ has itself been studied (1988) and found to differ from the opinion of mainstream experts. Some critics question the fairness and validity of cognitive testing and racial categorization, as well as the reliability of the studies and the motives of the authors, on both sides. This has included accusations of bias based on assumptions about the political ideals of the researchers or the funding agencies, such as the Pioneer Fund. Some critics fear the misuse of the research, question its utility, or feel that comparing the intelligence of racial groups is itself unethical. The disparity in average IQ among racial groups does not mean that all members of one group are more intelligent than all members of another, nor that ranking group averages from "high" to "low" implies a moral ranking from "good" to "bad" or an overall ranking of "superior" to "inferior". The conclusion that racial groups in the US vary in average IQ scores, and the hypothesis that a genetic component may be involved, have led to heated academic debates that have spilled over into the public sphere.

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Background information

Race

See also: Race and multilocus allele clusters

Racial distinctions are generally made on the basis of skin color, facial features, inferred ancestry, national origin and self-identification in the United States. In an ongoing debate, some geneticists argue race is neither a meaningful concept nor a useful heuristic device, and even that genetic differences among groups are biologically meaningless, on the basis that more genetic variation exists within such races than among them, and that racial traits overlap without discrete boundaries. Concordant with this, a survey of cultural and physical anthropologists done in 1999 found that the concept of race was rejected by 69% of physical anthropologists and 80% of cultural anthropologists. Other geneticists, in contrast, argue that categories of self-identified race/ethnicity or biogeographic ancestry are both valid and useful, that these categories correspond with clusters inferred from multilocus genetic data, and that this correspondence implies that genetic factors might contribute to unexplained phenotypic variation between groups.

Worldwide, human populations are geographically bounded into five less than perfectly distinct continental areas: the Americas, Eurasia (including Europe, North Africa and West Asia), East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Pacific Islands (including Australia). At least in the United States, self-identified racial labels correspond to geographic regions of genetic ancestry, with only a small number of individuals showing genetic cluster membership different from their self-identified race/ethnicity. People labeled Blacks have most of their ancestors from sub-Saharan Africa, Whites from Europe, the Middle East and North Africa, and East Asians from the north-western Pacific Rim. Hispanics form a genetically diverse group that includes many recent U.S. immigrants of mixed ancestry, and are more often called an ethnic group.

It is well known that many alleles vary in frequency across (and within) human populations. Most of this variation is selectively neutral, but a significant number show evidence of recent positive selection. These include genes involved in brain development and other neuronal functions, which have variants that have spread to high frequencies under selective pressure and now occur in substantially different frequencies in different global populations. The actual functions of these genes, and their effect, if any, on IQ is unknown. (Discussed below.)

The political, social and cultural structure of the United States is still weighted by race. It was only in the 1960s that racial discrimination became illegal in many areas of public and private life, including employment and housing, and some consider discrimination to remain prevalent. The national and state governments of the United States employ racial categorization in the census, law enforcement, and innumerable other ways. Many political organizations intend to represent the interests of specific racial groups. See the articles Race and Race (U.S. Census) for further discussion.

Intelligence testing

Intelligence is most commonly measured using IQ tests. These tests are often geared to be good measures of the psychometric variable g (for general intelligence factor), and other tests that measure g (for example, the Armed Forces Qualifying Test and the SAT) also serve as measures of cognitive ability.

All such tests are often called "intelligence tests," though the use of the term "intelligence" is itself controversial. It is clear, however, that performance in these tests correlates with performance in similar life tasks (school grades and to a lower degree college grades). The correlation with many real-world results is lower. For example, while the correlation of IQ with job performance is strong, income is modestly correlated and accumulated wealth is only weakly correlated. The hereditary transmission of wealth via IQ is near zero. As commonly used, "IQ test" denotes any test of cognitive ability, and "IQ" is used as shorthand for scores on tests of cognitive ability. Some critics question the validity of all IQ testing or claim that there are aspects of "intelligence" not reflected in IQ tests. Historically, criticisms of the validity of IQ testing focused primarily on questions of "test bias", which has many related meanings. Several conclusions about tests of cognitive ability are now largely accepted by intelligence researchers:

• IQ scores measure many, but not all of the qualities that people mean by intelligent or smart (for example, IQ does not measure creativity, wisdom, or personality)
• IQ scores are fairly stable over much of a person's life
• IQ tests are predictive of school and job performance, to a degree that does not significantly vary by socio-economic or racial-ethnic background
• For people living in the prevailing conditions of the developed world, cognitive ability is substantially heritable, and while the impact of family environment on the IQ of children is substantial, after adolescence this effect becomes difficult to detect.

The contemporary debate: results and interpretations

The contemporary scholarly debate about race and intelligence involves both the relatively uncontroversial experimental results that indicate that average IQ test scores vary among racial groups, and the relatively more controversial interpretations of these IQ differences. In general, contemporary interpretations of the "IQ gap" can be divided into three broad categories:

1. "culture-only" or "environment-only" (<20% genetic) interpretations that posit overwhelmingly non-genetic causes (for example, socioeconomic inequality or minority group membership) that differentially affect racial groups;
2. "partly genetic" (20-80% genetic) interpretations that posit an IQ gap between racial groups caused by approximately the same matrix of genetic and environmental forces that cause IQ differences among individuals of the same race;
3. "insufficient data": no meaningful interpretation can be made based on available evidence.

History

1850s to World War II

The scientific debate on the contribution of nature versus nurture to individual and group differences in intelligence can be traced to at least the mid-19th century. Charles Darwin wrote in his Descent of Man (VII, On the races of Man): "he various races, when carefully compared and measured, differ much from each other—as in the texture of hair, the relative proportions of all parts of the body, the capacity of the lungs, the form and capacity of the skull, and even the convolutions of the brain. But it would be an endless task to specify the numerous points of difference. The races differ also in constitution, in acclimatization and in liability to certain diseases. Their mental characteristics are likewise very distinct; chiefly as it would appear in their emotional, but partly in their intellectual faculties."

The writings of Sir Francis Galton, elaborating on the work of his cousin Darwin, spurred interest in the study of mental abilities, particularly as they relate to heredity and eugenics.

The opinion that there are differences in the brain sizes and brain structures of different racial and ethnic groups was widely held and studied during the 19th century and early 20th century. Average ethnic and racial group differences in IQ were first found due to the widespread use of standardized mental tests during World War I.

Foremost amongst those researching this was Stanley Porteus of the University of Melbourne, who devised his maze test as early as 1919, applying it in his study of the Aborigines in the Kimberley region and Northern Territory of Australia (1929) and later the Kalahari tribesmen of southern Africa (1934). He also used it to assess the results of pre-frontal brain surgery on mental performance, publishing his results in 1931.

Beginning in the 1930s, race difference research and hereditarianism — the belief that genetics contribute to differences in intelligence among humans — began to fall out of favor in psychology and anthropology after major internal debates. In anthropology this occurred in part due to the advocacy of Franz Boas, who in his 1938 edition of The Mind of Primitive Man wrote, "there is nothing at all that could be interpreted as suggesting any material difference in the mental capacity of the bulk of the Negro population as compared with the bulk of the White population." The hereditarian position was challenged by Boas' claim that cranial vault size had increased significantly in the U.S. from one generation to the next, because racial differences in such characteristics had been among the strongest arguments for a genetic role.

Post WWII and modern times

Inspired by the American eugenics movement, Nazi Germany implemented the T-4 Euthanasia Program in which roughly 200,000 mentally and physically disabled Germans were killed, and about 400,000 sterilized. Due in part to the association of hereditarianism with Nazi Germany, after the conclusion of World War II until the 1994 publication of The Bell Curve, it became largely taboo to suggest that there were racial or ethnic differences in measures of intellectual or academic ability and even more taboo to suggest that they might involve a genetic component.

In 1961, the psychologist Henry Garrett coined the term equalitarian dogma to describe the then politically fashionable view that there were no race differences in intelligence, or if there were, they were purely the result of environmental factors. Those who questioned these views often put their careers at risk.

The contemporary scholarly debate on race and intelligence may be traced to Arthur Jensen's 1969 publication in the Harvard Educational Review of "How Much Can We Boost IQ and School Achievement?" In this paper, he wrote on some of the major issues that characterize the partly genetic hypothesis (20-80% genetic) of racial IQ differences, and on compensatory educational programs. Reports on Jensen's article appeared in Time, Newsweek, Life, U.S. News & World Report, and The New York Times Magazine.

In the 1980's Nobel Prize winner for his work on the development of transistors, William Shockley, postulated that the higher rate of reproduction among US African Americans was having what he termed a "dysgenic" effect (meaning an opposite of eugenics), ; especially as influenced by welfare subsidies (e.g., AFDC), which he opined, unintentionally encouraged childbearing by less productive mothers. . He described this work as the most important work of his career, even though it severely tarnished his reputation. Shockley's published writings on this topic, were largely based on the research of Cyril Burt. Shockley also proposed that individuals with IQs below 100 be paid to undergo voluntary sterilization . He was subsequently criticized by the media; however his involvement brought public recognition to several controversial topics.

Press attention returned to the issue of race and intelligence in 1994 with the publication of The Bell Curve, which included two chapters on the subject of racial difference in intelligence and related life outcomes. In response to The Bell Curve, Stephen Jay Gould updated The Mismeasure of Man in 1996. Among other things, he criticized the IQ test as a measure of intelligence, citing what he perceived as inherent racial and social biases as well as systematic flaws in the testing process.

The introduction of biomedicine tailored to the genetics and disease patterns of specific racial groups is currently one of the factors adding to the complexity and controversy of debates on race and science. The scholarly debate continues on the question of "whether the cause of group differences in average IQ is purely social, economic, and cultural or whether genetic factors are also involved".

