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{{Short description|Nationalism as applied to Pakistanis}}
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]<ref name="Maria Rashid 2020">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4k_VDwAAQBAJ&dq=Pakistani+glorify+military&pg=PT18 |title= Dying to Serve: Militarism, Affect, and the Politics of Sacrifice in the Pakistan Army |author=Maria Rashid |date=2020 |publisher= Stanford University Press |isbn= 9781503611993 }}</ref>]]
{{unreferenced|article|date=August 2006}}
], known in Pakistan as "Quaid-e-Azam" (The Great Leader), was the leader of the Pakistani ] movement that led to the creation of ] in 1947.]]
]
] is the national poet of Pakistan and laid the seeds of Pakistani nationalism by envisioning a separate homeland for ].]]
'''Pakistani nationalism''' refers to the political, cultural and religious expression of patriotism by peoples of ''']''', of pride in the ] and ] of ], and visions for its future. It also refers to the consciousness and expression of religious and ethnic influences that help mould the national consciousness.
'''Pakistani nationalism''' refers to the political, ], ], ], ] and ] expression of ] by the people of ], of pride in the history, ] and ] of ], and visions for its future.


Unlike the secular ] of most other countries, Pakistani nationalism is ] and ]<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Binder |first=Leonard |date=1957 |title=Pakistan and Modern Islamic-Nationalist Theory |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4322950 |journal=Middle East Journal |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=382–396 |issn=0026-3141}}</ref> in nature of being the nationalism of the religion, culture, traditions, languages and historical region that make up ], inhabited by mostly ]. The culture, languages, literature, history of the region along with influence of ] was the basis of Pakistani nationalist narrative. It is also a militarist nationalism in that it often involves glorification of war and the ].<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=CFNtVqYqAwEC&dq=Pakistani+nationalism+glorification&pg=PA175|title=Pakistan_on_the_Brink |page=175 |author=Craig Bexter |date=2004 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=9780739104989 }}</ref><ref name="Maria Rashid 2020"/>
] describes the many underlying forces that moulded the ], and strongly continue to influence the ].


From a political point of view and in the years leading up to the ], the particular political and ideological foundations for the actions of the ] can be called a Pakistani nationalist ideology. It is a unique and singular combination of philosophical, nationalistic, cultural and religious elements. From a political point of view and in the years leading up to the independence of Pakistan, the particular political and ideological foundations for the actions of the ] can be called a Pakistani nationalist ideology. It is a singular combination of religious, cultural, nationalist and philosophical elements.


==National consciousness in Pakistan== ==National consciousness in Pakistan==
{{Main|Muslim nationalism in South Asia}}
''See Also: ]''


===Muslim League separatist campaign in Colonial India===
The history of Pakistan and the region in which it now lies is a source of great pride to Pakistani nationalists. They take pride in its achievements and its leaders.
{{main|Pakistan Movement}}
]
The roots of Pakistani nationalism lie in the separatist campaign of the Muslim League in ], which sought to create a new state for Indian Muslims called Pakistan, on the basis of Islam.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=AiZtAgAAQBAJ&dq=Pakistani+nationalism+separatist&pg=PA108|isbn = 9781472519535|title = Contesting History: Narratives of Public History|date = 13 March 2014|publisher = A&C Black}}</ref> This concept of a separate state for India's Muslims traces its roots to ], who has retroactively been dubbed the national poet of Pakistan.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-KhwCgAAQBAJ&dq=allama+iqbal+Pakistani+nationalism+separatism&pg=PT25|isbn=9781410335623|title=A Study Guide for Anita Desai's Clear Light of Day|date=15 September 2015|publisher=Gale, Cengage Learning}}</ref> Iqbal was elected president of the Muslim League in 1930 at its session in ] in the ], as well as for the session in Lahore in 1932. In his ] on 29 December 1930 he outlined a vision of an independent state for Muslim-majority provinces in north-western India:<ref name="allamaiqbal.com">{{cite web |last=1 in author list |first=Iqbal Academy |date=26 May 2006 |url=http://www.allamaiqbal.com/person/biography/biotxtread.html |title=Allama Iqbal – Biography |format=PHP |access-date=7 January 2011 |archive-date=19 November 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101119075055/http://allamaiqbal.com/person/biography/biotxtread.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>
{{Blockquote|I would like to see the ], ], ] and ] amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the ], or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated Northwest Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of Northwest India.<ref name="allamaiqbal.com" />}}


For a large majority of the Muslim intelligentsia, including Iqbal, Indo-Muslim culture became a rallying ground for making the case for a separate Muslim homeland.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=IGxvEAAAQBAJ&dq=pakistan+represent+indo-muslim+civilization&pg=PT124 |title= Political Conflict in Pakistan |author= Mohammad Waseem |date= 2022 |publisher= Oxford University Press |isbn= 978-0-19-765426-2 }}</ref> The concept of Indo-Muslim culture was based on the development of a separate political and cultural identity during Muslim rule which built upon the merging of Persian and Indic languages, literature and arts.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=Hg0zCFM0fwkC&dq=pakistan+represent+indo-muslim+civilization&pg=PA202 |title= Islamic Family Law in a Changing World: A Global Resource Book |date= 2002 |page= 202 |author= ʻAbd Allāh Aḥmad Naʻīm|publisher= Zed Books |isbn= 9781842770931 }}</ref> According to Iqbal, the uppermost purpose of establishing a separate country was the preservation of the Muslim "cultural entity", which he believed would not be safe under the rule of the Hindu majority.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/moslemnationalis0000mali/page/240/mode/2up |title= Moslem nationalism in India and Pakistan |page= 541 |author= Malik, Hafeez |date=1963 |publisher= Washington, Public Affairs Press }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=APLmIxRyEjEC&dq=cultural+preservation+of+the+Moslem+nation+iqbal&pg=PA205 |title= Two Nations:The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism |date= 1981 |author= Anil Chandra Banerjee |publisher= Concept }}</ref> ], the grandson of the Mughal ], Dabir-ud-Daulah,<ref name="Rana Safvi 2018">{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=bM9tDwAAQBAJ&dq=syed+ahmed+khan+dabir+daula&pg=PT200 |title= City of My Heart: Four Accounts of Love, Loss and Betrayal in Nineteenth-Century Delhi |publisher= Hachette India |date= 2018 |author= Rana Safvi |isbn= 9789351952596 }}</ref> emphasized that Muslims and Hindus made up two different nations on the basis that Hindus were not ready to accept the contemporary ] and tradition which was exemplified by Hindu opposition to the ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=aZZ-EAAAQBAJ&dq=syed+ahmed+khan+muslim+culture+traditions&pg=PA67 |page= 67 |publisher=Arihant Publications India limited|title= History & Civis ICSE 10 |isbn= 9789326195102 }}</ref>
===Belief in the ancient nature of the Pakistani civilization===
], was center of Indus Valley Civilization ]-]]].
The core of Pakistani nationalism lies in the belief that the region which is now within Pakistan is one of the most ancient and influential in history. A strictly abridged set of nationalistic beliefs by many in Pakistan is given below:


The demand for the creation of Pakistan as a homeland for Indian Muslims, according to many academics, was orchestrated mainly by the elite class of Muslims in colonial India primarily based in the ] (U.P.) and ] who supported the ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ranjan |first1=Amit |title=Partition of India: Postcolonial Legacies |date=2018 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-0-429-75052-6}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Krishan |first1=Yuvraj |title=Understanding Partition: India Sundered, Muslims Fragmented |date=2002 |publisher=Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan |isbn=978-81-7276-277-3 |page=vii |quote=He contends that it were the educated Muslim elite classes of the U.P. and Bihar who supported Pakistan out of fear of losing their privileges in these feudal States, there was no universal franchise at that time; only 10% of the population had franchise and not more than 5% voted in the crucial election of 1945. Out of these only 3.5% supported the Muslim League.}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Komireddi |first1=Kapil |title=The long, troubling consequences of India's partition that created Pakistan |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-long-troubling-consequences-of-indias-partition-that-created-pakistan/2015/04/17/8bf2669a-c746-11e4-b2a1-bed1aaea2816_story.html |newspaper=] |access-date=31 May 2020 |date=17 April 2015 |quote=The idea of Pakistan emerged from the anxieties and prejudices of a decaying class of India’s Muslim elites, who claimed that Islam’s purity would be contaminated in a pluralistic society.}}</ref><ref name="Rabasa2004">{{cite book |last1=Rabasa |first1=Angel |last2=Waxman |first2=Matthew |last3=Larson |first3=Eric V. |last4=Marcum |first4=Cheryl Y. |title=The Muslim World After 9/11 |date=2004 |publisher=Rand Corporation |isbn=978-0-8330-3755-8 |quote=However, many Indian Muslims regarded India as their permanent home and supported the concept of a secular, unified state that would include both Hindus and Muslims. After centuries of joint history and coexistence, these Muslims firmly believed that India was fundamentally a multireligious entity and that Muslims were an integral part of the state. Furthermore, cleaving India into independent Muslim and Hindu states would be geographically inconvenient for millions of Muslims. Those living in the middle and southern regions of India could not conveniently move to the new Muslim state because it required travel over long distances and considerable financial resources. In particular, many lower-class Muslims opposed partition because they felt that a Muslim state would benefit only upper-class Muslims. At independence, the division of India into the Muslim state of Pakistan and the secular state of India caused a massive migration of millions of Muslims into Pakistan and Hindus into India, along with the death of over one million people in the consequent riots and chaos. The millions of Muslims who remained in India by choice or providence became a smaller and more interspersed minority in a secular and democratic state.}}</ref>
*The ] period in Pakistan was diverse and innovative.<ref>Kennedy 2000:239</ref>
In the colonial Indian province of ], the historian ] describes the actions that Jinnah's pro-separatist Muslim League used in order to spread communal division and undermine the government of ], which ]:<ref name="Jalal2002">{{cite book |last1=Jalal |first1=Ayesha |title=Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850 |date=2002 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=9781134599370 |page=415}}</ref>
*One of the earliest evidence of humans are pebble tools from the ]<ref name="soan"></ref> in the province of ], dated from 100,000 to 500,000 years ago.
{{Blockquote|Even before the 'Pakistan' demand was articulated, the dispute over the Sukkur Manzilgah had been fabricated by provincial Leaguers to unsettle Allah Bakhsh Soomro's ministry which was dependent on support from the Congress and Independent Party. Intended as a way station for Mughal troops on the move, the Manzilgah included a small mosque which had been subsequently abandoned. On a small island in the near distance was the temple of Saad Bela, sacred space for the large number of Hindus settled on the banks of the Indus at Sukkur. The symbolic convergence of the identity and sovereignty over a forgotten mosque provided ammunition for those seeking office at the provincial level. Making an issue out of a non-issue, the Sind Muslim League in early June 1939 formally reclaimed the mosque. Once its deadline of 1 October 1939 for the restoration of the mosque to Muslims had passed, the League started an agitation.<ref name="Jalal2002"/>}}
*The ] was the site of several ancient cultures including ], one of the world's earliest known towns, and the ] at ] and ].<ref name="indus_valley"></ref>
The Muslim League, seeking to spread religious strife, "monetarily subsidized" mobs that engaged in communal violence against Hindus and Sikhs in the areas of Multan, Rawalpindi, Campbellpur, Jhelum and Sargodha, as well as in the ].<ref name="Abid2014">{{cite web |last1=Abid |first1=Abdul Majeed |title=The forgotten massacre |url=https://nation.com.pk/29-Dec-2014/the-forgotten-massacre |website=The Nation |date=29 December 2014 |quote=On the same dates, Muslim League-led mobs fell with determination and full preparations on the helpless Hindus and Sikhs scattered in the villages of Multan, Rawalpindi, Campbellpur, Jhelum and Sargodha. The murderous mobs were well supplied with arms, such as daggers, swords, spears and fire-arms. (A former civil servant mentioned in his autobiography that weapon supplies had been sent from NWFP and money was supplied by Delhi-based politicians.) They had bands of stabbers and their auxiliaries, who covered the assailant, ambushed the victim and if necessary disposed of his body. These bands were subsidized monetarily by the Muslim League, and cash payments were made to individual assassins based on the numbers of Hindus and Sikhs killed. There were also regular patrolling parties in jeeps which went about sniping and picking off any stray Hindu or Sikh. ... Thousands of non-combatants including women and children were killed or injured by mobs, supported by the All India Muslim League.}}</ref><ref name="Chitkara1996">{{cite book |last1=Chitkara |first1=M. G. |title=Mohajir's Pakistan |date=1996 |publisher=APH Publishing |isbn=9788170247463|quote=When the idea of Pakistan was not accepted in the Northern States of India, the Muslim League sent out its goons to drive the Hindus out of Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi and appropriate their property.}}</ref> Jinnah and the Muslim League's communalistic ] in ] resulted in 4,000 deaths and 100,000 residents left homeless in just 72 hours, sowing the seeds for riots in other provinces and the eventual partition of the country.<ref name="Burrows">{{cite book|last=Burrows|first=Frederick|author-link=Frederick Burrows|title=Report to Viceroy Lord Wavell|publisher=The British Library IOR: L/P&J/8/655 f.f. 95, 96–107|year=1946}}</ref><ref name="Das">
*The origins of the ] can be traced to ], which the archaeologist Jean-Françoise Jarrige has dated to before 6000 BCE.<ref>Flood 1996:25</ref>
{{cite journal
*The ] can be dated to 3500 BCE.<ref>Bryant 2001:178</ref>
|last=Das
*At the peak of the Indus valley civilization, around 2300–2000 BCE, Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa housed some 40,000 inhabitants who enjoyed a high standard of living; for example, this developed, urban culture was sophisticated enough to have organized municipal waste management, drainage and well planned roads.<ref>Flood 1996:24-25</ref>
|first=Suranjan
*Pakistan is home to the ] community, which claims they are the direct descendants of either Greek settlers, Alexander the Great's army, or even ] himself.<ref>'']'' '''70'''(5):1107–1124, 2002 May. </ref>
|date=May 2000
*The ]n city of ] was an important ] centre of learning from the 5th century BCE.
|title=The 1992 Calcutta Riot in Historical Continuum: A Relapse into 'Communal Fury'?
|journal=Modern Asian Studies
|volume=34
|issue=2
|pages=281–306
|doi=10.1017/S0026749X0000336X
|jstor=313064
|s2cid=144646764
}}</ref>


