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Template:Allegations of apartheid Allegations of Israeli apartheid draw a controversial analogy from the policies of apartheid era South Africa to those of Israel. Those who use the analogy point to Israeli treatment of Palestinians in the West Bank, policies of physical separtion between the two groups, and/or allege second-class treatment of Arabs citizens in Israel proper.

Most journalists and academic commentators reject the analogy as propaganda. Arguments made by those who reject the analogy include that Arab citizens of Israel enjoy democratic rights, and that other countries also resemble South African apartheid are not accused of it.

Those who reject the analogy also assert that Israel's limitations and protective measures against Palestinians in the West Bank are based on security needs,.

Overview

Heribert Adam of Simon Fraser University and Kogila Moodley of the University of British Columbia, in their book-length study Seeking Mandela: Peacemaking Between Israelis and Palestinians, apply lessons learned in South Africa to resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They divide academic and journalistic commentators on the analogy into three groups:

• "The majority is incensed by the very analogy and deplores what it deems its propagandistic goals."
• "'Israel is Apartheid' advocates include most Palestinians, many Third World academics, and several Jewish post-Zionists who idealistically predict an ultimate South African solution of a common or binational state."
• A third group which sees both similarities and differences, and which looks to South African history for guidance in bringing resolution to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians.

Adam and Moodley go on to examine the strengths and weaknesses of explicitly likening the situation of Palestinians to that of black South Africans during Apartheid.

Adam and Moodley write that Israeli Prime Ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak use the analogy "self-servingly in their exhortations and rationalizations." Such figures, say Adam and Moodley, "have repeatedly deplored the occupation and seeming 'South Africanization' but have done everything to entrench it."

Allegations of "Israeli apartheid" have been made by many groups and individuals, including Archbishop Desmond Tutu and other South African anti-apartheid leaders, Jimmy Carter former President of the United States, members of the Israeli Knesset, the Syrian government, pro-Palestinian student groups in the UK, U.S., and Canada, the Congress of South African Trade Unions,, and the Canadian Union of Public Employees. It has also been employed by individuals such as white supremacist David Duke, Holocaust denier Paul Grubach of the Institute for Historical Review, and antisemitic websites and organizations such as Jew Watch.

Allegations that Israel is an apartheid state

• An article in The Guardian by Chris McGreal quoted Hendrik Verwoerd, the prime minister of South Africa and the architect of South Africa's apartheid policies, as saying in 1961 that "The Jews took Israel from the Arabs after the Arabs had lived there for a thousand years. Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state." According to that same article by McGreal, though, "Israel was openly critical of apartheid through the 1950s and 60s as it built alliances with post-colonial African governments." In addition, in the same year of that quote (1961), Israel voted for the General Assembly censure of Eric Louw's speech defending apartheid.
• Idi Amin Dada, the Ugandan dictator, made allegations of "Israeli apartheid" in the United Nations General Assembly in November 1975, in the debate that preceded the passage of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 which controversially linked Zionism with racism. That resolution was eventually revoked, with only Arab countries and Cuba, Vietnam, and North Korea voting to keep it, by United Nations Resolution 46/86, on December 16, 1991.

• Uri Davis, a Palestinian Jew, wrote a book called Israel: An Apartheid State in 1987.

• Michael Tarazi, a Palestinian proponent of the binational solution has argued that it is in Palestine's interest to "make this an argument about apartheid", to the extent of advocating Israeli settlement, "The longer they stay out there, the more Israel will appear to the world to be essentially an apartheid state".