Average gaps among races

The modern controversy surrounding intelligence and race focuses on the results of IQ studies conducted during the second half of the 20th century, mainly in the United States and some other industrialized nations. On average, a difference of approximately one standard deviation was observed in the US between the mean IQ score of Blacks and Whites as adults. Most recent attempted compilations of average IQ by race place Ashkenazi Jews at the top, followed by East Asians, Whites, Hispanics and Native Americans, and African Americans. Whether these gaps have narrowed or not, especially regarding children which may or may not later also cause a narrowing for adults, is, as noted below, debated.

Over the years, there has been variation in both the observed average IQ of groups, as well as the relative relationships between the average IQ of groups. Early 20th century measures typically found Blacks on the low end, and Whites on the high end. Based on studies from the 1960s and 1970s, Flynn found a slightly lower average IQ of Japanese- and Chinese American children compared to White counterparts. Recent contemporary measures place Blacks on the low end, and Asians on the high end.

Employment tests and school achievement

Gaps are seen in other tests of cognitive ability or aptitude, including university admission exams such as the SAT and GRE, as well as employment tests for corporate settings and the military. Measures of school achievement correlate fairly well with IQ, especially in younger children. In the United States, achievement tests find that by 12th grade black students are performing on average only as well as white and Asian students in 8th grade; Hispanic students do only slightly better than blacks.

There is wide agreement that the U.S. Black-White gap among children and adolescents on achievement tests narrowed in the 1970s and 1980s, but stalled during the 1990s. On the basis of these data, Template:AYref argues that the gap in g has also narrowed to "0.6-0.7 standard deviation or approximately 10 IQ points". Both Template:AYref and Template:AYref argue that "gains in scholastic achievement do not equal gains in g, and the Black-White differences in g are as large as ever, even for measures of reaction time". Charles Murray argues that the U.S. Black-White gap on the SAT has increased in size to 1 SD from the 1990s to 2005.

U.S. Black-White gap

There is disagreement about whether the results of IQ tests show a narrowing of the IQ gap, or if they do who has benefited. Template:AYref and Template:AYref argue that "the Black-White differences in g are as large as ever". Template:AYref found that the recent U.S. Black-White gap in g among adults is 1.1 sd, similar to characterization of the historical U.S. Black-White gap. In an analysis of standardization samples for the WAIS, WISC, SB, and AFQT, Template:AYref find evidence that the U.S. Black-White gap shrunk between 3 and 6 points from 1972 to 2002. These conclusions were challenged by Template:AYref, and a rejoinder was made by Template:AYref. Subsequently, Template:AYref analyzed testing data from the children of the 1979 NLSY cohort, concluding that "the B-W difference did not diminish on either academic achievement or cognitive tests for children born from the mid 1970s through the mid 1990s." To reconcile the contradictory findings, Murray suggests that "the effect that Dickens and Flynn found was concentrated among subjects born before the late 1970s". In 2006, Flynn and Murray debated the shrinking Black-White IQ gap. Both agree that the gap shrunk for children born before the late 1970s, however Murray believes the narrowing stopped while Flynn believes it has continued.

Several sources have argued that the U.S. Black-White gap varies with age. Template:AYref estimate that the 2006 U.S. Black-White IQ gap is 0.31 SDs at age 4, 0.63 SDs at age 12, 0.87 SDs at age 18, and 1.1 SDs at age 24. Using data from Template:AYref, Template:AYref estimates that the U.S. Black-White gap is 0.70 SDs in early childhood, 1.00 SDs in middle childhood, and 1.20 SDs in early adulthood. A study of children aged eight to twelve months found a U.S. Black-White gap of 0.06 SD.

World-wide scores

One review of the global cognitive ability data is Richard Lynn's 2006 Race Differences in Intelligence, which organizes the data by nine global regions, surveying 620 published studies from around the world, with a total of 813,778 tested individuals. Lynn's meta-analysis lists East Asians (105), Europeans (99), Inuit (91), Southeast Asians and Amerindians each (87), Pacific Islanders (85), Middle Easterners (including South Asians and North Africans) (84), sub-Saharan Africans (67), and Australian Aborigines (62). Searchlight magazine criticizes Lynn's publisher, which is not an academic press and for publishing “classic” Aryan and eugenic tracts.. Lynn has previously argued at length that nutrition is the best supported environmental explanation for variation in the lower range, and a number of other environmental explanations have been advanced (see below). Ashkenazi Jews score significantly higher than other groups (107-115) in the U.S. and Britain, but estimates of the average IQ of Ashkenazim in Israel may be somewhat closer to the European mean. In other data, Hispanics average 91 and African Americans average 87, though the latter is debated. Lynn's survey is an expansion by nearly four times of the data collected in his 2002 IQ and the Wealth of Nations with Tatu Vanhanen. 'IQ and the Wealth of Nations, which dealt with the relationship between IQ and economic development, received strong criticism from some for both error and alleged bias. Lynn argues the surveyed studies have high reliability in the sense that different studies give similar results, and high validity in the sense that they correlate highly with performance in international studies of achievement in mathematics and science and with national economic development.

Related groups sometimes vary greatly in IQ in different nations. Black Africans score much lower than blacks in the US, although Black Americans average about 7-20% European admixture. Some reports indicate that the black–white gap is smaller in the UK than in the U.S. Differences between groups of whites can also be seen, ranging to the low 90s in SE Europe (with a decrease also seen in brain size). In Israel, large gaps in test scores and achievement separate Ashkenazi Jews from other groups such as the Sephardi.

Reaction time

Average racial differences have been asserted to exist on tests of response time, although it is also argued that some of these differences can be explained by cultural phenomena. Jensen has used reaction time as a proxy for IQ, despite the low correlation..

Brain size and IQ

Many studies report that IQ has a moderate correlation with various measures of brain size. For example, a 2005 meta-analysis found that brain size correlates with IQ by a factor of approximately .40 among adults. The correlation was also found in some studies to hold true within families (where environmental factors can be considered to be similar), but in one study of 36 sibling pairs essentially zero correlation between brain size and IQ was found when comparing within families. Some studies have found racial differences in brain size. Professor Ulric Neisser claims that the studies comparing brain size by race "exhibit many internal inconsistencies", but that "there is indeed a small overall trend".

There are several hotly debated studies which have concluded that there are race differences in brain size. These studies are criticized as having not found racially-based difference, with critics arguing instead the the variation better explained in terms of geography. Perhaps the largest single study, Template:AYref analyzed more than 20,000 skulls from around the world, finding that brain size varied with latitude of biogeographic ancestry. Lieberman (2001) explains "...the relationship between latitude and cranial size is an example of Bergmann’s principle that crania are more spherical in cold climates because mass increases relative to surface area to conserve core temperatures...Beals, Smith, and Dodd emphasize that this relationship is independent of 'race'.".. By this they mean that brain size varies with latitude both within and between races. The biogeographical variation in brain size is widely described as an evolutionary adaptation to climate. Lieberman and other anthropologists (2001) have also made several other criticisms.

Possibly related to the Flynn effect is, as also previously observed by Boas, increase in cranial vault size and change in shape during the last 150 years in the US. These changes must occur by early childhood because of the early development of the vault. Brain size has increased for both American Blacks and Whites probably due to improved health and nutrition.

According to Lieberman, Rushton and others combine the correlations between race, IQ and brain size to establishes a correlation between race and IQ. This conclusion is strongly objected to by Lieberman and other scientists, both on the basis of the initial correlation asserted between race and brain size, and the progressively weak correlation as the studies are combined.

Explanations

Introduction

Most intelligence researchers believe that IQ differences among individuals reflect the general intelligence factor, g. The nature of g itself is still an active area of research, and the question of whether IQ differences among groups are substantially genetic is hotly contested.

According to the American Psychological Association, the difference between the average IQ scores of Blacks and Whites in the U.S. cannot be attributed to any obvious biases in test construction or cultural biases, as opposed to more occult environmental or genetic causes. Evidence against test construction and cultural bias includes the internal consistency of item difficulty for all groups, the equivalent validity of tests in predicting academic and occupational outcomes for all groups, and the persistence of the IQ gap on relatively culture-free tests.

Although IQ differences between individuals is highly heritable, this does not mean that average IQ differences between racial groups are necessarily genetic in origin, because estimates of heritability depend on the range of environments tested. High heritability by itself is not informative about group differences, so any inferences made from within group heritability will depend on additional considerations. However, many scholars agree that no considerations of heritabilty are sufficient if group differences are caused by environmental factors that uniquely affect all members of one group but not another.

Environmental explanations

Arguing that IQ tests are often wrongly described as measuring "innate" rather than developed ability, Template:AYref conclude that this "labeling bias" causes people to inappropriately attribute the Black-White gap to "innate" differences. They assert that non-cultural environmental factors cause gaps measured by the tests, rather than any possible innate difference based on genetics, and to use these tests as a measure of innate difference is misleading and improper.

Regarding the IQ gaps in the U.S., there are numerous possible explanations beside genetics. One author lists more than a hundred. It has been suggested that African-American culture disfavors academic achievement and fosters an environment that is damaging to IQ. Likewise, it is argued that the persistence of negative racial stereotypes reinforces this effect. John Ogbu has developed a hypothesis that the condition of being a "caste-like minority" affects motivation and achievement, depressing IQ. Similarly, it is suggested that reduced performance from "stereotype threat" could be a contributing factor.

