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| {{Short description|Political ideology based on individual rights and liberty}} | |||
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| {{other uses|Liberal (disambiguation)}} | |||
| {{distinguish|Libertarianism}} | |||
| {{pp-semi-indef|small=yes}} | |||
| {{use dmy dates|date=July 2015}} | |||
| {{use British English|date=January 2014}} | |||
| {{liberalism sidebar}} | |||
| {{party politics}} | |||
| '''Liberalism''' is a ] and ] based on the ], ], ], ], the ] and ].<ref>"liberalism In general, the belief that it is the aim of politics to preserve individual rights and to maximize freedom of choice." ''Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics'', Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan, Third edition 2009, {{ISBN|978-0-19-920516-5}}.</ref><ref name="wpt">{{cite book |quote=political rationalism, hostility to autocracy, cultural distaste for conservatism and for tradition in general, tolerance, and ... individualism. |first=John |last=Dunn |title=Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future |date=1993 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-521-43755-4}}</ref> Liberals espouse various and often mutually warring views depending on their understanding of these principles but generally support ], ], individual rights (including ] and ]), ], ], ], ] and ], ], ], ], and ].<ref name="Generally support">Generally support: | |||
| Adolf Hitler | |||
| *{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UkVIYjezrF0C&q=liberalism+secularism |first=Nader |last=Hashemi |title=Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy: Toward a Democratic Theory for Muslim Societies |publisher=] |quote=Liberal democracy requires a form of secularism to sustain itself |year=2009 |isbn=978-0-19-971751-4 |via=]}} | |||
| *{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=htuTnexZAo8C&q=liberalism+freedom+of+religion&pg=PA1 |first=Kathleen G. |last=Donohue |title=Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Idea of the Consumer |series=New Studies in American Intellectual and Cultural History |publisher=] |quote=Three of them – freedom from fear, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion – have long been fundamental to liberalism. |isbn=978-0-8018-7426-0 |date=19 December 2003 |access-date=31 December 2007 |via=]}} | |||
| (Redirected from Hitler) | |||
| *{{cite news |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KBzHAAAAIAAJ&q=liberalism+freedom+of+religion |title=The Economist, Volume 341, Issues 7995–7997 |newspaper=] |quote=For all three share a belief in the liberal society as defined above: a society that provides constitutional government (rule by law, not by men) and freedom of religion, thought, expression and economic interaction; a society in which ... . |year=1996 |access-date=31 December 2007 |via=]}} | |||
| Jump to: navigation, search | |||
| *{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ndAdGl8ScfcC&q=liberalism+freedom+of+religion&pg=PA525 |first=Sheldon S. |last=Wolin |title=Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought |publisher=] |quote=The most frequently cited rights included freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, property, and procedural rights |isbn=978-0-691-11977-9 |year=2004 |access-date=31 December 2007 |via=]}} | |||
| "Hitler" redirects here. For other uses, see Hitler (disambiguation). | |||
| *{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mQJgnEITPRIC&q=liberalism+freedom+of+religion&pg=PA366 |first1=Edwin Brown |last1=Firmage |first2=Bernard G. |last2=Weiss |first3=John Woodland |last3=Welch |title=Religion and Law: Biblical-Judaic and Islamic Perspectives |publisher=] |quote=There is no need to expound the foundations and principles of modern liberalism, which emphasises the values of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion |isbn=978-0-931464-39-3 |year=1990 |access-date=31 December 2007 |via=]}} | |||
| Semi-protected | |||
| *{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/cyclopaediapoli00lalogoog |page= |first=John Joseph |last=Lalor |author-link=John Joseph Lalor |title=Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and of the Political History of the United States |publisher=Nabu Press |quote=Democracy attaches itself to a form of government: liberalism, to liberty and guarantees of liberty. The two may agree; they are not contradictory, but they are neither identical, nor necessarily connected. In the moral order, liberalism is the liberty to think, recognised and practiced. This is primordial liberalism, as the liberty to think is itself the first and noblest of liberties. Man would not be free in any degree or in any sphere of action, if he were not a thinking being endowed with consciousness. The freedom of worship, the freedom of education, and the freedom of the press are derived the most directly from the freedom to think. |year=1883 |access-date=31 December 2007}} | |||
| Adolf Hitler | |||
| *{{Cite web |title=Liberalism |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/liberalism |access-date=2021-06-16 |website=Encyclopedia Britannica |language=en}}] and ] | |||
| Adolf Hitler | |||
| *{{Cite book |title=The Desk Encyclopedia of World History |publisher=] |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-7394-7809-7 |editor-last=Wright |editor-first=Edmund |location=New York |pages=374}} | |||
| Führer | |||
| </ref> Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ] of ].<ref name=":1">Wolfe, p. 23.</ref><ref name="Adams 2011">{{cite book|last=Adams|first=Ian|title=Political Ideology Today|url=https://archive.org/details/politicalideolog0000adam/mode/2up?view=theater|url-access = registration|chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/politicalideolog0000adam/page/10/mode/2up?view=theater|chapter-url-access = registration|edition=Second|series=Politics Today|year=2001|publisher=Manchester University Press|location=Manchester and New York|isbn=0-7190-6019-2|chapter=2: Liberalism and democracy}}</ref>{{rp|11}} | |||
| 3rd President of Germany (Weimar Republic) | |||
| In office | |||
| 2 August 1934 – 30 April 1945 | |||
| Preceded by Paul von Hindenburg | |||
| (as President) | |||
| Succeeded by Karl Dönitz | |||
| (as President) | |||
| Chancellor of Germany | |||
| Reichskanzler | |||
| In office | |||
| 30 January 1933 – 30 April 1945 | |||
| Preceded by Kurt von Schleicher | |||
| Succeeded by Joseph Goebbels | |||
| Reichsstatthalter of Prussia | |||
| In office | |||
| 1933 – 1935 | |||
| Succeeded by Hermann Göring (acting) | |||
| Born 20 April 1889 | |||
| Braunau am Inn, Austria-Hungary | |||
| Died 30 April 1945 (age 56) | |||
| Berlin, Germany | |||
| Nationality Austrian until 1925; after 1932 German | |||
| Political party National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) | |||
| Spouse Eva Braun | |||
| (married on 29 April 1945) | |||
| Occupation Politician, Head of State, Writer, Artist | |||
| Religion Christianity (see section below) | |||
| Signature Adolf Hitler's signature | |||
| Liberalism became a distinct ] in the ], gaining popularity among ] philosophers and ]s. Liberalism sought to replace the ] of ], ], ], the ] and ] with ], rule of law, and equality under the law. Liberals also ended ] policies, ], and other ]s, instead promoting ] and marketization.<ref name="Gould, p. 3"/> Philosopher ] is often credited with founding liberalism as a distinct tradition based on the '']'', arguing that each man has a ] to ], and governments must not violate these ].<ref>{{cite book |quote=All mankind ... being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions |first=John |last=Locke |author-link=John Locke |title=Second Treatise of Government}}</ref> While the ] has emphasized expanding democracy, ] has emphasized rejecting ] and is linked to ].<ref name="Kirchner, p. 3">Kirchner, p. 3.</ref> | |||
| Adolf Hitler (20 April 1889, Braunau am Inn, Austria-Hungary – 30 April 1945, Berlin, Germany) was an Austrian-born German politician who led the National Socialist German Workers Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei NSDAP), more commonly known as the Nazi Party. He was Chancellor of Germany (1933–1945) and Führer of Germany (1934–1945). | |||