Allegations of racism

The allegation was made at the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism. The conference was criticized by the United States and Israel, who described it as disproportionaly and unfairly demonizing and delegitimizing Israel. The resolution was not supported by a single Western country. Both Australia and Canada made statements accusing the conference of "hypocrisy". For example,

"Canada is still here today only because we wanted to have our voice decry the attempts at this Conference to de-legitimize the State of Israel and to dishonor the history and suffering of the Jewish people. We believe, and we have said in the clearest possible terms, that it was inappropriate - wrong - to address the Palestinian-Israel conflict in this forum. We have said, and will continue to say, that anything - any process, any declaration, any language - presented in any forum that does not serve to advance a negotiated peace that will bring security, dignity and respect to the people of the region is - and will be - unacceptable to Canada. (, page 119)

Critics of the claim that Israel is racist argue that, unlike apartheid, Israeli practices, even if they deserve to be criticized, are not prompted by racism. Benjamin Pogrund writes

In any event, what is racism? Under apartheid it was skin colour. Applied to Israel that's a joke: for proof of that, just look at a crowd of Israeli Jews and their gradations in skin-colour from the "blackest" to the "whitest"... Occupation is brutalising and corrupting both Palestinians and Israelis... ut it is not apartheid. Palestinians are not oppressed on racial grounds as Arabs, but, rather, as competitors — until now, at the losing end — in a national/religious conflict for land.

According to Gil Troy:

Injecting "racism" into the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is absurd. It is a sloppy attempt to slander Israel with the accusation du jour, a statement as trendy and ahistorical as equating Zionism with European colonialism, another folly given Jews' historic ties to the land of Israel. Since the Nazi attempt to annihilate Jews as a "race," the Jewish world has recoiled against defining Jews as a "race." Zionism talks about Judaism, the Jewish people, the Jewish state. The Arab-Israeli conflict is a nationalist clash with religious overtones. The rainbow of colors among Israelis and Palestinians, with black Ethiopian Jews, and white Christian Palestinians, proves that both national communities are diverse.

Jimmy Carter states that Israeli Arabs are equal citizens, and says that the apartheid-like system in the West Bank is not based on racism.

Comparison of the PLO to the ANC

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Adam and Moodley contend that the relationship of South African apartheid to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been misinterpreted as "justifying suicide bombing and glorifying martyrdom." They argue that the ANC "never endorsed terrorism," and stress that "not one suicide has been committed in the cause of a thirty-year-long armed struggle, although in practice the ANC drifted increasingly toward violence during the latter years of apartheid."

In an article published in Slate and The Washington Post, Michael Kinsley writes that "the most tragic difference: Apartheid ended peacefully. This is largely thanks to Nelson Mandela, who turned out to be miraculously forgiving. If Israel is white South Africa and the Palestinians are supposed to be the blacks, where is their Mandela?

An article by CAMERA expands on this point, observing that "The Palestinians have elected Hamas (whose charter openly calls for the obliteration of the Jewish state and includes the most vicious slanders against the Jewish people) to the majority of seats in their legislature."

Allegations of apartheid policies inside of Israel proper

• Tommy Lapid, leader of the liberal Israeli political party Shinui and former Justice minister, wrote that Israel was "gettting much, much closer to apartheid" in an opinion article about a bill proposed by the government of Ariel Sharon to bar Arabs from buying homes in "Jewish townships" within Israel proper. That proposed bill, however, was never passed, because the Israeli Knesset voted against it.

Land policy inside the Green Line

93.5% of the land inside the Green Line is not held by private owners. 79.5% of the land is owned by the Israeli Government through the Israel Land Administration, and 14% is privately owned by the Jewish National Fund. Under Israeli law, both ILA and JNF lands may not be sold, and are leased under the administration of the ILA.

Proponents of the analogy say that as a result of the governmen controlling most of the land, the vast majority of land in Israel is not available to non-Jews. In response, Alex Safian of the media watch-dog CAMERA has argued that this is not true -- according to Safian, the 79.5% of Israeli land owned directly by the ILA is available for lease to both Jews and Arabs, sometimes on beneficial terms to Arabs under Israeli affirmative action programs. While Safian concedes that the 14% of Israeli land owned by the JNF is not legally available for lease to Israel's Arab citizens, he argues that the ILA often ignores this restriction in practice.

