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| The '''history of the ]''' dates back to ],<ref name="staropolska">{{cite web |url=http://staropolska.pl/ang/middleages/Mikos_middle/Cultural_m.html |title=Middle Ages. Cultural background |author=Michael J. Mikoś |date= |work=Printed source: Polish Literature from the Middle Ages to the End of the Eighteenth Century. A Bilingual Anthology, by Michael J. Mikoś, Warsaw: Constans, 1999 |publisher=Staropolska online |accessdate=13 August 2011}}</ref> preceding the 14th century ] between ] of Poland, and ] of Lithuania. Following the extinction of the Rurikid dynasty in 1323, Polish Kingdom extended further east in 1340 to include the lands of ] and in 1366, ] (Kamieniec Podolski). After the ] (1569), principalities of Galicia and Western Volhynia became, what's known as, the ] of ], while the rest of ] together with Kiev came under Lithuanian control. The Polish borders reached as far east as ], and ]. | |||
| ], "Lemkivska Vatra", 2008]] | ], "Lemkivska Vatra", 2008]] | ||
| The '''history of the ]''' dates back to ],<ref name="staropolska">{{cite web |url=http://staropolska.pl/ang/middleages/Mikos_middle/Cultural_m.html |title=Middle Ages. Cultural background |author=Michael J. Mikoś |work=Printed source: Polish Literature from the Middle Ages to the End of the Eighteenth Century. A Bilingual Anthology, by Michael J. Mikoś, Warsaw: Constans, 1999 |publisher=Staropolska online |accessdate=13 August 2011}}</ref> preceding the 14th century ] between ] of Poland, and ] of Lithuania. Following the extinction of the ] in 1323, the Polish Kingdom extended further east in 1340 to include the lands of ] and in 1366, ] (Kamieniec Podolski). After the ] (1569), principalities of Galicia and Western Volhynia became, what is known as, the ] of ], while the rest of ] together with Kyiv came under Lithuanian control. The Polish borders reached as far east as ], and ]. | |||
| ==Kingdom of Poland and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth== | ==Kingdom of Poland and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth== | ||
| The annexation of ] by ] (Kazimierz) came about as a result of the Polish–Lithuanian peace treaty signed in 1366. It was a two-stage affair, according to ''Hustyn Chronicle'' by Zakhariia Kopystensky (d.1627). The Polish King vowed to respect the Orthodox faith, but also, bestowed the Ruthenian gentry with the same rights as the Polish. |
The annexation of ] by ] (Kazimierz) came about as a result of the Polish–Lithuanian peace treaty signed in 1366. It was a two-stage affair, according to '']'' by ] (d.1627). The Polish King vowed to respect the Orthodox faith, but also, bestowed the Ruthenian gentry with the same rights as the Polish. Kopystensky—the re-discoverer of the ancient ] of southern Rus – regarded the eastern Slavs as "one nation in the medieval sense of the term, descended from a common ancestor." He "clearly differentiates between Muscovy and Ukraine-Rus'" in his work.<ref name="Velychenko">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=amcVMnFKvXgC&pg=PA142 |title=National history as cultural process: a survey of the interpretations of Ukraine's past in Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian historical writing from the earliest times to 1914 |author=Stephen Velychenko |year=1992 |isbn=0-920862-75-6 |publisher=CIUS Press |access-date=13 August 2011}}</ref> The total area of Ruthenian lands annexed by Poland was about {{convert|91000|km2|sqmi|0|abbr=on}}, and most of the population spoke ] (a linguistic predecessor of both modern ] and ]<ref>]. The Ruthenian (Volhynian) Metrica: Polish Crown Chancery Records for Ukrainian Lands, 1569–1673. In: Harvard Ukrainian Studies. Vol. 14/nr 1–2. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. June 1990. p. 9.</ref>). | ||
| The local nobility gradually became ], and many members of the Ruthenian '']'' converted to Roman Catholicism.{{sfn|Magocsi|2010|p=157}}<ref>{{cite book |last1=Subtelny |first1=Orest |title=Ukraine: a history |date=2000 |publisher=] |isbn=9780802083906 |pages=94–96, 102}}</ref> Among the most famous Ruthenian families who polonized themselves were the ], ], ], and ] families. Others, such as the ], ], and Kisiel families, resisted polonization. All these noble Ruthenian families were very influential in pre-1795 Poland, and one of the Polish kings, ], was the son of a notable Ruthenian magnate ]. Ukrainian historian ] and representative of populist movement in Ukraine, attacked Poland, claiming: "the four centuries of Polish rule had left particularly destructive effects (...) economic and cultural backwardness in ] was the main "legacy of historical Poland, which assiduously skimmed everything that could be considered the cream of the nation, leaving it in a state of oppression and helplessness".<ref>C. M. Hann, Paul Robert Magocsi. ''Galicia: A Multicultured Land''. University of Toronto, 2005. {{ISBN|0-8020-3781-X}}. .</ref> | |||
| ==Second Polish Republic== | ==Second Polish Republic== | ||
| Poland ] in 1918 after a century of ] by ], the ], and the ]s; however, |
Poland ] in 1918 after a century of ] by ], the ], and the ]s; however, Poland's western and eastern borders were not determined at inception.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=4}} The Soviet, Polish and Ukrainian claims over the disputed territories led to the ] and ] wars. The end of open warfare was achieved with the ]. A formal treaty, the ], was signed on 18 March 1921, establishing Polish borders for the period ]. A process of economic recovery followed.<ref name="referat">Prof. Władysław Filar, {{in lang|pl}} Retrieved 15 August 2011</ref> | ||
| ] | |||
| After the ], the eastern part of ] and ] were captured by ]. Ukrainian leaders at that time were retained a strong sense of honor.<ref name="himka"/> During the entire time of its existence, there were no cases of mass repressions against national minorities in territories held by the ];<ref name = "hrycak">] (1996). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110927100625/http://www.vesna.org.ua/txt/grytsakj/formuv/r3.html |date=27 September 2011 }} (Ukrainian; Essays on the History of Ukraine: the Formation of the Modern Ukrainian Nation). Kyiv, Ukraine: Chapter 3.</ref> the Ukrainian forces controlling the city even neglected to arrest Polish nationalist leaders and intelligentsia, enabling the latter to rebel against the Ukrainian government.<ref name="himka"> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170224172959/http://www.zwoje-scrolls.com/zwoje16/text11.htm |date=24 February 2017 }} by John-Paul Himka, University of Alberta. Taken from ''The Fate of the European Jews, 1939–1945: Continuity or Contingency'', ed. Jonathan Frankel (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), Studies in Contemporary Jewry 13 (1997): 170–189.</ref> | |||
| Polish forces captured ] after a week-long battle with the Ukrainian forces. They claimed they were fired at in the streets by civilians when they entered the city, and retaliated. They burned the Ukrainian and Jewish sections and killed approximately 270 Ukrainians; however, the British mission also noted that there were no clear conclusions as to the specific motive behind the massacre.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Davies |first1=Norman |editor1-last=Strauss |editor1-first=Herbert A. |title=Hostages of Modernization: Studies on Modern Antisemitism, 1870-1933/39 |date=1993 |publisher=] |isbn=3110137151 |page=1012 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SOFkWX8EC4cC&pg=PA1012 |chapter=Ethnic Diversity in Twentieth Century Poland}}</ref> The percentage of Jews killed corresponds to the demographics in Lviv at that time.<ref>]</ref> | |||
| In the eastern half of Galicia, Ukrainians made up approximately 65% of the population while Poles made up 22% of the population and Jews made up 12%.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Snyder |first1=Timothy |title=The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 |date=2003 |publisher=] |isbn=9780300105865 |page=123}}</ref> Of the 44 administrative divisions of Austrian eastern Galicia, ] ({{langx|pl|Lwów}}, {{langx|de|link=no|Lemberg}}), the biggest and capital city of the ], was the only one in which Poles made up a majority of the population.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=134}} Ukrainians represented about 16% of the total population of the pre-war Poland. Over 90% of them lived in the countryside, 3–6 percent were industrial workers, and close to 1% belonged to ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Motyka |first1=Grzegorz |title=Ukraińska partyzantka, 1942–1960 |date=2006 |publisher=] |isbn=8373991638 |pages=38–39|language=pl}}</ref> As to religion, 60 percent were ] and 39 percent professed ] faith.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Wynot |first1=Edward D. |title=Polish Politics in Transition: The Camp of National Unity and the Struggle for Power, 1935-1939 |date=1974 |publisher=] |isbn=9780820303376 |page=13}}</ref> While national consciousness among the Galician Ukrainians was strong, the Ukrainians of Volhynia had little national orientation<ref>{{cite book |last1=Brubaker |first1=Rogers |title=Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe |date=2004 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0521576499 |page=100}}</ref>{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=145}} and were largely influenced by ]<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Peisakhin |first1=Leonid |title=In History's Shadow: Persistence of Identities and Contemporary Political Behavior|journal=Estudios |date=2012 |issue=272 |page=7 |publisher=Juan March Institute. Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences |issn=2174-4971}}</ref> and pro-] trends.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rudling |first1=P. A. |title=Theory and Practice. Historical representation of the wartime accounts of the activities of the OUN-UPA (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Ukrainian Insurgent Army) |journal=East European Jewish Affairs |date=2006 |volume=36 |issue=2 |page=165 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |doi=10.1080/13501670600983008 |s2cid=161270139 |issn=1350-1674}}</ref> | |||
| ] | |||
| According to the Polish census of 1931 the following areas hosted a large number of Ukrainian population in Poland: | |||
| After the ], the eastern part of ] and ] were captured by ]. Ukrainian leaders at that time were retained a strong sense of honor.<ref name="himka"/> During the entire time of its existence, there were no cases of mass repressions against national minorities in territories held by the ].;<ref name = "hrycak">Jarosław Hrycak. (1996). (Ukrainian; Essays on the History of Ukraine: the Formation of the Modern Ukrainian Nation). Kiev, Ukraine: Chapter 3.</ref> the Ukrainian forces controlling the city even neglected to arrest Polish nationalist leaders and intelligentsia, enabling the latter to rebel against the Ukrainian government.<ref name="himka"> by John-Paul Himka, University of Alberta. Taken from ''The Fate of the European Jews, 1939–1945: Continuity or Contingency'', ed. Jonathan Frankel (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), Studies in Contemporary Jewry 13 (1997): 170–189.</ref> When Polish forces captured ], they burned and looted the Ukrainian and Jewish sections of the city and killed approximately 270 Ukrainian civilians.<ref name="ND">Norman Davies. In: Herbert Arthur Strauss. Hostages of Modernization: Studies on Modern Antisemitism, 1870-1933/39. Walter de Gruyter, 1993.</ref> In the eastern half of Galicia, Ukrainians made up approximately 65% of the population while Poles made up 22% of the population and Jews made up 12%.<ref>Timothy Snyder. (2003). ''The Reconstruction of Nations.'' New Haven: Yale University Press. pg. 123</ref> Of the 44 administrative divisions of Austrian eastern Galicia, ] ({{lang-pl|Lwów}}, {{lang-de|link=no|Lemberg}}), the biggest and capital city of the ], was the only one in which Poles made up a majority of the population.<ref>Timothy Snyder. (2003). ''The Reconstruction of Nations.'' New Haven: Yale University Press. pg. 134</ref> Ukrainians represented about 16% of the total population of the pre-war Poland. Over 90% of them lived in the countryside, 3–6% were industrial workers, and close to 1% belonged to ].<ref>G. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 1942–1960, PAN, 2006, p. 38-39</ref> As to religion, 60 percent were ] and 39 percent professed ] faith.<ref>E. D. Wynot, Polish politics in transition: the camp of national unity and the struggle for power, 1935–1939, University of Georgia Press, 1974, p. 13</ref> While national consciousness among the Galician Ukrainians was very strong, the Ukrainians of Volhynia were largely influenced by strong ] trends and had pro-] sympathies, while having little national inclination<ref>P. A. Rudling. ''Theory and Practice. Historical representation of the wartime accounts of the activities of the OUN-UPA (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Ukrainian Insurgent Army)''. East European Jewish Affairs. Vol. 36. No.2. December 2006. p.165</ref><ref>^ Timothy Snyder. (2003). The Reconstruction of Nations. New Haven: Yale University Press. pg. 145</ref> | |||
| *]; 57% Polish, 33% Ukrainian, 7% Yiddish, 3% Other | |||
| According to Polish census of 1931 the following areas hosted a large number of Ukrainian population in Poland: | |||
| *]; 58% Polish, 34% Ukrainian, 8% Yiddish | |||
| *]; 69% Ukrainian, 23% Polish, 7% Yiddish, 1% German | *]; 69% Ukrainian, 23% Polish, 7% Yiddish, 1% German | ||
| *]; 49% Polish, 46% Ukrainian, 5% Yiddish | *]; 49% Polish, 46% Ukrainian, 5% Yiddish | ||
| *]; 68% Ukrainian, 17% Polish, 10% Yiddish, 2% German, 1% Russian, 2% Other<ref> |
*]; 68% Ukrainian, 17% Polish, 10% Yiddish, 2% German, 1% Russian, 2% Other<ref>{{cite book |last1=Radziwiłł |first1=Anna |last2=Roszkowski |first2=Wojciech |title=Historia 1871–1939 |date=2000 |publisher=Wydawnictwo Szkolne PWN |isbn=8371950500 |page=278}}</ref> | ||
| Two contradicting policies towards national minorities were competing in Poland at the time. The assimilationist approach advocated by ] (minister of foreign affairs) and ] (minister of religion and education) clashed with the more tolerant approach advocated by the Polish ] ],<ref name="Brzez">] in his introduction to Wacław Jędrzejewicz's "Pilsudski A Life For Poland" wrote: ''Pilsudski's vision of Poland, paradoxically, was never attained. He contributed immensely to the creation of a modern Polish state, to the preservation of Poland from the Soviet invasion, yet he failed to create the kind of multinational commonwealth, based on principles of social justice and ethnic tolerance, to which he aspired in his youth. One may wonder how relevant was his image of such a Poland in the age of nationalism...''. Quoted from .</ref> whose project of creating the '']'' federation with other states failed in the ]. The ultranationalist ] and his National Democrats, with its consistent militantly anti-Ukrainian policies, was supported by the Polish minority in Eastern Galicia.<ref>]. (1988). ''Ukraine: A History''. |
Two contradicting policies towards national minorities were competing in Poland at the time. The assimilationist approach advocated by ] (minister of foreign affairs) and ] (minister of religion and education) clashed with the more tolerant approach advocated by the Polish ] ],<ref name="Brzez">] in his introduction to Wacław Jędrzejewicz's "Pilsudski A Life For Poland" wrote: ''Pilsudski's vision of Poland, paradoxically, was never attained. He contributed immensely to the creation of a modern Polish state, to the preservation of Poland from the Soviet invasion, yet he failed to create the kind of multinational commonwealth, based on principles of social justice and ethnic tolerance, to which he aspired in his youth. One may wonder how relevant was his image of such a Poland in the age of nationalism...''. Quoted from {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060614035306/http://members.lycos.co.uk/jozefpilsudski/index2.html |date=14 June 2006 }}.</ref> whose project of creating the '']'' federation with other states failed in the ]. The ultranationalist ] and his National Democrats, with its consistent militantly anti-Ukrainian policies, was supported by the Polish minority in Eastern Galicia.<ref>]. (1988). ''Ukraine: A History''. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pg. 428</ref> | ||
| * {{Commonscat-inline|Polish census of 1931}}. The full content (25 ] files). | |||
| ===Political and cultural life=== | ===Political and cultural life=== | ||
| ], Ukrainian speaker of the Polish parliament, leader of the ] (the largest Ukrainian political party in interwar Poland).]] | ], Ukrainian speaker of the Polish parliament, leader of the ] (the largest Ukrainian political party in interwar Poland).]] | ||
| The Polish authorities renamed the eastern part of Austrian Galicia "Eastern Little Poland" and created administrative units (Palatinates) designed to include as many non-Ukrainians as possible.<ref>Jean-Paul |
The Polish authorities renamed the eastern part of Austrian Galicia "Eastern Little Poland" and created administrative units (Palatinates) designed to include as many non-Ukrainians as possible.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Himka |first1=Jean-Paul |title=Western Ukraine between the Wars |journal=] |date=1992 |volume=34 |issue=4 |pages=391–412 |doi=10.1080/00085006.1992.11092000 |issn=0008-5006}}</ref> In 1924 the Polish government under ] excluded the Ukrainian language from use in government institutions. It also avoided the official use of the word "Ukrainian", replacing it with the historical name "Ruthenian".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Magocsi |first1=Paul Robert |title=A History of Ukraine The Land and Its Peoples |date=2010 |publisher=] |isbn=9781442640856 |page=638 |edition=2nd}}</ref> | ||
| There were nine legal Ukrainian and Ruthenian parties, reflecting a full range of political opinion.{{sfn|Motyka|2006|p=41}} Ukrainians during the interbellum had several representatives in the ]. In 1928–1930 there were 26 Ukrainian MPs in Polish parliament, including Marshall Deputy of the Sejm, ] and the Secretary of the Sejm, Dymitr Ladyka. Ukrainian and Belarusian deputies created a powerful "Ukrainian-Belarusian Club" (''Klub Ukrainsko-Bialoruski''), whose members were very active in those years. In 1935 there were 19 Ukrainian deputies, and in 1938 – 14, including ] – Deputy Marshal of the Polish Sejm.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Smogorzewska |first1=M. |title=Posłowie i senatorowie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919–1939; Vol. 4 |date=1998 |publisher=Wydawnictwo Sejmowe |page=212 |language=pl}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Posiedzenie Sejmu i Senatu RP 2 września 1939 r. (Session of Polish parliament: 2 September 1939 |url=http://kronika.sejm.gov.pl/kronika.99/text/pl/an-84.htm |website=kronika.sejm.gov.pl |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100304090920/kronika.sejm.gov.pl/kronika.99/text/pl/an-84.htm |archive-date=4 March 2010 |language=pl}}</ref> | |||
| In 1924 the Polish government excluded the Ukrainian language from use in government institutions. It also avoided the official use of the word "Ukrainian", replacing it with the historical name "Ruthenian".<ref>Paul Robert Magocsi. (2010). ''A History of Ukraine: The Land and Its Peoples ''. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pg. 638</ref> | |||
| On 12 July 1930, activists of the ] (OUN), together with ], began the so-called ''sabotage action'', during which Polish estates were burned, roads, rail lines and telephone connections were destroyed. The OUN used terrorism and sabotage in order to force the Polish government into reprisals so fierce that they would cause the more moderate Ukrainian groups ready to negotiate with the Polish state to lose support.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Crampton |first1=R. J. |title=Eastern Europe in the twentieth century |date=1994 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-0415053464 |page=50 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7Ro-AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA50}}</ref> OUN directed its violence not only against the Poles, but also against Ukrainians who wished for a peaceful settlement of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict.<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Hann |editor1-first=C. M. |editor2-last=Magocsi |editor2-first=Paul R. |title=Galicia: A Multicultured Land |date=2005 |publisher=] |isbn=080203781X |page=148 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RG9dXs3-zQEC&pg=PA148}}</ref> In response to this terrorism, the Polish government implemented its so-called '']'' in Galician villages suspected of support for UVO. Polish security forces conducted thorough search in Ukrainian houses and buildings, devastating many of them in the process, destroying Ukrainian books, folk dresses, as well as other cultural objects. They frequently forced Ukrainian villages to sign an oath of loyalty to Poland and renounce allegiance to the Ukrainian nation, and inflicted corporal punishment in the form of public whippings. According to Ukrainian sources, seven people were beaten to death while the Polish sources put the number of dead at two. In addition, several Ukrainian members of the Polish parliament, including ], were arrested after the Polish authorities discovered that there had been contact between the Ukrainian political parties and UVO. Ukrainian secondary schools were closed down. Poland's Pacification of Western Ukraine was condemned by Great Britain, France and Germany, although the League of Nations released a statement claiming that Polish activities were justified due to Ukrainian sabotage activities.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Chojnowski |first1=Andrzej |title=Pacification; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Vol. 3, 1993 |url=http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CP%5CA%5CPacification.htm |website=encyclopediaofukraine.com}}</ref> | |||
| Ukrainians during the interbellum had several representatives in the ]. In 1928–1930 there were 26 Ukrainian MPs in Polish parliament, including Marshall Deputy of the Sejm, ] and the Secretary of the Sejm, Dymitr Ladyka. Ukrainian and Belarussian deputies created a powerful "Ukrainian-Belarussian Club" (''Klub Ukrainsko-Bialoruski''), whose members were very active in those years. In 1935 there were 19 Ukrainian deputies, and in 1938 – 14, including ] – Deputy Marshal of the Polish Sejm.<ref>M. Smogorzewska, Posłowie i senatorowie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919–1939, t. 4, 1998, Wydawnictwo Sejmowe, p. 212</ref><ref></ref> | |||