Estimates of the significance of genetics vs. environment are dependent on the strength of environmental factors. For example, schizophrenia, regarded as being highly heritable, has seen increased rates in second and third generation immigrants to Western European countries which do not seem to be the result of increased genetic susceptibility, but another, as yet unidentified, environmental factor(s) that seems to have become more influential.

Many anthropologists have argued that intelligence is a cultural category; some cultures emphasize speed and competition more than others, for example. Speculations about innate differences in intelligence between ethnic groups have occurred throughout history. Aristotle in the 4th century B.C. and Cicero in the 1st. century B.C. disparaged the intelligence of the northern Europeans of the time, as did the Moors in Iberia in the 11th century.

In the developing world there are are many factors can greatly decrease IQ scores. Examples include nutrition deficiencies in iodine and iron; certain diseases like malaria; unregulated toxic industrial substances like lead and mercury; and poor health care for pregnant women and infants. Also in the developed world there are many biological factors that can affect IQ. Increased rates of low birth weight babies and lower rates of breastfeeding in Blacks as compared to Whites are some factors of many that have been proposed to affect the IQ gap.

The secular, international increase in test scores, commonly called the Flynn effect, is seen by Flynn and others as reason to expect the eventual convergence of average black and white IQ scores. Flynn argues that the average IQ scores in several countries have increased about 3 points per decade during the 20th century, which he and others attribute predominantly to environmental causes. This means, given the same test, the mean black American performance today could be higher than the mean white American performance in 1920, though the gains causing this appear to have occurred predominantly in the lower half of the IQ distribution. If changes in environment can cause changes in IQ over time, they argue, then contemporary differences between groups could also be due to an unknown environmental factor. On the supposition that the effect started earlier for whites, because their social and economical conditions began to improve earlier than did those of blacks, they anticipate that the IQ gap among races might change in the future or is even now changing. An added complication to this hypothesis is the question of whether the secular IQ gains can be predominantly a real change in cognitive ability. Flynn's face-value answer to this question is "No", and other researchers have found reason to concur. Responding to such concerns, Template:AYref have proposed a solution which rests on genotype-environment correlation, hypothesizing that small initial differences in environment cause feedback effects which magnify into large IQ differences. Such differences would need to develop before age 3, when the black-white IQ gap can be first detected.

Many studies that attempt to test for heritability find results that do not support the partly-genetic hypothesis (20-80% genetic). They include studies on IQ and skin color, self-reported European ancestry, children in post WWII Germany born to black and white American soldiers, blood groups, and mixed-race children born to either a black or a white mother. Many intervention and adoption studies also find results that do not support the genetic hypothesis. Non-hereditarians have argued that these are direct tests of the genetic hypothesis and of more value than indirect variables, such as skull size and reaction time. Hereditarians argue that these studies are flawed due to their age, lack of replication, problems with their sample population, or that they do in fact support the partly-genetic hypothesis.

Template:AYref, with data from "the first large, nationally representative sample" of its kind, report finding only a very small racial difference when measuring mental function for children aged eight to twelve months, and that even these differences disappear when including a "limited set of controls". They argue that their report poses "a substantial challenge to the simplest, most direct, and most often articulated genetic stories regarding racial differences in mental function." They conclude that "to the extent that there are any genetically-driven racial differences in intelligence, these gaps must either emerge after the age of one, or operate along dimensions not captured by this early test of mental cognition."

Another recent theory hypothesizes that fluid cognition (gF') may be separable from general intelligence, and that gF' may be very susceptible to environmental factors, in particular early childhood stress. Some IQ tests, especially those used with children, are poor measures of gF', which means that the effect of the environment on intelligence regarding racial differences, the Flynn effect, early childhood intervention, and life outcomes may have been underestimated in many studies. The article has received numerous peer commentaries for and against.

Genetic explanations

See also: Inheritance of intelligence

Arthur Jensen and others have concluded that the US IQ gap is partially genetic. Rushton and Jensen argue that while plausible environmental explanation for the lower mean IQ in Blacks in the U.S. can be offered in many cases, these explanations are less capable of explaining the higher average IQ of East Asians than Whites. Moreover, they argue that the range of environmental factors which could account for the gap is restricted, and most previous suggestions have been empirically excluded Under their interpretation of Lakatos's technical concept of research programs, Jensen and Rushton argue that the hereditarian hypothesis (50% genetic-50% environmental) can formulate new predictions, some of which can be tested, whereas a completely culture-only hypothesis (0% genetic-100% environmental) can't, as it merely accommodates anomalies.

To support these claims, they often cite several lines of evidence that they interpret as support for a partly genetic cause of group differences in IQ:

1. Black–White–East Asian differences in IQ, reaction time, and brain size are observed worldwide in a range of cultures and environments. In the United States, significant Black-White IQ differences are observable at every age above 3 years, within every occupation or socioeconomic level tested, in every region of the country, and at every time since the invention of ability tests.
2. Jensen and other have argued that the magnitude of race differences on different IQ subtests correlate with the extent to which those subtests measures g, which also correlates with measures of the subtests heritability. From these and other findings, they argue that race differences have a partly biological basis.
3. The rising heritability of IQ with age (within all races; studies have found on average in the developed world heritability starts at 20% in infants, rises to 40% in middle childhood, and peaks at 80% in adulthood); and studies showing the virtual disappearance (~0.0) by adulthood of shared environmental effects on IQ (for example, family income, education, and home environment), with adopted siblings partaking in the studies no more similar in IQ than with strangers From these studies, they argue that most suggested environmental explanations for IQ difference between groups do not have a strong enough effect on IQ to fully account for group differences.
4. Studies of US comparisons of both parents to children and siblings to each other finding regression to differing means for different races (85 for Blacks and 100 for Whites) across the entire range of IQs, despite the fact that siblings are matched for shared environment and genetic heritage, with regression unaffected by family socioeconomic status and generation examined

Template:A(Y)ref believe that the best explanation is that 50%-80% of the group differences in average US IQ is genetic. For fuller listings of evidence for and against the partly-genetic (20-80% genetic) position, see Comparison of explanations.

Other evidence, such as transracial adoption, certain racial admixture studies, behavior genetic modeling of group differences, "life-history" traits, and evolutionary explanations have also been proposed to indicate a genetic contribution to the IQ gaps and explain how these arose.. C Critics of this view, such as Robert Sternberg, argue that these studies are either flawed and thus inconclusive, or else that they support a primarily environment (<20% genetic) hypothesis. For example, Template:AYref argue that the statistical methods linking the Black-White gap to g are insufficient.

Several recent studies have found some neuronal genes have variants that have spread to high frequencies under selective pressure and now occur in different frequencies in different global populations. Some of this selection occurred within the last 10,000 years, such as a recent variant of the ASPM gene that is found mostly among European and East Asian populations. The cause of the selective sweep and the effects of these variants are generally not yet known, although some suspect that they could be related to intelligence. Although neurogenic diversity theoretically increases the chances of functional diversity, ultimately, very little is known about the actual impact of these variants, and the researchers caution that they may not have anything to do with cognition or intelligence at all.

Expert opinion

A survey was conducted in 1987 of a broad sample of 1,020 scholars in specialties that would give them reason to be knowledgeable about IQ (but not necessarily about race). The survey was given to members of the American Education Research Association, National Council on Measurement in Education, American Psychological Association, American Sociological Association, Behavior Genetics Association, and Cognitive Science Society. According to the report, regarding the question "The source of black-white difference in IQ":

This is perhaps the central question in the IQ controversy. Respondents were asked to express their opinion of the role of genetic differences in the black-white IQ differential. Forty-five percent believe the difference to be a product of both genetic and environmental variation, compared to only 15% who feel the difference is entirely due to environmental variation. Twenty-four percent of experts do not believe there are sufficient data to support any reasonable opinion, and 14% did not respond to the question. Eight experts (1%) indicate a belief in an entirely genetic determination.

Robert Sternberg cautioned against supposing that the survey represented anything but opinion saying, "science isn't done by majority rule". Respondents on average called themselves slightly left of center politically, but political and social opinions accounted for less than 10% of the variation in responses. Carol Swain, author of The New White Nationalism reacted with some dismay to the survey, stating:

At least one important survey suggests that a belief in the biological inferiority of some races in regard to intelligence is more common than generally supposed. Smith College professor Stanley Rothman and Harvard researcher Mark Snyderman surveyed a sample of mostly scientific experts in the field of educational psychology in the late 1980s and found that 53 percent believed IQ differences between whites and African Americans were at least partly genetic in origin, while only 17 percent attributed the IQ differences to environmental factors alone (the remainder either believed the data was currently insufficient to decide the issue or refused to answer the question).

According to the American Psychological Association's 1995 task force report on intelligence research:

It is sometimes suggested that the Black/White differential in psychometric intelligence is partly due to genetic differences (Jensen, 1972). There is not much direct evidence on this point, but what little there is fails to support the genetic hypothesis.

The APA subsequently published eleven critical responses in 1997, most arguing that the report failed to examine adequately the evidence for partly-genetic (20-80% genetic) explanations. Charles Murray, for instance, responded:

Actually, there is no direct evidence at all, just a wide variety of indirect evidence, almost all of which the task force chose to ignore.

The report did agree with many of the non-race-based statements on intelligence made in The Bell Curve and concludes with a call for more reflection in debates on intelligence and for a "shared and sustained effort" in more research to answer the many unanswered questions that remain. Coming advances in genetics and genomics are expected to soon provide the ability to test hypotheses about group differences more rigorously than has as yet been possible.

Researchers who believe that there is no significant genetic contribution to race differences in intelligence include Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, and Template:AYref. Some scientists who emphasize cultural explanations do not necessarily exclude a small genetic influence. Template:A(Y)ref suggests up to 20% genetic influence be included in the cultural explanation. Researchers who believe that there are significant genetic contributions to race differences in intelligence include Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, and Template:AYref.