] of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at ] conversing with ] colonel Sahibzada Mubarak Ahmad]]
This belief that Pakistan is one of the cradles of human civilization, as postulated in the ], is one of the greatest reasons of pride and Pakistani nationalism{{Fact|date=February 2007}}.
The ] staunchly supported Jinnah's separatist demand for Pakistan,<ref>{{cite journal |title=Minority Interest |journal=] |date=1991 |volume=22 |issue=1–3 |pages=15 |publisher=] |quote=When the Quaid-e-Azam was fighting his battle for Pakistan, only the Ahmadiya community, out of all religious groups, supported him.}}</ref> such as Chaudary Zafarullah Khan, an Ahmadi leader, who drafted the ] and was aked by Jinnah to represent the Muslim League to the Radcliffe Commission.<ref name=Khalid>{{cite web |last1=Khalid |first1=Haroon |title=Pakistan paradox: Ahmadis are anti-national but those who opposed the country's creation are not |url=https://scroll.in/article/836580/how-ahmadis-became-anti-pakistan-and-those-who-opposed-its-creation-came-to-define-nationalism |website=] |date=May 6, 2017}}</ref> Ahmadis argued to try to ensure that the city of ] would fall into the newly created state of Pakistan, though they were unsuccessful in doing so.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Balzani |first1=Marzia |title=Ahmadiyya Islam and the Muslim Diaspora: Living at the End of Days |date=2020 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-351-76953-2 |language=en}}</ref>


In the first decade after Pakistan gained independence after the partition of India, "Pakistan considered its history to be a part of larger India's, a common history, a joint history, and in fact Indian textbooks were in use in the syllabus in Pakistan."<ref name="Sridharan2014">{{cite book |last1=Sridharan |first1=E. |title=International Relations Theory and South Asia (OIP): Volume II: Security, Political Economy, Domestic Politics, Identities, and Images |date=2014 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-908940-6}}</ref> The government under ], however, wished to rewrite the history of Pakistan to exclude any reference India and tasked the historians within Pakistan to manufacture a nationalist narrative of a "separate" history that erased the country's Indian past.<ref name="Sridharan2014"/> Elizabeth A. Cole of the ] noted that Pakistani textbooks eliminate the country's Hindu and Buddhist past, while referring to Muslims as a monolithic entity and focusing solely on the advent of Islam in the ].<ref name="Cole2007">{{cite book |last1=Cole |first1=Elizabeth A. |title=Teaching the Violent Past: History Education and Reconciliation |date=2007 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers |isbn=978-1-4616-4397-5 |page=296}}</ref> During the rule of General ] a "program of ]" of the country including the textbooks was started.<ref name="MosqueMilitary">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nYppZ_dEjdIC&q=reforming%20textbooks%20pakistan&pg=PA149|title=Pakistan:between mosque and the military|last=Haqqani|first=Hussain|work=Carnegie Endowment for International Peace|date=10 March 2010|publisher=Carnegie Endowment |isbn=9780870032851|access-date=9 April 2011}}</ref> General Zia's 1979 education policy stated that " highest priority would be given to the revision of the curricula with a view to reorganizing the entire content around Islamic thought and giving education an ideological orientation so that Islamic ideology permeates the thinking of the younger generation and helps them with the necessary conviction and ability to refashion society according to Islamic tenets".<ref name="Jamil">{{cite web|url=http://www.itacec.org/document/nep09/NCERT%20Pakistan%20paper%20BRJ.pdf|title=Curriculum Reforms in Pakistan – A Glass Half Full or Half Empty?|last=Jamil|first=Baela Raza|publisher=Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi|access-date=10 April 2011}}</ref> According to ], ] is often referred to as the first Pakistani despite having been alive several centuries before its creation through the partition of India in 1947.<ref>{{cite news | title=History books contain major distortions | newspaper=Daily Times |url=http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_30-3-2004_pg7_16}}</ref> Muhammad Ali Jinnah also claimed the Pakistani separatist movement to have started when the first Muslim put a foot in the ],<ref>{{cite web|title=Pakistan Movement|url=http://www.cybercity-online.net/pof/pakistan_movement.html|publisher=cybercity-online.net|access-date=2012-04-16|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160201083149/http://www.cybercity-online.net/pof/pakistan_movement.html|archive-date=2016-02-01|url-status=dead}}</ref> and that Bin Qasim is actually the founder of Pakistan.<ref>], ''Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Pakistan'', Hurmat Publications (1989), p. 1</ref>
===Islamic invasions===
''See Also: ] ], ], ], ], ], ]''
] Alamgir, One of the most revered figures of Pakistani nationalism, He expanded the ] to its Zenith.]]


=== Pakistan as inheritor state to Islamic political powers in medieval India ===
Pakistani nationalists assert that ] is the successor state of ] empires and kingdoms that ruled the region for almost a combined period of one ], the empires and kingdoms in order are ], ], ], ] and ]. ] imperial past composes possibly the largest segment of Pakistani nationalism.
The idea of Pakistan implied that Pakistan would be the modern extension or the successor state of ]ic empires and kingdoms that ruled ] for almost a combined period of one millennium,<ref>{{cite book |title= the Idea of Pakistan |author= Stephen P. Cohen |date=2004 |page=38 |publisher=Brookings Institution Press}}</ref> the empires and kingdoms in order are the ], ], ], ] and ]. This history of Muslim rule in the subcontinent composes possibly the largest segment of Pakistani nationalism.<ref name="auto">{{cite web |last1=Zaidi |first1=S. Akbar |title=Is the Taj Mahal Pakistani? |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/1090138 |website=DAWN.COM |date=1 March 2014}}</ref> Pakistani historians such as ] based Pakistani nationhood on the distinctiveness of medieval Indo-Muslim culture or civilization, and that Pakistan was an heir to the Indo-Muslim traditions of the Sultanates. Indo-Muslim culture is described that by assimilating many aspects of Indian culture in customs, social manners, architecture, painting and music, the Muslims of India established a new culture or civilization, which not only maintained its separate identity from other Muslim peoples such as the Arabs and the Persians, etc., but also simultaneously maintained the distinctiveness of this new culture from the former Hindu India by being essentially ] in character.<ref name="chandra1996">{{Citation | title=Historiography, Religion, and State in Medieval India | author=Satish Chandra | year=1996 |publisher=Har-Anand Publications | isbn=9788124100356 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XAkVclcWWeUC&dq=two+nation+theory+delhi+sultanate&pg=PA43 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=Y6FqVKJNCfQC&dq=rohilkhand+indo-muslim+state&pg=PA102 |page=104 |author= Sandria B. Freitag |date=1989 |title= Collective Action and Community Public Arenas and the Emergence of Communalism in North India |publisher=University of California Press |isbn=9780520064393 }}</ref> This is seen as a conscious decision of the Muslims of India. According to Qureshi, the distinctiveness of Muslim India could only be maintained by the political domination of the Muslims over the Hindus. Any sharing of political power with the Hindus was considered dangerous and the first step towards the political abdication of the Indian Muslims.<ref name="chandra1996"/><ref name="asgharali2002">{{Citation | title=Competing Nationalisms in South Asia | author=Asghar Ali Engineer | year=2002 |publisher=Orient BlackSwan | isbn=9788125022213 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7qJG7GapE_IC&dq=two+nation+theory+centra+asian&pg=PA253}}</ref> The assumption of the Muslims of India of belonging to a separate identity, and therefore, having a right to their own country, also rested on their pre-eminent claim to political power, which flowed from the experience of Muslim dominance in India.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=MARREAAAQBAJ&dq=It+flowed+from+the+experience+of+Muslim+dominance+in+India,+which+reinforced+the+idea+that+an+essential+part+of+being+Muslim+entailed+belonging+to,+or+identifying+with,+the+ruling+power%3B+but+it+also+derived+from+an+Islamically+informed+discourse+that+valued+power+as+an+instrument+in+the+service+of+God%E2%80%99s+Law.&pg=PA15 |title= Making Sense of Pakistan |page= 15 |author= Farzana Shaikh |date= 2018 |publisher= Oxford University Press |isbn= 978-0-19-092911-4 }}</ref>
Pakistan today celebrates numerous ] kings and emperors for wars of "liberation" and "emancipation" such as ](not a king or emperor, but the commander of the first Muslim force sent to what was then known as Sindh), ], ] (who defeated the ] king ]), ]{{Fact|date=February 2007}} and ] who fought the British. However few, if any, of the Kings mentioned above belonged to the region comprising modern day ]. Pakistan as a region was lorded over by either Hindu/Sikh Kingdoms or Muslim invaders from Afghanistan, Persia before the British Empire.