| In 1935 the situation temporarily improved, as the Polish government reached an agreement with the ] (UNDO), the largest Ukrainian political party in Poland; most prisoners of the ] were released. Ukrainian language education and their political representation improved.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Leslie |first1=Roy Francis |title=The History of Poland Since 1863 |date=1983 |publisher=] |isbn=0-521-27501-6 |page=200 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0tYVKUsnw9IC&pg=PA200}}</ref> But key demands by the Ukrainians, such as local autonomy, a Ukrainian-language university, and an end to Polish colonization efforts on territories inhabited by Ukrainians, were never met.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Zięba |first1=Andrzej |title=Normalization |url=http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkPath=pages\N\O\Normalization.htm |website=encyclopediaofukraine.com}}</ref> Ukrainian extremists continued their attacks on the Poles, and the moderates lost their bid to stabilize the situation.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Orest |first1=Subtelny |title=Ukraine: a history |date=2000 |publisher=] |isbn=0802048714 |pages=431–432 |edition=3rd |url=https://archive.org/details/ukrainehistory00subt_0/page/431}}</ref> A Polish report about the popular mood in Volhynia recorded a comment of a young Ukrainian from October 1938: "we will decorate our pillars with you and our trees with your wives."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Snyder |first1=Timothy |title=Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine |date=2005 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-300-16352-0 |page=167}}</ref> | |||
| On 12 July 1930, activists of the ] (OUN), together with ], began the so-called ''sabotage action'', during which Polish estates were burned, roads, rail lines and telephone connections were destroyed. The OUN used terrorism and sabotage in order to force the Polish government into reprisals so fierce that they would cause the more moderate Ukrainian groups ready to negotiate with the Polish state to lose support.<ref></ref> OUN directed its violence not only against the Poles, but also against all those Ukrainians who wished for a peaceful settlement of the Polish – Ukrainian conflict.<ref></ref> In response to this terrorism, the Polish government implemented its so-called '']'' in Galician villages suspected of support for UVO. Polish security forces conducted thorough search in Ukrainian houses and buildings, devastating many of them in the process, destroying Ukrainian books, folk dresses, as well as other cultural objects. They frequently forced Ukrainian villages to sign an oath of loyalty to Poland and renounce allegiance to the Ukrainian nation, and inflicted corporal punishment in the form of public whippings. According to Ukrainian sources, seven people were beaten to death while the Polish sources put the number of dead at two. In addition, several Ukrainian members of the Polish parliament, including ], were arrested after the Polish authorities discovered that there had been contact between the Ukrainian political parties and UVO. Ukrainian secondary schools were closed down. Poland's Pacification of Western Ukraine was condemned by Great Britain, France and Germany, although the League of Nations released a statement claiming that Polish activities were justified due to Ukrainian sabotage activities.<ref> Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Toronto, article written by Andrzej Chojnowski</ref> | |||
| Ukrainian organizations continued to grow in spite of Polish interference that included destroying reading rooms during pacification in 1930 and banning them in certain regions. Despite such measures, ] society was able to increase the number of reading-room libraries to 3,075 by 1939 (with over 500 new outlets by 1936 with full-time professional staff).<ref>{{cite web |last1=Kravtsiv |first1=Bohdan |last2=Borovsky |first2=Mykhailo |last3=Markus |first3=Vasyl |last4=Shtefan |first4=Avhustyn |title=Prosvita; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Vol. 4 (1993) |url=http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?AddButton=pages\P\R\Prosvita.htm |website=encyclopediaofukraine.com}}</ref> There was the Luh sobriety association, and the ], several newspapers (including ]) and the sports organizations. The new ] soccer team was close to promotion to the ] (a Polish professional league for football clubs). The government statistics for the year 1937 listed about 3,516 Ukrainian co-operative unions with a total of 661,000 members. Polish government made efforts to limit them, including forcibly merging them with Polish cooperatives in some regions.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Magocsi |first1=Robert Paul |title=A History of Ukraine |date=1996 |publisher=] |isbn=0802078206 |pages=442, 589}}</ref> | |||
| In 1935 the situation temporarily improved, as the Polish government reached an agreement with the ] (UNDO), the largest Ukrainian political party in Poland; most prisoners of the ] were released. Ukrainian language education and their political representation improved.<ref>Roy Francis Leslie, ''The History of Poland Since 1863'', Cambridge University Press, 1983, ISBN 0-521-27501-6, </ref> But key demands by the Ukrainians, such as local autonomy, a Ukrainian-language university, and an end to Polish colonization efforts on territories inhabited by Ukrainians, were never met.<ref name="normalization"> article written by Andrzej Zięba</ref> Ukrainian extremists continued their attacks on the Poles, and the moderates lost their bid to stabilize the situation.<ref>Subtelny, ''Ukraine..'' </ref> A Polish report about the popular mood in Volhynia recorded a comment of a young Ukrainian from October 1938: "we will decorate our pillars with you and our trees with your wives."<ref name = "Snyderconversion"/> | |||
| The Ukrainian cultural life and political representation in Poland sharply contrasted with that of the Stalinist Soviet Union.<ref>I. Vushko, ''Korenisatsiia and its discontents: Ukraine and the Soviet Nationality policies during the 1920s'', EU working papers, MWP 2009/12</ref> The Ukrainian people in the ] "suffered more from Stalin's rule than any other European part of the USSR" in the same period, ravaged by the terror of ] and the killing of thousands of educated Ukrainians.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=142}} Because Polish discriminatory policies stopped short of mass murder and complete destruction of Ukrainian cultural and political forces, the Ukrainian population was frustrated and outraged but not broken.{{sfn|Himka|1992|pp=391-412}} | |||
| Ukrainian organizations continued to grow in spite of Polish interference that included destroying reading rooms during pacification in 1930 and banning them in certain regions.<ref name="Prosvita"/> Despite such measures, ] society was able to increase the number of reading-room libraries to 3,075 by 1939 (with over 500 new outlets by 1936 with full-time professional staff).<ref name="Prosvita"> at the ], vol. 3 (1993).</ref> There was the ] sobriety association, and the ], several newspapers (including '']'') and the sports organizations. The new ] soccer team was close to promotion to the ] (a Polish professional league for football clubs). The government statistics for the year 1937 listed about 3,516 Ukrainian co-operative unions with a total of 661,000 members. Polish government made efforts to limit them, including forcibly merging them with Polish cooperatives in some regions.<ref name ="magocsi">]. (1996). ''A History of Ukraine. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pg. 442 and pg. 589.</ref> There were nine legal Ukrainian and Ruthenian parties, reflecting a full range of political opinion.<ref name="G. Motyka 1960, p. 41"/> Approximately 120 Ukrainian periodicals were published in the 30s.<ref name="G. Motyka 1960, p. 41">G. Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka, 1942–1960, PAN, 2006, p. 41</ref> | |||
| Polish governance brought material progress to many Ukrainians. During the 1920s, electrification and telephone service were introduced to all major towns, and the share of children receiving school education rose from 15% to 70% in Volhynia alone.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=61-62}} The Polish Ministry of Education increased the number of schools ''in the Ukrainian areas'' more than three-fold, to 3,100 by 1938, thus reducing the illiteracy rate among people ten-years-and-older from 50% down to 35% by 1931.{{sfn|Magocsi|1996|p=594}} | |||
| Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Warsaw, established by virtue of the Decree of the Council of Ministers of Poland in 1930, organized over 50 scientific symposia and published dozens of scholarly works.<ref name="Gov"></ref> It became the main center of ] studies in Europe in the 1930s.<ref>M. Antokhii et.al.. 2004</ref> Warsaw University opened its departments for Ukrainian professors from Lviv and the cities of Soviet Ukraine like ] and ].<ref name="Gov"/> | |||
| The Ukrainian cultural life and political representation in Poland sharply contrasted with that of the Stalinist Soviet Union.<ref>I. Vushko, ''Korenisatsiia and its discontents: Ukraine and the Soviet Nationality policies during the 1920s'', EU working papers, MWP 2009/12</ref> The Ukrainian people in the ] "suffered more from Stalin's rule than any other European part of the USSR" in the same period, ravaged by the terror of ] and the killing of thousands of educated Ukrainians.<ref name="Snyder"/> Because Polish discriminatory policies stopped short of mass murder and complete destruction of Ukrainian cultural and political forces, the Ukrainian population was frustrated and outraged but not broken.<ref>Jean-Paul Himka. (1992). Western Ukraine between the Wars. Canadian Slavonic Papers. Vol. 34, No. 4 (December 1992), pp. 391-412 </ref> | |||
| Polish governance brought material progress to many Ukrainians. During the first decade of Poland's independence, electrification and telephone service were introduced to all important towns, and the proportion of children attending to schools rose from 15% to 70% in Volhynia alone.<ref>T. Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, p. 61</ref> During the 1920s, the Polish Ministry of Education increased the number of schools ''in the Ukrainian areas'' over three-fold, to 3,100 by 1938, thus reducing the illiteracy rate among people ten-years-and-older from 50% down to 35% by 1931.<ref name="P. Magocsi 1996">P. Magocsi, A history of Ukraine, Toronto University Press, 1996, </ref> | |||
| ===Policies of Józef Piłsudski and the "Volhynia Experiment"=== | ===Policies of Józef Piłsudski and the "Volhynia Experiment"=== | ||
| In May 1926 ] took power in Poland through a ] Piłsudski's reign marked the much-needed improvement in the situation of ]. Piłsudski replaced the ] "ethnic assimilation" with a "state assimilation" policy: citizens were judged by their loyalty to the state, not by their nationality.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=64}}{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=144}} However the continuing series of terrorist attacks by the ] to sabotage Piłsudski's efforts, resulted in government pacifications{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=144}}<ref name="Davies_GP2-407"></ref> and meant that the situation continued to degenerate. | |||
| While Ukrainian nationalism was well-established in Galicia and the Ukrainian inhabitants there were generally hostile to Polish rule, the Ukrainian-inhabited region of Volhynia was less developed. Accordingly, the Polish government sought to isolate the Ukrainians of Galicia from those in Volhynia and to assimilate Volhynians to the Polish state politically, by combining support for Ukrainian culture and language with loyalty to the Polish state. It thus hoped to create a pro-Polish Ukrainian identity that could serve as a model for the Ukrainians being oppressed across the Soviet border from Volhynia.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|pp=144-149}} | |||
| In May 1926 ], a self declared Lithuanian <ref>Wandycz, Piotr S. "Poland's Place in Europe in the Concepts of Piłsudski and Dmowski," East European Politics & Societies (1990)pg. 452 </ref> took power in Poland through a ] Piłsudski's reign marked the much-needed improvement in the situation of ]. Piłsudski replaced the ] "ethnic assimilation" with a "state assimilation" policy: citizens were judged by their loyalty to the state, not by their nationality.<ref name="Snyder"/> In 1930 the ] was established with government funding.<ref name="sketches2">T. Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, pg. 67, 302, 384</ref> Until the outbreak of the Second World War the institute managed to publish more Ukrainian books than any other Ukrainian institution.{{Citation needed|date= September 2011}} However the continuing series of terrorist attacks by the ] to sabotage Pilsudki's efforts, resulted in government pacifications<ref name="Snyder"/><ref name="Davies_GP2-407"></ref> and meant that the situation continued to degenerate, despite Piłsudski's efforts. | |||
| In 1928 ], the former deputy minister for internal affairs in the Ukrainian government of Symon Petliura, was nominated the ] of ], to carry out ] in that region. Józewski, a Pole from ] (where, unlike in Galicia, Poles and Ukrainians had a history of cooperating with one another),{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=121}} was a Ukrainophile who felt that the Polish and Ukrainian nations were deeply connected and that Ukraine might one day become a "Second fatherland" for Poles. Józewski brought Ukrainian followers of ], including former officers in Petliura's army, to his capital of ] in order to help in his Volhynian administration. He hung portraits of Petliura alongside those of Pilsudski in public places.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=67}} The Polish authorities established the Institute for the Study of Nationality Affairs and educational society for the Orthodox (named after ], it expanded to 870 chapters in Volhynia). The government financed Ukrainian reading societies (they had 5,000 chapters in 1937) and Ukrainian Theater.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=32, 67, 152}} The use of Ukrainian language, instead of Russian, during church sermons was encouraged.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=67}} Józewski also led the negotiations regarding formal recognizion of the Orthodox church,<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Chojnowski |first1=Andrzej |title=Stanisław Stempowski on his participation in the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic |journal=] |date=1990 |volume=14 |issue=1–2 |page=145 |issn=0363-5570}}</ref> which was not subject to any legal regulations in Poland until 1938.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=149, 155}} A loyal Ukrainian political party, the Volhynian Ukrainian Alliance, was created.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=67}} This party was the only Ukrainian political party allowed to freely function in Volhynia.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=67-77}} | |||
| While Ukrainian nationalism was well-established in Galicia and the Ukrainian inhabitants there were generally hostile to Polish rule, the Ukrainian-inhabited region of Volhynia was less developed. Accordingly, the Polish government sought to isolate the Ukrainians of Galicia from those in Volhynia and to assimilate Volhynians to the Polish state politically, by combining support for Ukrainian culture and language with loyalty to the Polish state. It thus hoped to create a pro-Polish Ukrainian identity that could serve as a model for the Ukrainians being oppressed across the Soviet border from Volhynia.<ref name = "Snydervolhynia144">Timothy Snyder. (2004). ''The reconstruction of nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 ''. New Haven: Yale University Press. pg. 144–149</ref> | |||
| During the period of his governance, Józewski was the object of two assassination attempts: by Soviet agents in 1932 and by Ukrainian nationalists in 1934.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=xv}} | |||
| After his sponsor Pilsudski's death in 1935, Józewski's Ukrainian programme was cancelled. The anti-Ukrainian Polish elements in the Polish military took control over policies in Volhynia. Józewski was criticized for allowing Ukrainians to buy land from Poles, Orthodox churches were demolished or converted to Catholic use during the "revindication" campaign, and by 1938 Józewski himself lost his post.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|pp=144-149}}{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=138, 147, 164-166}} Under his successor, all state support for Ukrainian institutions was eliminated, and it was recommended that Polish officials cease using the words "Ukraine" or "Ukrainian."{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=165-166}} The Polish army Generals believed that filling all state offices in Volhynia with ethnic Poles would ensure fast mobilization and prevent sabotage in case of a Russian attack on Poland.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=156-157}} Ukrainians were systematically denied the opportunity to obtain government jobs.<ref name = "Petersen"/> Local elected ethnic Ukrainian officials were relieved of their posts.<ref name="Radziejowski"/> Although the majority of the local population was Ukrainian, virtually all government official positions were assigned to Poles. Land reform designed to favour the Poles<ref name="Snyder146">Snyder, ], </ref> brought further alienation of the Ukrainian population.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=144}} | |||
| In 1928 ], the former deputy minister for internal affairs in the Ukrainian government of Symon Petliura, was nominated the ] of ], to carry out ] in that region. Józewski, a Pole from ] (where, unlike in Galicia, Poles and Ukrainians had a history of cooperating with one another),<ref>Timothy Snyder. (2003). The Reconstruction of Nations. New Haven: Yale University Press. pg. 121</ref> was a Ukrainophile who felt that the Polish and Ukrainian nations were deeply connected and that Ukraine might one day become a "Second fatherland" for Poles. Józewski brought Ukrainian followers of ], including former officers in Petliura's army, to his capital of ] in order to help in his Volhynian administration. He hung portraits of Petliura alongside those of Pilsudski in public places,<ref name = "snydervolhynia67">T. Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, pg. 67–77</ref> founded the Institute for the Study of Nationality Affairs and educational society for the Orthodox (which expanded to 870 chapters in Volhynia), subsidized Ukrainian reading societies (by 1937, it had 5,000 chapters), and sponsored Ukrainian Theater. The use of Ukrainian language, instead of Russian, during church sermons was encouraged.<ref name="sketches2"/> Józewski also led the negotiations concerning the regulation of the legal status of the Orthodox church in Poland.<ref>Andrzej Chojnowski. ''Stanisław Stempowski on his participation in the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic''. In: Harvard Ukrainian Studies. Vol. 14/No. 1-2. Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. June 1990. p. 145.</ref> A loyal Ukrainian political party, the Volhynian Ukrainian Alliance, was created.<ref name="sketches2"/> This party was the only Ukrainian political party allowed to freely function in Volhynia.<ref name = "snydervolhynia67"/> | |||
| During the period of his governance, Józewski was the object of two assassination attempts: by Soviet agents in 1932 and by Ukrainian nationalists in 1934.<ref>T. Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, p. 15.</ref> | |||
| Military colonists were settled in Volhynia to defend the border area against a Soviet incursion.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=176}} | |||
| After his sponsor Pilsudski's death in 1935, Józewski's Ukrainian programme was cancelled. The anti-Ukrainian Polish elements in the Polish military took control over policies in Volhynia. Józewski was criticized for allowing Ukrainians to buy land from Poles, Orthodox churches were demolished or converted to Catholic use during the "revindication" campaign, and by 1938 Józewski himself lost his post.<ref name = "Snydervolhynia144"/><ref>T. Snyder, Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine, Yale University Press, 2005, pp. 138, 147, 164–166.</ref> Under his successor, all state support for Ukrainian institutions was eliminated, and it was recommended that Polish officials cease using the words "Ukraine" or "Ukrainian." <ref name= "postJozewski">]. (2005). ''Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine''. New Haven: Yale University Press, pg. 165–166</ref> The Polish army Generals believed that filling all state offices in Volhynia with ethnic Poles would ensure fast mobilization and prevent sabotage in case of a Russian attack on Poland.<ref name="Sketches"/> Ukrainians were systematically denied the opportunity to obtain government jobs.<ref name = "Petersen"/> Local elected ethnic Ukrainian officials were relieved of their posts.<ref name=" Radziejowski"> Janusz Radziejowski. (1983). ''The Communist Party of Western Ukraine: 1919-1929''. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pg.7 </ref> Although the majority of the local population was Ukrainian, virtually all government official positions were assigned to Poles. Land reform designed to favour the Poles<ref name="Snyder146">Snyder, ], </ref> brought further alienation of the Ukrainian population.<ref name="Snyder"/> | |||
| Despite the ethnic Ukrainian lands being overpopulated and Ukrainian farmers being in need of land, the Polish government's land reforms gave land from large Polish estates not to local villagers but to Polish colonists.<ref name = "Petersen">Roger Dale Petersen. (2002). ''Understanding ethnic violence: fear, hatred, and resentment in twentieth-century Eastern Europe.'' Cambridge University Press, p. 122</ref> This number was estimated at 300,000 in both Galicia and Volhynia by Ukrainian sources and less than 100,000 by Polish sources (see '']'')<ref>Subtelny, O. (1988). ''Ukraine: a History''. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, p. 429. {{ISBN|0-8020-5808-6}}</ref> | |||
| Plans were made for a new round of colonization of Volhynia by Polish military veterans and Polish civilians and hundreds of new Roman Catholic churches were planned for the new colonists and for converts from Orthodoxy.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=165–166}} | |||
| Military colonists were settled in Volhynia to defend border against Soviet intervention.<ref name="Sketches">Timothy Snyder. Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine. Yale University Press. 2007. pp. 156–157, 176.</ref> | |||
| Despite the ethnic Ukrainian lands being overpopulated and Ukrainian farmers being in need of land, the Polish government's land reforms gave land from large Polish estates not to local villagers but to Polish colonists.<ref name = "Petersen">Roger Dale Petersen. (2002). ''Understanding ethnic violence: fear, hatred, and resentment in twentieth-century Eastern Europe.'' Cambridge University Press, pg. 122</ref> This number was estimated at 300,000 in both Galicia and Volhynia by Ukrainian sources and less than 100,000 by Polish sources (see '']'')<ref>Subtelny, O. (1988). ''Ukraine: a History''. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pg. 429. ISBN 0-8020-5808-6</ref> | |||
| The ultimate result of Polish policies in Volhynia was that a sense of Ukrainian patriotism was created; however this patriotism was not tied to the Polish state.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|pp=144–149}} As a result of the anti-Ukrainian Polish policies, both Ukrainian nationalists and Communists found fertile ground for their ideas among the Volhynian Ukrainian population.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|pp=165–166}} | |||
| Plans were made for a new round of colonization of Volhynia by Polish military veterans and Polish civilians and hundreds of new Roman Catholic churches were planned for the new colonists and for converts from Orthodoxy.<ref name= "postJozewski"/> | |||