Critics of the apartheid analogy also argue that although there are formal restrictions on the lease of JNF land, which is privately owned by the JNF, "in practice JNF land has been leased to Arab citizens of Israel, both for short-term and long-term use. To cite one example of the former, JNF-owned land in the Besor Valley (Wadi Shallaleh) near Kibbutz Re'em has been leased on a yearly basis to Bedouins for use as pasture."

Status of Israeli-Arabs

Israeli law does not differentiate between Israeli citizens based on ethnicity. Israeli Arabs have the same rights as all other Israelis, whether they are Jews, Christians, Druze, etc. These rights include suffrage, political representation and recourse to the courts. Israeli Arabs are represented in the Knesset (Israel's legislature) and participate fully in Israeli political, cultural, and educational life. In apartheid South Africa, "Blacks" and "Coloureds" could not vote and had no representation in the South African parliament.

In an op-ed for the Jerusalem Post, Gerald Steinberg, Professor of Political Studies at Bar Ilan University, argued that "Black labor was exploited in slavery-like conditions under apartheid, in contrast, Palestinians are dependent on Israeli employment due to their own internal corruption and economic failures."

The features of petty apartheid do not exist within Israel, according to Benjamin Pogrund:

The difference between the current Israeli situation and apartheid South Africa is emphasised at a very human level: Jewish and Arab babies are born in the same delivery room, with the same facilities, attended by the same doctors and nurses, with the mothers recovering in adjoining beds in a ward. Two years ago I had major surgery in a Jerusalem hospital: the surgeon was Jewish, the anaesthetist was Arab, the doctors and nurses who looked after me were Jews and Arabs. Jews and Arabs share meals in restaurants and travel on the same trains, buses and taxis, and visit each other’s homes. Could any of this possibly have happened under apartheid? Of course not.

Arab Israelis are eligible for special perks, as well as affirmative action. The city of Jerusalem gives Arab residents free professional advice to assist with the house permit process and structural regulations, advice which is not available to Jewish residents on the same terms.

StandWithUs, a pro-Israel advocacy organization, has also stated that "Apartheid was an official policy, enacted in law and brutally enforced through police violence, of political, legal and economic discrimination against blacks. Apartheid is a political system based upon minority control over a majority population. In South Africa, blacks could not be citizens, vote, participate in the government or fraternize with whites. Israel, a majority-rule democracy like the U.S., gives equal rights and protections to all of its citizens. It grants full rights and protections to all Arab inhabitants inside of Israel, a reality best exemplified by Israel’s Arab members of parliament. Israeli citizens struggle with prejudices amongst its many minorities, just as all multi-racial, multi-ethnic democracies do, but Israel’s laws try to eradicate – not endorse – prejudices. The Palestinian Authority, not the Israeli government, governs the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Like many Arab nations, the PA does not offer equal rights and protections to its inhabitants. Branding Israel an apartheid state is inaccurate – and emotional propaganda."

Demographics

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Unlike South Africa, where Apartheid prevented Black majority rule, within Israel itself there is currently a Jewish majority.

Identity cards

Template:Balance-section

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Identity cards required of all residents over the age of 16, indicate whether holders are Jewish or not by adding the person's Hebrew date of birth.

In a controversial article in the Guardian, journalist Chris McGreal reported that having indications of Jewish ethnicity on national identification cards is "in effect determining where they are permitted to live, access to some government welfare programmes, and how they are likely to be treated by civil servants and policemen." The same article also compared Israel's Population Registry Act, which calls for the gathering of ethnic data, to South Africa's Apartheid-era Population Registration Act. Similar religion-identifying cards exist in several other Middle Eastern Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, both of which have been accused of apartheid partially based on such identification.

Allegations of apartheid in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip

Today, the apartheid analogy is usually used to refer to the situation in the West Bank, rather than Israel as a whole. Israel no longer occupies the Gaza Strip, because it unilaterally disengaged from the area in August 2005. Some of these quotes from before 2005 reference Gaza, and are kept for historical purposes.

• Yakov Malik, the Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations accused Israel--an ally of the US in the Cold War against the Soviets-- of promulgating a "racist policy of apartheid against Palestinians" following the imposition of Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the Six-Day War of 1967.