Significance of group IQ differences

See also: Practical importance of IQ

Within societies

Scope

The distribution of IQ scores among individuals of each race overlap substantially. In a random sample of equal numbers of US Blacks and Whites, Template:A(Y)ref estimates most variance in IQ would be unrelated to race or social class. The average IQ difference between two randomly paired people from the U.S. population is approximately 17 points, and this only increases to 20 points when the pair are black and white. When the pair are siblings, the average difference is still 12 points.

In essays accompanying the publication of The Bell Curve, Herrnstein and Murray argue that whether the cause of the IQ gap is partly genetic (20-80% genetic) or entirely environmental does not really matter because that knowledge alone would not help to eliminate the gap and that knowledge should not impact the way that individuals treat one another. They argue that group differences in intelligence ought not to be treated as more important or threatening than individual differences, but suggest that one legacy of Black slavery has been to exacerbate race relations such that Blacks and Whites cannot be comfortable with group differences in IQ or any other traits.

Moreover, although it may appear paradoxical, it could be argued that an indirect outcome of social egalitarianism would be to raise the genetic contribution to intelligence to as high as possible, by minimizing environmental inequalities and any negatively IQ-impacting cultural and socio-economic differences. If all such inequalities could somehow be completely eliminated, any remaining group (but not individual) IQ differences would then be 100% hereditary: the only remaining factor that could potentially contribute to race-based outcome differences.

Practical importance

The appearance of a large practical importance for intelligence for some life outcomes makes some scholars claim that the source and meaning of the IQ gap is a pressing social concern. Template:AYref and Template:AYref argue that the IQ gap is reflected by gaps in the academic, economic, and social factors correlated with IQ. However, others dispute the general importance of the role of IQ for real-world outcomes, especially for differences in accumulated wealth and general economic inequality in a nation. One study found that wealth, race and schooling are important to the inheritance of economic status, but IQ is not a major contributor and the genetic transmission of IQ is even less important. (See "Practical importance of IQ".)

The effects of differences in mean IQ between groups (regardless if the cause is social or biological) are amplified by two statistical characteristics of IQ. First, there seem to be minimum statistical thresholds of IQ for many socially valued outcomes (for example, high school graduation and college admission). Second, because of the shape of the normal distribution, only about 16% of the population is at least one standard deviation above the mean. Thus, although the IQ distributions for Blacks and Whites are largely overlapping, different IQ thresholds can have a significant impact on the proportion of Blacks and Whites above and below a particular cut-off.

Small differences in IQ, while relatively unimportant at the level of an individual, could theoretically have large effects for the United States population as a whole. As a demonstration of these possible effects, Template:A(Y)ref used a resampling technique to argue that, all else equal, a simulated 3-point drop in average IQ had little effect on factors like marriage, divorce, or unemployment. However, their study found that a simulated drop in IQ from 100 to 97-points increased poverty rates by 11% and the proportion of children living in poverty by 13%. In the simulation, similar rises occurred in rates of children born to single mothers, men in jail, high school drop-out, and men prevented from working due to health-related problems. In contrast, when they simulated an increase in average IQ of 3-points to 103, they calculated that poverty rates fell 25%, children living in poverty fell 20%, and high school drop-out rates fell 28%.

Professors James Heckman and Nicholas Lemann, as well as several other scholars and scientists have the criticized validity and reliability of the data which led to the aforementioned findings by Template:A(Y)ref.

Controlling for IQ

Because IQ correlates with a number of social and economic outcomes that have been found to differ between the black and white populations overall, The Bell Curve argues that the disparities in outcomes are due to group differences in IQ (See above chart).Professors James Heckman and Nicholas Lemann and others claim that its findings are based on data that is not completely valid and reliable.

According to Murray and Herrnsteins' Bell Curve, when IQ is statistically controlled for, the probability of having a college degree or working in a high-IQ occupation is higher for Blacks than Whites. Controlling for IQ shrinks the income gap from thousands to a few hundred dollars. Controlling for IQ cuts differential poverty by about three-quarters and unemployment differences by half. However, controlling for IQ has little effect on differential marriage rates. For many other factors, controlling for IQ eliminates the differences between Whites and Hispanics, but the Black-White gap remains (albeit smaller).

White populations are not homogeneous groups regarding real-world outcomes. For example, in the U.S. 33.6% of persons with self-reported Scottish ancestry completed college, while only 16.7% of persons with self-reported French-Canadian ancestry have done so.

For additional discussion of the effects of controlling for group differences on a variety of outcomes and groups, see Template:AYref, and Template:AYref.

Between nations

Some people have attributed differential economic growth between nations to differences in the intelligence of their populations. One example is Richard Lynn's IQ and the Wealth of Nations. The book is sharply criticized in the peer-reviewed paper The Impact of National IQ on Income and Growth. Another peer-reviewed paper, Intelligence, Human Capital, and Economic Growth: An Extreme-Bounds Analysis, finds a strong connection between intelligence and economic growth. It has been argued that East Asian nations underachieve compared to IQ scores. One suggested explanation is that verbal IQ is more important than visuospatial IQ.

Jared Diamond's Guns, Germs and Steel instead argues that historical differences in economic and technological development for different areas can be explained by differences in geography (which affects factors like population density and spread of new technology) and differences in available crops and domesticatable animals. However, these environmental differences may operate in part by selecting for higher levels of IQ

For high-achieving minorities

The book World on Fire notes the existence in many nations of minorities that have created and control a disproportionate share of the economy, a market-dominant minority. Examples include Chinese in Southeast Asia; Indians in the United States and Britain; Whites, Indians, Lebanese and Igbo people of Western Africa; Whites in Latin America; and Jews in pre-World War II Europe, modern America, and modern Russia. These minorities are often resented and sometimes persecuted by the less successful majority.

In the United States, Jews, Asian Indians, Japanese, and Chinese earn incomes 1.72, 1.42, 1.32, and 1.12 times the American average, respectively. Jews and East Asians have higher rates of college attendance, greater educational attainment, and are many times overrepresented in the Ivy League and many of the United States' most prestigious schools, even though affirmative action discriminates against Asians in the admissions process (relative to Whites as well as to other minorities) At Harvard, for example, Asian American and Jewish students together make up 51% of the student body, though only constituting roughly 6% of the US population. In various Southeast Asian nations, Chinese control a majority of the wealth despite being a minority of the population and are resented by the majority, in some cases being the target of violence.

Achievement in science, a high-complexity occupation in which practitioners tend to have IQs well above average, also appears consistent with some group IQ disparity. Only 0.25% of the world population is Jewish, but Jews make up an estimated 28% of Nobel prize winners in physics, chemistry, medicine, and economics. In the U.S., these numbers are 2% of the population and 40% of winners. Over half of the world chess champions from 1886 to 2000 had at least one Ashkenazi Jewish parent.

Some studies have shown significant variation in IQ subtest profiles between groups. In one analysis of IQ studies on Ashkenazi Jews, for example, high verbal and mathematical scores, but average or below average visuospatial scores were found. In a separate study, East Asians demonstrated high visuospatial scores, but slightly above average, average or slightly below average verbal scores. The professions in which these populations tend to be over-represented differ, and some believe the difference is directly related to IQ subtest score patterns asserted to exist. The high visiuospatial/average to below average verbal pattern of subtest scores has also been asserted to exist in fully assimilated third-generation Asian Americans, as well as in the Inuit and Native Americans (both of Asian origin).

Public debate and policy implications

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Media portrayal

Some researchers argue media coverage of intelligence-related research is often inaccurate and misleading. Snyderman and Rothman conducted a study of this phenomenon in 1988, drawing from their 1987 survey of expert opinion of intelligence-related topics. Media attention given to William Shockley in the mid 1980's often cited his Nobel Laureate status, but frequently omitted that the prize was given for physics, not medicine.

Utility of research

One criticism of race and intelligence research, regardless of whether racial differences are genetic or not, questions its utility.

Descriptions of research into group differences in intelligence (especially genetic hypotheses) have been treated as self-evidently harmful to society by many writers, including references references to slavery, intolerance, and eugenics. Even supporters of intelligence research have desccribed such research as analogous to "working with dynamite" or "dangerous play" in sports, for which they have been criticized

The Southern Poverty Law Center has stated: "Race science has potentially frightening consequences, as is evident not only from the horrors of Nazi Germany, but also from the troubled racial history of the United States. If white supremacist groups had their way, the United States would return to its dark days. In publication after publication, hate groups are using this 'science' to legitimize racial hatred."

Another cricism is that it "causes major psychological harm to millions of black children and adults (with respect to self-esteem, career expectations, interracial relationships, etc.)". For example, in response to The Bell Curve Ashley Montagu, who famously stated the ideology of race is "man's most dangerous myth," wrote:

It is generally held that anyone who cries "Fire" in a crowded theatre should be held responsible for the consequences of his conduct. The same rule should apply to anyone who, motivated by racism, publishes inflammatory falsehoods concerning others, whether they be individuals, groups, or populations; they should by law be held responsible for their conduct. More than 200 years of racism, libel and slander, are enough, and so it is with use of IQ tests, which in a very real sense represent demeaning falsehoods, whether they maliciously intended or not.