| The ultimate result of Polish policies in Volhynia was that a sense of Ukrainian patriotism was created; however this patriotism was not tied to the Polish state.<ref name = "Snydervolhynia144"/> As a result of the anti-Ukrainian Polish policies, both Ukrainian nationalists and Communists found fertile ground for their ideas among the Volhynian Ukrainian population.<ref name= "postJozewski"/> | |||
| ===Religious and cultural policies=== | ===Religious and cultural policies=== | ||
| Following World War I, the government policy was initially aimed at limiting the influence of the predominantly ] Ukrainians from Galicia on the ] Ukrainians in Volhynia.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=144}} A decree defending the rights of the Orthodox minorities was issued but often failed in practice, as the Roman Catholic Church, which had been persecuted under ]<ref>{{cite book |last1=Zugger |first1=Christopher Lawrence |title=The forgotten: Catholics of the Soviet empire from Lenin through Stalin |date=2001 |publisher=] |isbn=0815606796 |pages=26–27}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Dunn |first1=Dennis J. |title=The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars, and Commissars |date=2004 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0754636106 |page=52}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Jedin |editor1-first=Hubert |editor2-last=Dolan |editor2-first=John Patrick |title=History of the Church, Vol. IX; The Church in the Industrial age |date=1981 |publisher=The Crossroad Publishing Company |isbn=0860120910 |pages=171–174}}</ref> and was eager to strengthen its position as well as to reclaim Catholic properties that had been confiscated and converted into Orthodox churches,{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=147}} had official representation in the ] (Polish parliament) and the courts. Eventually, a hundred ninety Orthodox churches were destroyed and often abandoned<ref name="BP">''The Impact of External Threat on States and Domestic Societie'', ] in ''Dissolving Boundaries'', Blackwell Publishers, 2003, {{ISBN|1-4051-2134-3}}, </ref> and another one hundred fifty were transformed into Roman Catholic churches. As a result, out of 389 Orthodox churches in Volhynia in 1914, only 51 remained in 1939. In addition to losing church buildings, the Orthodox Church lost large areas of land, which were taken the Polish state and kept by it, or given to the Roman Catholic Church.<ref name="Radziejowski">Janusz Radziejowski. (1983). ''The Communist Party of Western Ukraine: 1919-1929''. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pp. 6-7</ref> In the regions of ] and Polisia, armed groups of Polish colonists known as ''Krakus'' terrorized Ukrainian civilians into converting to Catholicism.<ref name="Subtelny">{{cite book | first= Orest| last= Subtelny | author-link=Orest Subtelny | title=Ukraine: A History | location= Toronto | publisher=University of Toronto Press | year=1988 | isbn=0-8020-5808-6 }}</ref>{{Page needed|date=December 2017}} Remaining Orthodox churches were forced to use the Polish language in their sermons. The last official government act of the Polish state in Volhynia was to, in August 1939, convert the last remaining Orthodox church in the Volhynian capital of ] into a Roman Catholic one.{{sfn|Snyder|2005|p=167}} The Orthodox clergy in Volhynia used the persecution of their church to build up already strong feelings of resentment among the local Ukrainian people against the Poles.<ref name=" Radziejowski"/> | |||
| In contrast to the persecution experienced by the Orthodox Church, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church under respected by Polish authorities Metropolitan ] was allowed to prosper in terms of intellectual and religious activities.{{sfn|Magocsi|1996|pp=595-596}}<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Carvalho |editor1-first=Joaquim |title=Religion and Power in Europe: Conflict and Convergence |date=2007 |publisher=Edizioni Plus |isbn=9788884924643 |page=243}}</ref> | |||
| Following the First World War, the government policy was initially aimed at limiting the influence of the predominantly ] Ukrainians from Galicia on the ] Ukrainians in Volhynia.<ref name="Snyder">], ''The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999'', Yale University Press, ISBN 0-300-10586-X </ref> A decree defending the rights of the Orthodox minorities was issued but often failed in practice, as the Roman Catholic Church, which had been persecuted under ]<ref name="Zugger">Christopher Lawrence Zugger. The forgotten: Catholics of the Soviet empire from Lenin through Stalin. Syracuse University Press. 2001. pp. 26–27.</ref><ref name="Dunn">Dennis J. Dunn. The Catholic Church and Russia: popes, patriarchs, tsars, and commissars. Ashgate Pub Ltd. 2004. p. 52</ref><ref name="Jedin">Hubert Jedin et al. History of the Church, Vol. IX. The Church in the industrial age. Continuum International Publishing Group. 1981. pp. 171–174.</ref> and was eager to strengthen its position as well as to reclaim Catholic properties that had been confiscated and converted into Orthodox churches,<ref>Timothy Snyder. Sketches from the Secret War. A Polish artist's mission to liberate Soviet Ukraine. Yale University Press. p. 147.</ref> had official representation in the ] (Polish parliament) and the courts. Eventually, a hundred ninety Orthodox churches were destroyed and often abandoned<ref name="BP">''The Impact of External Threat on States and Domestic Societie'', ] in ''Dissolving Boundaries'', Blackwell Publishers, 2003, ISBN 1-4051-2134-3, </ref> and another one hundred fifty were transformed into Roman Catholic churches. As a result, out of 389 Orthodox churches in Volhynia in 1914, only 51 remained in 1939. In addition to losing church buildings, the Orthodox Church lost large areas of land, which were taken the Polish state and kept by it, or given to the Roman Catholic Church.<ref name=" Radziejowski"> Janusz Radziejowski. (1983). ''The Communist Party of Western Ukraine: 1919-1929''. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pp.6-7 </ref> In the regions of ] and Polisia, armed groups of Polish colonists known as ''Krakus'' terrorized Ukrainian civilians into converting to Catholicism.<ref name=Subtelny>{{cite book | first= Orest| last= Subtelny | authorlink=Orest Subtelny | title=Ukraine: A History | location= Toronto | publisher=University of Toronto Press | year=1988 | isbn=0-8020-5808-6 }}</ref> Remaining Orthodox churches were forced to use the Polish language in their sermons. The last official government act of the Polish state in Volhynia was to, in August 1939, convert the last remaining Orthodox church in the Volhynian capital of ] into a Roman Catholic one.<ref name = "Snyderconversion">Timothy Snyder. (2005). ''Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine.'' New Haven: Yale University Press. pp.167</ref> The Orthodox clergy in Volhynia used the persecution of their church to build up already strong feelings of resentment among the local Ukrainian people against the Poles. <ref name=" Radziejowski"/> | |||
| In Lviv, where Roman Catholics constituted in 1900 at least 52.5% of population, and 76.86% of citizens spoke Polish (although a portion of that population was Jewish),<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Markovits |editor1-first=Andrei S. |editor2-last=Sysyn |editor2-first=Frank E. |title=Nationbuilding and the Politics of. Nationalism. Essays on Austrian Galicia |date=1982 |publisher=] |isbn=9780674603127 |page=94}}</ref> the Polish government sought to emphasize that city's Polish character by limiting the cultural expressions of that city's non-Polish minorities.{{sfn|Hann|Magocsi|2005|pp=144-145}} Unlike in Austrian times, when the size and number of public parades or other cultural expressions such as parades or religious processions corresponded to each cultural group's relative population, during Polish rule limitations were placed on public displays of Jewish and Ukrainian culture.{{sfn|Hann|Magocsi|2005|pp=144-145}} Celebrations, dedicated to the Polish defence of Lviv, became a major Polish public celebration, and were integrated by the Roman Catholic Church into the traditional All Saints' Day celebrations in early November. Military parades and commemorations of battles at particular streets within the city, all celebrating the Polish forces who fought against the Ukrainians in 1918, became frequent. The Polish government fostered the idea of Lviv as an eastern Polish outpost standing strong against eastern "hordes."{{sfn|Hann|Magocsi|2005|pp=144-145}} | |||
| In contrast to the persecution experienced by the Orthodox Church, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church under respected by Polish authorities Metropolitan ] was allowed to prosper in terms of intellectual and religious activities.<ref>Joaquim Carvalho. Religion and power in Europe: conflict and convergence. Edizioni Plus. 2007. pp. 243–244.</ref><ref>Paul Robert Magocsi. A history of Ukraine. University of Toronto Press. 1996. pp. 595–596.</ref> | |||
| ===Attempts at normalization=== | |||
| In Lviv, where Roman Catholics constituted in 1900 at least 52.5% of population, and 76.86% of citizens spoke Polish(although a portion of that population was Jewish),<ref>Nationbuilding and the politics of nationalism: essays on Austrian Galicia | |||
| After the OUN's assassination of Poland's minister of the interior in 1934 attempts were made at normalization between the government and the UNDO representatives led by Sheptytsky.<ref name="Subtelny2009"/> Ukrainian dissidents were freed from Bereza, and credits were forwarded to Ukrainian cooperatives and economic institutions. However, the more radical Ukrainian nationalists rejected the rapprochement.<ref name="Subtelny2009"/> | |||
| Andrei S. Markovits,Frank E. Sysyn, page 94, Harvard University Press 1982</ref> the Polish government sought to emphasize that city's Polish character by limiting the cultural expressions of that city's non-Polish minorities.<ref name = "erasure">]. (2005)Galicia: a Multicultured Land. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp.144–145</ref> Unlike in Austrian times, when the size and amount of public parades or other cultural expressions such as parades or religious processions corresponded to each cultural group's relative population, during Polish rule limitations were placed on public displays of Jewish and Ukrainian culture.<ref name = "erasure"/> Celebrations, dedicated to the Polish defence of Lviv, became a major Polish public celebration, and were integrated by the Roman Catholic Church into the traditional all Saints Day celebrations in early November. Military parades and commemorations of battles at particular streets within the city, all celebrating the Polish forces who fought against the Ukrainians in 1918, became frequent. The Polish government fostered the idea of Lviv as an eastern Polish outpost standing strong against eastern "hordes." <ref name = "erasure"/> | |||
| Between 1934 and 1938, a series of violent and sometimes deadly (as in Warsaw, with 2 victims)<ref name="Burds">{{citation |quote=<!--This is a review of source, not the source:--> Monsignor Dr. Philippe Cortesi, the Papal Nuncio in Warsaw, condemned the violence in a private letter to the Polish Minister of Internal Affairs regarding just one such event of 2–3 November 1938. Polish members of the 'En-De' ('National Democracy', a militant Polish patriotic-nationalist organization) attacked Ukrainian students in their dormitories in Warsaw. |author=Jeffrey Burds |url=http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~hpcws/comment13.htm |title=Comments on Timothy Snyder's article |work="To Resolve the Ukrainian Question once and for All: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943–1947" by Timothy Snyder in the Journal of Cold War Studies, Volume 1, Number 2 (Spring 1999) |publisher=Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies }}</ref> attacks against Ukrainians took place. In one of them in Warsaw dormitories in late 1938 – wrote Monsignor Philippe Cortesi – Polish police watched attacks of ]'s members on Ukrainian students and after the riots allegedly arrested the Ukrainian victims for disturbing the peace.<ref name="Burds"/> In 1938–1939 a number of Ukrainian libraries and reading rooms were burned by Polish mobs of misguided patriotic youth who often went unpunished by the Polish police forces.<ref name="Subtelny2009">{{cite book |author=Subtelny, Orest |title=Ukraine: A History |location=Toronto |publisher=University of Toronto Press |year=1988 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ktyM07I9HXwC&q=%22accepting+crumbs+from+the+Polish+table%22 |isbn=1442697288 }}</ref> Polish youths were organized into armed, local paramilitary ''Strzelcy'' groups and terrorized the Ukrainian population under the pretext of maintaining law and order, wrote Subtelny. Violent incidents went unreported in the Polish press according to Burds, and Ukrainian newspapers that discussed them were confiscated by the Polish authorities wherever they were found.<ref name="Burds"/> | |||
| ===Anti-Ukrainian mob violence=== | |||
| Between 1934 and 1938, a series of violent and sometimes deadly<ref>In one of many such incidents, the Papal Nuncio in Warsaw reported that Polish mobs attacked Ukrainian students in their dormitory under the eyes of Polish police, a screaming Ukrainian woman was thrown into a burning Ukrainian store by Polish mobs, and a Ukrainian seminary was destroyed during which icons were desecrated and eight people were hospitalized with serious injuries and two killed. Taken from Jeffrey Burds. </ref> attacks against Ukrainians were conducted in parts of Poland. In one of them in late 1938, Polish police watched attacks of ]'s members on Ukrainian students and after the riots arrested the Ukrainian victims for "disturbing the peace."<ref name = "Burds">Jeffrey Burds. </ref> In 1938–1939 a number of Ukrainian libraries and reading rooms were burned by Polish mobs of misguided patriotic youth who often went unpunished by the Polish police forces.<ref name=Subtelny>{{cite book| author=Subtelny, O. | title=Ukraine: A History| location= Toronto | publisher= University of Toronto Press | year = 1988}}</ref> Polish youths were organized into armed, local paramilitary ''strzelcy'' groups and terrorized the Ukrainian population under the pretext of maintaining law and order. Violent assaults against Ukrainians went unreported in the Polish Polish press and Ukrainian newspapers that discussed them were confiscated by the Polish authorities whever they were found.<ref name = "Burds"/> | |||
| ===Education=== | ===Education=== | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| In the Polish Second Republic's centralized model of government, decisions concerning education were made in Warsaw.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Copsey |first1=Nathaniel |title=Public Opinion and the Making of Foreign Policy in the 'New Europe': A Comparative Study of Poland and Ukraine |date=2009 |publisher=Ashgate Publishing |isbn=978-0-7546-7898-4 |page=87 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EPbREqFLHY8C&dq=%22Public%20Opinion%20and%20the%20Making%20of%20Foreign%20Policy%20in%20the%20New%20Europe%22%20%20%22The%20Struggle%20for%20the%20Borderlands%22&pg=PA87}}</ref> Polish educational policies were geared towards bi-lingual schools. Ukrainian language usage was negatively impacted by the system. A law setting up bilingual Polish-Ukrainian schools and Polish schools, passed in 1924 by ]'s government, led to closures of uni-lingual Ukrainian schools (their numbers decreased from 2,426 in 1922 to 352 in 1938 in Galicia; and from 443 in 1922 to 8 in 1938 in Volhynia) and their replacement by Polish-Ukrainian bilingual schools (2,485 in Galicia; 520 in Volhynia) and Polish schools.{{sfn|Magocsi|1996|p=594}} By the 1930s, a significant percentage of these "bilingual" schools became effectively Polish.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Magocsi |first1=Paul R. |title=The Roots of Ukrainian Nationalism: Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont |date=2002 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1442613140 |page=30 |quote=By 1930s, many of these officially bilingual schools became Polish}}</ref> | |||
| By 1938, Polish authorities increased the number of elementary schools in Volhynia and Polessia over three times to 3,100, and from 4,030 to 4,998 in Galicia |
By 1938, Polish authorities increased the number of elementary schools in Volhynia and Polessia over three times to 3,100, and from 4,030 to 4,998 in Galicia{{sfn|Magocsi|1996|p=594}} Thus, in spite of such policies curbing the use of the Ukrainian language, the illiteracy rate in Ukrainian territories fell from 50 percent to 35 percent. Poland's policy also gave rise to the first generation of Ukrainian intellectual elite in Volhynia.{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=148}} | ||
| Ethnic Ukrainians were slightly underrepresented in the secondary education system. In the 1936/37 academic year 344 Ukrainians (13.3%) in comparison to 2599 Poles were enrolled in secondary school, in which Ukrainians were 13.9% of the population in the 1931 Polish census.<ref>(Polish) Główny Urząd Statystyczny (corporate author) (1932). Drugi powszechny spis ludności z dnia 9 XII 1931r. Formularze i instrukcje spisowe. Warsaw: Główny Urząd Statystyczny. p. 128.</ref> Polish census figures undercounted the actual number of Ukrainians significantly, however,{{sfn|Himka|1992|pp=391-412}} and a realistic estimate of the percentage of the Polish population who were ethnic Ukrainians was approximately 16 percent.{{sfn|Motyka|2006|pp=38-39}} In the 1938/9 academic year only 6 Ukrainians were accepted for tertiary education.<ref>Mieczyslaw Iwanicki, Oswiata i szkolnictwo ukrainskie w Polsce w latach 1918–1939. praca habilatacyjna. Siedlce, 1975 s. 162</ref> Ethnic Ukrainians were largely restricted to be educated in the national language, Polish, rather than in their own language. In Poland, there was one Polish gymnasium for every 16,000 ethnic Poles but only one Ukrainian gymnasium for every 230,000 ethnic Ukrainians.<ref name = "Subtelnyeducation">]. ''Ukraine: A History.'' Toronto: University of Toronto Press, p. 439 "Anti-Ukrainian discrimination was also evident at the university level. The government...systematically obstructed Ukrainians from obtaining a university education."</ref> | |||
| During the |
During the Habsburg era, Lviv had housed the largest and most influential Ukrainian institutions in the world.{{sfn|Hann|Magocsi|2005|pp=12-15}} At the university, in 1919 Poland shut down all Ukrainian departments that had opened during the period of Austrian rule save for one, the 1848 Department of Ruthenian Language and Literature, whose chair position was allowed to remain vacant until 1927 before being filled by an ethnic Pole.<ref name="Subtelny"/>{{Page needed|date=December 2017}} Most Ukrainian professors were fired, and entrance of ethnic Ukrainians was restricted.<ref name = "Subtelnyeducation"/> | ||
| Some in the Ukrainian community reacted to the Polish language educational policies of the Polish government by creating its own private institutions. By the 1937–1938 school year, forty percent of Ukrainian gymnazium, teachers' college, and professional school students attended private schools.<ref name = "Magocsi piedmont"/> Donations from Ukrainian immigrants in Canada and the United States helped to financially support such schools.<ref name = "Subtelnyeducation"/> A short lived "underground university" and Ukrainian Higher Polytechnic School were established in Lwow from 1921-1925. <ref>Iryna Shlikhta, Nationalism as a Play: Ukrainian Nationalists Playing in the Inter-War Poland: | |||
| http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/probing-the-boundaries/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/irynaplaypaper.pdf</ref> At its peak the university had 1,500 students.<ref> URL accessed 30 July 2006</ref> A "Ukrainian Local Student Soviet" financed these illegal institutions through a so called ‘voluntary’ tax of Ukrainians in Galicia. <ref>Iryna Shlikhta, Nationalism as a Play: Ukrainian Nationalists Playing in the Inter-War Poland: | |||
| http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/probing-the-boundaries/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/irynaplaypaper.pdf</ref> This "tax", which was supported by Ukrainian Nationalists caused these institutions to lose support from Galician Ukrainians. <ref>Iryna Shlikhta, Nationalism as a Play: Ukrainian Nationalists Playing in the Inter-War Poland: | |||
| http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/probing-the-boundaries/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/irynaplaypaper.pdf</ref> Ukrainian Nationalists did not attend such institutions to receive a degree, but as a form of protest and feel a part of an underground community <ref>Iryna Shlikhta, Nationalism as a Play: Ukrainian Nationalists Playing in the Inter-War Poland: | |||
| http://www.inter-disciplinary.net/probing-the-boundaries/wp-content/uploads/2013/05/irynaplaypaper.pdf</ref> | |||
| The Ukrainian community's reaction to the anti-Ukrainian educational policies of the Polish government was to create private institutions at its own expense. By the 1937–1938 school year, forty percent of Ukrainian gymnazium, teachers' college, and professional school students attended private schools.{{sfn|Magocsi|2002|p=30}} Donations from Ukrainian immigrants in Canada and the United States helped to financially support such schools.<ref name = "Subtelnyeducation"/> An underground university in Lviv (which had 1,500 students), and a Ukrainian Free University in Vienna (later moved to ])<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060423222635/http://www.ukrainische-freie-universitaet.mhn.de/Eng/indexeng.html |date=23 April 2006 }} URL accessed 30 July 2006</ref> were established. ], head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, attempted to create a private Ukrainian Catholic University but his efforts were thwarted by the strong opposition of the Polish government, which threatened to cancel its ] with the Vatican if the Vatican were to recognize a Ukrainian university.<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Magocsi |editor1-first=Paul Robert |title=Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptytsḱyi |date=1989 |publisher=] |isbn=0920862683 |page=275}}</ref> | |||
| Ukrainians unhappy with Polish language instruction were free to study in the Ukrainian language in Vienna <ref> URL accessed 30 July 2006</ref>or Czechoslovakia. <ref name=" Radziejowski"/> | |||