| Leaders in the British ] of 1688,<ref>{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/1688firstmodernr00stev |url-access=registration |title=1688: The First Modern Revolution |first=Steven |last=Pincus |year=2009 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-300-15605-8 |access-date=7 February 2013}}</ref> the ] of 1776, and the ] of 1789 used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of royal ]. The 19th century saw liberal governments established in ] and ], and it was well-established alongside ].<ref>{{cite book |first=Milan |last=Zafirovski |title=Liberal Modernity and Its Adversaries: Freedom, Liberalism and Anti-Liberalism in the 21st Century |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlT9Qho0tAC&pg=PA237 |year=2007 |publisher=] |page=237 |isbn=978-90-04-16052-1 |via=]}}</ref> In ], it was used to critique the political establishment, appealing to science and reason on behalf of the people.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Eddy |first1=Matthew Daniel |title=The Politics of Cognition: Liberalism and the Evolutionary Origins of Victorian Education |journal=British Journal for the History of Science |date=2017 |volume=50 |issue=4 |pages=677–699 |doi=10.1017/S0007087417000863 |pmid=29019300 |doi-access=free |issn=0007-0874 }}</ref> During the 19th and early 20th centuries, ] and the ] influenced periods of reform, such as the ] and ], and the rise of ], ], and ]. These changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within ], which continues to this day, leading to ]. Before 1920, the main ideological opponents of liberalism were ], ], and ];<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Lta_DwAAQBAJ |title=Liberalism and Its Critics |last=Koerner |first=Kirk F. |publisher=] |year=1985 |isbn=978-0-429-27957-7 |location=London |via=]}}</ref> liberalism then faced major ideological challenges from ] and ] as new opponents. During the 20th century, liberal ideas spread even further, especially in Western Europe, as liberal democracies found themselves as the winners in both ]<ref>{{cite book |last=Conway |first=Martin |editor-last=Gosewinkel |editor-first=Dieter |title=Anti-liberal Europe: A Neglected Story of Europeanization |chapter=The Limits of an Anti-liberal Europe |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ECIfAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA184 |year=2014 |publisher=] |page=184 |isbn=978-1-78238-426-7 |quote=Liberalism, liberal values and liberal institutions formed an integral part of that process of European consolidation. Fifteen years after the end of the Second World War, the liberal and democratic identity of Western Europe had been reinforced on almost all sides by the definition of the West as a place of freedom. Set against the oppression in the Communist East, by the slow development of a greater understanding of the moral horror of Nazism, and by the engagement of intellectuals and others with the new states (and social and political systems) emerging in the non-European world to the South. |via=]}}</ref> and the ].<ref>Stern, Sol (Winter, 2010) '']''</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Fukuyama |first=Francis |date=1989 |title=The End of History? |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24027184 |journal=The National Interest |issue=16 |pages=3–18 |jstor=24027184 |issn=0884-9382}}</ref> | |||
| Hitler was a decorated veteran of World War I who achieved leadership of the Nazi Party in Weimar Germany. Following his imprisonment after a failed coup, he gained support by promoting nationalism, antisemitism and anti-communism with charismatic oratory and propaganda. The Nazis executed or assassinated many of their opponents, restructured the state economy, rearmed the armed forces and established a totalitarian and fascist dictatorship. Hitler pursued a foreign policy with the declared goal of seizing Lebensraum ("living space"). The German invasion of Poland in 1939 caused the British and French Empires to declare war on Germany, leading to the outbreak of World War II in Europe. | |||
| Liberals sought and established a constitutional order that prized important ], such as ] and ]; an ] and public ]; and the abolition of ] privileges.<ref name="Gould, p. 3" /> Later waves of modern liberal thought and struggle were strongly influenced by the need to expand civil rights.<ref name="Worell470">Worell, Judith. ''Encyclopedia of women and gender, Volume I''. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 2001. {{ISBN|0-12-227246-3}}</ref> Liberals have advocated gender and racial equality in their drive to promote civil rights, and global ] in the 20th century achieved several objectives towards both goals. Other goals often accepted by liberals include ] and ]. In Europe and North America, the establishment of ] (often called simply ] in the United States) became a key component in expanding the ].<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180212050753/http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/schleslib.html |date=12 February 2018 }} by ] (1956) from: ''The Politics of Hope'' (Boston: Riverside Press, 1962). "Liberalism in the U.S. usage has little in common with the word as used in the politics of any other country, save possibly Britain."</ref> Today, ] continue to wield power and influence ]. The fundamental elements of ] have liberal roots. The early waves of liberalism popularised economic individualism while expanding constitutional government and ]ary authority.<ref name="Gould, p. 3">Gould, p. 3.</ref> | |||
| The Axis Powers occupied most of continental Europe and parts of Asia and Africa. Eventually the Allies defeated the Wehrmacht and Schutzstaffel (SS). By 1945, Germany was in ruins. Hitler's bid for territorial conquest and racial subjugation caused the deaths of tens of millions of people, including the systematic genocide of an estimated six million Jews, not including various additional "undesirable" populations, in what is known as the Holocaust. | |||
| ==Definitions== | |||
| During the final days of the war in 1945, as Berlin was being invaded by the Red Army, Hitler married Eva Braun. Less than 24 hours later, the two committed suicide in the Führerbunker. | |||
| ===Origins=== | |||
| Contents | |||
| {{libertarianism sidebar|origins}} | |||
| '']'', '']'', '']'', and '']'' all trace their ] to '']'', a ] from ] that means "]".<ref name="Gross, p. 5">Gross, p. 5.</ref> One of the first recorded instances of ''liberal'' occurred in 1375 when it was used to describe the ] in the context of an education desirable for a free-born man.<ref name="Gross, p. 5"/> The word's early connection with the classical education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations. ''Liberal'' could refer to "free in bestowing" as early as 1387, "made without stint" in 1433, "freely permitted" in 1530, and "free from restraint"—often as a pejorative remark—in the 16th and the 17th centuries.<ref name="Gross, p. 5"/> | |||
| In the 16th-century ], ''liberal'' could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someone's generosity or indiscretion.<ref name="Gross, p. 5"/> In '']'', ] wrote of "a liberal villaine" who "hath ... confest his vile encounters".<ref name="Gross, p. 5"/> With the rise of ], the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, defined as "free from narrow prejudice" in 1781 and "free from bigotry" in 1823.<ref name="Gross, p. 5"/> In 1815, the first use of ''liberalism'' appeared in English.<ref>Kirchner, pp. 2–3.</ref> In Spain, the '']'', the first group to use the liberal label in a political context,<ref>Palmer and Colton, p. 479.</ref> fought for decades to implement the ]. From 1820 to 1823, during the '']'', ] was compelled by the ''liberales'' to swear to uphold the 1812 Constitution. By the middle of the 19th century, ''liberal'' was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide.<ref>Kirchner, Emil J. (1988). ''Liberal Parties in Western Europe''. Cambridge University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-521-32394-9}}. "Liberal parties were among the first political parties to form, and their long-serving and influential records, as participants in parliaments and governments, raise important questions ... ."</ref> | |||