Some scientists, including evolutionary biologist W. D. Hamilton, argue that suppressing race and intelligence research is actually more harmful than dealing with it honestly. Linda Gottfredson, a prominent professor whose work has been influential in U.S. workplace policy and who's also a Pioneer fund grantee argues:

Lying about race differences in achievement is harmful because it foments mutual recrimination. Because the untruth insists that differences cannot be natural, they must be artificial, manmade, manufactured. Someone must be at fault. Someone must be refusing to do the right thing. It therefore sustains unwarranted, divisive, and ever-escalating mutual accusations of moral culpability, such as Whites are racist and Blacks are lazy.

Accusations of "political correctness"

It is asserted by some that misguided political correctness has led to large-scale denial of recent developments in the human sciences, including research regard group differences in cognitive ability. Steven Pinker argues a fear of the implications of the science of human nature ("mind, brain, genes, and evolution") has led to the perception that these are dangerous ideas. Pinker states regarding recent discussions regarding group differences:

Whether or not these hypotheses hold up ... proponents of ethnic and racial differences in the past have been targets of censorship, violence, and comparisons to Nazis. Large swaths of the intellectual landscape have been reengineered to try to rule these hypotheses out a priori (race does not exist, intelligence does not exist, the mind is a blank slate inscribed by parents). The underlying fear, that reports of group differences will fuel bigotry, is not, of course, groundless.

Gottfredson accuses others of maintaining a "double standard" for research that finds unpopular results and a "stiff professional tax on scholars whose work on race or intelligence discomfits reviewers for non-scientific reasons they need not articulate" Gottfredson further argues that high quality of work is no protection from this bias, citing the example of Arthur Jensen as both one of the most eminent and one of the most vilified psychologists, hence the word Jensenism.

Accusations of racism

A racist motivation is frequently ascribed to some researchers who work on questions of race and intelligence. Both historical and contemporary researchers have been described as racists, and some critics hold that it is racist to assert that there are cognitive or behavioral differences between ethnic groups. For example, psychologist Jerry Hirsch has claimed that Arthur Jensen has "avowed goals" that were "as heinously barbaric as were Hitler's and the anti-abolitionists" (Template:AYref).

Accusations have also been aimed at the Pioneer Fund, which according to the Southern Poverty Law Center "has funded most American and British race scientists, including a large number cited in The Bell Curve" The Pioneer fund has been criticized as having a eugenic and racist political agenda , and a claimed racist and Nazi-sympathizer history. Pioneer Fund grantees include the current head J. Phillipe Rushton, Arthur Jensen, Linda Gottfredson, Richard Lynn, Hans Eysenck, Thomas Bouchard, David Lykken, Henry Garrett, William Shockley, Philip Vernon, and Audrey Shuey. Critics of the fund include the SPLC, IQ critic William H. Tucker, and historian Barry Mehler and his Institute for the Study of Academic Racism. The Pioneer fund has been characterized by the Southern Poverty Law Center as being a "hate group," using the definition "attack or malign an entire class of people, typically for their immutable characteristics". According to Keith Booker, president of the Wilmington (Del) chapter of the NAACP, the Pioneer Fund "supports only research that tends to come out with results that further the division between races... by justifying the superiority of one race and the inferiority of another... this research is being done in the name of white supremacy" Tucker have argued that some of the prominent researchers advancing genetic explanations have also opposed affirmative action and school integration.(Template:AYref) Prominent critic Ulric Neisser, who was the chairman of the APA's 1995 task force on intelligence research regards the fund as helping "change the face of social science" and as being "a weak plus".

Researchers who accept grants from the Pioneer Fund have been subject to criticism regarding bias. Anti-racist Searchlight Magazine notes Pioneer head J. Phillipe Rushton has given a speech at an American Renaissance meeting that Searchlight describes as a "veritable 'who’s who' of American white supremacy." . In the early 1990s, the University of Delaware imposed a "prohibition on the receipt of funding (by a faculty member) from the Pioneer Fund, amidst accusations that the Fund had a "history of supporting racism, anti-semitism and other discriminatory practices". Grantee Linda Gottfredson fought a two-year battle with the university before it rescinded its prohibition, arguing that a ban on funding restricted academic freedom. Although there is no direct evidence that the Pioneer Fund has biased the research one critic notes:

The real question is not did the Pioneer Fund make you alter your scientific findings but why did the Pioneer Fund fund you? ... It's not so much a question of whether or not they influence an individual scientist but rather the scientists they choose to fund in the first place.

Robert A. Gordon, criticized for accepting grants from the Pioneer Fund, replied to media criticisms of grant-recipients: "Politically correct disinformation about science appears to spread like wildfire among literary intellectuals and other nonspecialists, who have few disciplinary constraints on what they say about science and about particular scientists and on what they allow themselves to believe."

Threats and harassment

Researchers studying race and intelligence have also been subject to threats and harassment. Template:AYref has summarized the history of harassment and violence against Arthur Jensen and others.

For a long time Jensen received death threats, needed body guards while on his campus or others, had his home and office phones routed through the police station, received his mail only after a bomb squad examined it, was physically threatened or assaulted dozens of times by protesters disrupting his talks in the United States and abroad, regularly found messages like "Jensen Must Perish" and "Kill Jensen" scrawled across his office door, and much more. Psychologists Richard Herrnstein and Hans Eysenck also had such experiences during the 1970s for defying right thinking about intelligence—Eysenck, for example, being physically assaulted by protesters during a public lecture at the London School of Economics.

Policy implications

See also: Intelligence and public policy

Public policy implications of IQ and race research are one of the greatest sources of controversy surrounding this issue.

Some proponents of a partly genetic (20-80% genetic) interpretation of the IQ gap, such as Template:A(Y)ref and Template:A(Y)ref, have sometimes argued that their interpretation does not in itself demand any particular policy response: while a conservative/libertarian commentator may feel the results justify, for example, reductions in affirmative action, a liberal commentator may argue from a Rawlsian point of view (that genetic advantages are undeserved and unjust) for substantial affirmative action. Since all races have representatives at all levels of the IQ curve, this means any policy based on low IQ affects members of all races.

According to the "Mainstream Science on Intelligence" statement published in Intelligence in 1997:

The research findings neither dictate nor preclude any particular social policy, because they can never determine our goals. They can, however, help us estimate the likely success and side-effects of pursuing those goals via different means.

While not specifically race-related, policies focused on geographical regions or nations may have disproportionate influences on certain racial groups and on cognitive development. Differences in health care, nutrition, regulation of environmental toxins, and geographic distribution of diseases and control strategies between the developing world and developed nations have all been subjects of policies or policy recommendations (see health and nutrition policies relating to intelligence).

Finally, germinal choice technology may one day be able to select or change directly alleles found to influence intelligence or racially identifying traits (such as skin color; see gene SLC24A5), making them susceptible to biotechnological intervention.

Appendix - IQ Data from various sources

NOTE: The information in the following tables is referenced to credible sources; however, it should be noted that some of these studies liberally synthesized their results from different sources and test methods. In general comparisons should only be made between similar primary sources, but this is not always possible given the wide variety of IQ tests, the fluid and debatable nature of racial categorization, and the lack of large scale representative data sets. Among the factors that invalidate comparisons across the studies are environment of the test subjects as well as inherent biases in the test procedures.

End material

See also

• Ashkenazi intelligence
• Brain to body mass ratio
• Craniometry
• Hominid intelligence
• Neuroscience and intelligence
• Height and intelligence
• Race and crime
• Sex and intelligence
• Scientific racism
• The Mismeasure of Man

Notes

1. Researchers contributing to this area of inquiry mostly include psychologists, psychometricians, geneticists, sociologists, and anthropologists.
2. Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref. For samples of individual studies showing similar results, see the National Collaborative Perinatal Project, reported by Template:AYref; the Minnesota Transracial Adoption Study reported by Template:AYref; also Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref Template:AYref; Template:AYref, Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref. For scientific consensus statements see Template:AYref and Template:AYref.
3. The gap shows up before age 3 on most standardized tests after matching for variables such as maternal education. Other clustering: Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref, Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref. The East-Asian/White/Black difference in average IQ can be measured in very young children. For example, a one standard deviation gap is observed in Black and White 3-year olds matched for gender, birth order, and maternal education (Template:AYref). Template:AYref found that by age 6 the average IQ of East Asian children is 107, 103 for White children and 89 for Black children. Template:A(Y)ref found that the same trichotomy in brain size and IQ held at 4 months, 1 year, and 7 years of age.
4. Template:AYref reports on the distribution of IQ within and between families, social classes, and races using a technique to partition variance called ANOVA. The average IQ difference between two siblings (within families) is about 12 points, compared to 17 points for two strangers and 20 points for one White and one Black American. Jensen attributes the large differences within families to the high heritability of IQ and the small influence of family environment.
5. Whether or not this carries over to adulthood remains to be investigated.
6. Template:AYref
7. Researchers explicitly reject the latter terms as inaccurately global in connotation and insensitive, but the terms are used by some critics (Template:AYref, p. 42).
8. Template:AYref, Template:AYref (given in Template:AYref's summary, p.599)
9. Template:AYref, Template:AYref (given in Template:AYref's summary, p. 599)
10. It is well established that within-population genetic diversity is greatest within Sub-Saharan Africa, and decreases with distance from Africa. One study estimates that only 6.3% of the total human genetic diversity is explained by race. This value is comparable to other reports which find that on average approximately 85% of genetic variation occurs within populations. In a hypothetical situation with two populations and a single gene with two alleles, this is equivalent to allele frequencies of 30% + 70% in one population and 70% + 30% in the other. Thus, using this single gene to classify individuals into populations would result in a 30% misclassification rate.
11. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, . Lewontin, for example argues that there is no biological basis for race on the basis of research indicating that more genetic variation exists within such races than between them Template:AYref.
    