| The ] invited Ukrainian professors from Lviv and the Soviet Ukraine to its departments.<ref name="Gov">{{cite web |title=Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Announcements |url=http://www.mfa.gov.ua/mfa/en/newsmfa/detail/175.htm |website=mfa.gov.ua |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121009172709/http://www.mfa.gov.ua/mfa/en/newsmfa/detail/175.htm |archive-date=9 October 2012 |date=9 November 2007}}</ref> In 1930, the ] was established by the Polish government.<ref name="Gov"/><ref name="USI">{{cite web |last1=Kubijovyč |first1=Volodymyr |title=Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Warsaw; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 5 (1993) |url=http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/display.asp?linkpath=pages%5CU%5CK%5CUkrainianScientificInstituteinWarsaw.htm |website=encyclopediaofukraine.com}}</ref> By the outbreak of World War II, it became the largest among all émigré and Western Ukrainian academic publishers,<ref name="USI"/> and achieved the status of the main center of Taras Shevchenko studies in Europe.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Antokhii |first1=Myroslav |last2=Darewych |first2=Daria |title=Shevchenko, Taras |url=http://www.encyclopediaofukraine.com/pages/S/H/ShevchenkoTaras.htm |website=encyclopediaofukraine.com |date=2004}}</ref>{{efn|The Institute conducted in-depth scientific research into Ukrainian cultural history<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.shevchenko.org/archives/Lotots'kyi_Finding%20Aid_English.pdf |title=Oleksander Lotots'kyi Papers |publisher=Shevchenko Scientific Society |year=2012 |accessdate=20 November 2013 |author=Katia Davydenko, Ostap Kin |format=PDF file, direct download |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150503185514/http://www.shevchenko.org/archives/Lotots'kyi_Finding%20Aid_English.pdf |archive-date=3 May 2015 |url-status=dead }}</ref> and was an organizer of over 50 scholarly conferences.<ref name="Gov"/> It published tens of academic works, a series of major liturgical texts in Ukrainian translation, and an anthology of Taras Shevchenko in 13 volumes (3 more were planned).<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Kozak |first1=Stefan |title=Ukraiński instytut Naukowy w Warszawie (1930–1939) |journal=Warszawskie Zeszyty Ukrainoznawcze |date=2008 |issue=25–26 |pages=19–20 |url=http://www.wzu.ukraina.uw.edu.pl/WARSZAWSKIE%20ZESZYTY%20UKRAINOZNAWCZE%2025-26.pdf |publisher=] |language=pl |issn=0867-5368|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304001920/http://www.wzu.ukraina.uw.edu.pl/WARSZAWSKIE%20ZESZYTY%20UKRAINOZNAWCZE%2025-26.pdf |archive-date=4 March 2016 }}</ref><ref name="Gov"/>}} | |||
| Ukrainians who after World War I found themselves under Polish rule were worse off than those in the new state of Czechoslovakia. In the region which became part of Czechoslovakia after World War I Ukrainian schools did not exist until the establishment of that country. However, by 1921–1922 89 percent of Ukrainian children were enrolled in Ukrainian-language schools.<ref name=" Radziejowski"/> | |||
| The result of Poland's discriminatory educational policies against Ukrainians was that many educated Ukrainians became politically radicalized and militantly opposed to Poland.<ref name = "Subtelnyeducation"/> | |||
| ===Ukrainian responses to Polish governance=== | ===Ukrainian responses to Polish governance=== | ||
| ], Ukrainian political activist, member of the executive of the Lviv branch of the Union of Ukrainian Women and Ukrainian Military Organization. Arrested after materials indicating cooperation with Germany's intelligence were found at her home, she died in prison in 1924. Different accounts of her death exist, from suicide to accusations of torture and murder<ref> University of Toronto Press, 1984</ref><ref>] (1988). ''Feminists despite themselves: women in Ukrainian community life, 1884–1939 '' Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies PRess, University of Alberta p. 164</ref><ref> {{in lang|uk}}</ref>]] | |||
| From the beginning and until the decision at Versailles to give eastern Galicia to Poland in 1923, the Galician Ukrainians considered Polish rule over lands primarily inhabited by them to be illegitimate, and they boycotted the Polish census of 1921 and the Polish elections of 1922.{{sfn|Subtelny|2000|p=427}} German-Jewish writer ], travelling in eastern Galicia in 1924, expressed more sympathy for the Ukrainians under Polish rule than towards the Poles who dominated them. He described the Ukrainians' "terrible <!--sic?-->, blind, numb" hatred for the Poles.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Wolff |first1=Larry |title=The idea of Galicia: history and fantasy in Habsburg political culture |date=2010 |publisher=] |isbn=9780804762670 |pages=386–387}}</ref> All Ukrainian political parties and organizations considered Polish rule over territories inhabited primarily by ethnic Ukrainians to be illegitimate.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Armstrong |first1=John |title=Ukrainian Nationalism |date=1963 |publisher=] |pages=18–19}}</ref>{{Failed verification|date=September 2011}}{{Clarify|date=September 2011}}{{Quote without source|date=September 2011}} The largest Ukrainian political party in Poland, which dominated political life for the Ukrainian minority in that country, was the ] (UNDO).<ref name="Encyclopedia">, written by Vasyl Mudry</ref> UNDO supported constitutional democracy and focused on building up Ukrainian institutions, promoting Ukrainian education, and fostering Ukrainian self-reliance organizations that could operate independently from the Polish authorities in order to prepare Ukrainians for independence.<ref name="Subtelny"/>{{rp|434–441}} | |||
| ], Ukrainian political activist, member of the executive of the Lviv branch of the Union of Ukrainian Women and Ukrainian Military Organization. Arrested after materials indicating cooperation with Germany's intelligence were found at her home, she died in prison in 1924. Different accounts of her death exist, from suicide to accusations of torture and murder<ref> University of toronto Press, 1984</ref><ref>Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak (1988). ''Feminists despite themselves: women in Ukrainian community life, 1884–1939 '' Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies PRess, University of Alberta pg. 164</ref><ref> {{Uk icon}}</ref>]] | |||
| In contrast to the peaceful activities of the mainstream Ukrainian political party UNDO, the radical ] sought to struggle against the Polish government through violence. The OUN carried out hundreds of acts of ] in ] and ], including a campaign of arson against Polish landowners (which helped provoke the 1930 ]), boycotts of state schools and Polish tobacco and liquor monopolies, dozens of ] attacks on government institutions to obtain funds for its activities, and approximately sixty assassinations. Some of the OUN's victims included ], a Polish promoter of Ukrainian/Polish compromise, ], ]'s Polish police commissioner, ], a Soviet consular official killed in retaliation for the ], and most notably ], the Polish interior minister. The OUN also killed moderate Ukrainian figures such as the respected teacher (and former officer of the ] of the ]) Ivan Babii, and in 1930 assaulted the head of the ] ] in his office.<ref> {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090615050644/http://www.gazeta.lviv.ua/articles/2005/10/07/9554/ |date=15 June 2009 }}</ref> | |||
| From the beginning and until the decision at Versailles to give eastern Galicia to Poland in 1923, the Ukrainians considered Polish rule over lands primarily inhabited by them to be illegitimate, and they boycotted the Polish census of 1921 and the Polish elections of 1922.<ref>Orest Subtelny. ''Ukraine: A History''. Toronto: University of Tornto Press, pg. 427.</ref> German-Jewish writer ], travelling in eastern Galicia in 1924, expressed more sympathy for the Ukrainians under Polish rule than towards the Poles who dominated them. He described the Ukrainians' "terible, blind, numb" hatred for the Poles.<ref>Larry Wolff.(2010).''The idea of Galicia: history and fantasy in Habsburg political culture ''. Stanford University: pp.386–387</ref> All Ukrainian political parties and organizations considered Polish rule over territories inhabited primarily by ethnic Ukrainians to be illegitimate.<ref name = "Armstrong">John Armstrong (1963). ''Ukrainian Nationalism''. New York: ], pp. 18–19</ref>{{Failed verification|date=September 2011}}{{Clarify|date=September 2011}}{{Cite quote|date=September 2011}} The largest Ukrainian political party in Poland, which dominated political life for the Ukrainian minority in that country, was the ] (UNDO).<ref name="Encyclopedia">, written by Vasyl Mudry</ref> UNDO supported constitutional democracy and focused on building up Ukrainian institutions, promoting Ukrainian education, and fostering Ukrainian self-reliance organizations that could operate independently from the Polish authorities in order to prepare Ukrainians for independence.<ref name= "Subtelny">]. (1988). ''Ukraine: a History.'' Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 434–441</ref> | |||
| The OUN's terrorism was condemned by most mainstream Ukrainian political leaders. The head of the ], Metropolitan ], who was particularly critical of the OUN's leadership in exile who inspired acts of youthful violence, writing that they were "using our children to kill their parents" and that "whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of the people."<ref>Bohdan Budurowycz. (1989). Sheptytski and the Ukrainian National Movement after 1914 (chapter). In Paul Robert Magocsi (ed.). ''Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptytsky.'' Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta. p. 57. A more detailed sample of Sheptytsky's impassioned words condemning the OUN, printed in the newspaper of the mainstream western Ukrainian newspaper ''Dilo'': "If you are planning to kill treacherously those who are opposed to your misdeeds, you will have to kill all the teachers and professors who are working for the Ukrainian youth, all the fathers and mothers of Ukrainian children...all politicians and civic activists. But first of all you will have to remove through assassination the clergy and the bishops who resist your criminal and foolish actions...We will not cease to declare that whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of our people."</ref> UNDO opposed acts of terrorism because they resulted in Polish retaliation against the Ukrainian population.{{sfn|Armstrong|1963|pp=18-19}} | |||
| In contrast to the peaceful activities of the mainstream Ukrainian political party UNDO, the radical ] sought to struggle against the Polish government through violence. The OUN carried out hundreds of acts of ] in ] and ], including a campaign of arson against Polish landowners (which helped provoke the 1930 ]), boycotts of state schools and Polish tobacco and liquor monopolies, dozens of ] attacks on government institutions to obtain funds for its activities, and approximately sixty assassinations. Some of the OUN's victims included ], a Polish promoter of Ukrainian/Polish compromise, ], ]'s Polish police commissioner, ], a Soviet consular official killed in retaliation for the ], and most notably ], the Polish interior minister. The OUN also killed moderate Ukrainian figures such as the respected teacher (and former officer of the ] of the ]) Ivan Babii, and in 1930 assaulted the head of the ] ] in his office.<ref></ref> | |||
| When Poland was partitioned by Germany and the Soviet Union, the overwhelming majority of Poland's ethnic Ukrainians were sincerely glad to see the Polish state collapse.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gross |first1=Jan |title=Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia |date=2002 |publisher=] |isbn=0691096031 |page=31}}</ref> | |||
| The OUN's terrorism was condemned by most mainstream Ukrainian political leaders. The head of the ], Metropolitan ], who was particularly critical of the OUN's leadership in exile who inspired acts of youthful violence, writing that they were "using our children to kill their parents" and that "whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of the people."<ref>Bohdan Budurowycz. (1989). Sheptytski and the Ukrainian National Movement after 1914 (chapter). In Paul Robert Magocsi (ed.). ''Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptytsky.'' Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta. pg. 57. A more detailed sample of Sheptytsky's impassioned words condemning the OUN, printed in the newspaper of the mainstream western Ukrainian newspaper ''Dilo'': "If you are planning to kill treacherously those who are opposed to your misdeeds, you will have to kill all the teachers and professors who are working for the Ukrainian youth, all the fathers and mothers of Ukrainian children...all politicians and civic activists. But first of all you will have to remove through assassination the clergy and the bishops who resist your criminal and foolish actions...We will not cease to declare that whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of our people."</ref> UNDO opposed acts of terrorism because they resulted in Polish retaliation against the Ukrainian population.<ref name = "Armstrong"/> | |||
| === Demographics === | |||
| When Poland was partitioned by Germany and the Soviet Union, the overwhelming majority of Poland's ethnic Ukrainians were sincerely glad to see the Polish state collapse. <ref>Jan Gross. (2002).''Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia''. Princeton: Princeton University Press pg. 31</ref> | |||
| The results of the 1931 census (questions about ] and about religion) in voivodeships with significant Ukrainian populations: | |||
| Ukrainian/Ruthenian and Greek Catholic/Orthodox ] counties are highlighted with yellow. | |||
| ==Second World War== | |||
| {| class="wikitable sortable mw-collapsible" | |||
| |+Ukrainian and Polish population in voivodeships with significant Ukrainian population according to the 1931 census | |||
| !Today part of | |||
| !County part of Voivodeship | |||
| !County | |||
| !Pop. | |||
| !Ukrainian & Ruthenian | |||
| !% | |||
| !Polish | |||
| !% | |||
| !] & Orthodox | |||
| !% | |||
| !Roman Catholic | |||
| !% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |226709 | |||
| |158173 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.8%}} | |||
| |33987 | |||
| |15.0% | |||
| |173512 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|76.5%}} | |||
| |27638 | |||
| |12.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |122045 | |||
| |84224 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.0%}} | |||
| |21100 | |||
| |17.3% | |||
| |87333 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|71.6%}} | |||
| |17675 | |||
| |14.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |159602 | |||
| |105346 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.0%}} | |||
| |34951 | |||
| |21.9% | |||
| |103912 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|65.1%}} | |||
| |34450 | |||
| |21.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |255095 | |||
| |185240 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|72.6%}} | |||
| |36720 | |||
| |14.4% | |||
| |187717 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|73.6%}} | |||
| |35191 | |||
| |13.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |243032 | |||
| |196000 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|80.6%}} | |||
| |25758 | |||
| |10.6% | |||
| |195233 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|80.3%}} | |||
| |25082 | |||
| |10.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |85507 | |||
| |65906 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|77.1%}} | |||
| |12150 | |||
| |14.2% | |||
| |65685 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|76.8%}} | |||
| |10998 | |||
| |12.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |290805 | |||
| |172038 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|59.2%}} | |||
| |56446 | |||
| |19.4% | |||
| |177377 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|61.0%}} | |||
| |55802 | |||
| |19.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |252787 | |||
| |160484 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|63.5%}} | |||
| |36990 | |||
| |14.6% | |||
| |166970 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.1%}} | |||
| |36444 | |||
| |14.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |181284 | |||
| |129637 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|71.5%}} | |||
| |30426 | |||
| |16.8% | |||
| |132691 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|73.2%}} | |||
| |28192 | |||
| |15.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |150374 | |||
| |88174 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|58.6%}} | |||
| |40286 | |||
| |26.8% | |||
| |89641 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|59.6%}} | |||
| |38483 | |||
| |25.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |118334 | |||
| |81650 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.0%}} | |||
| |17826 | |||
| |15.1% | |||
| |86948 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|73.5%}} | |||
| |17901 | |||
| |15.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Wołyń Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''2085574''' | |||
| |'''1426872''' | |||
| |'''68.4%''' | |||
| |'''346640''' | |||
| |'''16.6%''' | |||
| |'''1467019''' | |||
| |'''70.3%''' | |||
| |'''327856''' | |||
| |'''15.7%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |103277 | |||
| |52612 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|50.9%}} | |||
| |46153 | |||
| |44.7% | |||
| |65344 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|63.3%}} | |||
| |28432 | |||
| |27.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |91248 | |||
| |50490 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.3%}} | |||
| |32843 | |||
| |36.0% | |||
| |58009 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|63.6%}} | |||
| |22521 | |||
| |24.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |103824 | |||
| |51757 | |||
| |49.9% | |||
| |48168 | |||
| |46.4% | |||
| |54611 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|52.6%}} | |||
| |41962 | |||
| |40.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |139062 | |||
| |70336 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|50.6%}} | |||
| |60523 | |||
| |43.5% | |||
| |77023 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.4%}} | |||
| |51311 | |||
| |36.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |84008 | |||
| |40866 | |||
| |48.6% | |||
| |36486 | |||
| |43.4% | |||
| |42828 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|51.0%}} | |||
| |33080 | |||
| |39.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |82111 | |||
| |35178 | |||
| |42.8% | |||
| |41693 | |||
| |50.8% | |||
| |45113 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|54.9%}} | |||
| |29828 | |||
| |36.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |88614 | |||
| |45196 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|51.0%}} | |||
| |38158 | |||
| |43.1% | |||
| |50007 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|56.4%}} | |||
| |31202 | |||
| |35.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |95663 | |||
| |45031 | |||
| |47.1% | |||
| |46710 | |||
| |48.8% | |||
| |52634 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.0%}} | |||
| |38003 | |||
| |39.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |89908 | |||
| |32777 | |||
| |36.5% | |||
| |52269 | |||
| |58.1% | |||
| |44002 | |||
| |48.9% | |||
| |38475 | |||
| |42.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |69313 | |||
| |39970 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|57.7%}} | |||
| |25427 | |||
| |36.7% | |||
| |42928 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|61.9%}} | |||
| |17945 | |||
| |25.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |89215 | |||
| |25369 | |||
| |28.4% | |||
| |60091 | |||
| |67.4% | |||
| |34798 | |||
| |39.0% | |||
| |45631 | |||
| |51.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |142220 | |||
| |42374 | |||
| |29.8% | |||
| |93874 | |||
| |66.0% | |||
| |60979 | |||
| |42.9% | |||
| |63286 | |||
| |44.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |84321 | |||
| |30868 | |||
| |36.6% | |||
| |50178 | |||
| |59.5% | |||
| |40452 | |||
| |48.0% | |||
| |38979 | |||
| |46.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |72021 | |||
| |41147 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|57.1%}} | |||
| |27549 | |||
| |38.3% | |||
| |48069 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.7%}} | |||
| |17917 | |||
| |24.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |65579 | |||
| |29609 | |||
| |45.2% | |||
| |32740 | |||
| |49.9% | |||
| |36468 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.6%}} | |||
| |24855 | |||
| |37.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |81413 | |||
| |39174 | |||
| |48.1% | |||
| |39624 | |||
| |48.7% | |||
| |49925 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|61.3%}} | |||
| |26239 | |||
| |32.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |118609 | |||
| |55381 | |||
| |46.7% | |||
| |56628 | |||
| |47.7% | |||
| |70663 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|59.6%}} | |||
| |36937 | |||
| |31.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Tarnopol Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''1600406''' | |||
| |'''728135''' | |||
| |'''46.2%''' | |||
| |'''789114''' | |||
| |'''49.3%''' | |||
| |'''873853''' | |||
| |'''54.6%''' | |||
| |'''586603''' | |||
| |'''36.7%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |118373 | |||
| |83880 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|70.9%}} | |||
| |21158 | |||
| |17.9% | |||
| |89811 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|75.9%}} | |||
| |15630 | |||
| |13.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |92894 | |||
| |59957 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|64.5%}} | |||
| |27751 | |||
| |29.9% | |||
| |69789 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|75.1%}} | |||
| |15519 | |||
| |16.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |102252 | |||
| |77506 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|75.8%}} | |||
| |18637 | |||
| |18.2% | |||
| |80750 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|79.0%}} | |||
| |14418 | |||
| |14.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |176000 | |||
| |110533 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|62.8%}} | |||
| |52006 | |||
| |29.5% | |||
| |121376 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.0%}} | |||
| |31925 | |||
| |18.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |93952 | |||
| |79838 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|85.0%}} | |||
| |6718 | |||
| |7.2% | |||
| |80903 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|86.1%}} | |||
| |4976 | |||
| |5.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |140702 | |||
| |112128 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|79.7%}} | |||
| |16907 | |||
| |12.0% | |||
| |113116 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|80.4%}} | |||
| |15214 | |||
| |10.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |127252 | |||
| |84875 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.7%}} | |||
| |36152 | |||
| |28.4% | |||
| |90456 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|71.1%}} | |||
| |27108 | |||
| |21.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |198359 | |||
| |120214 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|60.6%}} | |||
| |49032 | |||
| |24.7% | |||
| |123959 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|62.5%}} | |||
| |42519 | |||
| |21.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |152631 | |||
| |106183 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.6%}} | |||
| |25186 | |||
| |16.5% | |||
| |108159 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|70.9%}} | |||
| |23404 | |||
| |15.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |78025 | |||
| |56007 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|71.8%}} | |||
| |17206 | |||
| |22.1% | |||
| |61797 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|79.2%}} | |||
| |8659 | |||
| |11.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |116028 | |||
| |66659 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|57.5%}} | |||
| |44958 | |||
| |38.7% | |||
| |76650 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.1%}} | |||