• Jamal Zahalka, an Israeli-Arab member of the Knesset, argued that the West Bank and Gaza Strip separated into "cantons," and Palestinians required to carry permits to travel between them. Azmi Bishara, another Arab member of the Knesset, argued that the Palestinian situation had been caused by "colonialist apartheid."

• Jimmy Carter, former US president: "When Israel does occupy this territory deep within the West Bank, and connects the 200-or-so settlements with each other, with a road, and then prohibits the Palestinians from using that road, or in many cases even crossing the road, this perpetrates even worse instances of apartness, or apartheid, than we witnessed even in South Africa." Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Agency (NSA) advisor to President Carter commented that the absence of a resolution to the Israel-Palestine conflict is likely to produce a situation which de facto will resemble apartheid.

• Anglican Archbishop and Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu wrote an op-ed for The Guardian titled "Apartheid in the Holy Land" and another in The Nation titled "Against Israeli apartheid"; He argues that there are parallels between the Israeli treatment of Palestinians and the treatment of black people in South Africa:

"I've been very deeply distressed in my visit to the Holy Land; it reminded me so much of what happened to us black people in South Africa. I have seen the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about.

Tutu added that he thought "Israel is certainly more democratic than most of its neighbours."

• Michael Ben-Yair, attorney-general of Israel from 1993 to 1996 referred to Israel establishing "an apartheid regime in the occupied territories", in an essay included in the anthology The Other Israel, Voices of Refusal and Dissent.

• John Dugard, a South African professor of international law and an ad hoc Judge on the International Court of Justice, serving as the Special Rapporteur for the United Nations on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories described the situation in the West Bank as "an apartheid regime ... worse than the one that existed in South Africa." In 2007, in advance of a report from the United Nations Human Rights Council, Dugard wrote that "Israel's laws and practices in the OPT certainly resemble aspects of apartheid." Referring to Israel's actions in the occupied West Bank, he wrote, "Can it seriously be denied that the purpose is to establish and maintain domination by one racial group (Jews) over another racial group (Palestinians) and systematically oppressing them? Israel denies that this is its intention or purpose. But such an intention or purpose may be inferred from the actions described in this report."The Human Rights Council has been criticized by the United States, Kofi Annan, and several other nations for demonizing Israel, having passed eight resolutions condemning Israel, and none condemning any other country. In a speech that was banned from being put on the Human Rights Council's record, the leader of the NGO UN Watch said that (Arab) dictators in control of the council had turned the original dream of the Human Rights council into a "nightmare", by focusing only on Israel so as to ignore what was going on in their own countries (such as the genocide in Darfur).
• Israelis who have compared the separation plan to apartheid include political scientist Meron Benvenisti, and journalist Amira Hass. Ami Ayalon, Israeli admiral and former leader of the Israel Security Agency criticized the model, claiming it "ha some apartheid charertistics."

• Shulamit Aloni, former education minister, Israel Prize winner, and a former leader of Meretz, has said that since has been oppressing the Palestinians 1967 Israel, and that the state of Israel has been "practicing its own, quite violent, form of Apartheid with the native Palestinian population."

Conditions in the West Bank

Template:Balance-section Palestinians living in the non-annexed portions of the West Bank do not have Israeli citizenship or voting rights in Israel, but are subject to the policies of the Israeli government. Israel has created roads and checkpoints in the West Bank for security reasons, to prevent uninhibited movement of suicide bombers and militants in the region. According to the pro-Palestinian human rights NGO B'Tselem, such policies isolate some Palestinian communities. Marwan Bishara, a teacher of international relations at the American University of Paris, has claimed that the restrictions on the movement of goods between Israel and the West Bank as "a defacto apartheid system".

Adam and Moodley argue that notwithstanding universal suffrage within Israel proper, "if the Palestinian territories under more or less permanent Israeli occupation and settler presence are considered part of the entity under analysis, the comparison between a disenfranchised African population in apartheid South Africa and the three and a half million stateless Palestinians under Israeli domination gains more validity."