Such approach to history is encapsulated in the document ''Pakistan Nationalism'', that ] issued as an order in 1961 to Islamize the armed forces and the public:<blockquote>It would not be quite logical to say that the notion of Pakistan came into being only with the establishment of Pakistan on 14 August 1947. Its roots go very deep into our history. In fact, it was a concept which evolved and emerged in course of time, as a result of the inevitable and unalterable forces of history... . Amongst the first settlers of course were the Arabs who came with trade convoys, or with the armies of Mohammad Bin Qasim, and found a footing in Sind. The impress of the stay of these Arabs can still be recognised on the religion, culture and language of the ].<ref>] (2014) "Ayub Khan and Modern Islam: Transforming Citizens and the Nation in Pakistan", ''South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies'', 37:2, 292-305, DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2014.889590. Page 301.</ref></blockquote>To this end, many Pakistani nationalists claim monuments like the ], located in ], which was built by ],<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zpa8gyGW_twC&dq=ustad+ahmad+lahori&pg=PA377 |title=The Mughal World-Life in India's Last Golden Age|page= 377 |author= Abraham Eraly |date= 2007 |publisher=Penguin Books India |isbn=9780143102625 }}</ref> an ethnic ],<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=g2FRAAAAYAAJ&q=Ahmad+Mimar+Lahori |title= The Sikh Courier:Volumes 9-12 |date= 1977 |publisher= Sikh Cultural Society of Great Britain |page= 16 |quote=Nadir-ul-Asar Ahmad Mimar Lahori Shahjehani was also a Punjabi who designed the Taj Mahal of Agra}}</ref> as being Pakistani and part of Pakistan's history.<ref name="auto"/> The ], and the ] are also claimed by Pakistani nationalists as belonging to Pakistanis.<ref>{{cite book |title= South Asian Studies - Issue 21 |date= 1989 |page= 23 }}</ref>
] who reigned about 600 years later.<br>Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art, Tehran]]
Pakistani nationalists hold the conservative Muslim kings such as ] and
] in high esteem, ] for his unflinching use of vast military might in his goals, leaves him as one of the most admired and honored figures in Pakistani nationalism. He ruled for a period of 48 years; he also expanded the ] to its greatest zenith, leaving only the south and east of the Indian subcontinent free from Mughal rule, During his reign, many Non Muslim places of worship were defaced and destroyed, and many non-Muslims converted to Islam, the ] was reinstated during his rule.


=== Syed Ahmed Khan and the Indian Rebellion of 1857 ===
Pakistani nationalists conjure a revised version of Aurangzeb and take great pride in ] other actions<ref>, Ayesha Jalal International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Feb., 1995), pp. 73-89</ref> including the edicts he enacted which forbade Hindus to display illuminations at ] festivals. Hindu religious fairs were outlawed in 1668. The following year, he prohibited construction of new Hindu temples as well as the repair of existing ones. In 1671 ] issued an order that only Muslims could be landlords of crown lands. He ordered provincial Viceroys to dismiss all Hindu clerks. Of particular pride to Pakistani nationalists{{Fact|date=February 2007}} is the ] of ] who was the ninth of the ]. The event is very significant in ].
See also: ''], ]''
From the start of his reign up until his death, Aurangzeb engaged in almost constant warfare, which bankrupted the Mughal coffers. He built up a massive army, and began a program of military expansion at all the boundaries of his empire.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} ], and ] amongst numerous other Emperors and Kings are revered by Pakistani nationalists.
] (1817–1898)]]


], the grandson of the Mughal Vizier, Dabir-ud-Daula,<ref name="Rana Safvi 2018"/> believed that Muslims and Hindus belonged to two separate nations.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=oXciYfFxCm4C&dq=syed+ahmed+khan+two+separate+nations&pg=PA44 |page= 44 |author= Abbas Hoveyda |date= 2010 |publisher= Pearson Education |title= Indian Government and Politics |isbn= 9788131733127 }}</ref> He promoted Western-style education in Muslim society, seeking to uplift ] economically and politically in ]. He founded the ], then called the ''Anglo-Oriental College''.
] built by the Mughal emperor ] in ], ].]]
However liberal Muslim kings to an extent are also part of Pakistani pride. ] was a powerful Mughal emperor who admired ] and tried to repudiate fundamentalism through the Din-i-Ilahi (for which he was condemned by orthodox clerics as a "heretic"), forged familial and political bonds with Hindu ] kings, and developed for the first time in medieval Pakistan an environment of religious freedom. Akbar undid most forms of religious discrimination, and invited the participation of wise Hindu ministers and kings, and even religious scholars in his court. In his reign, the Mughal Empire was politically powerful, prosperous and its common people secure.


In 1835 ]'s minute recommending that Western rather than Oriental learning predominate in the East India Company's education policy had led to numerous changes. In place of ] and ], the Western languages, history and philosophy were taught at state-funded schools and universities whilst religious education was barred. ] became not only the medium of instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian, disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter language. Traditional Islamic studies were no longer supported by the state, and some ''madrasahs'' lost their ''waqf'' or endowment. The ] is held by nationalists{{Who|date=July 2015}} to have ended in disaster for the Muslims, as ], the last Mughal, was deposed. Power over the subcontinent was passed from the East India Company to the British Crown. The removal of the last symbol of continuity with the Mughal period spawned a negative attitude amongst some Muslims{{Who|date=July 2015}} towards everything modern and western, and a disinclination to make use of the opportunities available under the new regime. As Muslims were generally agriculturists and soldiers, while Hindus were increasingly seen as successful financiers and businessmen, the historian Spear noted that to the Muslim "an industrialized India meant a Hindu India".<ref name="Viśva Mohana Pāṇḍeya 2003 26">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Vu2lu-ZI-vQC&dq=To+the+Muslims+an+industrialised+India+meant+a+Hindu+India,+because+the+Hindu+was+a+financier+and+a+business-man,+the+Muslim+in+general+an+agriculturist+and+soldier&pg=PA26 |title= Historiography of India's Partition: An Analysis of Imperialist Writings |page= 26 |author= Viśva Mohana Pāṇḍeya |date= 2003 |publisher= Atlantic Publishers & Distributors |isbn= 9788126903146 }}</ref>
The main Mughal contribution to South Asia was their unique architecture. Many monuments were built during the mughal era including the ]. The were known for their replacement of Hindu architecture, including the ]<ref>{{cite web
]
|url = http://www.kashivishwanath.org
|title = History!Kashi Vishwanath temple}}</ref>, with their unique architecture which today is a key site of tourism around the subcontinent.


Seeing this atmosphere of despair and despondency, Syed launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. He was convinced that the Muslims, in their attempt to regenerate themselves, had failed to realise that mankind had entered a very important phase of its existence, i.e., an era of science and learning. He knew that the realisation of that was the source of progress and prosperity for the British. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for regeneration of the Indian Muslims. He tried to transform the Muslim outlook from a mediaeval one to a modern one. Syed's first and foremost objective was to acquaint the British with the Indian mind; his next goal was to open the minds of his countrymen to European literature, science and technology. Therefore, in order to attain these goals, Syed launched the Aligarh Movement, of which ] was the center. He had two immediate objectives in mind: to remove the state of misunderstanding and tension between the Muslims and the new British government, and to induce them to go after the opportunities available under the new regime without deviating in any way from the fundamentals of their faith.{{Citation needed|date=July 2015}}
The first Mughal emperor ] wrote in the '']'':


Syed Ahmed Khan converted the existing cultural and religious entity among Indian Muslims into a separatist political force, throwing a Western cloak of nationalism over the Islamic concept of culture. The distinct sense of value, culture and tradition among Indian Muslims, which originated from the nature of Islamization of the Indian populace during the ], was used for a separatist identity leading to the Pakistan Movement.<ref name="Viśva Mohana Pāṇḍeya 2003 26"/>
{{cquote|Hindustan is a place of little charm. There is no beauty in its people, no graceful social intercourse, no poetic talent or understanding, no etiquette, nobility or manliness. The arts and crafts have no harmony or symmetry. There are no good horses, meat, grapes, melons or other fruit. There is no ice, cold water, good food or bread in the markets. There are no baths and no madrasas. There are no candles, torches or candlesticks"<ref>''The Baburnama'' Ed. & Trans. Wheeler M. Thackston (New York) 2002 p352 </ref>.}}


==Independence of Pakistan==
The comments made by the Emperor ], echo in the slightest terms the disparaging and often hateful opinion that some Pakistani nationalists have towards ] and in particular to ]s. Pakistani nationalists believe they, as Muslims, are not referred to in this quote, as most Pakistanis believe themselves to be aligned to the Mughals as opposed to the Hindu or Sikh resistance (such as that of ] and the ]).
{{Main|Pakistan Movement|Indian independence movement|Indian rebellion of 1857|Independence Day (Pakistan)}}


In the ], both Hindu and Muslims fought the forces allied with the British Empire in different parts of ].<ref name="Tharoor">{{cite web |last1=Tharoor |first1=Shashi |title=The Partition: The British game of 'divide and rule' |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2017/08/partition-british-game-divide-rule-170808101655163.html |website=] |date=August 10, 2017}}</ref> The war's spark arose because the British attacked the "Beastly customs of ]s" by forcing the Indian '']s'' to handle Enfield P-53 gun ]s greased with ] taken from slaughtered pigs and ] taken from slaughtered cows. The cartridges had to bitten open to use the ], effectively meaning that sepoys would have to bite the lard and tallow. This was a manifestation of the insensitivity that the British exhibited to Muslim and Hindu religious traditions, such as the rejection of pork consumption in ] and the rejection of ] in ]. There were also some kingdoms and peoples who supported the British. Historians such as ] maintain that the British government's divide-and-rule policies in India were established after witnessing ] joining forces together to fight against ] during this ].<ref name="Tharoor"/>
==Renaissance vision==
{{POV-section}}
See Also: ''], ]''
] (1817 - 1898)]]
] is considered a major influence on Pakistani pride for embracing ]'s concept of ], which is reflected in Iqbal's descriptions of ego, self and renewal for Muslim civilization.]]


The desire among some for a new state for the Indian Muslims, or ''Azadi'' was born with Kernal Sher Khan, who looked to Muslim history and heritage, and condemned the fact Muslims were ruled by the British Empire and not by Muslim leaders. The idea of complete independence did not catch on until after ], when the British government reduced civil liberties with the Rowlatt Acts of 1919. When General ] ordered the ] in ], ] which took place in the same year, the Muslim public was outraged and most of the Muslim political leaders turned against the British government. Pakistan was finally actualized through the ] in 1947 on the basis of ]. Today, Pakistan is divided into 4 provinces. The last census recorded the 1981 population at 84.3 million, nearly double the 1961 figure of 42.9 million. By 1983, the population had tripled to nearly 93 million, making Pakistan the world's 9th most populous country, although in area it ranked 34th.<ref>{{cite journal |pmid=12314371 |year=1986 |last1=Newcomb |first1=L |title=The Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Country profile |journal=International Demographics |volume=5 |issue=7 |pages=1–8 }}</ref>
] promoted Western-style education in Muslim society, seeking to uplift Muslims in the economic and political life of British India. He founded the ], then called the ''Anglo-Oriental College''.