| |31478 | |||
| |27.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |83817 | |||
| |61098 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|72.9%}} | |||
| |16464 | |||
| |19.6% | |||
| |63144 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|75.3%}} | |||
| |15094 | |||
| |18.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Stanisławów Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''1480285''' | |||
| |'''1018878''' | |||
| |'''68.8%''' | |||
| |'''332175''' | |||
| |'''22.4%''' | |||
| |'''1079910''' | |||
| |'''73.0%''' | |||
| |'''245944''' | |||
| |'''16.6%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |97124 | |||
| |60444 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|62.2%}} | |||
| |30762 | |||
| |31.7% | |||
| |66113 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|68.1%}} | |||
| |22820 | |||
| |23.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |83205 | |||
| |10677 | |||
| |12.8% | |||
| |68149 | |||
| |81.9% | |||
| |12743 | |||
| |15.3% | |||
| |65813 | |||
| |79.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |93970 | |||
| |52463 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.8%}} | |||
| |35945 | |||
| |38.3% | |||
| |59664 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|63.5%}} | |||
| |25941 | |||
| |27.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |194456 | |||
| |79214 | |||
| |40.7% | |||
| |91935 | |||
| |47.3% | |||
| |110850 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|57.0%}} | |||
| |52172 | |||
| |26.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |85007 | |||
| |47812 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|56.2%}} | |||
| |33228 | |||
| |39.1% | |||
| |56713 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|66.7%}} | |||
| |22408 | |||
| |26.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |148028 | |||
| |20993 | |||
| |14.2% | |||
| |120429 | |||
| |81.4% | |||
| |52302 | |||
| |35.3% | |||
| |83652 | |||
| |56.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |86762 | |||
| |55868 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|64.4%}} | |||
| |26938 | |||
| |31.0% | |||
| |62828 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|72.4%}} | |||
| |18394 | |||
| |21.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |69565 | |||
| |62 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |65361 | |||
| |94.0% | |||
| |91 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |63999 | |||
| |92.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |113387 | |||
| |14666 | |||
| |12.9% | |||
| |93691 | |||
| |82.6% | |||
| |15132 | |||
| |13.3% | |||
| |91189 | |||
| |80.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |111575 | |||
| |70346 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|63.0%}} | |||
| |31840 | |||
| |28.5% | |||
| |81588 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|73.1%}} | |||
| |18209 | |||
| |16.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |87266 | |||
| |38237 | |||
| |43.8% | |||
| |43294 | |||
| |49.6% | |||
| |44723 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|51.2%}} | |||
| |32994 | |||
| |37.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |312231 | |||
| |35137 | |||
| |11.3% | |||
| |198212 | |||
| |63.5% | |||
| |50824 | |||
| |16.3% | |||
| |157490 | |||
| |50.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |142800 | |||
| |58395 | |||
| |40.9% | |||
| |80712 | |||
| |56.5% | |||
| |67592 | |||
| |47.3% | |||
| |67430 | |||
| |47.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |97679 | |||
| |2690 | |||
| |2.8% | |||
| |92084 | |||
| |94.3% | |||
| |4806 | |||
| |4.9% | |||
| |86066 | |||
| |88.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |89460 | |||
| |37196 | |||
| |41.6% | |||
| |49989 | |||
| |55.9% | |||
| |49230 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.0%}} | |||
| |34619 | |||
| |38.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |64233 | |||
| |115 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |60602 | |||
| |94.3% | |||
| |925 | |||
| |1.4% | |||
| |59069 | |||
| |92.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |162544 | |||
| |60005 | |||
| |36.9% | |||
| |86393 | |||
| |53.2% | |||
| |73631 | |||
| |45.3% | |||
| |67068 | |||
| |41.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |61388 | |||
| |406 | |||
| |0.7% | |||
| |58634 | |||
| |95.5% | |||
| |3042 | |||
| |5.0% | |||
| |54833 | |||
| |89.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |122072 | |||
| |82133 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|67.3%}} | |||
| |27376 | |||
| |22.4% | |||
| |84808 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|69.5%}} | |||
| |22489 | |||
| |18.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |79170 | |||
| |36254 | |||
| |45.8% | |||
| |38417 | |||
| |48.5% | |||
| |45756 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|57.8%}} | |||
| |27674 | |||
| |35.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |185106 | |||
| |963 | |||
| |0.5% | |||
| |173897 | |||
| |93.9% | |||
| |3277 | |||
| |1.8% | |||
| |164050 | |||
| |88.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |133814 | |||
| |68222 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|51.0%}} | |||
| |56818 | |||
| |42.5% | |||
| |78527 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|58.7%}} | |||
| |43583 | |||
| |32.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |114195 | |||
| |38192 | |||
| |33.4% | |||
| |67955 | |||
| |59.5% | |||
| |54882 | |||
| |48.1% | |||
| |48968 | |||
| |42.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |109111 | |||
| |59984 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|55.0%}} | |||
| |42851 | |||
| |39.3% | |||
| |69963 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|64.1%}} | |||
| |25425 | |||
| |23.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |73297 | |||
| |93 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |67624 | |||
| |92.3% | |||
| |194 | |||
| |0.3% | |||
| |65891 | |||
| |89.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |114457 | |||
| |80483 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|70.3%}} | |||
| |26083 | |||
| |22.8% | |||
| |97339 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|85.0%}} | |||
| |6301 | |||
| |5.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Ukraine}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |95507 | |||
| |56060 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|58.7%}} | |||
| |35816 | |||
| |37.5% | |||
| |66823 | |||
| |{{font color||yellow|70.0%}} | |||
| |20279 | |||
| |21.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Lwów Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''3127409''' | |||
| |'''1067110''' | |||
| |'''34.1%''' | |||
| |'''1805035''' | |||
| |'''57.7%''' | |||
| |'''1314366''' | |||
| |'''42.0%''' | |||
| |'''1448826''' | |||
| |'''46.3%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |139127 | |||
| |48 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |127089 | |||
| |91.3% | |||
| |197 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |126431 | |||
| |90.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |113790 | |||
| |75 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |109717 | |||
| |96.4% | |||
| |134 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |107399 | |||
| |94.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |102226 | |||
| |20 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |100251 | |||
| |98.1% | |||
| |66 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |97730 | |||
| |95.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |138061 | |||
| |88 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |127078 | |||
| |92.0% | |||
| |240 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |125016 | |||
| |90.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |66678 | |||
| |25 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |62620 | |||
| |93.9% | |||
| |36 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |61584 | |||
| |92.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |104805 | |||
| |24881 | |||
| |23.7% | |||
| |76266 | |||
| |72.8% | |||
| |25092 | |||
| |23.9% | |||
| |73788 | |||
| |70.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |116146 | |||
| |7435 | |||
| |6.4% | |||
| |103935 | |||
| |89.5% | |||
| |7659 | |||
| |6.6% | |||
| |102213 | |||
| |88.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |219286 | |||
| |924 | |||
| |0.4% | |||
| |171206 | |||
| |78.1% | |||
| |1894 | |||
| |0.9% | |||
| |159372 | |||
| |72.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |187509 | |||
| |97 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |185567 | |||
| |99.0% | |||
| |309 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |181836 | |||
| |97.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |87279 | |||
| |29 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |85238 | |||
| |97.7% | |||
| |43 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |84048 | |||
| |96.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |77465 | |||
| |48 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |71272 | |||
| |92.0% | |||
| |72 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |69737 | |||
| |90.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |102692 | |||
| |16 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |101878 | |||
| |99.2% | |||
| |32 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |99978 | |||
| |97.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |183867 | |||
| |24252 | |||
| |13.2% | |||
| |148329 | |||
| |80.7% | |||
| |25060 | |||
| |13.6% | |||
| |141857 | |||
| |77.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |129489 | |||
| |2156 | |||
| |1.7% | |||
| |123877 | |||
| |95.7% | |||
| |2296 | |||
| |1.8% | |||
| |121767 | |||
| |94.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |110925 | |||
| |60 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |105700 | |||
| |95.3% | |||
| |136 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |104033 | |||
| |93.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |142365 | |||
| |102 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |124817 | |||
| |87.7% | |||
| |293 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |120610 | |||
| |84.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |145143 | |||
| |53 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |142852 | |||
| |98.4% | |||
| |125 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |140469 | |||
| |96.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |130949 | |||
| |19 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |129747 | |||
| |99.1% | |||
| |71 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |127685 | |||
| |97.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Kraków Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''2297802''' | |||
| |'''60328''' | |||
| |'''2.6%''' | |||
| |'''2097439''' | |||
| |'''91.3%''' | |||
| |'''63755''' | |||
| |'''2.8%''' | |||
| |'''2045553''' | |||
| |'''89.0%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |116266 | |||
| |2250 | |||
| |1.9% | |||
| |106467 | |||
| |91.6% | |||
| |18715 | |||
| |16.1% | |||
| |82647 | |||
| |71.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |116951 | |||
| |2727 | |||
| |2.3% | |||
| |106100 | |||
| |90.7% | |||
| |21055 | |||
| |18.0% | |||
| |82614 | |||
| |70.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |162340 | |||
| |13103 | |||
| |8.1% | |||
| |120805 | |||
| |74.4% | |||
| |37875 | |||
| |23.3% | |||
| |88488 | |||
| |54.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |159942 | |||
| |68 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |140024 | |||
| |87.5% | |||
| |147 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |139128 | |||
| |87.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |129957 | |||
| |19066 | |||
| |14.7% | |||
| |101394 | |||
| |78.0% | |||
| |49802 | |||
| |38.3% | |||
| |63365 | |||
| |48.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |152718 | |||
| |1009 | |||
| |0.7% | |||
| |142113 | |||
| |93.1% | |||
| |1206 | |||
| |0.8% | |||
| |135182 | |||
| |88.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |134159 | |||
| |1054 | |||
| |0.8% | |||
| |123204 | |||
| |91.8% | |||
| |4886 | |||
| |3.6% | |||
| |113442 | |||
| |84.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |107991 | |||
| |628 | |||
| |0.6% | |||
| |99918 | |||
| |92.5% | |||
| |1583 | |||
| |1.5% | |||
| |94356 | |||
| |87.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |112285 | |||
| |227 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |73534 | |||
| |65.5% | |||
| |863 | |||
| |0.8% | |||
| |71542 | |||
| |63.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |163502 | |||
| |57 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |151946 | |||
| |92.9% | |||
| |186 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |149192 | |||
| |91.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |129083 | |||
| |28 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |120991 | |||
| |93.7% | |||
| |118 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |113549 | |||
| |88.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |172267 | |||
| |133 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |150022 | |||
| |87.1% | |||
| |308 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |149060 | |||
| |86.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |99089 | |||
| |326 | |||
| |0.3% | |||
| |84174 | |||
| |84.9% | |||
| |1874 | |||
| |1.9% | |||
| |80520 | |||
| |81.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |151411 | |||
| |132 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |129414 | |||
| |85.5% | |||
| |709 | |||
| |0.5% | |||
| |125018 | |||
| |82.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |83949 | |||
| |39 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |75376 | |||
| |89.8% | |||
| |176 | |||
| |0.2% | |||
| |74941 | |||
| |89.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |121124 | |||
| |20752 | |||
| |17.1% | |||
| |86612 | |||
| |71.5% | |||
| |33642 | |||
| |27.8% | |||
| |73021 | |||
| |60.3% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |88788 | |||
| |34 | |||
| |0.0% | |||
| |79709 | |||
| |89.8% | |||
| |83 | |||
| |0.1% | |||
| |76511 | |||
| |86.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |113566 | |||
| |9663 | |||
| |8.5% | |||
| |86866 | |||
| |76.5% | |||
| |33585 | |||
| |29.6% | |||
| |57939 | |||
| |51.0% | |||
| |- | |||
| |{{Flagicon|Poland}} | |||
| |] | |||
| |] | |||
| |149548 | |||
| |2532 | |||
| |1.7% | |||
| |130530 | |||
| |87.3% | |||
| |6942 | |||
| |4.6% | |||
| |125249 | |||
| |83.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| | colspan="3" |'''Total in Lublin Voivodeship''' | |||
| |'''2464936''' | |||
| |'''73828''' | |||
| |'''3.0%''' | |||
| |'''2109199''' | |||
| |'''85.6%''' | |||
| |'''213755''' | |||
| |'''8.7%''' | |||
| |'''1895764''' | |||
| |'''76.9%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| ! colspan="3" |Total in six voivodeships | |||
| !13056412 | |||
| !4375151 | |||
| !33.6% | |||
| !7479602 | |||
| !57.3% | |||
| !5012658 | |||
| !38.4% | |||
| !6550546 | |||
| !50.2% | |||
| |} | |||
| In total in these six voivodeships the census counted 4,375,151 people with Ukrainian or Ruthenian mother tongue. In the rest of inter-war Poland there were further 66,471 people with Ukrainian or Ruthenian mother tongue, for a grand total of 4,441,622 in entire Poland. | |||
| ==World War II== | |||
| In 1939 Poland was occupied by Germany and the Soviet Union, the mostly Ukrainian-inhabited territories of Volhynia and Galicia were ]. Some territories inhabited by Ukrainians, however, were placed under German control. In these areas, Ukrainian cultural activities such as theaters, schools and reading rooms that had been suppressed by the Polish government were reestablished. Approximately twenty Ukrainian churches were revived.<ref name = "Yurkevich">Myroslav Yurkevich. (1986). Galician Ukrainians in German Military Formations and in the German Administration. In ''Ukraine during World War II: history and its aftermath : a symposium '' (Yuri Boshyk, Roman Waschuk, Andriy Wynnyckyj, Eds.). Edmonton: University of Alberta, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press pp. 73–75</ref> | |||
| In 1939 Poland was occupied by Germany and the Soviet Union, the mostly Ukrainian-inhabited territories of Volhynia and Galicia were ]. Some territories inhabited by Ukrainians, however, were placed under German control. In these areas, Ukrainian cultural activities such as theaters, schools and reading rooms that had been suppressed by the Polish government were reestablished. Approximately twenty Ukrainian churches were revived.<ref name = "Yurkevich">Myroslav Yurkevich. (1986). Galician Ukrainians in German Military Formations and in the German Administration. In ''Ukraine during World War II: history and its aftermath : a symposium '' (Yuri Boshyk, Roman Waschuk, Andriy Wynnyckyj, Eds.). Edmonton: University of Alberta, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press pp. 73–75</ref> | |||
| During ] the Ukrainian Central Committee (UCC), which was the officially recognized Ukrainian community and quasi-political organization under the |
During ] the Ukrainian Central Committee (UCC), which was the officially recognized Ukrainian community and quasi-political organization under the German occupation, was founded and based in ]. It was responsible for ], veteran affairs, education, youth and economic activities. For example, after a flood and famine in Transcarpathia, the committee was able to save and resettle 30,000 Ukrainian children. By late 1943 it operated 1,366 kitchens and was able to feed 100,000 people. The committee's interventions led to the release of 85,000 ethnic Ukrainian prisoners-of-war (presumably, from the Polish military) who were captured during the German-Polish conflict. It was unable, however, to intervene in the brutal treatment of Ukrainian prisoners who had fought in the Soviet military. When the Germans began to kill Ukrainian peasants in the Zamość region for alleged resistance, Kubiyovych's protest to Hans Frank was able to halt that slaughter. The committee was also able to build student residences housing 7,000 students, provided scholarships worth 1.35 million zlotys, and organized over 100 youth groups, camps and sports clubs.<ref name = "Yurkevich"/> | ||
| A Ukrainian Publishing House was established in |
A Ukrainian Publishing House was established in Kraków. It published numerous Ukrainian works and textbooks. In spite of problems with German censors and chronic paper shortages, the Ukrainian Publishing House also published a Ukrainian daily newspaper.<ref name = "Yurkevich"/> | ||
| Ukrainian- |
Ukrainian-populated territories that had been part of Poland were the scene of extreme violence between Ukrainians and Poles. During World War II, Ukrainian nationalists killed between 40,000 and 60,000 Polish civilians in the former Polish territory of Volhynia{{sfn|Motyka|2006|p=447}} and between 25,000{{sfn|Snyder|2003|p=176}} to 30,000–40,000 in the former Polish territory of Eastern Galicia{{sfn|Motyka|2006|p=447}} The number of Ukrainian civilians killed in reprisal attacks by Poles is estimated at 10,000–20,000 in all territories covered by the conflict (including south-eastern areas of present-day Poland).<ref>{{cite book |last1=Motyka |first1=Grzegorz |title=W Kręgu Łun w Bieszczadach |date=2009 |publisher=Rytm |isbn=9788373993402 |page=13 |language=pl}}</ref> | ||
| See: ], ] and ]. | See: ], ] and ]. | ||
| ==After |
==After World War II== | ||
| After the quashing of a Ukrainian insurrection at the end of ] by the ], about 140,000 Ukrainians remaining in Poland were ] to Soviet ], and to new territories in northern and western Poland during ]. | |||
| Since 1989, there has been a new wave of Ukrainian immigration to Poland, mostly consisting of jobseekers. According to data reported by the ] in the 2000s, around 300,000 Ukrainian citizens were employed in Poland annually.<ref>Krystyna Iglicka. '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150923202011/http://www.cespi.it/WPMIG/Country%20mig-POLAND.pdf |date=23 September 2015 }}''. CeSPI Country Papers. August 2008. p. 8.</ref> In recent years, the number of Ukrainian immigrants in Poland has grown considerably, numbering 1.3 million in 2016.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-03-06/million-migrants-fleeing-putin-score-a-policy-jackpot-for-poland | title=Poland Can't Get Enough of Ukrainian Migrants | first=Dorota | last=Bartyzel | date=6 March 2017 | publisher=Bloomberg | accessdate=18 November 2019 }}</ref> | |||
| After the quashing of a Ukrainian insurrection at the end of ] by the ], about 140,000 Ukrainians remaining in Poland were ] to Soviet ], and to new territories in northern and western Poland during ]. | |||
| Since 1989, there has been a new wave of Ukrainian immigration to Poland, mostly consisting of jobseekers. | |||
| According to the ], around 300,000 Ukrainian citizens work in Poland yearly.<ref>Krystyna Iglicka. ''''. CeSPI Country Papers. August 2008. p. 8.</ref> | |||
| ==See also== | ==See also== | ||
| Line 128: | Line 1,574: | ||
| *] | *] | ||
| *] | *] | ||
| *[[Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia|Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia | |||
| (1943-1945)]] | |||
| ==Notes== | |||
| {{notelist}} | |||
| ==References== | ==References== | ||
| {{reflist}} | {{reflist}} | ||
| * {{cite book | first= Orest| last= Subtelny | authorlink=Orest Subtelny | title=Ukraine: A History | location= Toronto | publisher=University of Toronto Press | year=1988 | isbn=0-8020-5808-6 }} | |||
| * {{en icon}} ] "Bitter truth": The criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the testimony of a Ukrainian, ISBN 0-9699444-9-7 | |||
| * {{pl icon}} {{cite book | author= Andrzej L. Sowa| title=Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1939–1947 | location= Kraków| year= 1998 |id= {{OCLC| 48053561}} }} | |||
| ==Bibliography== | |||
| == External links == | |||
| * {{cite book | first= Orest| last= Subtelny | author-link=Orest Subtelny | title=Ukraine: A History | location= Toronto | publisher=University of Toronto Press | year=1988 | isbn=0-8020-5808-6 }} | |||
| * | |||
| * ] "Bitter truth": The criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the testimony of a Ukrainian, {{ISBN|0-9699444-9-7}} | |||
| * | |||
| * {{cite book | author= Andrzej L. Sowa| title=Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1939–1947 | location= Kraków| year= 1998 |oclc=48053561 |language=pl}} | |||
| * | |||
| ==External links== | |||
| * {{Webarchive|url=http://archive.wikiwix.com/cache/20110516045008/http://web.mit.edu/cis/www/migration/pubs/rrwp/9_resolve.html |date=16 May 2011 }} | |||
| * | |||
| * | |||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | ] | ||
| ] | ] | ||
Latest revision as of 20:22, 26 October 2024
The history of the Ukrainian minority in Poland dates back to the Late Middle Ages, preceding the 14th century Galicia–Volhynia Wars between Casimir III the Great of Poland, and Liubartas of Lithuania. Following the extinction of the Rurikid dynasty in 1323, the Polish Kingdom extended further east in 1340 to include the lands of Przemyśl and in 1366, Kamianets-Podilskyi (Kamieniec Podolski). After the Union of Lublin (1569), principalities of Galicia and Western Volhynia became, what is known as, the Ruthenian Voivodeship of the Polish Crown, while the rest of Red Ruthenia together with Kyiv came under Lithuanian control. The Polish borders reached as far east as Zaporizhzhia, and Poltava.