West Bank barrier

On April 14, 2002, during Israel's Operation Defensive Shield, "launched after a spate of suicide attacks against Israeli civilians", the Israeli cabinet announced that it would construct "fences and other physical obstacles" to "prevent Palestinians crossing into Israel". This effort, which became the West Bank barrier, has been described as an "apartheid wall". Leila Farsakh argues that the barrier "is establishing a unilaterally defined Israeli border that encroaches on the 1967 boundaries and cuts Palestinian areas off from each another".

The Israeli foreign ministry says that the West Bank barrier will cause no transfer of population and that none of the estimated 10,000 Palestinians (0.5%) who will be left on the Israeli side of the barrier (based on the February 2005 route) will be forced to migrate. The barrier has been presented as a reasonable and necessary security precaution to protect Israeli civilians from Palestinian terrorism. Supporters of the barrier consider it to be largely responsible for reducing incidents of terrorism by 90% from 2002 to 2005. Israel's foreign minister, Silvan Shalom, stated in 2004 that the barrier is not a border but a temporary defensive measure designed to protect Israeli civilians from terrorist infiltration and attack, and can be dismantled if appropriate. The Supreme Court of Israel ruled that the barrier is defensive and accepted the government's position that the route is based on security considerations.

Pass laws

Template:Balance-section A permit and closure system was introduced in 1990 by the Oslo Accords; Leila Farsakh, states that this imposes "on Palestinians similar conditions to those faced by blacks under the pass laws. Like the pass laws, the permit system controlled population movement according to the settlers’ unilaterally defined considerations." In response to the al-Aqsa intifada, Israel modified the permit system and fragmented the WBGS territorially. "In April 2002 Israel declared that the WBGS would be cut into eight main areas, outside which Palestinians could not live without a permit." John Dugard has said these laws "resemble, but in severity go far beyond, apartheid's pass system".

Marriage

The Nationality and Entry into Israel Law, passed by the Knesset on 31 July 2003, forbids married couples comprising an Israeli citizen and a Palestinian from the West Bank or Gaza Strip from living together in Israel.. The law was aimed at preventing terrorist attacks and preserving Israel as a Jewish state. It was challenged, but narrowly upheld in May 2006, by the Supreme Court of Israel on a six to five vote.

Adam and Moodley cite the marriage law as an example of how Arab Israelis "resemble in many ways 'Colored' and Indian South Africans." Those who support the law, argue that it is necessary because of the security concerns that Israel faces from Palestinian terrorism.

Criticism

David Matas and Jean-Christophe Rufin argue that the term is inaccurate, dangerous, and used as a rhetorical device to isolate Israel. They also call it antisemitic, and potentially a means to justify acts of terrorism.

Ian Buruma, Professor of Democracy, Human Rights & Journalism at Bard College, New York, finds the comparison to be "intellectually lazy, morally questionable, and possibly even mendacious." Though he disagrees with Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, in his view:

Inside the state of Israel, there is no apartheid. In proportion to its population, Israel has the largest minority within its borders of any country in the Middle East. The official figure for Copts in Egypt is 10%. Non-Jews, mostly Arab Muslims, make up 20% of the Israeli population, and they enjoy full citizen's rights. Israel is one of the few Middle Eastern states where Muslim women are allowed to vote.

British journalist Melanie Phillips has criticized Desmond Tutu for comparing Israel to Apartheid South Africa. Having made the comparison in an article for The Guardian in 2002, Tutu stated that people are scared to say the "Jewish lobby" in the U.S. is powerful. "So what?" he asked. "The apartheid government was very powerful, but today it no longer exists. Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Pinochet, Milosevic and Idi Amin were all powerful, but in the end they bit the dust." Phillips wrote of Tutu's article: "I never thought that I would see brazenly printed in a reputable British newspaper not only a repetition of the lie of Jewish power but the comparison of that power with Hitler, Stalin and other tyrants. I never thought I would see such a thing issuing from a Christian archbishop ... How can Christians maintain a virtual silence about the persecution of their fellow worshippers by Muslims across the world, while denouncing the Israelis who are in the front line against precisely this terror?"