==Pakistani nationalist symbols==
In 1835 ]'s minute recommending that Western rather than Oriental learning predominate in the East India Company's education policy had led to numerous changes. In place of Arabic and Persian Western languages, history and philosophy were taught at state-funded schools and universities whilst religious education was barred. ] became not only the medium of instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian, disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter language. Traditional Islamic studies were no longer supported by the state, and some ''madrasahs'' lost their ''waqf'' or endowment. The ] is held by nationalists to have ended in disaster for the Muslims, as ], the last Mughal, was deposed. Power over the Indian subcontinent was passed from the East India Company to the British Crown. The removal of the last symbol of continuity with the Mughal period spawned a negative attitude amongst some Muslims towards everything modern and western, and a disinclination to make use of the opportunities available under the new regime. This tendency, had it continued for long, would have proven disastrous for the Muslim community.
{{Main|List of mausoleums and shrines in Pakistan}}
] is frequently visited by Pakistani nationalists, It is a national symbol of Pakistan.]]
], ], ]]]


Because of the country's identity with Islam, mosques like ] and ] are also used as national symbols either to represent "glorious past" or modernistic future. Pakistan has many shrines, sights, sounds and symbols that have significance to Pakistani nationalists. These include the Shrines of Political leaders of pre-independence and post-independence ], Shrines of Religious leaders and ]s, The Shrines of Imperial leaders of various ] and Dynasties, as well as national symbols of Pakistan. Some of these shrines, sights and symbols have become a places of ] for Pakistani ] and militarism, as well as for obviously religious purposes.
Seeing this atmosphere of despair and despondency, Sir Syed launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. He was convinced that the Muslims in their attempt to regenerate themselves, had failed to realize the fact that mankind had entered a very important phase of its existence, i.e., an era of science and learning. He knew that the realization of the very fact was the source of progress and prosperity for the British. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for regeneration of the Indian Muslims. He tried to transform the Muslim outlook from a medieval one to a modern one.


The older ten rupee notes of the ] included background images of the remains of ] and ]. In the 1960s, the imagery of ]n and ] artefacts were unearthed in Pakistan, and some Pakistani nationalists "creatively imagined" an ancient civilisation which differentiated the provinces now lying in Pakistan from the rest of the Indian subcontinent, which is not accepted by mainstream historians; they tried to emphasize its contacts with the West and framed Gandharan Buddhism as antithetical to 'Brahmin' (Hindu) influence.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2019/07/22/long-read-a-pakistani-homeland-for-buddhism-buddhist-art-muslim-nationalism-and-global-public-history/|title=Long Read: A Pakistani homeland for Buddhism: Buddhist art, Muslim nationalism and global public history|date=2019-07-22|website=South Asia @ LSE|language=en-US}} Quote: "In turn, some Pakistani historians creatively imagined Buddhist remains as evidence of Pakistan’s opposition to ancient ‘Brahmin’ influence long before the arrival of Islam. Although these debates over ancient Buddhism might appear disconnected from the economic and political challenges in early Pakistan, they reflected broader disagreements over the cultural orientation of the new Muslim homeland."</ref>
Sir Syed's first and foremost objective was to acquaint the British with the Indian mind; his next goal was to open the minds of his countrymen to European literature, science and technology.


==Nationalism and politics==
Therefore, in order to attain these goals, Sir Syed launched the Aligarh Movement of which Aligarh was the center. He had two immediate objectives in mind: to remove the state of misunderstanding and tension between the Muslims and the new British government, and to induce them to go after the opportunities available under the new regime without deviating in any way from the fundamentals of their faith.
{{See also|Politics of Pakistan}}
The political identity of the ], Pakistan's largest institution and one which controlled the government for over half the history of modern-day Pakistan and still does, is reliant on the connection to Pakistan's Imperial past. The ] fortunes up till the 1970s were propelled by its legacy as the flagship of the Pakistan Movement, and the core platform of the party today evokes that past, considering itself to be the guardian of Pakistan's freedom, democracy and unity as well as religion. Other parties have arisen, such as ], once advocating a leftist program and now more centrist.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.economist.com/asia/2013/04/27/the-n-is-nigh?zid=309&ah=80dcf288b8561b012f603b9fd9577f0e%7B%7Bfull%20citation%20needed%7Cdate%3DSeptember%202018%7D%7D|title=The N is nigh|date=April 27, 2013|newspaper=The Economist}}</ref> In contrast, the ] employs a more aggressively theocratic nationalistic expression. The MMA seeks to defend the culture and heritage of Pakistan and the majority of its people, the Muslim population. It ties theocratic nationalism with the aggressive defence of Pakistan's borders and interests against ], with the defence of the majority's right to be a majority.


Ethnic nationalist parties include the ], which is closely identified with the creation of a ]-majority state in ] and the ] includes many Pashtun leaders in its organization. However, the ], At the last ] ], 20 October 2002, won a meagre 1.0% of the popular vote and no seats in the lower house of Parliament. In ], the ] uses the legacy of the independent ] to stir up support, However at the ] ], 20 October 2002, the party won only 0.2% of the popular vote and 1 out of 272 elected members.
At the same time, Muslim nationalist leaders like ] emphasized the spiritual richness of ] and Islamic philosophy. Sir Muhammad Iqbal the
conceptual founder of Pakistan, Is venerated by Pakistani and ] nationalists for implicitly endorsing the incompatibility of Muslims with other religious communities.


Almost every Pakistani state has a regional party devoted solely to the culture of the native people. Unlike the Awami National party and the Balochistan national party, these mostly cannot be called nationalist, as they use regionalism as a strategy to garner votes, building on the frustration of common people with official status and the centralization of government institutions in Pakistan. However, the recent elections as well as history have shown that such ethnic nationalist parties rarely win more than 1% of the popular vote, with the overwhelming majority of votes going to large and established political parties that pursue a national agenda as opposed to regionalism.
Pakistani nationalists applaud Iqbal's vision for a Muslim state as specifically implying the denunciation of Hindus and Hinduism.<ref name="Naipaul">{{cite book
| last = Naipaul
| first = V. S.
| title = Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples
| pages = 250-52
}}</ref><ref name="IPV">{{cite web
| last =
| first = South Asia Analysis Group
| date = ]
| url = http://www.saag.org/papers9/paper895.html
| title = Iqbal's political views
| format = PHP
| accessdate = 2006-05-26
}}</ref> Iqbal is also strongly venerated for advocating on occasions, the division and fragmentation of India, which ultimately led to ].


===Military tradition===
Iqbal is widely credited for his work in encouraging the political rejuvenation and empowerment of Muslims, and as a great poet not only in ] and ], but also in ] and Muslim nations in the ].
The political ethos in Pakistan, since its first military regime in 1958, reveals that the Pakistani military has incrementally acquired an institutional identity and role which is the supra-governmental and transcends all other constitutional governance arrangements in Pakistan. The Pakistani Army had declared itself, the ideological guardian of the two-nation theory which Pakistanis believe to be the basis of Pakistan's national foundation. It has become the final repository responsible for protecting and consolidating its nationhood. According to Dixit, the Pakistan Army claims to be the shadow of God responsible for exercising state sovereignty for the welfare of the Pakistani people, of which it claims to be the most competent judge.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=gdVNL2_DUtYC&dq=syed+ahmed+khan+army&pg=PA66|publisher=SAGE Publications |title= Contemporary Pakistan |author=Veena Kukreja |date=2003 |isbn=9780761996835 }}</ref> Early Muslim thinkers viewed the idea of Pakistan, with its strong military tradition, as a guardian of South Asia. In subsequent years Pakistani strategists came to see Pakistan as a balance to both the ] from ] and the pro-Soviet government of India.<ref>{{cite book |title= the idea of Pakistan |page=38 |author= Stephen P. Cohen |publisher=Brookings Institution Press |date=2004 }}</ref>


In a June 2023 survey titled "National Public Opinion Poll Report", ] found that the military remained the institution Pakistanis trust the most, with 88% of approval, ahead of the media and the judiciary, with 56% for both, in ] the approval for the army reaching its highest at 91% followed by ] with 90% with a lowest of 66% in ].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Siddiqui |first=Zain Ul Abideen |date=29 September 2023 |title=Army most popular institution in Pakistan: Gallup survey |url=https://tribune.com.pk/story/2438260/army-most-popular-institution-in-pakistan-gallup-survey |website=]}}</ref>
<blockquote>"There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should join the ]. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism. This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national existence. ... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims."<ref name="igbalandpakmovement"></ref></blockquote>


==Nuclear power==
==Independence of India==
{{Main|Pakistan and weapons of mass destruction|1972 in Pakistan}}
{{main|Indian independence movement|Indian rebellion of 1857}}
].]]


The intense ] in far ], followed by ]'s successful ] led to the ] of ] as ]. The ] of the war played a crucial role in the civil society. In January 1972, a clandestine ] and a spin-off to ] and the ] as response to that ] led Pakistan becoming the nuclear power.
In the ], Muslim soldiers and regional kings fought the forces allied with the British Empire in different parts of ]. The war arose from a racialist viewpoint on the part of the British who attacked the "Beastly customs of Indians" by forcing the South Asian soldiers to handle Enfield P-53 gun ]s greased with ] taken from slaughtered pigs and ] taken from slaughtered cows. The cartridges had to bitten open to use the ], effectively meaning that sepoys would have to bite the lard and tallow. This was a manifestation of the disregard that the British exhibited to Muslim and Hindu religious traditions, such as the rejection of Pork in ], the rejection of Beef in ] and the mandate of ] in Hinduism. There were also some kingdoms and peoples who supported the British. This event laid the foundation not only for a nationwide expression, but also future nationalism and conflict on religious and ethnic terms.


First ] were experimented out in 1998 (code names:] and ]) in a direct response to India's nuclear ] in the same year; thus Pakistan became the ] in the world to have successfully developed the programme. It is postulated that Pakistan's ] arose in 1970 and mass ] took place following the India's ] in 1974. It also resulted in Pakistan pursuing similar ambitions, resulting in the May 1998 testings of five nuclear devices by India and six as a response by Pakistan, opening a new era in their rivalry. Pakistan, along with ] and India, is three of the original states that have restrained itself from being party of the ] and ] which it considers an encroachment on its right to defend itself. To date, Pakistan is the only Muslim ].
The Muslim desire for complete freedom, or ''Azadi'', was born with Kernal Sher Khan, who looked to the glories of Muslim history and heritage, and condemned the fall of Muslims from the ruling elite to subservient citizens of the British Empire. The idea of complete independence did not catch on until after ], when the British attempted to exert totalitarian power with the Rowlatt Acts of 1919. When the ] in ], ] of hundreds of unarmed and innocent civilians by British forces took place in the same year, the Muslim public was outraged and most of the Muslim political leaders turned against the British.


== Self-identity as Muslims first ==
==The Pakistan Movement==
Because Pakistani nationalism is based on ], many Pakistanis see no conflict in identifying themselves as Muslim before identifying as Pakistanis.
''Main Articles: ], ], ], ], ], ], ]''
] with ] and other Muslim activists of the ].]]