Kingdom of Poland and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
The annexation of Red Ruthenia by Casimir III (Kazimierz) came about as a result of the Polish–Lithuanian peace treaty signed in 1366. It was a two-stage affair, according to Hustyn Chronicle by Zakhariia Kopystensky (d.1627). The Polish King vowed to respect the Orthodox faith, but also, bestowed the Ruthenian gentry with the same rights as the Polish. Kopystensky—the re-discoverer of the ancient Hypatian Codex of southern Rus – regarded the eastern Slavs as "one nation in the medieval sense of the term, descended from a common ancestor." He "clearly differentiates between Muscovy and Ukraine-Rus'" in his work. The total area of Ruthenian lands annexed by Poland was about 91,000 km (35,135 sq mi), and most of the population spoke Ruthenian (a linguistic predecessor of both modern Ukrainian and Belarusian).
The local nobility gradually became polonized, and many members of the Ruthenian szlachta converted to Roman Catholicism. Among the most famous Ruthenian families who polonized themselves were the Wiśniowiecki, Zbarascy, Zasławski, and Czartoryski families. Others, such as the Ostrogski, Sanguszko, and Kisiel families, resisted polonization. All these noble Ruthenian families were very influential in pre-1795 Poland, and one of the Polish kings, Michael Korybut Wiśniowiecki, was the son of a notable Ruthenian magnate Jeremi Wiśniowiecki. Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky and representative of populist movement in Ukraine, attacked Poland, claiming: "the four centuries of Polish rule had left particularly destructive effects (...) economic and cultural backwardness in Galicia was the main "legacy of historical Poland, which assiduously skimmed everything that could be considered the cream of the nation, leaving it in a state of oppression and helplessness".
Second Polish Republic
Poland re-established its sovereignty in 1918 after a century of rule by Austria-Hungary, the German, and the Russian Empires; however, Poland's western and eastern borders were not determined at inception. The Soviet, Polish and Ukrainian claims over the disputed territories led to the Polish–Ukrainian and Polish–Soviet wars. The end of open warfare was achieved with the logistical aid by France. A formal treaty, the Peace of Riga, was signed on 18 March 1921, establishing Polish borders for the period between the World Wars. A process of economic recovery followed.
After the Polish-Ukrainian War, the eastern part of Galicia and Volhynia were captured by Poland. Ukrainian leaders at that time were retained a strong sense of honor. During the entire time of its existence, there were no cases of mass repressions against national minorities in territories held by the West Ukrainian government; the Ukrainian forces controlling the city even neglected to arrest Polish nationalist leaders and intelligentsia, enabling the latter to rebel against the Ukrainian government.
Polish forces captured Lviv after a week-long battle with the Ukrainian forces. They claimed they were fired at in the streets by civilians when they entered the city, and retaliated. They burned the Ukrainian and Jewish sections and killed approximately 270 Ukrainians; however, the British mission also noted that there were no clear conclusions as to the specific motive behind the massacre. The percentage of Jews killed corresponds to the demographics in Lviv at that time.
In the eastern half of Galicia, Ukrainians made up approximately 65% of the population while Poles made up 22% of the population and Jews made up 12%. Of the 44 administrative divisions of Austrian eastern Galicia, Lviv (Polish: Lwów, German: Lemberg), the biggest and capital city of the province, was the only one in which Poles made up a majority of the population. Ukrainians represented about 16% of the total population of the pre-war Poland. Over 90% of them lived in the countryside, 3–6 percent were industrial workers, and close to 1% belonged to Intelligentsia. As to religion, 60 percent were Uniate Catholics and 39 percent professed Eastern Orthodox faith. While national consciousness among the Galician Ukrainians was strong, the Ukrainians of Volhynia had little national orientation and were largely influenced by Russophile and pro-Soviet trends.
According to the Polish census of 1931 the following areas hosted a large number of Ukrainian population in Poland:
- Lwów Voivodeship; 57% Polish, 33% Ukrainian, 7% Yiddish, 3% Other
- Stanisławów Voivodeship; 69% Ukrainian, 23% Polish, 7% Yiddish, 1% German
- Tarnopol Voivodeship; 49% Polish, 46% Ukrainian, 5% Yiddish
- Wołyń Voivodeship; 68% Ukrainian, 17% Polish, 10% Yiddish, 2% German, 1% Russian, 2% Other
Two contradicting policies towards national minorities were competing in Poland at the time. The assimilationist approach advocated by Roman Dmowski (minister of foreign affairs) and Stanisław Grabski (minister of religion and education) clashed with the more tolerant approach advocated by the Polish chief of State Józef Piłsudski, whose project of creating the Międzymorze federation with other states failed in the aftermath of the Polish-Soviet War. The ultranationalist Roman Dmowski and his National Democrats, with its consistent militantly anti-Ukrainian policies, was supported by the Polish minority in Eastern Galicia.
Political and cultural life
The Polish authorities renamed the eastern part of Austrian Galicia "Eastern Little Poland" and created administrative units (Palatinates) designed to include as many non-Ukrainians as possible. In 1924 the Polish government under Władysław Grabski excluded the Ukrainian language from use in government institutions. It also avoided the official use of the word "Ukrainian", replacing it with the historical name "Ruthenian".
There were nine legal Ukrainian and Ruthenian parties, reflecting a full range of political opinion. Ukrainians during the interbellum had several representatives in the Sejm. In 1928–1930 there were 26 Ukrainian MPs in Polish parliament, including Marshall Deputy of the Sejm, Volodymyr Zahajkiewicz and the Secretary of the Sejm, Dymitr Ladyka. Ukrainian and Belarusian deputies created a powerful "Ukrainian-Belarusian Club" (Klub Ukrainsko-Bialoruski), whose members were very active in those years. In 1935 there were 19 Ukrainian deputies, and in 1938 – 14, including Vasyl Mudry – Deputy Marshal of the Polish Sejm.
On 12 July 1930, activists of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), together with Ukrainian Military Organization, began the so-called sabotage action, during which Polish estates were burned, roads, rail lines and telephone connections were destroyed. The OUN used terrorism and sabotage in order to force the Polish government into reprisals so fierce that they would cause the more moderate Ukrainian groups ready to negotiate with the Polish state to lose support. OUN directed its violence not only against the Poles, but also against Ukrainians who wished for a peaceful settlement of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict. In response to this terrorism, the Polish government implemented its so-called pacification in Galician villages suspected of support for UVO. Polish security forces conducted thorough search in Ukrainian houses and buildings, devastating many of them in the process, destroying Ukrainian books, folk dresses, as well as other cultural objects. They frequently forced Ukrainian villages to sign an oath of loyalty to Poland and renounce allegiance to the Ukrainian nation, and inflicted corporal punishment in the form of public whippings. According to Ukrainian sources, seven people were beaten to death while the Polish sources put the number of dead at two. In addition, several Ukrainian members of the Polish parliament, including Vasyl Mudry, were arrested after the Polish authorities discovered that there had been contact between the Ukrainian political parties and UVO. Ukrainian secondary schools were closed down. Poland's Pacification of Western Ukraine was condemned by Great Britain, France and Germany, although the League of Nations released a statement claiming that Polish activities were justified due to Ukrainian sabotage activities.
In 1935 the situation temporarily improved, as the Polish government reached an agreement with the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO), the largest Ukrainian political party in Poland; most prisoners of the Bereza Kartuska prison were released. Ukrainian language education and their political representation improved. But key demands by the Ukrainians, such as local autonomy, a Ukrainian-language university, and an end to Polish colonization efforts on territories inhabited by Ukrainians, were never met. Ukrainian extremists continued their attacks on the Poles, and the moderates lost their bid to stabilize the situation. A Polish report about the popular mood in Volhynia recorded a comment of a young Ukrainian from October 1938: "we will decorate our pillars with you and our trees with your wives."
Ukrainian organizations continued to grow in spite of Polish interference that included destroying reading rooms during pacification in 1930 and banning them in certain regions. Despite such measures, Prosvita society was able to increase the number of reading-room libraries to 3,075 by 1939 (with over 500 new outlets by 1936 with full-time professional staff). There was the Luh sobriety association, and the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance, several newspapers (including Dilo) and the sports organizations. The new Ukraina Lwow soccer team was close to promotion to the Ekstraklasa (a Polish professional league for football clubs). The government statistics for the year 1937 listed about 3,516 Ukrainian co-operative unions with a total of 661,000 members. Polish government made efforts to limit them, including forcibly merging them with Polish cooperatives in some regions.
The Ukrainian cultural life and political representation in Poland sharply contrasted with that of the Stalinist Soviet Union. The Ukrainian people in the Soviet Ukraine "suffered more from Stalin's rule than any other European part of the USSR" in the same period, ravaged by the terror of Great Famine and the killing of thousands of educated Ukrainians. Because Polish discriminatory policies stopped short of mass murder and complete destruction of Ukrainian cultural and political forces, the Ukrainian population was frustrated and outraged but not broken.
Polish governance brought material progress to many Ukrainians. During the 1920s, electrification and telephone service were introduced to all major towns, and the share of children receiving school education rose from 15% to 70% in Volhynia alone. The Polish Ministry of Education increased the number of schools in the Ukrainian areas more than three-fold, to 3,100 by 1938, thus reducing the illiteracy rate among people ten-years-and-older from 50% down to 35% by 1931.
Policies of Józef Piłsudski and the "Volhynia Experiment"
In May 1926 Józef Piłsudski took power in Poland through a Coup D'état. Piłsudski's reign marked the much-needed improvement in the situation of ethnic minorities. Piłsudski replaced the National-Democratic "ethnic assimilation" with a "state assimilation" policy: citizens were judged by their loyalty to the state, not by their nationality. However the continuing series of terrorist attacks by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists to sabotage Piłsudski's efforts, resulted in government pacifications and meant that the situation continued to degenerate.
While Ukrainian nationalism was well-established in Galicia and the Ukrainian inhabitants there were generally hostile to Polish rule, the Ukrainian-inhabited region of Volhynia was less developed. Accordingly, the Polish government sought to isolate the Ukrainians of Galicia from those in Volhynia and to assimilate Volhynians to the Polish state politically, by combining support for Ukrainian culture and language with loyalty to the Polish state. It thus hoped to create a pro-Polish Ukrainian identity that could serve as a model for the Ukrainians being oppressed across the Soviet border from Volhynia.
In 1928 Henryk Józewski, the former deputy minister for internal affairs in the Ukrainian government of Symon Petliura, was nominated the voivode of Volhynia, to carry out the program of cultural and religious autonomy for Ukrainians in that region. Józewski, a Pole from Kiev (where, unlike in Galicia, Poles and Ukrainians had a history of cooperating with one another), was a Ukrainophile who felt that the Polish and Ukrainian nations were deeply connected and that Ukraine might one day become a "Second fatherland" for Poles. Józewski brought Ukrainian followers of Symon Petliura, including former officers in Petliura's army, to his capital of Lutsk in order to help in his Volhynian administration. He hung portraits of Petliura alongside those of Pilsudski in public places. The Polish authorities established the Institute for the Study of Nationality Affairs and educational society for the Orthodox (named after Petro Mohyla, it expanded to 870 chapters in Volhynia). The government financed Ukrainian reading societies (they had 5,000 chapters in 1937) and Ukrainian Theater. The use of Ukrainian language, instead of Russian, during church sermons was encouraged. Józewski also led the negotiations regarding formal recognizion of the Orthodox church, which was not subject to any legal regulations in Poland until 1938. A loyal Ukrainian political party, the Volhynian Ukrainian Alliance, was created. This party was the only Ukrainian political party allowed to freely function in Volhynia. During the period of his governance, Józewski was the object of two assassination attempts: by Soviet agents in 1932 and by Ukrainian nationalists in 1934.
After his sponsor Pilsudski's death in 1935, Józewski's Ukrainian programme was cancelled. The anti-Ukrainian Polish elements in the Polish military took control over policies in Volhynia. Józewski was criticized for allowing Ukrainians to buy land from Poles, Orthodox churches were demolished or converted to Catholic use during the "revindication" campaign, and by 1938 Józewski himself lost his post. Under his successor, all state support for Ukrainian institutions was eliminated, and it was recommended that Polish officials cease using the words "Ukraine" or "Ukrainian." The Polish army Generals believed that filling all state offices in Volhynia with ethnic Poles would ensure fast mobilization and prevent sabotage in case of a Russian attack on Poland. Ukrainians were systematically denied the opportunity to obtain government jobs. Local elected ethnic Ukrainian officials were relieved of their posts. Although the majority of the local population was Ukrainian, virtually all government official positions were assigned to Poles. Land reform designed to favour the Poles brought further alienation of the Ukrainian population.
Military colonists were settled in Volhynia to defend the border area against a Soviet incursion. Despite the ethnic Ukrainian lands being overpopulated and Ukrainian farmers being in need of land, the Polish government's land reforms gave land from large Polish estates not to local villagers but to Polish colonists. This number was estimated at 300,000 in both Galicia and Volhynia by Ukrainian sources and less than 100,000 by Polish sources (see osadnik)
Plans were made for a new round of colonization of Volhynia by Polish military veterans and Polish civilians and hundreds of new Roman Catholic churches were planned for the new colonists and for converts from Orthodoxy.
The ultimate result of Polish policies in Volhynia was that a sense of Ukrainian patriotism was created; however this patriotism was not tied to the Polish state. As a result of the anti-Ukrainian Polish policies, both Ukrainian nationalists and Communists found fertile ground for their ideas among the Volhynian Ukrainian population.