| * 1 Early years | |||
| o 1.1 Childhood and heritage | |||
| + 1.1.1 Childhood | |||
| + 1.1.2 Heritage | |||
| o 1.2 Early adulthood in Vienna and Munich | |||
| o 1.3 World War I | |||
| * 2 Entry into politics | |||
| o 2.1 Beer Hall Putsch | |||
| o 2.2 Mein Kampf | |||
| o 2.3 Rebuilding of the party | |||
| * 3 Rise to power | |||
| o 3.1 Brüning Administration | |||
| o 3.2 Cabinets of Papen and Schleicher | |||
| o 3.3 Appointment as Chancellor | |||
| o 3.4 Reichstag fire and the March elections | |||
| o 3.5 "Day of Potsdam" and the Enabling Act | |||
| o 3.6 Removal of remaining limits | |||
| * 4 Third Reich | |||
| o 4.1 Economy and culture | |||
| o 4.2 Rearmament and new alliances | |||
| o 4.3 The Holocaust | |||
| * 5 World War II | |||
| o 5.1 Early triumphs | |||
| o 5.2 Path to defeat | |||
| o 5.3 Defeat and death | |||
| * 6 Legacy | |||
| * 7 Religious beliefs | |||
| * 8 Health and sexuality | |||
| o 8.1 Health | |||
| o 8.2 Sexuality | |||
| * 9 Family | |||
| * 10 Hitler in media | |||
| o 10.1 Oratory and rallies | |||
| o 10.2 Recorded in private conversation | |||
| o 10.3 Patria picture disc | |||
| o 10.4 Documentaries during the Third Reich | |||
| o 10.5 Television | |||
| o 10.6 Documentaries post Third Reich | |||
| o 10.7 Dramatizations | |||
| * 11 See also | |||
| * 12 Notes | |||
| * 13 References | |||
| * 14 External links | |||
| ] is the ] most commonly associated with liberalism.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Adams |first1=Sean |url=https://archive.org/details/colordesignworkb0000ston/page/86 |title=Color Design Workbook: A Real World Guide to Using Color in Graphic Design |last2=Morioka |first2=Noreen |last3=Stone |first3=Terry Lee |date=2006 |publisher=Rockport Publishers |isbn=1-59253-192-X |location=Gloucester, Mass. |pages= |oclc=60393965}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Kumar |first1=Rohit Vishal |last2=Joshi |first2=Radhika |date=October–December 2006 |title=Colour, Colour Everywhere: In Marketing Too |journal=SCMS Journal of Indian Management |volume=3 |issue=4 |pages=40–46 |issn=0973-3167 |ssrn=969272}}</ref><ref>Cassel-Picot, Muriel "The Liberal Democrats and the Green Cause: From Yellow to Green" in Leydier, Gilles and Martin, Alexia (2013) ''Environmental Issues in Political Discourse in Britain and Ireland''. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221206080446/https://books.google.ca/books?id=fFgxBwAAQBAJ&lpg=PP1&pg=PA105 |date=6 December 2022 }}. {{isbn|9781443852838}}</ref> The ] differs from other countries in that conservatism is associated with red and ] with blue.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Color Design Workbook: A Real World Guide to Using Color in Graphic Design |last1=Adams |first1=Sean |last2=Morioka |first2=Noreen |last3=Stone |first3=Terry Lee |date=2006 |publisher=] |isbn=159253192X |location=Gloucester, Mass. |pages= |oclc=60393965 |url=https://archive.org/details/colordesignworkb0000ston/page/86}}</ref> | |||
| Early years | |||
| Adolf Hitler as an infant. | |||
| Adolf Hitler as an infant. | |||
| ===Modern usage and definitions=== | |||
| Childhood and heritage | |||
| In Europe and Latin America, ''liberalism'' means a moderate form of ] and includes both ] (] liberalism) and ] (] liberalism).<ref name="Nordsieck contents">{{cite web |url=http://www.parties-and-elections.eu/content.html |title=Content |date=2020 |website=Parties and Elections in Europe}}</ref> | |||
| In North America, ''liberalism'' almost exclusively refers to social liberalism. The dominant Canadian party is the ], and the ] is usually considered liberal in the United States.<ref>Puddington, p. 142. "After a dozen years of centre-left Liberal Party rule, the Conservative Party emerged from the 2006 parliamentary elections with a plurality and established a fragile minority government."</ref><ref>Grigsby, pp. 106–07. "Its liberalism is, for the most part, the later version of liberalism – modern liberalism."</ref><ref>Arnold, p. 3. "Modern liberalism occupies the left-of-center in the traditional political spectrum and is represented by the Democratic Party in the United States."</ref> In the United States, conservative liberals are usually called ''conservatives'' in a broad sense.<ref name="Friedman">{{cite book |editor-last=Cayla |editor-first=David |title=Populism and Neoliberalism |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pDAXEAAAQBAJ&dq=Neoliberalism+%22conservative+liberalism%22&pg=PA62 |date=2021 |page=62 |publisher=] |isbn=9781000366709 |via=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor-last=Slomp |editor-first=Hans |title=Europe, A Political Profile: An American Companion to European Politics, Volume 1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LmfAPmwE6YYC&q=EU+left-wing+liberal+parties |date=2011 |pages=106–108 |publisher=] |isbn=9780313391811 |via=]}}</ref> | |||
| Childhood | |||
| ====Social liberalism==== | |||
| Adolf Hitler was born at the Gasthof zum Pommer, an inn in Braunau am Inn, Austria-Hungary, on 20 April 1889, the fourth child of six. His father, Alois Hitler, (1837–1903), was a customs official. His mother, Klara Pölzl, (1860–1907), was Alois' third wife. She was also his half-niece, so a papal dispensation was obtained for the marriage. Of Alois and Klara's six children, only Adolf and his sister Paula, seven years his junior, reached adulthood. Hitler's father also had a son, Alois Jr, and a daughter, Angela, by his second wife. | |||
| {{see also|Social liberalism|Welfare state|Liberalism in the United States}} | |||
| Over time, the meaning of ''liberalism'' began to diverge in different parts of the world. Since the 1930s, ''liberalism'' is usually used without a qualifier in the United States, to refer to ], a variety of liberalism that endorses a ] economy and the expansion of ], with the common good considered as compatible with or superior to the freedom of the individual.<ref>De Ruggiero, Guido (1959). ''The History of European Liberalism''. pp. 155–157.</ref> | |||
| According to the '']'': "In the United States, liberalism is associated with the welfare-state policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres. ], whereas in Europe it is more commonly associated with a commitment to ] and '']'' economic policies."<ref>"Liberalism". ''Encyclopædia Britannica''.</ref> This variety of liberalism is also known as '']'' to distinguish it from ''classical liberalism'', which evolved into ]. In the United States, the two forms of liberalism comprise the two main poles of American politics, in the forms of '']'' and '']''.<ref>Pease, Donald E.; Wiegman, Robyn (eds.) (2002). ''The Futures of American Studies''. Duke University Press. p. 518.</ref> | |||
| Hitler had a troubled childhood, as his father was violent to him and possibly violent towards his mother. Hitler himself said that, as a boy, he was often beaten by his father. Years later he told his secretary, "I then resolved never again to cry when my father whipped me. A few days later I had the opportunity of putting my will to the test. My mother, frightened, took refuge in front of the door. As for me, I counted silently the blows of the stick which lashed my rear end." Some historians believe a history of family violence committed by his father against his mother is indicated in a section of his book Mein Kampf in which Hitler describes in vivid detail an anonymous example of family violence committed by a husband against a wife. This along with beatings by his father against him could explain Hitler's deep emotional attachment to his mother while at the same time having deep resentment towards his father. | |||