For example, in 2011 a Gilani Poll conducted by ] revealed that 59% of the Pakistani citizens identified as Muslim first, while 22% chose Pakistani, 10% went for their provincial identity and 7% as human beings first.<ref>{{Cite web |date=4 May 2011 |title=Muslims first, Pakistani distant second say majority: Gallup poll |url=https://tribune.com.pk/story/161704/muslims-first-pakistani-distant-second-say-majority-gallup-poll |access-date=4 May 2023 |website=]}}</ref> On the other hand, the same year ] found out that 94% of Pakistanis considered themselves Muslim first, 3% Pakistani first and 3% voted for both.<ref>{{Cite web |date=30 August 2011 |title=Section 3: Identity, Assimilation and Community |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2011/08/30/section-3-identity-assimilation-and-community/ |access-date=4 May 2023 |website=Pew Research Center}}</ref>
] issued a call for all Muslims to launch "]" on ] 1946 to "achieve Pakistan".<ref name="rgandhi372">Rajmohan Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life", pp. 372-73</ref>. Jinnah stated that:


In 2017, the ''UNDP Pakistan - National Human Development Report'' broke it down at provincial level as such, basing themselves on the 2015 ''National Youth Perception Survey'' :<ref>{{Cite web |title=Pakistan National Human Development Report: Unleashing the Potential of a Young Pakistan |url=https://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/resource/undp-pakistan-national-human-development-report-2017.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220528082439/https://www.aidsdatahub.org/sites/default/files/resource/undp-pakistan-national-human-development-report-2017.pdf |archive-date=28 May 2022 |page=114}}</ref>
{{cquote|Why do you expect me alone to sit with folded hands? I also am going to make trouble. We shall have India divided or we shall have India destroyed<ref></ref>}}
{| class="wikitable sortable"
|+
!Administrative unit
!Religion first
!Nationality first
!Other (ethnicity, ...) first
|-
|]
|51.4%
|41.2%
|7.4%
|-
|]
|32.6%
|46.7%
|20.8%
|-
|]
|50%
|41.5%
|8.5%
|-
|]
|38.8%
|40%
|21.2%
|-
|]
|5%
|78.7%
|16.3%
|-
|]
|7.6%
|86.8%
|5.6%
|-
|]
|27.6%
|64.9%
|7.5%
|-
|]
|3.6%
|95.7%
|0.7%
|}


==See also==
Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over India, especially in ] and the district of ] in ], and more than 7,000&nbsp;people were killed in ]. Although viceroy Lord Wavell asserted that there was "no satisfactory evidence to that effect",<ref name="mansergh879">Mansergh, "Transfer of Power Papers Volume IX", pp 879</ref> Muslim League politicians were alleged to be behind the violence.<ref name="rgandhi376">R. Gandhi, ''Patel: A Life'', pp. 376-78</ref> The violence began as the Muslim League, who were controlling the state in that period, declared that they would have a public holiday and the police and military will not interfere in any events that day. The ] Chief Minister told Muslim protesters that the military and police had been 'restrained'. This was interpreted by the gathering as an open invitation to commit violence on the ]s. Subsequently, there were reports of lorries (trucks) that came thundering down Harrison Road in ], carrying ] men armed with brickbats and bottles as weapons and attacking ] shops.<ref name="White">{{cite book
* ]
| last = Bourke-White
* ]
| first = Margaret
* ]
| authorlink = Margaret Bourke-White
* ]
| title = Halfway to Freedom: A Report on the New India
| publisher = Simon and Schuster, New York
| date = 1949
}}</ref> Most victims of the resulting murders were Hindus.<ref name="White"/> This is the first day that Pakistanis distinguished themselves as a separate political entity than Hindus. This was followed by the Noakhali Massacre, in which Muslims decided to kill all Hindus so as to proclaim Pakistan. The death toll is estimated to be in the thousands, with 50-75 thousand Hindus ] from the region <ref name="Ghosh">S.L Ghosh, ''Ananda Bazar Patrika'' 1946</ref>.


==References==
During the fight for an independent Pakistan, the ] minority were targeted by Muslims. Most of them were killed and beaten, and their properties were destroyed. ] women were abducted and ]d. Often, members of the Muslims mob would kill Hindus and force their widows to marry them at gunpoint.<ref name="Wolpert">
{{Reflist|30em}}
{{cite book
| last = Wolpert
| first = Stanley
| authorlink = Stanley Wolpert
| title = The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi, Chpt 1 ()
| publisher = Oxford University Press
| date = 2001
}}
</ref>.Many ] temples were looted and destroyed. ]s were forced to throw deities into the ] river and ] mobs forced them to consume ], which is disallowed in ]<ref name="White"/> This was an elemental force in allowing Pakistani independence, with Hindus fearing complete eradication if they were not to give an independent Pakistan. This is also one of the first direct actions by people who could call themselves Pakistani nationalists. In fact, these nationalists shouted slogans like ‘League Zindabad’ (long live the ] league), ‘Pakistan Zindabad’
(long live Pakistan), ‘Larke Lenge Pakistan’ (we will create Pakistan by fighting), ‘Marke Lenge Pakistan’ (we will create Pakistan by killing)<ref name="Talib">Muslim League Attack on ] and ]s in the Punjab 1947, S. Gurbachan Singh Talib,VOI</ref> Another evidence of a separate Pakistan could be noted here when Gandhi asked for non-violence. Hindus, did not fight back, while Muslims chose to ignore Gandhi's wishes as he was no longer their leader.<ref name="Gandhi.org"/> <ref></ref> Jinnah's calls of Direct Action resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Hindus, with conversions of many more thousand. It was a major victory for Pakistani nationalists, who were well on their way to achieving their goal of an independent Pakistan.


== Further reading ==
After a conference in December 1946 in London, the League entered the interim government, but Jinnah refrained from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party. The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a rising feeling within the Congress that partition was the only way of avoiding political chaos and possible civil war. The Congress agreed to the partition of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy ] and Indian civil servant ] proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in ], ], ] and ]. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan, National leaders like ], ], ], and the ], brought together generations of Muslims across regions and demographics, while forcing non-Muslim Punjabis and Sindhis out of the region, and provided a strong leadership base giving the country political direction. Pakistan became a purely Muslim nation created by Pakistani nationalists, any ]s or ]s were killed if they decided not to leave Pakistan. This resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of Hindus and Sikhs and the formation of a pure ] state. The goal of Pakistan had been achieved and the Hindu community in the region, which made up one quarter of the population before partition, had been separated from the community of distinctly Pakistani nationalists. Pakistani nationalists could celebrate ], the creation of their state. The name Pakistan also provides pride of nationalists, while it was based on the names of regions, the word ''Pak'' in Persian denotes pure, thus Pakistan was called the ''Land of the Pure''.
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite journal|journal=Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie|volume=93|issue=2|pages=149–159|date=May 2002|doi=10.1111/1467-9663.00191|title=Process of Othering in the case of India and Pakistan|author=Sanjay Chaturvedi}}
* {{cite web|title=The United States and South Asia: Trapped by the Past?|author=Selig S. Harrison|work=Current History|publisher=Current History, Inc.|date=December 1997|url=http://www.currenthistory.com/archivedec97/harrison.html|access-date=2006-12-06|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/19980125073133/http://www.currenthistory.com/archivedec97/harrison.html|archive-date=1998-01-25|url-status=dead}}
* {{cite journal|title=The State and Civil Society in Pakistan: From Crisis to Crisis|author=Iftikhar H. Malik|journal=Asian Survey|volume=36|issue=7|date=July 1996|pages=673&ndash;690|doi=10.2307/2645716|jstor=2645716 }}
* {{cite journal|title=Ethnicity and State Power in Pakistan: The Karachi Crisis|author=Moonis Ahmar|journal=Asian Survey|volume=36|issue=10|date=October 1996|pages=1031&ndash;1048|doi=10.2307/2645632|jstor=2645632 }}
* {{Cite journal|author=Malik, Hafeez|title=The Growth of Pakistani Nationalism, 800 AD &ndash; 1947 AD|year=1961|location=Syracuse, New York|publisher=]}}
* {{Cite journal|title=Foundations of Pakistani Nationalism: The Life and Times of Allama Iqbal|author=MH Khatana|journal=Prof. Dr. S. Razi Wasti's Collection, GC University Libraries, Lahore}}
* {{cite journal|title=Why Pakistan's Unity Was Jeopardized?|author=Feroz Ahmed|journal=Pakistan Forum|volume=2|issue=3|date=December 1971|pages=4&ndash;6|doi=10.2307/2569081|jstor=2569081}}
* {{cite journal|title=The Idea of a Pakistani Nationhood|author=Anwar H. Syed|volume=12|issue=4|date=Summer 1980|pages=575&ndash;597|doi=10.2307/3234301|journal=Polity|jstor=3234301|s2cid=155419769}}
* {{cite journal|journal=Inter-Asia Cultural Studies|publisher=Routledge|volume=6|issue=3|date=September 2005|pages=318&ndash;340|doi=10.1080/14649370500169946|title=A national culture for Pakistan: the political economy of a debate|author=Saadia Toor|s2cid=143493983}}
{{refend}}


==Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan== {{Ethnic nationalism}}
{{Irredentism}}
Pakistan's Balochi populations are strongly nationalistic and have their own ethnic identity. Some of them wish to secede from the country and form their own separate states. ] of Balochistan had expressed the need for Balochistan to separate and formed the separatist ] to that effect, alleging that the Pakistani governments had been biased in favor of the ] and ] ethnic groups. He was killed in military action by Pakistan's forces in ], but many Balochi continue to support him.
{{Pakistan topics}}

{{Authority control}}
The ] people of the North Western Frontier province also have a unique ethnic identity. The former ] regime in nearby ] enjoys significant support here, both in recent times and during the ] Occupation of ], the support reflecting in their aid to the ].

However, despite nationalistic feelings many ethnic groups have often felt alienated by what they see as "Punjabization of Pakistan", due to the domination of the Punjabi groups. This extreme version of Pakistani nationalism is often attributed to the tensions among the different ethic and linguistic groups despite a Islamic majority. The secession of ] is largely blamed on such a "Punjabization". Many in Bengal felt betrayed by such a "muslim nationalism" which soon proved futile, paving the way for Bengali nationalism.

==Nationalist mausoleums, shrines and symbols==
{{main|List of mausoleums and shrines in Pakistan}}
] is frequently visited by Pakistani nationalists, It is a national symbol of Pakistan.]]
], ], ]]]

Pakistan has many shrines, sights, sounds and symbols that have significance to Pakistani nationalists. These include the Shrines of Political leaders of pre-independence and post-independence ], Shrines of Religious leaders and ]s, The Shrines of Imperial leaders of various ] and Dynasties, as well as national symbols and sounds of ]. Some of these shrines, sights and symbols have become a places of ] for Pakistani ultra-nationalism and militarism, as well as for obviously religious purposes.

Some of these shrines are of militaristic importance, as they represent the sacrifices made by Pakistani's war-dead. These shrines can be a source of immense controversy, with the ]i government treating these as a sign of Pakistani militarism.

==Nationalism and politics==
''See Also: ]''
] the key architect of the ], that led ] to Independence in ] and accepted the accession of ] - a Hindu-majority state with a Muslim ruler located in some 400 kilometres (250 mi) southeast of Pakistan - a controversial blend of nationalism and hard politics.]]

The political identity of the ], Pakistan's largest institution and one which controlled the government for over half the history of modern day ] (see ] for events in the region that is now Pakistan before the Pakistani nation-state emerged) and still does, is reliant on the connection to Pakistan's Imperial past. The ] fortunes up till the 1970s were single-handedly propelled by its legacy as the flagship of Pakistan's Independence Movement, and the core platform of the party today evokes that past strongly, considering itself to be the guardian of Pakistan's freedom, democracy and unity as well as religion. Muslims have remained loyal voters of the Pakistan Muslim League, seen as defender of Religious rights. Smaller parties have arisen, such as ], a party based on Liberal conservatism have also arisen. In contrast, the ] employs a more aggressively theocratic nationalistic expression. The MMA seeks to defend the culture and heritage of ] and the majority of its people, the ] population. It ties theocratic nationalism with the aggressive defence of Pakistan's borders and interests against archrival ], with the defence of the majority's right to be a majority. The party's fortunes arose primarily in the 1990s, with the frustration of the people with over 40 years of military domination as well as ] corruption, sycophant leaders and lack of direction.