In 2002, in response to a proposed academic boycott of Israel, Lee Bollinger, President of Columbia University, said that the analogy of Israel to South Africa at the time of apartheid, "is both grotesque and offensive". Juan Cole also wrote "The supporters of the European academic boycott often make an analogy to South Africa and its apartheid policies. Yet while Arab Israelis are discriminated against in many ways in Israeli society, there is nothing like apartheid.

David Matas, senior counsel to B'nai Brith Canada, argues that the starting point for anti-Zionists is the "vocabulary of condemnation", rather than specific criticism of the practises of Israel. He writes that "any unsavoury verbal weapon that comes to hand is used to club Israel and its supporters. The reality of what happens in Israel is ignored. What matters is the condemnation itself. For anti-Zionists, the more repugnant the accusation made against Israel the better." Because apartheid is universally condemned, and a global coalition helped to bring down the South African apartheid regime, anti-Zionists "dream of constructing a similar global anti-Zionism effort", writes Matas. "The simplest and most direct way for them to do so is to label Israel as an apartheid state. The fact that there is no resemblance whatsoever between true apartheid and the State of Israel has not stopped anti-Zionists for a moment."

In 2003, South Africa's minister for home affairs Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi said that "The Israeli regime is not apartheid. It is a unique case of democracy". According to Fred Taub, the President of Boycott Watch, "he assertion ... that Israel is practicing apartheid is not only false, but may be considered libelous. ... The fact is that it is the Arabs who are discriminating against non-Muslims, especially Jews."

In 2004, Jean-Christophe Rufin, former vice-president of Médecins Sans Frontières and president of Action Against Hunger, recommended in a report about anti-Semitism commissioned by French Interior Minister Dominique de Villepin that the charge of apartheid and racism against Israel be criminalized in France. He wrote:

here is no question of penalising political opinions that are critical, for example, of any government and are perfectly legitimate. What should be penalised in the perverse and defamatory use of the charge of racism against those very people who were victims of racism to an unparalleled degree. The accusations of racism, of apartheid, of Nazism carry extremely grave moral implications. These accusations have, in the situation in which we find ourselves today, major consequences which can, by contagion, put in danger the lives of our Jewish citizens. It is why we invite reflection on the advisability and applicability of a law ... which would permit the punishment of those who make without foundation against groups, institutions or states accusations of racism and utilise for these accusations unjustified comparisons with apartheid or Nazism.

In 2004's The Trouble with Islam Today, Irshad Manji argues the allegation of apartheid in Israel is misleading. She writes that there are several Arab political parties; Arab-Muslim legislators have veto powers; and that Arab parties have won overturned disqualifications. She points to Arabs, like Emile Habibi, who have been awarded prestigious prizes. She also states that Israel has a free Arab press; road signs bear Arabic; Arabs live and study alongside Jews; and claims that Palestinans commuting from the West Bank are entitled to state benefits and legal protections.

According to historian Benny Morris, one of the most widely quoted scholars on the Arab-Israeli conflict,

Israel is not an apartheid state — rather the opposite, it is easily the most democratic and politically egalitarian state in the Middle East, in which Arabs Israelis enjoy far more freedom, better social services, etc. than in all the Arab states surrounding it. Indeed, Arab representatives in the Knesset, who continuously call for dismantling the Jewish state, support the Hezbollah, etc., enjoy more freedom than many Western democracies give their internal Oppositions. (The U.S. would prosecute and jail Congressmen calling for the overthrow of the U.S. Govt. or the demise of the U.S.) The best comparison would be the treatment of Japanese Americans by the US Govt ... and the British Govt. of German emigres in Britain WWII ... Israel's Arabs by and large identify with Israel's enemies, the Palestinians. But Israel hasn't jailed or curtailed their freedoms en masse (since 1966 ).