| Some liberals, who call themselves ''classical liberals'', '']'', or '']'', endorse fundamental liberal ideals but diverge from modern liberal thought on the grounds that ] is more important than ].<ref>Pena, David S. (2001). ''Economic Barbarism and Managerialism''. p. 35.</ref> Consequently, the ideas of ] and ''laissez-faire'' economics previously associated with ] are key components of modern ] and ], and became the basis for the emerging school of modern ] thought.<ref>Rothbard, Murray (2006) . . '']''. ]. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150618045238/http://archive.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard121.html |date=18 June 2015 }}. Retrieved 18 June 2015 – via LewRockewell.com</ref>{{better source needed|date=December 2020}} In this American context, ''liberal'' is often used as a pejorative.<ref>{{cite news |date=6 January 2012 |title=The failure of American political speech |newspaper=] |url=https://www.economist.com/johnson/2012/01/06/the-failure-of-american-political-speech |access-date=1 September 2022 |issn=0013-0613}}</ref> | |||
| Hitler's family moved often, from Braunau am Inn to Passau, Lambach, Leonding, and Linz. The young Hitler was a good student in elementary school. But in the sixth grade, his first year of high school (Realschule) in Linz he failed and had to repeat the grade. His teachers said that he had "no desire to work." One of Hitler's fellow pupils in the Realschule was Ludwig Wittgenstein, one of the great philosophers of the 20th century. The controversial book The Jew of Linz by Kimberley Cornish suggests that conflict between Hitler and some Jewish students, including Wittgenstein, was a critical moment in Hitler's formation as an anti-Semite, although there is no evidence for any such conflict. | |||
| This political philosophy is exemplified by enactment of major social legislation and welfare programs. Two major examples in the United States are ]'s ] policies and later ]'s ], as well as other accomplishments such as the ] and the ] in 1935, as well as the ] and the ]. | |||
| Hitler later said that his educational slump was a rebellion against his father, who wanted the boy to follow him in a career as a customs official; he wanted to become a painter instead. This explanation is further supported by Hitler's later description of himself as a misunderstood artist. After Alois died on 3 January 1903, Hitler's schoolwork did not improve. At age 16, Hitler dropped out of high school without a degree. | |||
| Modern liberalism, in the United States and other major Western countries, now includes issues such as ], ], the abolition of ], ] and other ], ] for all adult citizens, civil rights, ], and government protection of the ].<ref>{{cite journal|author=Jeffries, John W.|title=The "New" New Deal: FDR and American Liberalism, 1937–1945|journal=Political Science Quarterly|volume=105|number=3|date=1990|pages=397–418|doi=10.2307/2150824|jstor=2150824}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=2013-01-31 |title=Coretta's Big Dream: Coretta Scott King on Gay Rights |url=https://www.huffpost.com/entry/coretta-scott-king_b_2592049 |access-date=2023-06-21 |website=HuffPost |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2022/02/11/deep-partisan-divide-on-whether-greater-acceptance-of-transgender-people-is-good-for-society/ | title=Deep partisan divide on whether greater acceptance of transgender people is good for society }}</ref> National ], such as equal educational opportunities, access to health care, and transportation infrastructure are intended to meet the responsibility to promote the ] of all citizens as established by the ]. | |||
| In Mein Kampf, Hitler attributed his conversion to German nationalism to a time during his early teenage years when he read a book of his father's about the Franco-Prussian War, which caused him to question why his father and other German Austrians failed to fight for the Germans during the war. | |||
| ====Classical liberalism==== | |||
| Heritage | |||
| {{see also|Classical liberalism|Conservative liberalism}} | |||
| This section needs additional citations for verification. | |||
| Classical liberalism is a ] and a ] of liberalism that advocates ] and ] economics and ] under the ], with special emphasis on individual autonomy, ], ], ] and ].<ref>{{cite web |title=Classical liberalism |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/classical-liberalism |website=www.britannica.com |publisher=] |access-date=17 October 2023 |date=6 September 2023}}</ref> Classical liberalism, contrary to liberal branches like ], looks more negatively on ], ]ation and the state involvement in the lives of individuals, and it advocates ].<ref>{{cite book| first1 = M. O. | last1 = Dickerson | last2 = Flanagan | first2 = Thomas | last3 = O'Neill| first3 = Brenda | title = An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach | date = 2009| p=129}}</ref> | |||
| Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (August 2008) | |||
| Until the ] and the rise of social liberalism, classical liberalism was called ]. Later, the term was applied as a ], to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from social liberalism.{{sfn|Richardson|2001|p=52}} By modern standards, in ], the bare term ''liberalism'' often means social liberalism, but in ] and ], the bare term ''liberalism'' often means classical liberalism.<ref>{{cite news |last=Goldfarb |first=Michael |date=20 July 2010 |title=Liberal? Are we talking about the same thing? |language=en-GB |publisher=] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-10658070 |access-date=6 August 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Greenberg |first=David |date=12 September 2019 |title=The danger of confusing liberals and leftists |newspaper=] |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2019/09/12/stop-calling-bernie-sanders-alexandria-ocasio-cortez-liberals/ |access-date=6 August 2020}}</ref> | |||
| Hitler's father, Alois Hitler was an illegitimate child. For the first 39 years of his life he bore his mother's surname, Schicklgruber. In 1876, he took the surname of his stepfather, Johann Georg Hiedler. The name was spelled Hiedler, Huetler, Huettler and Hitler, and probably regularized to Hitler by a clerk. The origin of the name is either 'one who lives in a hut' (Standard German Hütte), 'shepherd' (Standard German hüten 'to guard,' English heed), or is from the Slavic word Hidlar and Hidlarcek. (Regarding the first two theories: some German dialects make little or no distinction between the ü-sound and the i-sound.) | |||
| Classical liberalism gained full flowering in the early 18th century, building on ideas dating at least as far back as the 16th century, within the Iberian, British, and Central European contexts, and it was foundational to the ] and "American Project" more broadly.<ref>{{cite book |last=Douma |first=Michael |title=What is Classical Liberal History? |date=2018 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-1-4985-3610-3}}</ref>{{sfn|Dickerson|Flanagan|O'Neill|2009|p=129}}<ref>{{cite web |last=Renshaw |first=Catherine |date=2014-03-18 |title=What is a 'classical liberal' approach to human rights? |url=http://theconversation.com/what-is-a-classical-liberal-approach-to-human-rights-24452 |access-date=2022-08-12 |website=The Conversation}}</ref> Notable liberal individuals whose ideas contributed to classical liberalism include ],<ref name="Steven M. Dworetz 1994">Steven M. Dworetz (1994). ''The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution''.</ref> ], ], and ]. It drew on ], especially the economic ideas espoused by ] in Book One of '']'', and on a belief in ].<ref>{{cite book |last=Appleby |first=Joyce |author-link=Joyce Appleby |title=Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=83HlqTJjLcgC&pg=PA58 |publisher=] |date=1992 |page=58 |isbn=978-0674530133}}</ref> In contemporary times, ], ], ], ], ], ], ] and ] are seen as the most prominent advocates of classical liberalism.<ref>{{cite book |last=Dilley |first=Stephen C. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XAIQOVWz2hEC |title=Darwinian Evolution and Classical Liberalism: Theories in Tension |date=2013-05-02 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-0-7391-8107-2 |pages=13–14}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Peters |first=Michael A. |date=2022-04-16 |title=Hayek as classical liberal public intellectual: Neoliberalism, the privatization of public discourse and the future of democracy |journal=Educational Philosophy and Theory |volume=54 |issue=5 |pages=443–449 |doi=10.1080/00131857.2019.1696303 |s2cid=213420239 |issn=0013-1857|doi-access=free}}</ref> However, other scholars have made reference to these contemporary thoughts as '']'', distinguishing them from 18th-century classical liberalism.<ref name="Mayne 1999 p. 124">Mayne, Alan James (1999). ''From Politics Past to Politics Future: An Integrated Analysis of Current and Emergent Paradigmss''. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 124–125. {{ISBN|0275961516}}.</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Ishiyama |first1=John T. |title=21st Century Political Science A Reference Handbook |last2=Breuning |first2=Marijke |collaboration=Ellen Grigsby |publisher=SAGE Publications, Inc. |year=2011 |isbn=978-1-4129 6901-7 |pages=596–603 |chapter=Neoclassical liberals}}</ref> | |||