Ethnic nationalist parties include the ], which is closely identified with the creation of a ]-majority state in ] and the ] includes many Pashtun leaders in its organization. However the ], At the last ] ], ] ], won a meagre 1.0 % of the popular vote and no seats in the lower house of Parliament. In ], the ] uses the legacy of the independent ] to stir up support, However at the last ] ], 20 October 2002, the party won only 0.2 % of the popular vote and 1 out of 272 elected members.

Almost every Pakistani state has a regional party devoted solely to the culture of the native people. Unlike the Awami National party and the Balochistan national party, these mostly cannot be called nationalist, as they use regionalism as a strategy to garner votes, building on the frustration of common people with official status and the centralization of government institutions in Pakistan. However the recent elections as well as history have shown that such ethnic nationalist parties barely ever win more than 1% of the popular vote, the overwhelming majority of votes go to large and established political parties that pursue a national agenda as opposed to regionalism.

==Nuclear power==
''Main Article: ]''
] ].]]

In 1998, Pakistan tested its first ] in ], ], and thus became the 7th nation in the world to possess an arsenal of nuclear weapons. It is postulated that Pakistan's nuclear program arose in the 1970s as a response to the Indian acquisition of the nuclear weapon. It also resulted in ] pursuing similar ambitions, resulting in the May, ] testings of five nuclear devices by both countries, opening a new era in their rivalry. Pakistan is not a signatory to the ] and ], which it considers an encroachment on its right to defend itself.

==References==
<references/>
== Further reading ==
*{{cite journal|journal=Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie|volume=93|issue=2|pages=149|date=May 2002|doi=10.1111/1467-9663.00191|title=Process of Othering in the case of India and Pakistan|author=Sanjay Chaturvedi}}
*{{cite web|title=The United States and South Asia:Trapped by the Past?|author=Selig S. Harrison|work=Current History|publisher=Current History, Inc.|date=December 1997|url=http://www.currenthistory.com/archivedec97/harrison.html}}
*{{cite journal|title=The State and Civil Society in Pakistan: From Crisis to Crisis|author=Iftikhar H. Malik|journal=Asian Survey|volume=36|issue=7|date=July 1996|pages=673&ndash;690}}
*{{cite journal|title=Ethnicity and State Power in Pakistan: The Karachi Crisis|author=Moonis Ahmar|journal=Asian Survey|volume=36|issue=10|date=October 1996|pages=1031&ndash;1048}}
*{{cite paper|author=Malik, Hafeez|title=The Growth of Pakistani Nationalism, 800 AD &ndash; 1947 AD|date=1961|location=Syracuse, New York|publisher=]}}
*{{cite paper|title=Foundations of Pakistani Nationalism: The Life and Times of Allama Iqbal|author=MH Khatana|work=Prof. Dr. S. Razi Wasti's Collection, GC University Libraries, Lahore}}
*{{cite journal|title=Why Pakistan's Unity Was Jeopardized?|author=Feroz Ahmed|journal=Pakistan Forum|volume=2|issue=3|date=December 1971|pages=4&ndash;6|doi=10.2307/2569081}}
*{{cite journal|title=The Idea of a Pakistani Nationhood|author=Anwar H. Syed|volume=12|issue=4|date=Summer 1980|pages=575&ndash;597|doi=10.2307/3234301}}
*{{cite journal|journal=Inter-Asia Cultural Studies|publisher=Routledge|volume=6|issue=3|date=September 2005|pages=318&ndash;340|doi=10.1080/14649370500169946|title=A national culture for Pakistan: the political economy of a debate|author=Saadia Toor}}


] {{DEFAULTSORT:Pakistani Nationalism}}
] ]
] ]
]

Latest revision as of 04:32, 8 December 2024

Nationalism as applied to Pakistanis
Part of a series on
Nationalism
Nation forming
Core values
Types
OrganizationsList of nationalist organizations
Related concepts
Flag of Pakistan
National rituals in Pakistan are replete with military symbols and aesthetics, especially based in the Indo-Pakistan Wars
Founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, known in Pakistan as "Quaid-e-Azam" (The Great Leader), was the leader of the Pakistani nationalist movement that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
Muhammad Iqbal is the national poet of Pakistan and laid the seeds of Pakistani nationalism by envisioning a separate homeland for Muslims in South Asia.

Pakistani nationalism refers to the political, cultural, linguistic, historical, religious and geographical expression of patriotism by the people of Pakistan, of pride in the history, heritage and identity of Pakistan, and visions for its future.

Unlike the secular nationalism of most other countries, Pakistani nationalism is religious and Islamic nationalism in nature of being the nationalism of the religion, culture, traditions, languages and historical region that make up Pakistan, inhabited by mostly Muslims. The culture, languages, literature, history of the region along with influence of Islam was the basis of Pakistani nationalist narrative. It is also a militarist nationalism in that it often involves glorification of war and the military.

From a political point of view and in the years leading up to the independence of Pakistan, the particular political and ideological foundations for the actions of the Muslim League can be called a Pakistani nationalist ideology. It is a singular combination of religious, cultural, nationalist and philosophical elements.

National consciousness in Pakistan

Main article: Muslim nationalism in South Asia

Muslim League separatist campaign in Colonial India

Main article: Pakistan Movement
The leaders of the Muslim League, 1940. Jinnah is seated at centre.

The roots of Pakistani nationalism lie in the separatist campaign of the Muslim League in British India, which sought to create a new state for Indian Muslims called Pakistan, on the basis of Islam. This concept of a separate state for India's Muslims traces its roots to Allama Iqbal, who has retroactively been dubbed the national poet of Pakistan. Iqbal was elected president of the Muslim League in 1930 at its session in Allahabad in the United Provinces, as well as for the session in Lahore in 1932. In his presidential address on 29 December 1930 he outlined a vision of an independent state for Muslim-majority provinces in north-western India:

I would like to see the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated Northwest Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of Northwest India.

For a large majority of the Muslim intelligentsia, including Iqbal, Indo-Muslim culture became a rallying ground for making the case for a separate Muslim homeland. The concept of Indo-Muslim culture was based on the development of a separate political and cultural identity during Muslim rule which built upon the merging of Persian and Indic languages, literature and arts. According to Iqbal, the uppermost purpose of establishing a separate country was the preservation of the Muslim "cultural entity", which he believed would not be safe under the rule of the Hindu majority. Syed Ahmed Khan, the grandson of the Mughal Vizier, Dabir-ud-Daulah, emphasized that Muslims and Hindus made up two different nations on the basis that Hindus were not ready to accept the contemporary Muslim culture and tradition which was exemplified by Hindu opposition to the Urdu language.

The demand for the creation of Pakistan as a homeland for Indian Muslims, according to many academics, was orchestrated mainly by the elite class of Muslims in colonial India primarily based in the United Provinces (U.P.) and Bihar who supported the All India Muslim League. In the colonial Indian province of Sind, the historian Ayesha Jalal describes the actions that Jinnah's pro-separatist Muslim League used in order to spread communal division and undermine the government of Allah Bakhsh Soomro, which stood for a united India:

Even before the 'Pakistan' demand was articulated, the dispute over the Sukkur Manzilgah had been fabricated by provincial Leaguers to unsettle Allah Bakhsh Soomro's ministry which was dependent on support from the Congress and Independent Party. Intended as a way station for Mughal troops on the move, the Manzilgah included a small mosque which had been subsequently abandoned. On a small island in the near distance was the temple of Saad Bela, sacred space for the large number of Hindus settled on the banks of the Indus at Sukkur. The symbolic convergence of the identity and sovereignty over a forgotten mosque provided ammunition for those seeking office at the provincial level. Making an issue out of a non-issue, the Sind Muslim League in early June 1939 formally reclaimed the mosque. Once its deadline of 1 October 1939 for the restoration of the mosque to Muslims had passed, the League started an agitation.

The Muslim League, seeking to spread religious strife, "monetarily subsidized" mobs that engaged in communal violence against Hindus and Sikhs in the areas of Multan, Rawalpindi, Campbellpur, Jhelum and Sargodha, as well as in the Hazara District. Jinnah and the Muslim League's communalistic Direct Action Day in Calcutta resulted in 4,000 deaths and 100,000 residents left homeless in just 72 hours, sowing the seeds for riots in other provinces and the eventual partition of the country.

Third Caliph of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at Mirza Nasir Ahmad conversing with Furqan Force colonel Sahibzada Mubarak Ahmad

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at staunchly supported Jinnah's separatist demand for Pakistan, such as Chaudary Zafarullah Khan, an Ahmadi leader, who drafted the Lahore Resolution and was aked by Jinnah to represent the Muslim League to the Radcliffe Commission. Ahmadis argued to try to ensure that the city of Qadian, India would fall into the newly created state of Pakistan, though they were unsuccessful in doing so.

In the first decade after Pakistan gained independence after the partition of India, "Pakistan considered its history to be a part of larger India's, a common history, a joint history, and in fact Indian textbooks were in use in the syllabus in Pakistan." The government under Ayub Khan, however, wished to rewrite the history of Pakistan to exclude any reference India and tasked the historians within Pakistan to manufacture a nationalist narrative of a "separate" history that erased the country's Indian past. Elizabeth A. Cole of the George Mason University Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution noted that Pakistani textbooks eliminate the country's Hindu and Buddhist past, while referring to Muslims as a monolithic entity and focusing solely on the advent of Islam in the Indian subcontinent. During the rule of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq a "program of Islamization" of the country including the textbooks was started. General Zia's 1979 education policy stated that " highest priority would be given to the revision of the curricula with a view to reorganizing the entire content around Islamic thought and giving education an ideological orientation so that Islamic ideology permeates the thinking of the younger generation and helps them with the necessary conviction and ability to refashion society according to Islamic tenets". According to Pakistan Studies curriculum, Muhammad bin Qasim is often referred to as the first Pakistani despite having been alive several centuries before its creation through the partition of India in 1947. Muhammad Ali Jinnah also claimed the Pakistani separatist movement to have started when the first Muslim put a foot in the Gateway of Islam, and that Bin Qasim is actually the founder of Pakistan.

Pakistan as inheritor state to Islamic political powers in medieval India

The idea of Pakistan implied that Pakistan would be the modern extension or the successor state of Islamic empires and kingdoms that ruled medieval India for almost a combined period of one millennium, the empires and kingdoms in order are the Ghaznavid Empire, Ghorid Kingdom, Delhi Sultanate, Deccan sultanates and Mughal Empire. This history of Muslim rule in the subcontinent composes possibly the largest segment of Pakistani nationalism. Pakistani historians such as Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi based Pakistani nationhood on the distinctiveness of medieval Indo-Muslim culture or civilization, and that Pakistan was an heir to the Indo-Muslim traditions of the Sultanates. Indo-Muslim culture is described that by assimilating many aspects of Indian culture in customs, social manners, architecture, painting and music, the Muslims of India established a new culture or civilization, which not only maintained its separate identity from other Muslim peoples such as the Arabs and the Persians, etc., but also simultaneously maintained the distinctiveness of this new culture from the former Hindu India by being essentially Indo-Persian in character. This is seen as a conscious decision of the Muslims of India. According to Qureshi, the distinctiveness of Muslim India could only be maintained by the political domination of the Muslims over the Hindus. Any sharing of political power with the Hindus was considered dangerous and the first step towards the political abdication of the Indian Muslims. The assumption of the Muslims of India of belonging to a separate identity, and therefore, having a right to their own country, also rested on their pre-eminent claim to political power, which flowed from the experience of Muslim dominance in India.