Religious and cultural policies
Following World War I, the government policy was initially aimed at limiting the influence of the predominantly Greek Catholic Ukrainians from Galicia on the Orthodox Ukrainians in Volhynia. A decree defending the rights of the Orthodox minorities was issued but often failed in practice, as the Roman Catholic Church, which had been persecuted under Tsarist rule and was eager to strengthen its position as well as to reclaim Catholic properties that had been confiscated and converted into Orthodox churches, had official representation in the Sejm (Polish parliament) and the courts. Eventually, a hundred ninety Orthodox churches were destroyed and often abandoned and another one hundred fifty were transformed into Roman Catholic churches. As a result, out of 389 Orthodox churches in Volhynia in 1914, only 51 remained in 1939. In addition to losing church buildings, the Orthodox Church lost large areas of land, which were taken the Polish state and kept by it, or given to the Roman Catholic Church. In the regions of Chelm and Polisia, armed groups of Polish colonists known as Krakus terrorized Ukrainian civilians into converting to Catholicism. Remaining Orthodox churches were forced to use the Polish language in their sermons. The last official government act of the Polish state in Volhynia was to, in August 1939, convert the last remaining Orthodox church in the Volhynian capital of Lutsk into a Roman Catholic one. The Orthodox clergy in Volhynia used the persecution of their church to build up already strong feelings of resentment among the local Ukrainian people against the Poles.
In contrast to the persecution experienced by the Orthodox Church, the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church under respected by Polish authorities Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky was allowed to prosper in terms of intellectual and religious activities.
In Lviv, where Roman Catholics constituted in 1900 at least 52.5% of population, and 76.86% of citizens spoke Polish (although a portion of that population was Jewish), the Polish government sought to emphasize that city's Polish character by limiting the cultural expressions of that city's non-Polish minorities. Unlike in Austrian times, when the size and number of public parades or other cultural expressions such as parades or religious processions corresponded to each cultural group's relative population, during Polish rule limitations were placed on public displays of Jewish and Ukrainian culture. Celebrations, dedicated to the Polish defence of Lviv, became a major Polish public celebration, and were integrated by the Roman Catholic Church into the traditional All Saints' Day celebrations in early November. Military parades and commemorations of battles at particular streets within the city, all celebrating the Polish forces who fought against the Ukrainians in 1918, became frequent. The Polish government fostered the idea of Lviv as an eastern Polish outpost standing strong against eastern "hordes."
Attempts at normalization
After the OUN's assassination of Poland's minister of the interior in 1934 attempts were made at normalization between the government and the UNDO representatives led by Sheptytsky. Ukrainian dissidents were freed from Bereza, and credits were forwarded to Ukrainian cooperatives and economic institutions. However, the more radical Ukrainian nationalists rejected the rapprochement.
Between 1934 and 1938, a series of violent and sometimes deadly (as in Warsaw, with 2 victims) attacks against Ukrainians took place. In one of them in Warsaw dormitories in late 1938 – wrote Monsignor Philippe Cortesi – Polish police watched attacks of National Democracy's members on Ukrainian students and after the riots allegedly arrested the Ukrainian victims for disturbing the peace. In 1938–1939 a number of Ukrainian libraries and reading rooms were burned by Polish mobs of misguided patriotic youth who often went unpunished by the Polish police forces. Polish youths were organized into armed, local paramilitary Strzelcy groups and terrorized the Ukrainian population under the pretext of maintaining law and order, wrote Subtelny. Violent incidents went unreported in the Polish press according to Burds, and Ukrainian newspapers that discussed them were confiscated by the Polish authorities wherever they were found.
Education
In the Polish Second Republic's centralized model of government, decisions concerning education were made in Warsaw. Polish educational policies were geared towards bi-lingual schools. Ukrainian language usage was negatively impacted by the system. A law setting up bilingual Polish-Ukrainian schools and Polish schools, passed in 1924 by Władysław Grabski's government, led to closures of uni-lingual Ukrainian schools (their numbers decreased from 2,426 in 1922 to 352 in 1938 in Galicia; and from 443 in 1922 to 8 in 1938 in Volhynia) and their replacement by Polish-Ukrainian bilingual schools (2,485 in Galicia; 520 in Volhynia) and Polish schools. By the 1930s, a significant percentage of these "bilingual" schools became effectively Polish.
By 1938, Polish authorities increased the number of elementary schools in Volhynia and Polessia over three times to 3,100, and from 4,030 to 4,998 in Galicia Thus, in spite of such policies curbing the use of the Ukrainian language, the illiteracy rate in Ukrainian territories fell from 50 percent to 35 percent. Poland's policy also gave rise to the first generation of Ukrainian intellectual elite in Volhynia.
Ethnic Ukrainians were slightly underrepresented in the secondary education system. In the 1936/37 academic year 344 Ukrainians (13.3%) in comparison to 2599 Poles were enrolled in secondary school, in which Ukrainians were 13.9% of the population in the 1931 Polish census. Polish census figures undercounted the actual number of Ukrainians significantly, however, and a realistic estimate of the percentage of the Polish population who were ethnic Ukrainians was approximately 16 percent. In the 1938/9 academic year only 6 Ukrainians were accepted for tertiary education. Ethnic Ukrainians were largely restricted to be educated in the national language, Polish, rather than in their own language. In Poland, there was one Polish gymnasium for every 16,000 ethnic Poles but only one Ukrainian gymnasium for every 230,000 ethnic Ukrainians.
During the Habsburg era, Lviv had housed the largest and most influential Ukrainian institutions in the world. At the university, in 1919 Poland shut down all Ukrainian departments that had opened during the period of Austrian rule save for one, the 1848 Department of Ruthenian Language and Literature, whose chair position was allowed to remain vacant until 1927 before being filled by an ethnic Pole. Most Ukrainian professors were fired, and entrance of ethnic Ukrainians was restricted.
The Ukrainian community's reaction to the anti-Ukrainian educational policies of the Polish government was to create private institutions at its own expense. By the 1937–1938 school year, forty percent of Ukrainian gymnazium, teachers' college, and professional school students attended private schools. Donations from Ukrainian immigrants in Canada and the United States helped to financially support such schools. An underground university in Lviv (which had 1,500 students), and a Ukrainian Free University in Vienna (later moved to Prague) were established. Andrey Sheptytsky, head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, attempted to create a private Ukrainian Catholic University but his efforts were thwarted by the strong opposition of the Polish government, which threatened to cancel its Concordat with the Vatican if the Vatican were to recognize a Ukrainian university.
The University of Warsaw invited Ukrainian professors from Lviv and the Soviet Ukraine to its departments. In 1930, the Ukrainian Scientific Institute was established by the Polish government. By the outbreak of World War II, it became the largest among all émigré and Western Ukrainian academic publishers, and achieved the status of the main center of Taras Shevchenko studies in Europe.
Ukrainians who after World War I found themselves under Polish rule were worse off than those in the new state of Czechoslovakia. In the region which became part of Czechoslovakia after World War I Ukrainian schools did not exist until the establishment of that country. However, by 1921–1922 89 percent of Ukrainian children were enrolled in Ukrainian-language schools.
The result of Poland's discriminatory educational policies against Ukrainians was that many educated Ukrainians became politically radicalized and militantly opposed to Poland.
Ukrainian responses to Polish governance
From the beginning and until the decision at Versailles to give eastern Galicia to Poland in 1923, the Galician Ukrainians considered Polish rule over lands primarily inhabited by them to be illegitimate, and they boycotted the Polish census of 1921 and the Polish elections of 1922. German-Jewish writer Alfred Döblin, travelling in eastern Galicia in 1924, expressed more sympathy for the Ukrainians under Polish rule than towards the Poles who dominated them. He described the Ukrainians' "terrible , blind, numb" hatred for the Poles. All Ukrainian political parties and organizations considered Polish rule over territories inhabited primarily by ethnic Ukrainians to be illegitimate. The largest Ukrainian political party in Poland, which dominated political life for the Ukrainian minority in that country, was the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). UNDO supported constitutional democracy and focused on building up Ukrainian institutions, promoting Ukrainian education, and fostering Ukrainian self-reliance organizations that could operate independently from the Polish authorities in order to prepare Ukrainians for independence.
In contrast to the peaceful activities of the mainstream Ukrainian political party UNDO, the radical Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists sought to struggle against the Polish government through violence. The OUN carried out hundreds of acts of sabotage in Galicia and Volhynia, including a campaign of arson against Polish landowners (which helped provoke the 1930 Pacification), boycotts of state schools and Polish tobacco and liquor monopolies, dozens of expropriation attacks on government institutions to obtain funds for its activities, and approximately sixty assassinations. Some of the OUN's victims included Tadeusz Hołówko, a Polish promoter of Ukrainian/Polish compromise, Emilian Czechowski, Lviv's Polish police commissioner, Alexei Mailov, a Soviet consular official killed in retaliation for the Holodomor, and most notably Bronisław Pieracki, the Polish interior minister. The OUN also killed moderate Ukrainian figures such as the respected teacher (and former officer of the military of the West Ukrainian People's Republic) Ivan Babii, and in 1930 assaulted the head of the Shevchenko Scientific Society Kyryl Studynsky in his office.
The OUN's terrorism was condemned by most mainstream Ukrainian political leaders. The head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan Andriy Sheptytsky, who was particularly critical of the OUN's leadership in exile who inspired acts of youthful violence, writing that they were "using our children to kill their parents" and that "whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of the people." UNDO opposed acts of terrorism because they resulted in Polish retaliation against the Ukrainian population.
When Poland was partitioned by Germany and the Soviet Union, the overwhelming majority of Poland's ethnic Ukrainians were sincerely glad to see the Polish state collapse.
Demographics
The results of the 1931 census (questions about mother tongue and about religion) in voivodeships with significant Ukrainian populations:
Ukrainian/Ruthenian and Greek Catholic/Orthodox majority minority counties are highlighted with yellow.
| Today part of | County part of Voivodeship | County | Pop. | Ukrainian & Ruthenian | % | Polish | % | Uniate & Orthodox | % | Roman Catholic | % |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Wołyń | Dubno | 226709 | 158173 | 69.8% | 33987 | 15.0% | 173512 | 76.5% | 27638 | 12.2% |
|
|
Wołyń | Horokhiv | 122045 | 84224 | 69.0% | 21100 | 17.3% | 87333 | 71.6% | 17675 | 14.5% |
|
|
Wołyń | Kostopil | 159602 | 105346 | 66.0% | 34951 | 21.9% | 103912 | 65.1% | 34450 | 21.6% |
|
|
Wołyń | Kovel | 255095 | 185240 | 72.6% | 36720 | 14.4% | 187717 | 73.6% | 35191 | 13.8% |
|
|
Wołyń | Kremenets | 243032 | 196000 | 80.6% | 25758 | 10.6% | 195233 | 80.3% | 25082 | 10.3% |
|
|
Wołyń | Liuboml | 85507 | 65906 | 77.1% | 12150 | 14.2% | 65685 | 76.8% | 10998 | 12.9% |
|
|
Wołyń | Lutsk | 290805 | 172038 | 59.2% | 56446 | 19.4% | 177377 | 61.0% | 55802 | 19.2% |
|
|
Wołyń | Rivne | 252787 | 160484 | 63.5% | 36990 | 14.6% | 166970 | 66.1% | 36444 | 14.4% |
|
|
Wołyń | Sarny | 181284 | 129637 | 71.5% | 30426 | 16.8% | 132691 | 73.2% | 28192 | 15.6% |
|
|
Wołyń | Volodymyr | 150374 | 88174 | 58.6% | 40286 | 26.8% | 89641 | 59.6% | 38483 | 25.6% |
|
|
Wołyń | Zdolbuniv | 118334 | 81650 | 69.0% | 17826 | 15.1% | 86948 | 73.5% | 17901 | 15.1% |
| Total in Wołyń Voivodeship | 2085574 | 1426872 | 68.4% | 346640 | 16.6% | 1467019 | 70.3% | 327856 | 15.7% | ||
|
|
Tarnopol | Borshchiv | 103277 | 52612 | 50.9% | 46153 | 44.7% | 65344 | 63.3% | 28432 | 27.5% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Brody | 91248 | 50490 | 55.3% | 32843 | 36.0% | 58009 | 63.6% | 22521 | 24.7% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Berezhany | 103824 | 51757 | 49.9% | 48168 | 46.4% | 54611 | 52.6% | 41962 | 40.4% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Buchach | 139062 | 70336 | 50.6% | 60523 | 43.5% | 77023 | 55.4% | 51311 | 36.9% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Chortkiv | 84008 | 40866 | 48.6% | 36486 | 43.4% | 42828 | 51.0% | 33080 | 39.4% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Kamianka-Buzka | 82111 | 35178 | 42.8% | 41693 | 50.8% | 45113 | 54.9% | 29828 | 36.3% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Kopychyntsi | 88614 | 45196 | 51.0% | 38158 | 43.1% | 50007 | 56.4% | 31202 | 35.2% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Pidhaitsi | 95663 | 45031 | 47.1% | 46710 | 48.8% | 52634 | 55.0% | 38003 | 39.7% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Peremyshliany | 89908 | 32777 | 36.5% | 52269 | 58.1% | 44002 | 48.9% | 38475 | 42.8% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Radekhiv | 69313 | 39970 | 57.7% | 25427 | 36.7% | 42928 | 61.9% | 17945 | 25.9% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Skalat | 89215 | 25369 | 28.4% | 60091 | 67.4% | 34798 | 39.0% | 45631 | 51.1% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Ternopil | 142220 | 42374 | 29.8% | 93874 | 66.0% | 60979 | 42.9% | 63286 | 44.5% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Terebovlia | 84321 | 30868 | 36.6% | 50178 | 59.5% | 40452 | 48.0% | 38979 | 46.2% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Zalishchyky | 72021 | 41147 | 57.1% | 27549 | 38.3% | 48069 | 66.7% | 17917 | 24.9% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Zbarazh | 65579 | 29609 | 45.2% | 32740 | 49.9% | 36468 | 55.6% | 24855 | 37.9% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Zboriv | 81413 | 39174 | 48.1% | 39624 | 48.7% | 49925 | 61.3% | 26239 | 32.2% |
|
|
Tarnopol | Zolochiv | 118609 | 55381 | 46.7% | 56628 | 47.7% | 70663 | 59.6% | 36937 | 31.1% |
| Total in Tarnopol Voivodeship | 1600406 | 728135 | 46.2% | 789114 | 49.3% | 873853 | 54.6% | 586603 | 36.7% | ||
|
|
Stanisławów | Dolyna | 118373 | 83880 | 70.9% | 21158 | 17.9% | 89811 | 75.9% | 15630 | 13.2% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Horodenka | 92894 | 59957 | 64.5% | 27751 | 29.9% | 69789 | 75.1% | 15519 | 16.7% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Kalush | 102252 | 77506 | 75.8% | 18637 | 18.2% | 80750 | 79.0% | 14418 | 14.1% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Kolomyia | 176000 | 110533 | 62.8% | 52006 | 29.5% | 121376 | 69.0% | 31925 | 18.1% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Kosiv | 93952 | 79838 | 85.0% | 6718 | 7.2% | 80903 | 86.1% | 4976 | 5.3% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Nadvírna | 140702 | 112128 | 79.7% | 16907 | 12.0% | 113116 | 80.4% | 15214 | 10.8% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Rohatyn | 127252 | 84875 | 66.7% | 36152 | 28.4% | 90456 | 71.1% | 27108 | 21.3% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Stanyslaviv | 198359 | 120214 | 60.6% | 49032 | 24.7% | 123959 | 62.5% | 42519 | 21.4% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Stryi | 152631 | 106183 | 69.6% | 25186 | 16.5% | 108159 | 70.9% | 23404 | 15.3% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Sniatyn | 78025 | 56007 | 71.8% | 17206 | 22.1% | 61797 | 79.2% | 8659 | 11.1% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Tlumach | 116028 | 66659 | 57.5% | 44958 | 38.7% | 76650 | 66.1% | 31478 | 27.1% |
|
|
Stanisławów | Zhydachiv | 83817 | 61098 | 72.9% | 16464 | 19.6% | 63144 | 75.3% | 15094 | 18.0% |
| Total in Stanisławów Voivodeship | 1480285 | 1018878 | 68.8% | 332175 | 22.4% | 1079910 | 73.0% | 245944 | 16.6% | ||
|
|
Lwów | Bibrka | 97124 | 60444 | 62.2% | 30762 | 31.7% | 66113 | 68.1% | 22820 | 23.5% |
|
Lwów | Brzozów | 83205 | 10677 | 12.8% | 68149 | 81.9% | 12743 | 15.3% | 65813 | 79.1% |
|
|
Lwów | Dobromyl | 93970 | 52463 | 55.8% | 35945 | 38.3% | 59664 | 63.5% | 25941 | 27.6% |
|
|
Lwów | Drohobych | 194456 | 79214 | 40.7% | 91935 | 47.3% | 110850 | 57.0% | 52172 | 26.8% |
|
|
Lwów | Horodok | 85007 | 47812 | 56.2% | 33228 | 39.1% | 56713 | 66.7% | 22408 | 26.4% |
|
|
Lwów | Jarosław | 148028 | 20993 | 14.2% | 120429 | 81.4% | 52302 | 35.3% | 83652 | 56.5% |
|
|
Lwów | Yavoriv | 86762 | 55868 | 64.4% | 26938 | 31.0% | 62828 | 72.4% | 18394 | 21.2% |
|
|
Lwów | Kolbuszowa | 69565 | 62 | 0.1% | 65361 | 94.0% | 91 | 0.1% | 63999 | 92.0% |
|
|
Lwów | Krosno | 113387 | 14666 | 12.9% | 93691 | 82.6% | 15132 | 13.3% | 91189 | 80.4% |
|
|
Lwów | Lesko | 111575 | 70346 | 63.0% | 31840 | 28.5% | 81588 | 73.1% | 18209 | 16.3% |
|
|
Lwów | Lubaczów | 87266 | 38237 | 43.8% | 43294 | 49.6% | 44723 | 51.2% | 32994 | 37.8% |
|
|
Lwów | Lviv City | 312231 | 35137 | 11.3% | 198212 | 63.5% | 50824 | 16.3% | 157490 | 50.4% |
|
|