| Allied propaganda exploited Hitler's original family name during World War II. Pamphlets bearing the phrase "Heil Schicklgruber" were airdropped over German cities. He was legally born a Hitler, however, and was also related to Hiedler via his maternal grandmother, Johanna Hiedler. | |||
| In the context of American politics, "classical liberalism" may be described as "fiscally conservative" and "socially liberal".<ref>{{Cite book |title=The Desk Encyclopedia of World History |publisher=] |year=2006 |isbn=978-0-7394-7809-7 |editor-last=Wright |editor-first=Edmund |location=New York |pages=370}}</ref> Despite this, classical liberals tend to reject ]'s higher tolerance for ] and ] inclination for collective ] due to classical liberalism's central principle of ].<ref>{{cite web |last1=Goodman |first1=John C. |title=Classical Liberalism vs. Modern Liberalism and Modern Conservatism |url=https://www.goodmaninstitute.org/about/how-we-think/classical-liberalism-vs-modern-liberalism-and-modern-conservatism/ |website=Goodman Institute |access-date=2 January 2022}}</ref> Additionally, in the United States, classical liberalism is considered closely tied to, or synonymous with, ].<ref>{{Cite web |date=2023-04-06 |title=Libertarianism vs. Classical Liberalism: Is there a Difference? |url=https://reason.com/volokh/2023/04/06/libertarianism-vs-classical-liberalism-is-there-a-difference/ |access-date=2023-09-22 |website=Reason.com |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Klein |first=Daniel B. |date=2017-05-03 |title=Libertarianism and Classical Liberalism: A Short Introduction {{!}} Daniel B. Klein |url=https://fee.org/articles/libertarianism-and-classical-liberalism-a-short-introduction/ |access-date=2022-03-08 |website=fee.org |language=en}}</ref> | |||
| The name "Adolf" comes from Old High German for "noble wolf" (Adel=nobility + wolf). Hence, one of Hitler's self-given nicknames was Wolf or Herr Wolf; he began using this nickname in the early 1920s and was addressed by it only by intimates (as "Uncle Wolf" by the Wagners) up until the fall of the Third Reich. The names of his various headquarters scattered throughout continental Europe (Wolfsschanze in East Prussia, Wolfsschlucht in France, Werwolf in Ukraine, etc.) reflect this. By his closest family and relatives, Hitler was known as "Adi". | |||
| == Philosophy == | |||
| Hitler's paternal grandfather was most likely one of the brothers Johann Georg Hiedler or Johann Nepomuk Hiedler. There were rumors that Hitler was one-quarter Jewish and that his grandmother, Maria Schicklgruber, became pregnant while working as a servant in a Jewish household. The implications of these rumors were politically explosive for the proponent of a racist and antisemitic ideology. Opponents tried to prove that Hitler had Jewish or Czech ancestors. Although these rumors were never confirmed, for Hitler they were reason enough to conceal his origins. According to Robert G. L. Waite in The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler, Hitler made it illegal for German women to work in Jewish households, and after the "Anschluss" (annexation) of Austria, Hitler turned his father's hometown into an artillery practice area. Waite says that Hitler's insecurities in this regard may have been more important than whether Judaic ancestry could have been proven by his peers. | |||
| Liberalism—both as a political current and an intellectual tradition—is mostly a modern phenomenon that started in the 17th century, although some liberal philosophical ideas had precursors in ] and ].<ref name="BevirSAGE"/><ref name="FungCambridge"/> The ] ] praised "the idea of a polity administered with regard to equal rights and equal freedom of speech, and the idea of a kingly government which respects most of all the freedom of the governed".<ref>Antoninus, p. 3.</ref> Scholars have also recognised many principles familiar to contemporary liberals in the works of several ] and the ''Funeral Oration'' by ].<ref name="Young, pp. 25–6">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|pp=25–26}}.</ref> Liberal philosophy is the culmination of an extensive intellectual tradition that has examined and popularized some of the modern world's most important and controversial principles. Its immense scholarly output has been characterized as containing "richness and diversity", but that diversity often has meant that liberalism comes in different formulations and presents a challenge to anyone looking for a clear definition.<ref name="Young, p. 24">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=24}}.</ref> | |||
| === Major themes === | |||
| Early adulthood in Vienna and Munich | |||
| {{individualism sidebar|philosophies}} | |||
| Although all liberal doctrines possess a common heritage, scholars frequently assume that those doctrines contain "separate and often contradictory streams of thought".<ref name="Young, p. 24"/> The objectives of ] have differed across various times, cultures and continents. The diversity of liberalism can be gleaned from the numerous qualifiers that liberal thinkers and movements have attached to the term "liberalism", including ], ], ], ], the ], ], ], ], ], ], and ]al, to name a few.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=25}}.</ref> Despite these variations, liberal thought does exhibit a few definite and fundamental conceptions. | |||
| Political philosopher ] identified the common strands in liberal thought as ], egalitarian, ] and ]. The individualist element avers the ethical primacy of the human being against the pressures of social ]; the egalitarian element assigns the same ] worth and status to all individuals; the meliorist element asserts that successive generations can improve their sociopolitical arrangements, and the universalist element affirms the moral unity of the human species and marginalises local ] differences.<ref name="Gray, p. xii">Gray, p. xii.</ref> The meliorist element has been the subject of much controversy, defended by thinkers such as ], who believed in human progress, while suffering criticism by thinkers such as ], who instead believed that human attempts to improve themselves through social ] would fail.<ref>Wolfe, pp. 33–36.</ref> | |||
| From 1905 on, Hitler lived a bohemian life in Vienna on an orphan's pension and support from his mother. He was rejected twice by the Academy of Fine Arts Vienna (1907–1908), citing "unfitness for painting", and was told his abilities lay instead in the field of architecture. His memoirs reflect a fascination with the subject: | |||
| The liberal philosophical tradition has searched for validation and justification through several intellectual projects. The moral and political suppositions of liberalism have been based on traditions such as natural rights and ], although sometimes liberals even request support from scientific and religious circles.<ref name="Gray, p. xii"/> Through all these strands and traditions, scholars have identified the following major common facets of liberal thought: | |||