As to the occupied territories, Israeli policy is fueled by security considerations (whether one agrees with them or not, or with all the specific measures adopted at any given time) rather than racism (though, to be sure, there are Israelis who are motivated by racism in their attitude and actions towards Arabs) — and indeed the Arab population suffers as a result. But Gaza's and the West Bank's population (Arabs) are not Israeli citizens and cannot expect to benefit from the same rights as Israeli citizens so long as the occupation or semi-occupation (more accurately) continues, which itself is a function of the continued state of war between the Hamas-led Palestinians (and their Syrian and other Arab allies) and Israel.

Other views

While many commentators either strongly support or strongly condemn the analogy, Adam and Moodley have attempted to analyze it neutrally. They agree with critics of the analogy who suggest that human rights violations exist in many nations in the Third World, as well as among Israel's Arab nation-state critics, and that Israel receives disproportionate scrutiny. Rather than simple bias, however, they suggest the causes are more complex. For its Jewish majority and Arab citizens, they argue, Israel is a Western democracy and is judged by the standards of one; similarly, Western commentators feel "a greater affinity to a like minded polity than to an autocratic Third World state." Adam and Moodley also consider that Israel, which "is heavily bankrolled by U.S. taxpayers", is a strategic outpost of the Western world who can be viewed as sharing a collective responsibility for its behaviors. Radical Islamists, meanwhile, "use Israeli policies to mobilize anti-Western sentiment"; in the streets of Iraq, for example, American soldiers are called "Jews." Adam and Moodley argue that, as a result of these factors, the West Bank Barrier — nicknamed the "apartheid wall" — has become a critical frontline in the War on Terrorism.

Adam and Moodley add that many Israelis are Holocaust survivors and their descendants, and are therefore expected to be particularly careful not to repeat ethnic discrimination, noting that the anti-Apartheid resistance that formed against South Africa was disproportionately Jewish. This argument is also made by Ali Abunimah, creator of the Electronic Intifada website and author of One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse. Abunimah writes that "any liberal Zionists were active in the antiapartheid struggle and cannot accept that the Israel they love could have anything in common with the hated apartheid regime."

At the same time, Adam and Moodley note that Jewish historical suffering has imbued Zionism with a subjective sense of moral validity that the whites ruling South Africa never had: "Afrikaner moral standing was constantly undermined by exclusion and domination of blacks, even subconsiously in the minds of its beneficiaries. In contrast, the similar Israeli dispossession of Palestinians is perceived as self-defense and therefore not immoral." They also suggest that academic comparisons between Israel and apartheid South Africa that see both dominant groups as "settler societies" leave unanswered the question of "when and how settlers become indigenous," as well as failing to take into account that Israeli's Jewish immigrants view themselves as returning home. "In their self-concept, Zionists are simply returning to their ancentral homeland from which they were dispersed two millenia ago. Originally most did not intend to exploit native labor and resources, as colonizers do." Adam and Moodley stress that "because people give meaning to their lives and interpret their worlds through these diverse ideological prisms, the perceptions are real and have to be taken seriously."

Adam and Moodley also argue that Afrikaner leaders who justified their policies by claiming to be fighting against ANC communism found that excuse outdated after the collapse of the Soviet Union, whereas "continued Arab hostilities sustain the Israeli perception of justifiable self-defense."

The debate on the one-state solution

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to itadding to it or making an edit request. (April 2007)

As Adam and Moodley observed, the allegation of apartheid is often made by those who support a one state solution. Most outside observers of the Palestinian-Israel conflict, however, consider some form of two state soltuion to be the most reasonable, and likely, to succeed in bringing peace and closure.

Ehud Olmert, then Deputy Prime Minister of Israel, commented in April 2004 that, "More and more Palestinians are uninterested in a negotiated, two-state solution, because they want to change the essence of the conflict from an Algerian paradigm to a South African one. From a struggle against 'occupation,' in their parlance, to a struggle for one-man-one-vote. That is, of course, a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle - and ultimately a much more powerful one. For us, it would mean the end of the Jewish state."