Such approach to history is encapsulated in the document Pakistan Nationalism, that General Ayub Khan issued as an order in 1961 to Islamize the armed forces and the public:

It would not be quite logical to say that the notion of Pakistan came into being only with the establishment of Pakistan on 14 August 1947. Its roots go very deep into our history. In fact, it was a concept which evolved and emerged in course of time, as a result of the inevitable and unalterable forces of history... . Amongst the first settlers of course were the Arabs who came with trade convoys, or with the armies of Mohammad Bin Qasim, and found a footing in Sind. The impress of the stay of these Arabs can still be recognised on the religion, culture and language of the Sindhi people.

To this end, many Pakistani nationalists claim monuments like the Taj Mahal, located in Agra, which was built by Ustad Ahmad Lahori, an ethnic Punjabi Muslim, as being Pakistani and part of Pakistan's history. The Red Fort, and the Jama Masjid, Delhi are also claimed by Pakistani nationalists as belonging to Pakistanis.

Syed Ahmed Khan and the Indian Rebellion of 1857

See also: Syed Ahmed Khan, Indian rebellion of 1857

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817–1898)

Syed Ahmed Khan, the grandson of the Mughal Vizier, Dabir-ud-Daula, believed that Muslims and Hindus belonged to two separate nations. He promoted Western-style education in Muslim society, seeking to uplift Muslims economically and politically in British India. He founded the Aligarh Muslim University, then called the Anglo-Oriental College.

In 1835 Lord Macaulay's minute recommending that Western rather than Oriental learning predominate in the East India Company's education policy had led to numerous changes. In place of Arabic and Persian, the Western languages, history and philosophy were taught at state-funded schools and universities whilst religious education was barred. English became not only the medium of instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian, disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter language. Traditional Islamic studies were no longer supported by the state, and some madrasahs lost their waqf or endowment. The Indian rebellion of 1857 is held by nationalists to have ended in disaster for the Muslims, as Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal, was deposed. Power over the subcontinent was passed from the East India Company to the British Crown. The removal of the last symbol of continuity with the Mughal period spawned a negative attitude amongst some Muslims towards everything modern and western, and a disinclination to make use of the opportunities available under the new regime. As Muslims were generally agriculturists and soldiers, while Hindus were increasingly seen as successful financiers and businessmen, the historian Spear noted that to the Muslim "an industrialized India meant a Hindu India".

Indian Muslims of the 3rd Bengal Cavalry spearheaded the Indian Mutiny in Meerut

Seeing this atmosphere of despair and despondency, Syed launched his attempts to revive the spirit of progress within the Muslim community of India. He was convinced that the Muslims, in their attempt to regenerate themselves, had failed to realise that mankind had entered a very important phase of its existence, i.e., an era of science and learning. He knew that the realisation of that was the source of progress and prosperity for the British. Therefore, modern education became the pivot of his movement for regeneration of the Indian Muslims. He tried to transform the Muslim outlook from a mediaeval one to a modern one. Syed's first and foremost objective was to acquaint the British with the Indian mind; his next goal was to open the minds of his countrymen to European literature, science and technology. Therefore, in order to attain these goals, Syed launched the Aligarh Movement, of which Aligarh was the center. He had two immediate objectives in mind: to remove the state of misunderstanding and tension between the Muslims and the new British government, and to induce them to go after the opportunities available under the new regime without deviating in any way from the fundamentals of their faith.

Syed Ahmed Khan converted the existing cultural and religious entity among Indian Muslims into a separatist political force, throwing a Western cloak of nationalism over the Islamic concept of culture. The distinct sense of value, culture and tradition among Indian Muslims, which originated from the nature of Islamization of the Indian populace during the Muslim conquests in the Indian subcontinent, was used for a separatist identity leading to the Pakistan Movement.

Independence of Pakistan

Main articles: Pakistan Movement, Indian independence movement, Indian rebellion of 1857, and Independence Day (Pakistan)

In the Indian rebellion of 1857, both Hindu and Muslims fought the forces allied with the British Empire in different parts of British India. The war's spark arose because the British attacked the "Beastly customs of Indians" by forcing the Indian sepoys to handle Enfield P-53 gun cartridges greased with lard taken from slaughtered pigs and tallow taken from slaughtered cows. The cartridges had to bitten open to use the gunpowder, effectively meaning that sepoys would have to bite the lard and tallow. This was a manifestation of the insensitivity that the British exhibited to Muslim and Hindu religious traditions, such as the rejection of pork consumption in Islam and the rejection of slaughter of cow in Hinduism. There were also some kingdoms and peoples who supported the British. Historians such as Shashi Tharoor maintain that the British government's divide-and-rule policies in India were established after witnessing Hindus and Muslims joining forces together to fight against Company rule in India during this First War of Indian Independence.

The desire among some for a new state for the Indian Muslims, or Azadi was born with Kernal Sher Khan, who looked to Muslim history and heritage, and condemned the fact Muslims were ruled by the British Empire and not by Muslim leaders. The idea of complete independence did not catch on until after World War I, when the British government reduced civil liberties with the Rowlatt Acts of 1919. When General Reginal Dyer ordered the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre in Amritsar, Punjab which took place in the same year, the Muslim public was outraged and most of the Muslim political leaders turned against the British government. Pakistan was finally actualized through the partition of India in 1947 on the basis of Two Nation Theory. Today, Pakistan is divided into 4 provinces. The last census recorded the 1981 population at 84.3 million, nearly double the 1961 figure of 42.9 million. By 1983, the population had tripled to nearly 93 million, making Pakistan the world's 9th most populous country, although in area it ranked 34th.

Pakistani nationalist symbols

Main article: List of mausoleums and shrines in Pakistan
Mausoleum of M.A Jinnah is frequently visited by Pakistani nationalists, It is a national symbol of Pakistan.
The Mausoleum of Iqbal, next to Badshahi Masjid, Lahore, Pakistan

Because of the country's identity with Islam, mosques like Badshahi Mosque and Faisal Mosque are also used as national symbols either to represent "glorious past" or modernistic future. Pakistan has many shrines, sights, sounds and symbols that have significance to Pakistani nationalists. These include the Shrines of Political leaders of pre-independence and post-independence Pakistan, Shrines of Religious leaders and Saints, The Shrines of Imperial leaders of various Islamic Empires and Dynasties, as well as national symbols of Pakistan. Some of these shrines, sights and symbols have become a places of Pilgrimage for Pakistani ultra-nationalism and militarism, as well as for obviously religious purposes.

The older ten rupee notes of the Pakistani rupee included background images of the remains of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. In the 1960s, the imagery of Gandharan and Greco-Buddhist artefacts were unearthed in Pakistan, and some Pakistani nationalists "creatively imagined" an ancient civilisation which differentiated the provinces now lying in Pakistan from the rest of the Indian subcontinent, which is not accepted by mainstream historians; they tried to emphasize its contacts with the West and framed Gandharan Buddhism as antithetical to 'Brahmin' (Hindu) influence.

Nationalism and politics

See also: Politics of Pakistan

The political identity of the Pakistani Armed Forces, Pakistan's largest institution and one which controlled the government for over half the history of modern-day Pakistan and still does, is reliant on the connection to Pakistan's Imperial past. The Pakistan Muslim League's fortunes up till the 1970s were propelled by its legacy as the flagship of the Pakistan Movement, and the core platform of the party today evokes that past, considering itself to be the guardian of Pakistan's freedom, democracy and unity as well as religion. Other parties have arisen, such as Pakistan Peoples Party, once advocating a leftist program and now more centrist. In contrast, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal employs a more aggressively theocratic nationalistic expression. The MMA seeks to defend the culture and heritage of Pakistan and the majority of its people, the Muslim population. It ties theocratic nationalism with the aggressive defence of Pakistan's borders and interests against India, with the defence of the majority's right to be a majority.

Ethnic nationalist parties include the Awami National Party, which is closely identified with the creation of a Pashtun-majority state in North-West Frontier Province and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas includes many Pashtun leaders in its organization. However, the Awami National Party, At the last legislative elections, 20 October 2002, won a meagre 1.0% of the popular vote and no seats in the lower house of Parliament. In Balochistan, the Balochistan National Party uses the legacy of the independent Balochistan to stir up support, However at the legislative elections, 20 October 2002, the party won only 0.2% of the popular vote and 1 out of 272 elected members.

Almost every Pakistani state has a regional party devoted solely to the culture of the native people. Unlike the Awami National party and the Balochistan national party, these mostly cannot be called nationalist, as they use regionalism as a strategy to garner votes, building on the frustration of common people with official status and the centralization of government institutions in Pakistan. However, the recent elections as well as history have shown that such ethnic nationalist parties rarely win more than 1% of the popular vote, with the overwhelming majority of votes going to large and established political parties that pursue a national agenda as opposed to regionalism.

Military tradition

The political ethos in Pakistan, since its first military regime in 1958, reveals that the Pakistani military has incrementally acquired an institutional identity and role which is the supra-governmental and transcends all other constitutional governance arrangements in Pakistan. The Pakistani Army had declared itself, the ideological guardian of the two-nation theory which Pakistanis believe to be the basis of Pakistan's national foundation. It has become the final repository responsible for protecting and consolidating its nationhood. According to Dixit, the Pakistan Army claims to be the shadow of God responsible for exercising state sovereignty for the welfare of the Pakistani people, of which it claims to be the most competent judge. Early Muslim thinkers viewed the idea of Pakistan, with its strong military tradition, as a guardian of South Asia. In subsequent years Pakistani strategists came to see Pakistan as a balance to both the Soviet Union from Central Asia and the pro-Soviet government of India.

In a June 2023 survey titled "National Public Opinion Poll Report", Gallup Pakistan found that the military remained the institution Pakistanis trust the most, with 88% of approval, ahead of the media and the judiciary, with 56% for both, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa the approval for the army reaching its highest at 91% followed by Punjab with 90% with a lowest of 66% in Balochistan.

Nuclear power

Main articles: Pakistan and weapons of mass destruction and 1972 in Pakistan
Monument of a nuclear test site placed in Islamabad.

The intense guerrilla war in far Eastern Pakistan, followed by India's successful intervention led to the secession of Eastern contingent as Bangladesh. The outcomes of the war played a crucial role in the civil society. In January 1972, a clandestine crash programme and a spin-off to literary and the scientific revolution as response to that crash programme led Pakistan becoming the nuclear power.

First public tests were experimented out in 1998 (code names:Chagai-I and Chagai-II) in a direct response to India's nuclear explosions in the same year; thus Pakistan became the 7th nation in the world to have successfully developed the programme. It is postulated that Pakistan's crash programme arose in 1970 and mass acceleration took place following the India's nuclear test in 1974. It also resulted in Pakistan pursuing similar ambitions, resulting in the May 1998 testings of five nuclear devices by India and six as a response by Pakistan, opening a new era in their rivalry. Pakistan, along with Israel and India, is three of the original states that have restrained itself from being party of the NPT and CTBT which it considers an encroachment on its right to defend itself. To date, Pakistan is the only Muslim nuclear state.

Self-identity as Muslims first

Because Pakistani nationalism is based on Muslim nationalism, many Pakistanis see no conflict in identifying themselves as Muslim before identifying as Pakistanis.

For example, in 2011 a Gilani Poll conducted by Gallup Pakistan revealed that 59% of the Pakistani citizens identified as Muslim first, while 22% chose Pakistani, 10% went for their provincial identity and 7% as human beings first. On the other hand, the same year Pew Research Center found out that 94% of Pakistanis considered themselves Muslim first, 3% Pakistani first and 3% voted for both.