| The purpose of my trip was to study the picture gallery in the Court Museum, but I had eyes for scarcely anything but the Museum itself. From morning until late at night, I ran from one object of interest to another, but it was always the buildings which held my primary interest. | |||
| * believing in equality and ] | |||
| Following the school rector's recommendation, he too became convinced this was his path to pursue, yet he lacked the proper academic preparation for architecture school: | |||
| * supporting private property and individual rights | |||
| * supporting the idea of limited constitutional government | |||
| * recognising the importance of related values such as ], ], autonomy, ], and ]<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=45}}.</ref> | |||
| === Classical and modern === | |||
| In a few days I myself knew that I should some day become an architect. To be sure, it was an incredibly hard road; for the studies I had neglected out of spite at the Realschule were sorely needed. One could not attend the Academy's architectural school without having attended the building school at the Technic, and the latter required a high-school degree. I had none of all this. The fulfillment of my artistic dream seemed physically impossible. | |||
| {{see also|Age of Enlightenment}} | |||
| ==== John Locke and Thomas Hobbes ==== | |||
| On 21 December 1907, Hitler's mother died of breast cancer at age 47. Ordered by a court in Linz, Hitler gave his share of the orphans' benefits to his sister Paula. When he was 21, he inherited money from an aunt. He struggled as a painter in Vienna, copying scenes from postcards and selling his paintings to merchants and tourists. After being rejected a second time by the Academy of Arts, Hitler ran out of money. In 1909, he lived in a shelter for the homeless. By 1910, he had settled into a house for poor working men. | |||
| {{See also|John Locke|Thomas Hobbes}} | |||
| ] philosophers are given credit for shaping liberal ideas. These ideas were first drawn together and systematized as a distinct ] by the English philosopher ], generally regarded as the father of modern liberalism.<ref name="Taverne, p. 18">Taverne, p. 18.</ref><ref name="Godwin et al., p. 12">Godwin et al., p. 12.</ref> ] attempted to determine the purpose and the justification of governing authority in post-civil war England. Employing the idea of a '']'' — a hypothetical war-like scenario prior to the state — he constructed the idea of a '']'' that individuals enter into to guarantee their security and, in so doing, form the State, concluding that only an ] would be fully able to sustain such security. Hobbes had developed the concept of the social contract, according to which individuals in the anarchic and brutal state of nature came together and voluntarily ceded some of their rights to an established state authority, which would create laws to regulate social interactions to mitigate or mediate conflicts and enforce justice. Whereas Hobbes advocated a strong monarchical commonwealth (the ]), Locke developed the then-radical notion that government acquires ], which has to be constantly present for the government to remain ].<ref>Copleston, Frederick. ''A History of Philosophy: Volume V''. New York: Doubleday, 1959. {{ISBN|0-385-47042-8}} pp. 39–41.</ref> While adopting Hobbes's idea of a state of nature and social contract, Locke nevertheless argued that when the monarch becomes a ], it violates the social contract, which protects life, liberty and property as a natural right. He concluded that the people have a right to overthrow a tyrant. By placing the security of life, liberty and property as the supreme value of law and authority, Locke formulated the basis of liberalism based on social contract theory. To these early enlightenment thinkers, securing the essential amenities of life—] and ]—required forming a "sovereign" authority with universal jurisdiction.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|pp=30–31}}</ref> | |||
| His influential '']'' (1690), the foundational text of liberal ideology, outlined his major ideas. Once humans moved out of their ] and formed ], Locke argued, "that which begins and actually constitutes any ] is nothing but the consent of any number of freemen capable of a majority to unite and incorporate into such a society. And this is that, and that only, which did or could give beginning to any lawful government in the world".<ref name="Locke Two Treatises 1947">{{cite book|last=Locke|first=John|author-link=John Locke|title=Two Treatises of Government|url=https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.503178/page/n5/mode/2up|year=1947|publisher=Hafner Publishing Company|location=New York}}</ref>{{rp|170}} The stringent insistence that lawful government did not have a ] basis was a sharp break with the dominant theories of governance, which advocated the divine right of kings<ref>Forster, p. 219.</ref> and echoed the earlier thought of ]. Dr John Zvesper described this new thinking: "In the liberal understanding, there are no citizens within the regime who can claim to rule by natural or supernatural right, without the consent of the governed".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Zvesper |first=Dr John |title=Nature and Liberty |date=4 March 1993 |publisher=] |isbn=9780415089234 |pages=93 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
| Hitler said he first became an anti-Semite in Vienna, which had a large Jewish community, including Orthodox Jews who had fled the pogroms in Russia. But according to a childhood friend, August Kubizek, Hitler was a "confirmed anti-Semite" before he left Linz, Austria. Vienna at that time was a hotbed of traditional religious prejudice and 19th century racism. Hitler may have been influenced by the writings of the ideologist and anti-Semite Lanz von Liebenfels and polemics from politicians such as Karl Lueger, founder of the Christian Social Party and Mayor of Vienna, the composer Richard Wagner, and Georg Ritter von Schönerer, leader of the pan-Germanic Away from Rome! movement. Hitler claims in Mein Kampf that his transition from opposing antisemitism on religious grounds to supporting it on racial grounds came from having seen an Orthodox Jew: | |||
| Locke had other intellectual opponents besides Hobbes. In the ''First Treatise'', Locke aimed his arguments first and foremost at one of the doyens of 17th-century English conservative philosophy: ]. Filmer's ''Patriarcha'' (1680) argued for the ] by appealing to ] teaching, claiming that the authority granted to ] by ] gave successors of Adam in the male line of descent a right of dominion over all other humans and creatures in the world.<ref>Copleston, Frederick. ''A History of Philosophy: Volume V''. New York: Doubleday, 1959. {{ISBN|0-385-47042-8}}, p. 33.</ref> However, Locke disagreed so thoroughly and obsessively with Filmer that the ''First Treatise'' is almost a sentence-by-sentence refutation of ''Patriarcha''. Reinforcing his respect for consensus, Locke argued that "conjugal society is made up by a voluntary compact between men and women".<ref name="Kerber 1976">{{cite journal|last=Kerber|first=Linda|author-link = Linda Kerber|year=1976|title=The Republican Mother: Women and the Enlightenment-An American Perspective|journal=American Quarterly|volume=28|issue=2|doi=10.2307/2712349|jstor=2712349|pages=187–205}}</ref> Locke maintained that the grant of dominion in ] was not to ], as Filmer believed, but to humans over animals.<ref name="Kerber 1976"/> Locke was not a ] by modern standards, but the first major liberal thinker in history accomplished an equally major task on the road to making the world more pluralistic: integrating women into ].<ref name="Kerber 1976"/> | |||