    Some critics of race may not consider this a problem for race and intelligence inquiries. Jared Diamond, who praises Cavalli-Sforza's genetics research over the decades for "demolishing scientists' attempts to classify human populations into races in the same way that they classify birds and other species into races"(Template:AYref), also argues "in mental ability New Guineans are probably genetically superior to Westerners" due to that intelligence was likely selected for in hunter-gatherer New Guinea societies where the challenges were tribal warfare and food procurement, compared with high population density European civilizations where the major survival pressure was on genes for resisting epidemics (Diamond 1997/99, p.21).
12. ^ http://www.ssc.uwo.ca/psychology/faculty/rushtonpdfs/Lieberman2001CA.pdf
13. Template:AYref, Template:AYref. Neil Risch argues: "One could make the same arguments about sex and age! . . you can undermine any definitional system. . . In a recent study. . . we actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome between genetic structure versus self-description, 99.9% concordance. . . So you could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism. And you can talk about age the same way. A person's chronological age does not correspond perfectly with his biological age for a variety of reasons, both inherited and non-inherited. Perhaps just using someone's actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age. Does that mean we should throw it out? . . . Any category you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has utility" (Template:AYref).
14. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref: "If enough markers are used... individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of the globe".
15. Template:AYref
16. Template:AYref
17. Template:AYref
18. According to a recent review by Template:AYref, seven large-scale studies of positive selection in the human genome have been published. The "advantageous traits" that were being selected for are mostly unknown, but some make inferences based on the known functions of those genes in the regions that show signs of selection.
19. ^ Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref. The neural dopamine gene studied in Harpending and Cochran, previously found to occur in substantially different worldwide frequencies, is also tied to behavior, with bearers displaying greater novelty-seeking behavior and being at increased risk for attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder. Harpending and Cochran suggest this gene "may be a model system for understanding the relationship between genetic variation and human cultural diversity," noting high frequencies in South American Indians, such as the Yanomamo (sometimes referred to as "the Fierce People"), intermediate frequencies in Europeans and Africans, and very low frequencies in East Asians and !Kung Bushmen (sometimes referred to as "the Harmless People").
    See the NYTimes' "Researchers Say Human Brain Is Still Evolving" (September 8, 2005), and "Still Evolving, Human Genes Tell New Story" (March 7, 2006) for discussion of Mekel-Bobrov et al. and Evans et al., and Voight et al.
20. For statements directly reporting what views are in the majority see Template:AYref, Template:AYref, and Template:AYref. These findings are also discussed in the major handbooks, manuals, and encyclopedias on intelligence. For more detail, see the articles on IQ and intelligence.
21. Template:AYref; Template:AYref
22. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref
23. Porteus, Stanley. The Psychology of a Primitive People, 1931.
24. According to historian of psychology Graham Richards there was widespread critical debate within psychology about the conceptual underpinnings of this early race difference research (Template:AYref). These include Estabrooks (1928) two papers on the limitations of methodology used in the research; Dearborn and Long’s (1934) overview of the criticisms by several psychologists (Garth, Thompson, Peterson, Pinter, Herskovits, Daniel, Price, Wilkerson, Freeman, Rosenthal and C.E. Smith) in a collection they edited and Klineburg, who wrote three major critiques, one in 1928, and two in 1935. Richards also notes that with over a 1000 publications within psychology during the interwar years there had been a large internal debate. Towards the end of the time period almost all those publishing, including most of those who began with a pro-race differences stance, were firmly arguing against race differences research. Richards regards the scientific controversy to be dead at this point, although he also suggests reasons for its re-emergence in the late nineteen sixties.
25. Template:AYref
26. Template:AYref; Template:AYref, pp. 45–54
27. Template:AYref pp. 67–69
28. Template:AYref
29. George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, 1992 Executive Intelligence Review, Chapter 11
30. George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, 1992 Executive Intelligence Review, Chapter 11
31. {{This paragraph includes excerpts from William Shockley; however editors of this page have expressed concern over the lack of citations at that article. A request for citation has been placed there. Please refer to discussion page before further editing etc}}
32. Template:AYref
33. Template:AYref
34. Template:AYref
35. Average IQ score plotted for each group. The normalization average of 100 is shown as a dotted line. Dozens of individual studies are represented. Data taken from review by Template:AYref.
36. Average IQ score and year of publication are plotted for each group. The normalization average of 100 is shown as a dotted line. Dozens of individual studies are represented. Data taken from review by Template:AYref.
37. For example, see Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref
38. In more than a dozen studies from the 1960s and 1970s analyzed by Flynn (1991, 2002), the mean IQs of Japanese- and Chinese American children were always around 97 or 98; none was over 100. These studies did not include other Asian groups such as the Vietnamese, Cambodians, or Filipinos; who tend to under perform academically and on conventional psychometric tests (See Flynn, 1991).
39. Template:AYref had reported that Japanese IQ was significantly higher than average IQ in the United States, and that Japanese IQ scores had risen over the past generation. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref find that the average IQ scores of East Asians in Asia, North America and Europe are significantly higher than 100.
40. Data published by the Graduate Record Examinations Board, (table A.2). Graph shows SD data from table with bars superimposed on columns.
41. Template:AYref
42. Template:AYref
43. Template:AYref, Template:AYref
44. see Template:AYref
45. Template:AYref put a link here.
47. based on World distribution of the intelligence of indigenous peoples from Lynn (2006) p. vi
48. Lynn derives these groups from global genetic branches identified in previous genetic cluster analysis (Template:AYref p. 79).
49. http://www.searchlightmagazine.com/index.php?link=template&story=162]
50. In RDiI Lynn surveys NGO reports of four different signs of severe malnutrition - underweight, anemia, wasting, and stunting - for five developing regions, ranking Latin America as suffering the least malnutrition, followed by the Middle-east, Asia/Pacific, Africa, and finally South Asia, suffering the worst malnutrition of any region (ch. 14).
51. Lynn's data is somewhat weak on Ashkenazi Jews (Template:AYref), and only allows an indirect, weighted estimate in Israel (103), compared with (similarly indirect) estimates of 91 for Israeli Oriental Jews, and 86 for Israeli Arabs. Israeli Ashkenazi's scores may average lower than U.S. and British Ashkenazi, Lynn suggests, due to selective migration effects in relation to those countries, and to immigrants from the former Soviet Block countries having posed as Ashkenazim. The data isn't necessarily strong enough, however, to rule out identical scores for Ashkenazi across these nations (Template:AYref).
52. Template:AYref.
53. Cite error: The named reference gap debate was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
54. Sociologist Thomas Volken argues the IQ and the Wealth of Nations data for national IQs is "highly deficient," citing limited sampling and varying tests and years (Volken). In a 1995 review of The Bell Curve, critic Leon Kamin writes that "Lynn's distortions and misrepresentations of the data constitute a truly venomous racism, combined with scandalous disregard for scientific objectivity."(Template:AYref). In contrast to Kamin's strongly worded attack on Lynn, W. D. Hamilton described Lynn in a review of another of Lynn's books as doing "an excellent job with the facts" and being "brave thick-skinned ... to swim against ... popular antirealistic currents."
    
    Examples of problematic national IQ figures in IQatWoN include that the stated average IQ score of 59 for Equatorial Guinea is based on one test of 48 children aged 10-14 in 1984; the Ethiopian average is derived from a study of Ethiopians who immigrated to Israel a year prior, and whose low scores were thought by the original authors to be a reflection of temporary adjustment to a different culture and language (note that this data is not used in the averages presented above). Kamin also argued Lynn selectively excluded data showing a similar score in Whites and sub-Saharan Africans: "Lynn chose to ignore the substance of Crawford-Nutt's paper, which reported that 228 black high school students in Soweto scored an average of 45 correct responses on the Matrices--HIGHER than the mean of 44 achieved by the same-age white sample on whom the test's norms had been established and well above the mean of Owen's coloured pupils" (Template:AYref).
    