See also

• Human rights in the Palestinian National Authority
• Academic boycotts of Israel
• Allegations of apartheid for other uses of the term
• Antisemitism
• Arab anti-Zionism
• Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law
• Hafrada
• Intifada
• Israeli West Bank barrier
• Jewish exodus from Arab lands
• New antisemitism
• New Historians

Notes

1. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. ix
2. Irshad Manji: Modern Ispractices more rael is a far cry from old South Africa
3. Editorial: The 'Israel Apartheid Week' libel
4. ^ Buruma, Ian. "Do not treat Israel like apartheid South Africa",The Guardian, July 23, 2002.
5. ^ Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Dundurn, 2005, pp. 53-55.
6. Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. op. cit. p. ix.
7. ^ Adam, Heribert & Moodley, Kogila. Template:PDFlink, University College London Press, pp. 20-21. ISBN 1-84472-130-2 Cite error: The named reference "Adam20" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
8. Frenkel, Sheera Claire "Left appalled by citizenship ruling", Jerusalem Post, May 15, 2006
9. The Syrian government wrote in a letter to the UN Security Council that "Zionist Israeli institutional terrorism in no way differs from the terrorism pursued by the apartheid regime against millions of Africans in South Africa and Namibia…just as it in no way differs in essence and nature from the Nazi terrorism which shed European blood and visited ruin and destruction upon the peoples of Europe." (UN Doc S/16520 at 2 (1984), quoting from Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987. Edited by Y. Dinstein, M. Tabory, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3646-3 p.36)
10. "Oxford holds 'Apartheid Israel' week" at Jerusalem Post by Jonny Paul
11. The Congress of South African Trade Unions called Israel as an apartheid state and supported the boycott of the Canadian Union of Public Employees. ("South African union joins boycott of Israel". ynetnews.com. . {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help))
12. "American White Supremacist David Duke: Israel Makes the Nazi State Look Very Moderate", David Duke Interview on Syrian TV, November 21, 2005.
13. Grubach, Paul. A Reply To Mr. Foxman
14. ^ McGreal, Chris. "Worlds apart", The Guardian, February 6, 2006.
15. Chris McGreal (2006-02-07). "Brothers in arms - Israel's secret pact with Pretoria". The Guardian. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
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Further reading

• "No apartheid in the Middle East" The Guardian February 27, 2007
• Avnery, Uri. "An Eskimo in Bantustan".
• Bard, Mitchell. "Myths & Facts Online. Human Rights in Israel and the Territories", American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.
• Barghouti, Omar. "Israeli Apartheid - Time for the South African Treatment".
• Buruma, Ian. "Do not treat Israel like apartheid South Africa", The Guardian, July 23, 2002.
• Carey Ron et al. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid. Verso, 2001. ISBN 1-85984-377-8
• Carter, Jimmy. Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. Simon & Schuster, 2006. ISBN 0-7432-8502-6
• Davis, Uri. Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within. Zed Books, 2004. ISBN 1-84277-339-9
• Dugard, John. Template:PDFlink 59th Session of the General Assembly Third Committee, Item 105, 28 October 2004
• Farsakh, Leila: "Israel an apartheid state?", Le Monde diplomatique, November 2003
• Falkson, Jock L. "An Apartheid State? Or The Greatest Lie Ever Told?"
• Pogrund, Benjamin. "Apartheid? Israel is a democracy in which Arabs vote", MidEastWeb.
• Siegel, Jennifer. "Carter Book Slaps Israel With ‘Apartheid’ Tag, Provides Ammo to GOP", The Forward, October 17, 2006.
• Tutu, Desmond & Urbina Ian. Against Israeli apartheid.
• Template:PDFlink, United Nations, January 2006.
• Is Zionism Apartheid? at Zionism On The Web
• This Road is for Jews Only. Yes, There is Apartheid in Israel. By SHULAMIT ALONI
• "Labor MK Raleb Majadele to be appointed first Arab minister" By Yoav Stern, Haaretz

• Articles to be expanded from March 2007
• Articles to be expanded from April 2007
• Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Discrimination