| There were very few Jews in Linz. In the course of centuries the Jews who lived there had become Europeanized in external appearance and were so much like other human beings that I even looked upon them as Germans. The reason why I did not then perceive the absurdity of such an illusion was that the only external mark which I recognized as distinguishing them from us was the practice of their strange religion. As I thought that they were persecuted on account of their faith my aversion to hearing remarks against them grew almost into a feeling of abhorrence. I did not in the least suspect that there could be such a thing as a systematic antisemitism. Once, when passing through the inner City, I suddenly encountered a phenomenon in a long caftan and wearing black side-locks. My first thought was: Is this a Jew? They certainly did not have this appearance in Linz. I carefully watched the man stealthily and cautiously but the longer I gazed at the strange countenance and examined it feature by feature, the more the question shaped itself in my brain: Is this a German? | |||
| ]'s '']'' (1644) argued for the importance of ].]] | |||
| If this account is true, Hitler apparently did not act on his new belief. He often was a guest for dinner in a noble Jewish house, and he interacted well with Jewish merchants who tried to sell his paintings. | |||
| Locke also originated the concept of the ].<ref name=AFP>Feldman, Noah (2005). ''Divided by God''. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, p. 29 ("It took ] to translate the demand for liberty of conscience into a systematic argument for distinguishing the realm of government from the realm of religion.")</ref> Based on the social contract principle, Locke argued that the government lacked authority in the realm of individual ], as this was something ] people could not cede to the government for it or others to control. For Locke, this created a natural right to the liberty of conscience, which he argued must remain protected from any government authority.<ref>Feldman, Noah (2005). ''Divided by God''. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, p. 29</ref> In his ''Letters Concerning Toleration'', he also formulated a general defence for ]. Three arguments are central: | |||
| # Earthly judges, the state in particular, and human beings generally, cannot dependably evaluate the truth claims of competing religious standpoints; | |||
| Hitler may also have been influenced by Martin Luther's On the Jews and their Lies. In Mein Kampf, Hitler refers to Martin Luther as a great warrior, a true statesman, and a great reformer, alongside Wagner and Frederick the Great. Wilhelm Röpke, writing after the Holocaust, concluded that "without any question, Lutheranism influenced the political, spiritual and social history of Germany in a way that, after careful consideration of everything, can be described only as fateful." | |||
| # Even if they could, enforcing a single "]" would not have the desired effect because belief cannot be compelled by ]; | |||
| # Coercing ] would lead to more social disorder than allowing diversity.<ref>]. 1998. ''Historical Theology, An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought.'' Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. pp. 214–15.</ref> | |||
| Locke was also influenced by the liberal ideas of Presbyterian politician and poet ], who was a staunch advocate of freedom in all its forms.<ref>{{Citation | first = Heinrich | last = Bornkamm | language = de | contribution = Toleranz. In der Geschichte des Christentums | title = Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart | year = 1962}}, 3. Auflage, Band VI, col. 942</ref> Milton argued for ] as the only effective way of achieving broad ]. Rather than force a man's conscience, the government should recognise the persuasive force of the gospel.<ref>Hunter, William Bridges. ''A Milton Encyclopedia, Volume 8'' (East Brunswick, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1980). pp. 71, 72. {{ISBN|0-8387-1841-8}}.</ref> As assistant to ], Milton also drafted a constitution of the ] (''Agreement of the People''; 1647) that strongly stressed the equality of all humans as a consequence of democratic tendencies.<ref>{{Citation | first = W | last = Wertenbruch | contribution = Menschenrechte | title = Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart | language = de | place = Tübingen, DE | year = 1960}}, 3. Auflage, Band IV, col. 869</ref> In his '']'', Milton provided one of the first arguments for the importance of freedom of speech—"the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties". His central argument was that the individual could use reason to distinguish right from wrong. To exercise this right, everyone must have unlimited access to the ideas of his fellow men in "]", which will allow good arguments to prevail. | |||
| Hitler claimed that Jews were enemies of the Aryan race. He held them responsible for Austria's crisis. He also identified certain forms of Socialism and Bolshevism, which had many Jewish leaders, as Jewish movements, merging his antisemitism with anti-Marxism. Later, blaming Germany's military defeat in World War I on the 1918 revolutions, he considered Jews the culprits of Imperial Germany's downfall and subsequent economic problems as well. | |||
| In a natural state of affairs, liberals argued, humans were driven by the instincts of survival and ], and the only way to escape from such a dangerous existence was to form a common and supreme power capable of arbitrating between competing human desires.<ref name="Young 30">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=30}}.</ref> This power could be formed in the framework of a ] that allows individuals to make a voluntary social contract with the sovereign authority, transferring their natural rights to that authority in return for the protection of life, liberty and property.<ref name="Young 30"/> These early liberals often disagreed about the most appropriate form of government, but all believed that liberty was natural and its restriction needed strong justification.<ref name="Young 30" /> Liberals generally believed in limited government, although several liberal philosophers decried government outright, with ] writing, "government even in its best state is a necessary evil".<ref name="Young, p. 31">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=31}}.</ref> | |||
| Generalising from tumultuous scenes in the parliament of the multi-national Austrian monarchy, he decided that the democratic parliamentary system was unworkable. However, according to August Kubizek, his one-time roommate, he was more interested in Wagner's operas than in his politics. | |||
| ==== James Madison and Montesquieu ==== | |||
| Hitler received the final part of his father's estate in May 1913 and moved to Munich. He wrote in Mein Kampf that he had always longed to live in a "real" German city. In Munich, he became more interested in architecture and, he says, the writings of Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Moving to Munich also helped him escape military service in Austria for a time, but the Austrian army eventually arrested him. After a physical exam and a contrite plea, he was deemed unfit for service and allowed to return to Munich. However, when Germany entered World War I in August 1914, he petitioned King Ludwig III of Bavaria for permission to serve in a Bavarian regiment. This request was granted, and Adolf Hitler enlisted in the Bavarian army. | |||
| As part of the project to limit the powers of government, liberal theorists such as ] and ] conceived the notion of ], a system designed to equally distribute governmental authority among the ], ] and ] branches.<ref name="Young, p. 31" /> Governments had to realise, liberals maintained, that legitimate government only exists with the ], so poor and improper governance gave the people the authority to overthrow the ruling order through all possible means, even through outright violence and ], if needed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=32}}.</ref> Contemporary liberals, heavily influenced by social liberalism, have supported limited ] while advocating for ] and provisions to ensure equal rights. Modern liberals claim that formal or official guarantees of individual rights are irrelevant when individuals lack the material means to benefit from those rights and call for a ] in the administration of economic affairs.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|pp=32–33}}.</ref> Early liberals also laid the groundwork for the separation of church and state. As heirs of the Enlightenment, liberals believed that any given social and political order emanated ], not from ].<ref name="Gould, p. 4">Gould, p. 4.</ref> Many liberals were openly hostile to ] but most concentrated their opposition to the union of religious and political authority, arguing that faith could prosper independently without official sponsorship or administration by the state.<ref name="Gould, p. 4"/> | |||