    Template:AYref's checking of RDiI's data finds discrepancies that are "mostly minor. . . typically within a couple of IQ points" but concludes: "The citations and references were, on the whole, accurate. In short: Yes, the general trends in the tables are probably dependable, if the assumptions regarding Flynn effects, etc., are correct, but it is prudent (as always) to check with original sources before quoting particular results. . . Is this book the final word on race differences in intelligence? Of course not. But Richard Lynn is a major player, and it is good to have his extensive work on this topic together in one place. Future workers who address these matters under this or any other label will find that Lynn has done a lot of spadework for them..."
55. Template:AYref;Template:AYref
56. Template:AYref
57. Lynn's Race Differences in Intelligence, 2006.
58. Template:AYref
59. see Race and intelligence (Average gaps among races)#Reaction time
60. Jensen (2006) Clocking the Mind
61. ^ Template:AYref
62. Template:AYref; see also Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref
63. Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref
64. http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=18335
65. see Template:AYref, p. 80
66. In his opinion, , but "such a trend hardly constitutes evidence for a genetic interpretation." See the explanations section for further detail (Template:AYref). "Never a Dull Moment" by Ulric Neisser
67. Template:AYref
68. see http://www.ssc.uwo.ca/psychology/faculty/rushtonpdfs/Lieberman2001CA.pdf especially references to the work of Beals et al, 1984
69. See Franz Boas for details and controversy
70. "Changes in vault dimensions must occur by early childhood because of the early development of the vault." Secular change in craniofacial morphology "During the 125 years under consideration, cranial vaults have become markedly higher, somewhat narrower, with narrower faces. The changes in cranial morphology are probably in large part due to changes in growth at the cranial base due to improved environmental conditions. The changes are likely a combination of phenotypic plasticity and genetic changes over this period." Cranial change in Americans: 1850-1975.
71. Template:AYref
72. Heredity April 2004, Volume 92, Number 4, Pages 359-360 "Finally, weak and confusing correlations between IQ and reaction times, which L&V naively take as an index of 'the efficiency of the brain' (p 66), are not 'theoretically tractable - merely linking an unknown to another unknown' (Deary, 2001b, pp 167)."
73. Reviewed in Template:AYref. Data from the NLSY as reported in figure adapted from Template:AYref, p. 288.
74. Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref; Template:AYref
75. See for example APA's summary of their 1996 task force report (Template:AYref): "The differential between the mean intelligence test scores of Blacks and Whites does not result from any obvious biases in test construction and administration, nor does it simply reflect differences in socio-economic status" (Neisser et al. 1996); also: "It is clear, however, that these differences, whatever their origin, are well within the range of effect sizes that can be produced by environmental factors."(Neisser et al. 1996). The Template:AYref collective statement likewise states: "Intelligence tests are not culturally biased against American Blacks or other native-born, English-speaking people in the U.S. Rather, IQ scores predict equally accurately for all such Americans, regardless of race or social class."
76. Template:AYref
77. Template:AYref, Template:AYref
78. Template:AYref
79. Template:AYref refers to such environmental factors as "Factor X", a name which he also applies to environmentalist hypotheses about group differences that posit the existence of a "Factor X". If group differences were caused by racism, then racism would be a "Factor X". Template:AYref and a number of subsequent studies sought and failed to find evidence for the existence of a Factor X. However, Template:AYref warns that these studies are not "well replicated".
80. PBS Jencks Interview "If we change the names of the tests, they still measure the same thing but it wouldn't convey this idea that somehow you've gotten the potential of somebody when you measured their IQ. And I think that creates a big bias, because the people who do badly on the tests are labeled as people with low potential in many people's minds and they sometimes even believe that about themselves."
81. Template:AYref "... we find it hard to see how anyone reading these studies with an open mind could conclude that innate ability played a large role in the black-white gap."
82. http://personnelselection.com/adverse.impact.htm
83. Template:AYref
84. Template:AYref; Template:AYref. See Template:AYref, pp. 511-512 for a critique of these arguments.
85. Template:AYref found that making race salient when taking a test of cognitive ability negatively affected high-ability African American students. They name this phenomenon stereotype threat. Template:AYref point out that these findings are widely misinterpreted to mean that eliminating stereotype threat eliminated the Black-White performance gap. See also Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref and Template:AYref for discussion of the implications of stereotype threat for race and intelligence research.
86. Aristotle: "Having spoken of the number of the citizens, we will proceed to speak of what should be their character. This is a subject which can be easily understood by any one who casts his eye on the more celebrated states of Hellas, and generally on the distribution of races in the habitable world. Those who live in a cold climate and in Europe are full of spirit, but wanting in intelligence and skill; and therefore they retain comparative freedom, but have no political organization, and are incapable of ruling over others. Whereas the natives of Asia are intelligent and inventive, but they are wanting in spirit, and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery. But the Hellenic race, which is situated between them, is likewise intermediate in character, being high-spirited and also intelligent. Hence it continues free, and is the best-governed of any nation, and, if it could be formed into one state, would be able to rule the world." (Aristotle, Politics, ch. 7).
    Cicero: "Do not obtain your slaves from Britain because they are so stupid and so utterly incapable of being taught that they are not fit to form a part of the household of Athens." Attributed to Cicero's Epistulae ad Atticum (Letters to Atticus), 68 BC-43 BC (latin text). Translation: Template:AYref.
    "Races north of the Pyrenees are of cold temperament and never reach maturity; they are of great stature and of a white colour. But they lack all sharpness of wit and penetration of intellect." Attributed to "Said of Toledo (a Moorish savant)" by Template:AYref (p.34), originally quoted in Template:AYref.
87. See Race and intelligence (Explanations)#Nongenetic biological factors
88. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref
89. Template:AYref
90. Template:AYref
91. Template:AYref concluded that "the gains cannot be explained solely by increases at the level of the latent variables (common factors), which IQ tests purport to measure". An analysis by Template:AYref found that the IQ increases associated with the Flynn effect did not produce changes in g, which Rushton compares to the finding by Template:AYref that IQ increases associated with adoption likewise do not increase g. Template:AYref disagrees with Rushton's analysis.
92. Template:AYref and others find this hypothesis unsupported by the available evidence. Template:AYref respond to these criticisms.
93. Template:AYref
94. Template:AYref reported the average correlation between skin color and IQ among American blacks is .1; for comparison Template:AYref found the correlation between skin color and fraction of West-African ancestry is .4.
95. Template:AYref
96. Template:AYref; see note below
97. Template:AYref, Template:AYref
98. Template:AYref
99. Template:AYref
100. Template:AYref
101. Template:AYref argue that these studies are "peculiarly old, the mean year of publication being 1960" and "actually very weak and nondecisive, not having been replicated even once". Template:AYref, for example, points out that while the study of children born in post-WWII Germany finds no difference between white and interracial children, it does find a large difference in IQ between boys and girls, suggesting that sampling artifacts have affected the results.
102. ^ Template:AYref Testing for Racial Differences in the Mental Ability of Young Children "On tests of intelligence, Blacks systematically score worse than Whites, whereas Asians frequently outperform Whites. Some have argued that genetic differences across races account for the gap. Using a newly available nationally representative data set that includes a test of mental function for children aged eight to twelve months, we find only minor racial differences in test outcomes (0.06 standard deviation units in the raw data) between Blacks and Whites that disappear with the inclusion of a limited set of controls. The only statistically significant racial difference is that Asian children score slightly worse than those of other races. To the extent that there are any genetically-driven racial differences in intelligence, these gaps must either emerge after the age of one, or operate along dimensions not captured by this early test of mental cognition."
103. How similar are fluid cognition and general intelligence? A developmental neuroscience perspective on fluid cognition as an aspect of human cognitive ability, Behavioral and Brain Sciences (2006), 29: 109-125 Cambridge University Press, Clancy Blair. Multiple comments can be seen on Google Scholar.
104. Template:AYref
105. Template:AYref
106. For example, see Template:AYref; see also Spearman's hypothesis
107. for example, inbreeding depression scores measured in Japan predict the magnitude of the Black-White gap in the United States. (Template:AYref)
108. reviewed by Template:AYref
109. Template:AYref
110. for example, the children of wealthy, high IQ Black parents score lower than the children of poor, low IQ White parents (Template:AYref, p. 358); and for Black and White children with an IQ of 120, the siblings of the Black children average an IQ of 100 whereas the siblings of the White children average an IQ of 110; in comparison, for Black and White children with an IQ of 70, the siblings of the Black children average an IQ of 78 whereas the siblings of the White children average an IQ of 85 (Template:AYref, pp. 107–119))
111. http://www.lrainc.com/swtaboo/taboos/cmurraybga0799.pdf
112. Template:AYref, cited in "Black-White-East Asian IQ differences at least 50% genetic, scientists conclude in major law journal", and Template:AYref
113. Reviewed by Template:AYref.
114. For example: Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref
115. Template:AYref reanalyzed the data from several earlier studies and concluded that Spearman's hypothesis is not an "empirically established fact" (i.e., that Black-White IQ differences may be due to differences in common factors other than g) due to insufficient power in the data to choose between alternative models. "This leaves the validity of Spearman's hypothesis, considered a central justification for the genetic explanation, an unresolved question." However, they did confirm that the Black-White IQ gap is not due to measurement artifacts, and is instead due to some measured factor that varies both within and between groups.
116. Template:AYref, Template:AYref. Template:AYref found no effect from ASPM and microcephalin on brain size, which they conclude "suggests that the selective pressure on these genes may be related to subtle neurobiological effects or to their expression outside the brain."
117. "Our studies indicate that the trend that is the defining characteristic of human evolution - the growth of brain size and complexity - is likely still ongoing. . . just because these genes are still evolving doesn't necessarily mean they make you any smarter. . . We’ve evolved genes for selfishness, violence, cruelty—all of which are in place because they may make survival easier." University of Chicago Chronicle, September 22, 2005, Vol. 25 No. 1 "Lahn’s analysis of genes indicates human brain continues to evolve."
118. Template:AYref.
119. (1995)
120. (American Psychologist, January 1997)
121. Murray lists race differences in brain size, along with "IQ in sub-Saharan Africa, the results of transracial adoption studies, the correlation of the black-white difference with the g-loadedness of tests, regression to racial means across the range of IQ, or other relevant data" among the arguments omitted from the task force report.
122. The authors of the report agreed that IQ scores have high predictive validity for individual differences in school achievement. They confirmed the predictive validity of IQ for adult occupational status, even when variables such as education and family background have been statistically controlled. They agree that individual differences in intelligence are substantially influenced by genetics (75% in adults). Consistent with Herrnstein and Murray's findings, they state there is little evidence to show that childhood diet influences intelligence except in cases of severe malnutrition.
123. "In a field where so many issues are unresolved and so many questions unanswered, the confident tone that has characterized most of the debate on these topics is clearly out of place. The study of intelligence does not need politicized assertions and recriminations; it needs self-restraint, reflection, and a great deal more research. The questions that remain are socially as well as scientifically important. There is no reason to think them unanswerable, but finding the answers will require a shared and sustained effort as well as the commitment of substantial scientific resources. Just such a commitment is what we strongly recommend."
124. Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref pp. 44-47.
125. p. 357. Equal-sized random samples of children from California schools were used for this analysis. Social class was rated on a ten-point scale based on parents' education and occupation. Only 30% of total variance in IQ is associated with differences between race and social class, whereas 65% exists within each racial and social class group. The single largest source of IQ variance exists between siblings within the same family.
126. Template:AYref, Template:AYref
127. The Blank Slate, pp. 106-107.
128. Template:AYref: "Sub-group differences in performance on high-stakes tests represent one of American society's most pressing social problems, and mechanisms for reducing or eliminating differences are of enormous interest" (p.11).
129. Template:AYref.
130. ^ The criteria for the "Middle-Class Values" index were: (for men) obtained high school degree (or more), were in labor force (but could be unemployed) throughout previous year (1989), never incarcerated, were still married to their first wife; (for women) obtained a high school degree, had never given birth out of wedlock, never incarcerated, were still marreid to their first husband. Individuals unable to work and those still in school were excluded from this analysis, as well as never-married individuals who satisfied all the other criteria. Poverty is not a criterion, nor is having children.
131. For this calculation, Herrnstein and Murray altered the mean IQ (100) of the U.S. National Longitudinal Survey of Youth's population sample by randomly deleting individuals below an IQ of 103 until the population mean reached 103. Their random deletion procedure was conducted twice and the calculated results were averaged together. Herrnstein and Murray note that their calculation ignore secondary effect. (Template:AYref, pp. 364-368)
132. Cracked Bell by Professor James Heckman in Reason (March 1995).
133. The Bell Curve Flattened by Nicholas Lemann in Slate (January 1996).
134. Cracked Bell by Professor James Heckman in Reason (March 1995).
135. The Bell Curve Flattened by Nicholas Lemann in Slate (January 1996).
136. Cracked Bell by Professor James Heckman in Reason (March 1995).
137. The Bell Curve Flattened by Nicholas Lemann in Slate (January 1996).
138. These values were taken from Template:AYref, which reprints U.S. Census data which was originally reported by Template:AYref, p. 105. Template:AYref challenges the factual accuracy of other reporting by Template:AYref.
139. Thomas Volken, "The Impact of National IQ on Income and Growth."
140. Template:AYref
141. Template:AYref
142. Richard Nisbett argues in his 2004 The Geography of Thought that some of these regional differences shaped lasting cultural traits, such as the collectivism required by East Asian rice irrigation, compared with the individualism of ancient Greek herding, maritime mercantilism, and money crops wine and olive oil (pp. 34-35).
143. This theory is discussed by Template:AYref (pp. 435-437), Template:AYref and Template:AYref in general and by both Template:AYref and Steve Sailer with respect to Guns, Germs, and Steel. See Race and intelligence (Explanations)#Rushton's application of r-K theory. .. Template:AYref state generally that "a number of recent studies have detected more signals of adaptation in non-African populations than in Africans, and some of those studies have conjectured that non-Africans might have experienced greater pressures to adapt to new environments than Africans have" (Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref, Template:AYref).
144. Template:AYref, p. 5
145. Template:AYref, pp. 7, 93
146. A study by Princeton researchers Template:AYref analyzes the effects of admission preferences at elite universities in terms of SAT points (1600-point scale): Blacks +230; Hispanics +185; Asians -50; Recruited athletes +200; Legacies (children of alumni) +160. "Our results show that removing consideration of race would have a minimal effect on white applicants to elite universities. The number of accepted white students would increase by 2.4%." Asian percent of accepted students, in contrast, would increase by 33% (from 23.7% to 31.5%). "Nearly four out of every five places in the admitted class not taken by African-American and Hispanic students would be filled by Asians."
147. Template:AYref
148. Template:AYref, pp. 133-134; Template:AYref
149. Template:AYref and Template:AYref, cited by Template:AYref.
150. Template:AYref
151. Jewish World Chess Champions accessed December 30th, 2005.
152. Template:AYref, p. 4
153. Lynn, , Template:AYref, p.178)
154. Template:AYref
155. Template:AYref
156. e.g., Sternberg, 2003, pp. 386-387
157. Gardner, 1998, p. 23
158. Hunt & Carlson, in press
159. Gottfredson, in press
160. http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?pid=625
161. Template:AYref
162. Template:AYref p. 199
163. "Any human science not aiming for factual truth in human social matters is as inevitably doomed to bring costly accidents in the long run as would be an unfactual science of technology" (Template:AYref
164. Template:AYref
165. See for example Morton Hunt's The New Know-Nothings: The Political Foes of the Scientific Study of Human Nature (1999; pp. 63-104) which argues that recent years "have witnessed a dramatic upsurge in efforts to impose limits on the freedom of social scientists to explore controversial research questions, particularly questions that could yield answers distasteful to those with certain sociopolitical or ideological agendas" (Template:AYref).
166. Template:AYref See Template:AYref for another account.
167. Template:AYref
168. Dittman, 2002, p. 29
169. Detterman, 1998
170. Gould, 1981
172. (Racism Resurgent:How Media Let The Bell Curve's Pseudo-Science Define the Agenda on Race)
173. (http://www.tolerance.org/maps/hate/index.html).
174. (RON KAUFMAN The Scientist, Vol:6, #14, July 6, 1992).
175. Neisser states in his book review (Template:AYref) that, though race and intelligence research "turns stomach . . . the research funded by Pioneer has helped change the face of social science." Neisser also writes "Lynn reminds us that Pioneer has sometimes sponsored useful research - research that otherwise might not have been done at all. By that reckoning, I would give it a weak plus."
177. (Gordon 1997, p.35)
178. For example, the policy recommendations of The Bell Curve were denounced by many. Template:AYref wrote: "We can imagine no recommendation for using the government to manipulate fertility that does not have dangers. But this highlights the problem: The United States already has policies that inadvertently social-engineer who has babies, and it is encouraging the wrong women. If the United States did as much to encourage high-IQ women to have babies as it now does to encourage low-IQ women, it would rightly be described as engaging in aggressive manipulation of fertility. The technically precise description of America's fertility policy is that it subsidizes births among poor women, who are also disproportionately at the low end of the intelligence distribution. We urge generally that these policies, represented by the extensive network of cash and services for low-income women who have babies, be ended. (p. 548)" Two year later the 1996 U.S. welfare reform substantially cut these programs. In a discussion of the future political outcomes of an intellectually stratified society, they stated that they: "fear that a new kind of conservatism is becoming the dominant ideology of the affluent - not in the social tradition of an Edmund Burke or in the economic tradition of an Adam Smith but ’conservatism’ along Latin American lines, where to be conservative has often meant doing whatever is necessary to preserve the mansions on the hills from the menace of the slums below. (p. 518)"Moreover, they fear that an increasing welfare will create a "custodial state": "a high-tech and more lavish version of the Indian reservation of some substantial minority of the nation’s population. They also predict increasing totalitarianism: It is difficult to imagine the United States preserving its heritage of individualism, equal rights before the law, free people running their own lives, once it is accepted that a significant part of the population must be made permanent wards of the states. (p. 526)"
179. Template:AYref
180. Template:AYref
181. Gregory Stock argues "current debates about whether some of the differences among ethnic and racial groups are cultural or biological will soon become irrelevant, given the coming " (Template:AYref, p. 194; race and intelligence discussed on pp. 44-47).