In 2017, the UNDP Pakistan - National Human Development Report broke it down at provincial level as such, basing themselves on the 2015 National Youth Perception Survey :

Administrative unit Religion first Nationality first Other (ethnicity, ...) first
Punjab 51.4% 41.2% 7.4%
Sindh 32.6% 46.7% 20.8%
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 50% 41.5% 8.5%
Balochistan 38.8% 40% 21.2%
FATA 5% 78.7% 16.3%
Azad Jammu and Kashmir 7.6% 86.8% 5.6%
Islamabad Capital Territory 27.6% 64.9% 7.5%
Gilgit-Baltistan 3.6% 95.7% 0.7%

See also

References

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  2. Binder, Leonard (1957). "Pakistan and Modern Islamic-Nationalist Theory". Middle East Journal. 11 (4): 382–396. ISSN 0026-3141.
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  4. Contesting History: Narratives of Public History. A&C Black. 13 March 2014. ISBN 9781472519535.
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  7. Mohammad Waseem (2022). Political Conflict in Pakistan. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-765426-2.
  8. ʻAbd Allāh Aḥmad Naʻīm (2002). Islamic Family Law in a Changing World: A Global Resource Book. Zed Books. p. 202. ISBN 9781842770931.
  9. Malik, Hafeez (1963). Moslem nationalism in India and Pakistan. Washington, Public Affairs Press. p. 541.
  10. Anil Chandra Banerjee (1981). Two Nations:The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism. Concept.
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  12. History & Civis ICSE 10. Arihant Publications India limited. p. 67. ISBN 9789326195102.
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  14. Krishan, Yuvraj (2002). Understanding Partition: India Sundered, Muslims Fragmented. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. p. vii. ISBN 978-81-7276-277-3. He contends that it were the educated Muslim elite classes of the U.P. and Bihar who supported Pakistan out of fear of losing their privileges in these feudal States, there was no universal franchise at that time; only 10% of the population had franchise and not more than 5% voted in the crucial election of 1945. Out of these only 3.5% supported the Muslim League.
  15. Komireddi, Kapil (17 April 2015). "The long, troubling consequences of India's partition that created Pakistan". The Washington Post. Retrieved 31 May 2020. The idea of Pakistan emerged from the anxieties and prejudices of a decaying class of India's Muslim elites, who claimed that Islam's purity would be contaminated in a pluralistic society.
  16. Rabasa, Angel; Waxman, Matthew; Larson, Eric V.; Marcum, Cheryl Y. (2004). The Muslim World After 9/11. Rand Corporation. ISBN 978-0-8330-3755-8. However, many Indian Muslims regarded India as their permanent home and supported the concept of a secular, unified state that would include both Hindus and Muslims. After centuries of joint history and coexistence, these Muslims firmly believed that India was fundamentally a multireligious entity and that Muslims were an integral part of the state. Furthermore, cleaving India into independent Muslim and Hindu states would be geographically inconvenient for millions of Muslims. Those living in the middle and southern regions of India could not conveniently move to the new Muslim state because it required travel over long distances and considerable financial resources. In particular, many lower-class Muslims opposed partition because they felt that a Muslim state would benefit only upper-class Muslims. At independence, the division of India into the Muslim state of Pakistan and the secular state of India caused a massive migration of millions of Muslims into Pakistan and Hindus into India, along with the death of over one million people in the consequent riots and chaos. The millions of Muslims who remained in India by choice or providence became a smaller and more interspersed minority in a secular and democratic state.
  17. ^ Jalal, Ayesha (2002). Self and Sovereignty: Individual and Community in South Asian Islam Since 1850. Routledge. p. 415. ISBN 9781134599370.
  18. Abid, Abdul Majeed (29 December 2014). "The forgotten massacre". The Nation. On the same dates, Muslim League-led mobs fell with determination and full preparations on the helpless Hindus and Sikhs scattered in the villages of Multan, Rawalpindi, Campbellpur, Jhelum and Sargodha. The murderous mobs were well supplied with arms, such as daggers, swords, spears and fire-arms. (A former civil servant mentioned in his autobiography that weapon supplies had been sent from NWFP and money was supplied by Delhi-based politicians.) They had bands of stabbers and their auxiliaries, who covered the assailant, ambushed the victim and if necessary disposed of his body. These bands were subsidized monetarily by the Muslim League, and cash payments were made to individual assassins based on the numbers of Hindus and Sikhs killed. There were also regular patrolling parties in jeeps which went about sniping and picking off any stray Hindu or Sikh. ... Thousands of non-combatants including women and children were killed or injured by mobs, supported by the All India Muslim League.
  19. Chitkara, M. G. (1996). Mohajir's Pakistan. APH Publishing. ISBN 9788170247463. When the idea of Pakistan was not accepted in the Northern States of India, the Muslim League sent out its goons to drive the Hindus out of Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi and appropriate their property.
  20. Burrows, Frederick (1946). Report to Viceroy Lord Wavell. The British Library IOR: L/P&J/8/655 f.f. 95, 96–107.
  21. Das, Suranjan (May 2000). "The 1992 Calcutta Riot in Historical Continuum: A Relapse into 'Communal Fury'?". Modern Asian Studies. 34 (2): 281–306. doi:10.1017/S0026749X0000336X. JSTOR 313064. S2CID 144646764.
  22. "Minority Interest". The Herald. 22 (1–3). Pakistan Herald Publications: 15. 1991. When the Quaid-e-Azam was fighting his battle for Pakistan, only the Ahmadiya community, out of all religious groups, supported him.
  23. Khalid, Haroon (May 6, 2017). "Pakistan paradox: Ahmadis are anti-national but those who opposed the country's creation are not". Scroll.in.
  24. Balzani, Marzia (2020). Ahmadiyya Islam and the Muslim Diaspora: Living at the End of Days. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-351-76953-2.
  25. ^ Sridharan, E. (2014). International Relations Theory and South Asia (OIP): Volume II: Security, Political Economy, Domestic Politics, Identities, and Images. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-908940-6.
  26. Cole, Elizabeth A. (2007). Teaching the Violent Past: History Education and Reconciliation. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 296. ISBN 978-1-4616-4397-5.
  27. Haqqani, Hussain (10 March 2010). Pakistan:between mosque and the military. Carnegie Endowment. ISBN 9780870032851. Retrieved 9 April 2011. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
  28. Jamil, Baela Raza. "Curriculum Reforms in Pakistan – A Glass Half Full or Half Empty?" (PDF). Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi. Retrieved 10 April 2011.
  29. "History books contain major distortions". Daily Times.
  30. "Pakistan Movement". cybercity-online.net. Archived from the original on 2016-02-01. Retrieved 2012-04-16.
  31. Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Pakistan, Hurmat Publications (1989), p. 1
  32. Stephen P. Cohen (2004). the Idea of Pakistan. Brookings Institution Press. p. 38.
  33. ^ Zaidi, S. Akbar (1 March 2014). "Is the Taj Mahal Pakistani?". DAWN.COM.
  34. ^ Satish Chandra (1996), Historiography, Religion, and State in Medieval India, Har-Anand Publications, ISBN 9788124100356
  35. Sandria B. Freitag (1989). Collective Action and Community Public Arenas and the Emergence of Communalism in North India. University of California Press. p. 104. ISBN 9780520064393.
  36. Asghar Ali Engineer (2002), Competing Nationalisms in South Asia, Orient BlackSwan, ISBN 9788125022213
  37. Farzana Shaikh (2018). Making Sense of Pakistan. Oxford University Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-19-092911-4.
  38. Yasmin Saikia (2014) "Ayub Khan and Modern Islam: Transforming Citizens and the Nation in Pakistan", South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 37:2, 292-305, DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2014.889590. Page 301.
  39. Abraham Eraly (2007). The Mughal World-Life in India's Last Golden Age. Penguin Books India. p. 377. ISBN 9780143102625.
  40. The Sikh Courier:Volumes 9-12. Sikh Cultural Society of Great Britain. 1977. p. 16. Nadir-ul-Asar Ahmad Mimar Lahori Shahjehani was also a Punjabi who designed the Taj Mahal of Agra
  41. South Asian Studies - Issue 21. 1989. p. 23.
  42. Abbas Hoveyda (2010). Indian Government and Politics. Pearson Education. p. 44. ISBN 9788131733127.
  43. ^ Viśva Mohana Pāṇḍeya (2003). Historiography of India's Partition: An Analysis of Imperialist Writings. Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. p. 26. ISBN 9788126903146.
  44. ^ Tharoor, Shashi (August 10, 2017). "The Partition: The British game of 'divide and rule'". Al Jazeera.
  45. Newcomb, L (1986). "The Islamic Republic of Pakistan: Country profile". International Demographics. 5 (7): 1–8. PMID 12314371.
  46. "Long Read: A Pakistani homeland for Buddhism: Buddhist art, Muslim nationalism and global public history". South Asia @ LSE. 2019-07-22. Quote: "In turn, some Pakistani historians creatively imagined Buddhist remains as evidence of Pakistan’s opposition to ancient ‘Brahmin’ influence long before the arrival of Islam. Although these debates over ancient Buddhism might appear disconnected from the economic and political challenges in early Pakistan, they reflected broader disagreements over the cultural orientation of the new Muslim homeland."
  47. "The N is nigh". The Economist. April 27, 2013.
  48. Veena Kukreja (2003). Contemporary Pakistan. SAGE Publications. ISBN 9780761996835.
  49. Stephen P. Cohen (2004). the idea of Pakistan. Brookings Institution Press. p. 38.
  50. Siddiqui, Zain Ul Abideen (29 September 2023). "Army most popular institution in Pakistan: Gallup survey". The Express Tribune.
  51. "Muslims first, Pakistani distant second say majority: Gallup poll". The Express Tribune. 4 May 2011. Retrieved 4 May 2023.
  52. "Section 3: Identity, Assimilation and Community". Pew Research Center. 30 August 2011. Retrieved 4 May 2023.
  53. "Pakistan National Human Development Report: Unleashing the Potential of a Young Pakistan" (PDF). p. 114. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 May 2022.

Further reading

  • Sanjay Chaturvedi (May 2002). "Process of Othering in the case of India and Pakistan". Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie. 93 (2): 149–159. doi:10.1111/1467-9663.00191.
  • Selig S. Harrison (December 1997). "The United States and South Asia: Trapped by the Past?". Current History. Current History, Inc. Archived from the original on 1998-01-25. Retrieved 2006-12-06.
  • Iftikhar H. Malik (July 1996). "The State and Civil Society in Pakistan: From Crisis to Crisis". Asian Survey. 36 (7): 673–690. doi:10.2307/2645716. JSTOR 2645716.
  • Moonis Ahmar (October 1996). "Ethnicity and State Power in Pakistan: The Karachi Crisis". Asian Survey. 36 (10): 1031–1048. doi:10.2307/2645632. JSTOR 2645632.
  • Malik, Hafeez (1961). "The Growth of Pakistani Nationalism, 800 AD – 1947 AD". Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  • MH Khatana. "Foundations of Pakistani Nationalism: The Life and Times of Allama Iqbal". Prof. Dr. S. Razi Wasti's Collection, GC University Libraries, Lahore.
  • Feroz Ahmed (December 1971). "Why Pakistan's Unity Was Jeopardized?". Pakistan Forum. 2 (3): 4–6. doi:10.2307/2569081. JSTOR 2569081.
  • Anwar H. Syed (Summer 1980). "The Idea of a Pakistani Nationhood". Polity. 12 (4): 575–597. doi:10.2307/3234301. JSTOR 3234301. S2CID 155419769.
  • Saadia Toor (September 2005). "A national culture for Pakistan: the political economy of a debate". Inter-Asia Cultural Studies. 6 (3). Routledge: 318–340. doi:10.1080/14649370500169946. S2CID 143493983.
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