Lwów | Lviv County | 142800 | 58395 | 40.9% | 80712 | 56.5% | 67592 | 47.3% | 67430 | 47.2% |
|
|
Lwów | Łańcut | 97679 | 2690 | 2.8% | 92084 | 94.3% | 4806 | 4.9% | 86066 | 88.1% |
|
|
Lwów | Mostyska | 89460 | 37196 | 41.6% | 49989 | 55.9% | 49230 | 55.0% | 34619 | 38.7% |
|
|
Lwów | Nisko | 64233 | 115 | 0.2% | 60602 | 94.3% | 925 | 1.4% | 59069 | 92.0% |
|
|
Lwów | Przemyśl | 162544 | 60005 | 36.9% | 86393 | 53.2% | 73631 | 45.3% | 67068 | 41.3% |
|
|
Lwów | Przeworsk | 61388 | 406 | 0.7% | 58634 | 95.5% | 3042 | 5.0% | 54833 | 89.3% |
|
|
Lwów | Rava-Ruska | 122072 | 82133 | 67.3% | 27376 | 22.4% | 84808 | 69.5% | 22489 | 18.4% |
|
|
Lwów | Rudky | 79170 | 36254 | 45.8% | 38417 | 48.5% | 45756 | 57.8% | 27674 | 35.0% |
|
|
Lwów | Rzeszów | 185106 | 963 | 0.5% | 173897 | 93.9% | 3277 | 1.8% | 164050 | 88.6% |
|
|
Lwów | Sambir | 133814 | 68222 | 51.0% | 56818 | 42.5% | 78527 | 58.7% | 43583 | 32.6% |
|
|
Lwów | Sanok | 114195 | 38192 | 33.4% | 67955 | 59.5% | 54882 | 48.1% | 48968 | 42.9% |
|
|
Lwów | Sokal | 109111 | 59984 | 55.0% | 42851 | 39.3% | 69963 | 64.1% | 25425 | 23.3% |
|
|
Lwów | Tarnobrzeg | 73297 | 93 | 0.1% | 67624 | 92.3% | 194 | 0.3% | 65891 | 89.9% |
|
|
Lwów | Turka | 114457 | 80483 | 70.3% | 26083 | 22.8% | 97339 | 85.0% | 6301 | 5.5% |
|
|
Lwów | Zhovkva | 95507 | 56060 | 58.7% | 35816 | 37.5% | 66823 | 70.0% | 20279 | 21.2% |
| Total in Lwów Voivodeship | 3127409 | 1067110 | 34.1% | 1805035 | 57.7% | 1314366 | 42.0% | 1448826 | 46.3% | ||
|
|
Kraków | Biała | 139127 | 48 | 0.0% | 127089 | 91.3% | 197 | 0.1% | 126431 | 90.9% |
|
|
Kraków | Bochnia | 113790 | 75 | 0.1% | 109717 | 96.4% | 134 | 0.1% | 107399 | 94.4% |
|
|
Kraków | Brzesko | 102226 | 20 | 0.0% | 100251 | 98.1% | 66 | 0.1% | 97730 | 95.6% |
|
|
Kraków | Chrzanów | 138061 | 88 | 0.1% | 127078 | 92.0% | 240 | 0.2% | 125016 | 90.6% |
|
|
Kraków | Dąbrowa | 66678 | 25 | 0.0% | 62620 | 93.9% | 36 | 0.1% | 61584 | 92.4% |
|
|
Kraków | Gorlice | 104805 | 24881 | 23.7% | 76266 | 72.8% | 25092 | 23.9% | 73788 | 70.4% |
|
|
Kraków | Jasło | 116146 | 7435 | 6.4% | 103935 | 89.5% | 7659 | 6.6% | 102213 | 88.0% |
|
|
Kraków | Kraków City | 219286 | 924 | 0.4% | 171206 | 78.1% | 1894 | 0.9% | 159372 | 72.7% |
|
|
Kraków | Kraków County | 187509 | 97 | 0.1% | 185567 | 99.0% | 309 | 0.2% | 181836 | 97.0% |
|
|
Kraków | Limanowa | 87279 | 29 | 0.0% | 85238 | 97.7% | 43 | 0.0% | 84048 | 96.3% |
|
|
Kraków | Mielec | 77465 | 48 | 0.1% | 71272 | 92.0% | 72 | 0.1% | 69737 | 90.0% |
|
|
Kraków | Myślenice | 102692 | 16 | 0.0% | 101878 | 99.2% | 32 | 0.0% | 99978 | 97.4% |
|
|
Kraków | Nowy Sącz | 183867 | 24252 | 13.2% | 148329 | 80.7% | 25060 | 13.6% | 141857 | 77.2% |
|
|
Kraków | Nowy Targ | 129489 | 2156 | 1.7% | 123877 | 95.7% | 2296 | 1.8% | 121767 | 94.0% |
|
|
Kraków | Ropczyce | 110925 | 60 | 0.1% | 105700 | 95.3% | 136 | 0.1% | 104033 | 93.8% |
|
|
Kraków | Tarnów | 142365 | 102 | 0.1% | 124817 | 87.7% | 293 | 0.2% | 120610 | 84.7% |
|
|
Kraków | Wadowice | 145143 | 53 | 0.0% | 142852 | 98.4% | 125 | 0.1% | 140469 | 96.8% |
|
|
Kraków | Żywiec | 130949 | 19 | 0.0% | 129747 | 99.1% | 71 | 0.1% | 127685 | 97.5% |
| Total in Kraków Voivodeship | 2297802 | 60328 | 2.6% | 2097439 | 91.3% | 63755 | 2.8% | 2045553 | 89.0% | ||
|
|
Lublin | Biała Podlaska | 116266 | 2250 | 1.9% | 106467 | 91.6% | 18715 | 16.1% | 82647 | 71.1% |
|
|
Lublin | Biłgoraj | 116951 | 2727 | 2.3% | 106100 | 90.7% | 21055 | 18.0% | 82614 | 70.6% |
|
|
Lublin | Chełm | 162340 | 13103 | 8.1% | 120805 | 74.4% | 37875 | 23.3% | 88488 | 54.5% |
|
|
Lublin | Garwolin | 159942 | 68 | 0.0% | 140024 | 87.5% | 147 | 0.1% | 139128 | 87.0% |
|
|
Lublin | Hrubieszów | 129957 | 19066 | 14.7% | 101394 | 78.0% | 49802 | 38.3% | 63365 | 48.8% |
|
|
Lublin | Janów | 152718 | 1009 | 0.7% | 142113 | 93.1% | 1206 | 0.8% | 135182 | 88.5% |
|
|
Lublin | Krasnystaw | 134159 | 1054 | 0.8% | 123204 | 91.8% | 4886 | 3.6% | 113442 | 84.6% |
|
|
Lublin | Lubartów | 107991 | 628 | 0.6% | 99918 | 92.5% | 1583 | 1.5% | 94356 | 87.4% |
|
|
Lublin | Lublin City | 112285 | 227 | 0.2% | 73534 | 65.5% | 863 | 0.8% | 71542 | 63.7% |
|
|
Lublin | Lublin County | 163502 | 57 | 0.0% | 151946 | 92.9% | 186 | 0.1% | 149192 | 91.2% |
|
|
Lublin | Łuków | 129083 | 28 | 0.0% | 120991 | 93.7% | 118 | 0.1% | 113549 | 88.0% |
|
|
Lublin | Puławy | 172267 | 133 | 0.1% | 150022 | 87.1% | 308 | 0.2% | 149060 | 86.5% |
|
|
Lublin | Radzyń | 99089 | 326 | 0.3% | 84174 | 84.9% | 1874 | 1.9% | 80520 | 81.3% |
|
|
Lublin | Siedlce | 151411 | 132 | 0.1% | 129414 | 85.5% | 709 | 0.5% | 125018 | 82.6% |
|
|
Lublin | Sokołów | 83949 | 39 | 0.0% | 75376 | 89.8% | 176 | 0.2% | 74941 | 89.3% |
|
|
Lublin | Tomaszów | 121124 | 20752 | 17.1% | 86612 | 71.5% | 33642 | 27.8% | 73021 | 60.3% |
|
|
Lublin | Węgrów | 88788 | 34 | 0.0% | 79709 | 89.8% | 83 | 0.1% | 76511 | 86.2% |
|
|
Lublin | Włodawa | 113566 | 9663 | 8.5% | 86866 | 76.5% | 33585 | 29.6% | 57939 | 51.0% |
|
|
Lublin | Zamość | 149548 | 2532 | 1.7% | 130530 | 87.3% | 6942 | 4.6% | 125249 | 83.8% |
| Total in Lublin Voivodeship | 2464936 | 73828 | 3.0% | 2109199 | 85.6% | 213755 | 8.7% | 1895764 | 76.9% | ||
| Total in six voivodeships | 13056412 | 4375151 | 33.6% | 7479602 | 57.3% | 5012658 | 38.4% | 6550546 | 50.2% | ||
In total in these six voivodeships the census counted 4,375,151 people with Ukrainian or Ruthenian mother tongue. In the rest of inter-war Poland there were further 66,471 people with Ukrainian or Ruthenian mother tongue, for a grand total of 4,441,622 in entire Poland.
World War II
In 1939 Poland was occupied by Germany and the Soviet Union, the mostly Ukrainian-inhabited territories of Volhynia and Galicia were annexed by the Soviet Union. Some territories inhabited by Ukrainians, however, were placed under German control. In these areas, Ukrainian cultural activities such as theaters, schools and reading rooms that had been suppressed by the Polish government were reestablished. Approximately twenty Ukrainian churches were revived.
During World War II the Ukrainian Central Committee (UCC), which was the officially recognized Ukrainian community and quasi-political organization under the German occupation, was founded and based in Kraków. It was responsible for social services, veteran affairs, education, youth and economic activities. For example, after a flood and famine in Transcarpathia, the committee was able to save and resettle 30,000 Ukrainian children. By late 1943 it operated 1,366 kitchens and was able to feed 100,000 people. The committee's interventions led to the release of 85,000 ethnic Ukrainian prisoners-of-war (presumably, from the Polish military) who were captured during the German-Polish conflict. It was unable, however, to intervene in the brutal treatment of Ukrainian prisoners who had fought in the Soviet military. When the Germans began to kill Ukrainian peasants in the Zamość region for alleged resistance, Kubiyovych's protest to Hans Frank was able to halt that slaughter. The committee was also able to build student residences housing 7,000 students, provided scholarships worth 1.35 million zlotys, and organized over 100 youth groups, camps and sports clubs.
A Ukrainian Publishing House was established in Kraków. It published numerous Ukrainian works and textbooks. In spite of problems with German censors and chronic paper shortages, the Ukrainian Publishing House also published a Ukrainian daily newspaper.
Ukrainian-populated territories that had been part of Poland were the scene of extreme violence between Ukrainians and Poles. During World War II, Ukrainian nationalists killed between 40,000 and 60,000 Polish civilians in the former Polish territory of Volhynia and between 25,000 to 30,000–40,000 in the former Polish territory of Eastern Galicia The number of Ukrainian civilians killed in reprisal attacks by Poles is estimated at 10,000–20,000 in all territories covered by the conflict (including south-eastern areas of present-day Poland).
See: Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Proclamation of Ukrainian statehood, 1941 and massacres of Poles in Volhynia.
After World War II
After the quashing of a Ukrainian insurrection at the end of World War II by the Soviet Union, about 140,000 Ukrainians remaining in Poland were forcibly expelled to Soviet Ukraine, and to new territories in northern and western Poland during Operation Vistula.
Since 1989, there has been a new wave of Ukrainian immigration to Poland, mostly consisting of jobseekers. According to data reported by the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 2000s, around 300,000 Ukrainian citizens were employed in Poland annually. In recent years, the number of Ukrainian immigrants in Poland has grown considerably, numbering 1.3 million in 2016.
See also
- Historical demography of Poland
- Ukrainian minority in Poland
- Pacification of Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia (1930)
- Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia (1943-1945)
Notes
- The Institute conducted in-depth scientific research into Ukrainian cultural history and was an organizer of over 50 scholarly conferences. It published tens of academic works, a series of major liturgical texts in Ukrainian translation, and an anthology of Taras Shevchenko in 13 volumes (3 more were planned).
References
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- Crampton, R. J. (1994). Eastern Europe in the twentieth century. Routledge. p. 50. ISBN 978-0415053464.
- Hann, C. M.; Magocsi, Paul R., eds. (2005). Galicia: A Multicultured Land. University of Toronto Press. p. 148. ISBN 080203781X.
- Chojnowski, Andrzej. "Pacification; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Vol. 3, 1993". encyclopediaofukraine.com.
- Leslie, Roy Francis (1983). The History of Poland Since 1863. Cambridge University Press. p. 200. ISBN 0-521-27501-6.
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- Orest, Subtelny (2000). Ukraine: a history (3rd ed.). University of Toronto Press. pp. 431–432. ISBN 0802048714.
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- Kravtsiv, Bohdan; Borovsky, Mykhailo; Markus, Vasyl; Shtefan, Avhustyn. "Prosvita; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Vol. 4 (1993)". encyclopediaofukraine.com.
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- I. Vushko, Korenisatsiia and its discontents: Ukraine and the Soviet Nationality policies during the 1920s, EU working papers, MWP 2009/12
- Snyder 2003, p. 142.
- ^ Himka 1992, pp. 391–412.
- Snyder 2005, pp. 61–62.
- ^ Magocsi 1996, p. 594.
- Snyder 2005, p. 64.
- ^ Snyder 2003, p. 144.
- Davies, God's Playground, op.cit.
- ^ Snyder 2003, pp. 144–149.
- Snyder 2003, p. 121.
- ^ Snyder 2005, p. 67.
- Snyder 2005, pp. 32, 67, 152.
- Chojnowski, Andrzej (1990). "Stanisław Stempowski on his participation in the Government of the Ukrainian People's Republic". Harvard Ukrainian Studies. 14 (1–2): 145. ISSN 0363-5570.
- Snyder 2005, pp. 149, 155.
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- Snyder 2005, p. xv.
- Snyder 2005, pp. 138, 147, 164–166.
- ^ Snyder 2005, pp. 165–166.
- Snyder 2005, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Roger Dale Petersen. (2002). Understanding ethnic violence: fear, hatred, and resentment in twentieth-century Eastern Europe. Cambridge University Press, p. 122
- ^ Janusz Radziejowski. (1983). The Communist Party of Western Ukraine: 1919-1929. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pp. 6-7
- Snyder, op cit, Google Print, p.146
- Snyder 2005, p. 176.
- Subtelny, O. (1988). Ukraine: a History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, p. 429. ISBN 0-8020-5808-6
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- The Impact of External Threat on States and Domestic Societie, Manus I. Midlarsky in Dissolving Boundaries, Blackwell Publishers, 2003, ISBN 1-4051-2134-3, Google Print, p.15
- ^ Subtelny, Orest (1988). Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-5808-6.
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- ^ Hann & Magocsi 2005, pp. 144–145.
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- ^ Jeffrey Burds, "Comments on Timothy Snyder's article", "To Resolve the Ukrainian Question once and for All: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland, 1943–1947" by Timothy Snyder in the Journal of Cold War Studies, Volume 1, Number 2 (Spring 1999), Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies,
Monsignor Dr. Philippe Cortesi, the Papal Nuncio in Warsaw, condemned the violence in a private letter to the Polish Minister of Internal Affairs regarding just one such event of 2–3 November 1938. Polish members of the 'En-De' ('National Democracy', a militant Polish patriotic-nationalist organization) attacked Ukrainian students in their dormitories in Warsaw.
- Copsey, Nathaniel (2009). Public Opinion and the Making of Foreign Policy in the 'New Europe': A Comparative Study of Poland and Ukraine. Ashgate Publishing. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-7546-7898-4.
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By 1930s, many of these officially bilingual schools became Polish
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- (Polish) Główny Urząd Statystyczny (corporate author) (1932). Drugi powszechny spis ludności z dnia 9 XII 1931r. Formularze i instrukcje spisowe. Warsaw: Główny Urząd Statystyczny. p. 128.
- Motyka 2006, pp. 38–39.
- Mieczyslaw Iwanicki, Oswiata i szkolnictwo ukrainskie w Polsce w latach 1918–1939. praca habilatacyjna. Siedlce, 1975 s. 162
- ^ Orest Subtelny. Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, p. 439 "Anti-Ukrainian discrimination was also evident at the university level. The government...systematically obstructed Ukrainians from obtaining a university education."
- Hann & Magocsi 2005, pp. 12–15.
- Magocsi 2002, p. 30.
- Ukrainian Free University website Archived 23 April 2006 at the Wayback Machine URL accessed 30 July 2006
- Magocsi, Paul Robert, ed. (1989). Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptytsḱyi. University of Toronto Press. p. 275. ISBN 0920862683.
- ^ "Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Announcements". mfa.gov.ua. 9 November 2007. Archived from the original on 9 October 2012.
- ^ Kubijovyč, Volodymyr. "Ukrainian Scientific Institute in Warsaw; Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. 5 (1993)". encyclopediaofukraine.com.
- Antokhii, Myroslav; Darewych, Daria (2004). "Shevchenko, Taras". encyclopediaofukraine.com.
- Katia Davydenko, Ostap Kin (2012). "Oleksander Lotots'kyi Papers" (PDF). Shevchenko Scientific Society. Archived from the original (PDF file, direct download) on 3 May 2015. Retrieved 20 November 2013.
- Kozak, Stefan (2008). "Ukraiński instytut Naukowy w Warszawie (1930–1939)" (PDF). Warszawskie Zeszyty Ukrainoznawcze (in Polish) (25–26). University of Warsaw: 19–20. ISSN 0867-5368. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016.
- Encyclopedia of Ukraine University of Toronto Press, 1984
- Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak (1988). Feminists despite themselves: women in Ukrainian community life, 1884–1939 Edmonton: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies PRess, University of Alberta p. 164
- “Героям – слава!”: Ольга Басараб. (in Ukrainian)
- Subtelny 2000, p. 427.
- Wolff, Larry (2010). The idea of Galicia: history and fantasy in Habsburg political culture. Stanford University Press. pp. 386–387. ISBN 9780804762670.
- Armstrong, John (1963). Ukrainian Nationalism. Columbia University Press. pp. 18–19.
- Encyclopedia of Ukraine, "National Democratic Party", written by Vasyl Mudry
- Lvivska Hazeta (Lviv Gazette), 7 October 2005. The Art of Compromises: Kyryl Studynsky and Soviet Rule. Article written by Ihor Chornovol Archived 15 June 2009 at the Wayback Machine
- Bohdan Budurowycz. (1989). Sheptytski and the Ukrainian National Movement after 1914 (chapter). In Paul Robert Magocsi (ed.). Morality and Reality: The Life and Times of Andrei Sheptytsky. Edmonton, Alberta: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta. p. 57. A more detailed sample of Sheptytsky's impassioned words condemning the OUN, printed in the newspaper of the mainstream western Ukrainian newspaper Dilo: "If you are planning to kill treacherously those who are opposed to your misdeeds, you will have to kill all the teachers and professors who are working for the Ukrainian youth, all the fathers and mothers of Ukrainian children...all politicians and civic activists. But first of all you will have to remove through assassination the clergy and the bishops who resist your criminal and foolish actions...We will not cease to declare that whoever demoralizes our youth is a criminal and an enemy of our people."
- Armstrong 1963, pp. 18–19.
- Gross, Jan (2002). Revolution from Abroad: The Soviet Conquest of Poland's Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia. Princeton University Press. p. 31. ISBN 0691096031.
- ^ Myroslav Yurkevich. (1986). Galician Ukrainians in German Military Formations and in the German Administration. In Ukraine during World War II: history and its aftermath : a symposium (Yuri Boshyk, Roman Waschuk, Andriy Wynnyckyj, Eds.). Edmonton: University of Alberta, Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press pp. 73–75
- ^ Motyka 2006, p. 447.
- Snyder 2003, p. 176.
- Motyka, Grzegorz (2009). W Kręgu Łun w Bieszczadach (in Polish). Rytm. p. 13. ISBN 9788373993402.
- Krystyna Iglicka. Poland. Waiting for immigrants. But do we really want them? Archived 23 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine. CeSPI Country Papers. August 2008. p. 8.
- Bartyzel, Dorota (6 March 2017). "Poland Can't Get Enough of Ukrainian Migrants". Bloomberg. Retrieved 18 November 2019.
Bibliography
- Subtelny, Orest (1988). Ukraine: A History. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 0-8020-5808-6.
- Wiktor Poliszczuk "Bitter truth": The criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the testimony of a Ukrainian, ISBN 0-9699444-9-7
- Andrzej L. Sowa (1998). Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie 1939–1947 (in Polish). Kraków. OCLC 48053561.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
External links
- To resolve the Ukrainian Question Once and for all: the ethnic cleansing of Ukrainians in Poland 1943–1947, written by Yale historian Timothy Snyder Archived 16 May 2011 at Wikiwix
- Documents on Ukrainian Polish Reconciliation
- Ut unum sint: Ukraine and Poland