References

External links

Collective Statements

• The Wall Street Journal: Mainstream Science on IntelligencePDF
• APA Task Force Examines the Knowns and Unknowns of Intelligence
• Statement on "Race" and Intelligence. American Anthropological Association. Adopted December 1994.

Review Papers

• James Flynn and Charles Murray debate - news summary
• June 2005 issue of Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, Vol. 11, No. 2.
  • Thirty Years of Research on Race Differences in Cognitive Ability J. Philippe Rushton & Arthur R. Jensen
  • There Are No Public-Policy Implications Robert J. Sternberg
  • What if the Hereditarian Hypothesis is True? Linda S. Gottfredson
  • Heredity, Environment, and Race Differences in IQ Richard E. Nisbett
  • The Cultural Malleability of Intelligence and Its Impact on the Racial/Ethnic Hierarchy Lisa Suzuki & Joshua Aronson
  • Wanted: More Race Realism, Less Moralistic Fallacy J. Philippe Rushton & Arthur R. Jensen
• Race, Genetics and IQ Richard E. Nisbett (PDF)
• The Inequality Taboo Charles Murray archived version
• The Black-White Test Score Gap (1998) online (page-image) version of ISBN 0-8157-4609-1

Others

• Crippled by Their Culture - Race doesn't hold back America's black rednecks. Nor does racism by Thomas Sowell
• Race and IQ: Part 1, Part 2, Part 3 by Thomas Sowell
• The Skeptic's Dictionary entry on IQ and race
• (Skeptic Magazine): Two book reviews, by Paul R. Gross and Alondra Oubre, of Sarich’s and Miele’s book, Race: The Reality of Human Differences
• Criticism on source material of Bell Curve book
• Poverty and Brain Development in Early Childhood 1999 report
• Miscellaneous articles by Richard Lynn et al.
• Are IQ Tests Biased?
• Scholars Provide an Overview of Explanations for Black-White Test Score Gap
• School Readiness: Closing Racial and Ethnic Gaps
• La Griffe du Lion - pseudonymously released statistical analyses on this and related subjects. (Review)
• A review of the field (Jan. 2006) Kohn, Marek, "This racist undercurrent in the tide of genetic research: As taboos fall away, there's a danger that denial of racial difference will be replaced with uncritical acceptance," The Guardian.
• The Lessons of the Ashkenazim: Groups and Genes, Steven Pinker, June 2006, The New Republic.
• Are all races equally intelligent? -- Or: When is knowledge knowledge? by John J. Ray
• Black-White Gap in IQ Scores Closing, Study Finds

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