| A young Hitler (left) posing with other German soldiers. | |||
| A young Hitler (left) posing with other German soldiers. | |||
| Beyond identifying a clear role for government in modern society, liberals have also argued over the meaning and nature of the most important principle in liberal philosophy: liberty. From the 17th century until the 19th century, liberals (from ] to ]) conceptualised liberty as the absence of interference from government and other individuals, claiming that all people should have the freedom to develop their unique abilities and capacities without being sabotaged by others.<ref name="Young, p. 33">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=33}}.</ref> Mill's '']'' (1859), one of the classic texts in liberal philosophy, proclaimed, "the only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way".<ref name="Young, p. 33"/> Support for ''laissez-faire'' ] is often associated with this principle, with ] arguing in '']'' (1944) that reliance on free markets would preclude totalitarian control by the state.<ref>Wolfe, p. 74.</ref> | |||
| World War I | |||
| ==== Coppet Group and Benjamin Constant ==== | |||
| Hitler served in France and Belgium in the 16th Bavarian Reserve Regiment (called Regiment List after its first commander), ending the war as a Gefreiter (equivalent at the time to a lance corporal in the British and American armies). He was a runner, the most dangerous job on the Western Front, and was often exposed to enemy fire. He participated in a number of major battles on the Western Front, including the First Battle of Ypres, the Battle of the Somme, the Battle of Arras and the Battle of Passchendaele. | |||
| ]]] | |||
| The development into maturity of modern classical in contrast to ancient liberalism took place before and soon after the French Revolution. One of the historic centres of this development was at ] near ], where the eponymous ] gathered under the aegis of the exiled writer and ], ], in the period between the establishment of ]'s First Empire (1804) and the ] of 1814–1815.<ref>{{cite journal |last1= Tenenbaum |first1= Susan |title= The Coppet Circle. Literary Criticism as Political Discourse |journal= History of Political Thought |date= 1980 |volume= 1 |issue= 2 |pages= 453–473}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Lefevere |first1= Andre |title= Translation, Rewriting, and the Manipulation of Literary Fame |date= 2016 |publisher= Taylor & Francis |page= 109}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Fairweather |first1= Maria |title= Madame de Stael |date= 2013 |publisher= Little, Brown Book Group}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Hofmann |first1= Etienne |last2= Rosset |first2= François |title= Le Groupe de Coppet. Une constellation d'intellectuels européens |date= 2005 |publisher= Presses polytechniques et universitaires romandes}}</ref> The unprecedented concentration of European thinkers who met there was to have a considerable influence on the development of nineteenth-century liberalism and, incidentally, ].<ref>{{cite book |last1= Jaume |first1= Lucien |title= Coppet, creuset de l'esprit libéral: Les idées politiques et constitutionnelles du Groupe de Madame de Staël |date= 2000 |publisher= Presses Universitaires d'Aix-Marseille |page= 10}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1= Delon |first1= Michel |editor1-last= Francillon |editor1-first= Roger |title= Histoire de la littérature en Suisse romande t.1 |date= 1996 |publisher= Payot |chapter= Le Groupe de Coppet}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=The Home of French Liberalism|publisher=The Coppet Institute|url=https://coppetinstitute.org|access-date=2020-02-20}}</ref> They included ], ], ], ], ], ], ], Sir ], ] and ].<ref>{{cite book|title=Making Way for Genius: The Aspiring Self in France from the Old Regime to the New|author=Kete, Kathleen|publisher= Yale University Press|date= 2012|isbn= 978-0-300-17482-3}}</ref> | |||
| ], a Franco-Swiss political activist and theorist]] | |||
| Hitler was twice decorated for bravery. He received the Iron Cross, Second Class, in 1914 and Iron Cross, First Class, in 1918, an honour rarely given to a Gefreiter. However, because the regimental staff thought Hitler lacked leadership skills, he was never promoted to Unteroffizier (equivalent to a British corporal). Other historians say that the reason he was not promoted is that he was not a German citizen. His duties at regimental headquarters, while often dangerous, gave Hitler time to pursue his artwork. He drew cartoons and instructional drawings for an army newspaper. In 1916, he was wounded in the leg during the Battle of the Somme, but returned to the front in March 1917. He received the Wound Badge later that year. Sebastian Haffner, referring to Hitler's experience at the front, suggests he did have at least some understanding of the military. | |||
| Among them was also one of the first thinkers to go by the name of "liberal", the ]-educated Swiss Protestant, ], who looked to the United Kingdom rather than to ] for a practical model of freedom in a large mercantile society. He distinguished between the "Liberty of the Ancients" and the "Liberty of the Moderns".<ref name="AncientModern">{{cite web |url=http://www.uark.edu/depts/comminfo/cambridge/ancients.html |title=Constant, Benjamin, 1988, 'The Liberty of the Ancients Compared with that of the Moderns' (1819), in The Political Writings of Benjamin Constant, ed. Biancamaria Fontana, Cambridge, pp. 309–28 |publisher=Uark.edu |access-date=2013-09-17 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://archive.today/20120805184450/http://www.uark.edu/depts/comminfo/cambridge/ancients.html |archive-date=5 August 2012 |df=dmy-all}}</ref> The Liberty of the Ancients was a participatory ] liberty,<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Bertholet |first=Auguste |date=2021 |title=Constant, Sismondi et la Pologne |url=https://www.slatkine.com/fr/editions-slatkine/75250-book-05077807-3600120175625.html |journal=Annales Benjamin Constant |volume=46 |pages=65–76}}</ref> which gave the citizens the right to influence politics directly through debates and votes in the public assembly.<ref name="AncientModern"/> In order to support this degree of participation, citizenship was a burdensome moral obligation requiring a considerable investment of time and energy. Generally, this required a sub-group of slaves to do much of the productive work, leaving citizens free to deliberate on public affairs. Ancient Liberty was also limited to relatively small and homogenous male societies, where they could congregate in one place to transact public affairs.<ref name="AncientModern"/> | |||
| In contrast, the Liberty of the Moderns was based on the possession of ], the rule of law, and freedom from excessive state interference. Direct participation would be limited: a necessary consequence of the size of modern states and the inevitable result of creating a mercantile society where there were no slaves, but almost everybody had to earn a living through work. Instead, the voters would elect ] who would deliberate in Parliament on the people's behalf and would save citizens from daily political involvement.<ref name="AncientModern"/> The importance of Constant's writings on the liberty of the ancients and that of the "moderns" has informed the understanding of liberalism, as has his critique of the French Revolution.<ref>{{cite book|title=Benjamin Constant, Madame de Staël et le Groupe de Coppet: Actes du Deuxième Congrès de Lausanne à l'occasion du 150e anniversaire de la mort de Benjamin Constant Et Du Troisième Colloque de Coppet, 15–19 juilliet 1980|editor=Hofmann, Étienne|publisher=Oxford, The ] and Lausanne, Institut Benjamin Constant|date=1982|language=fr|isbn= 0-7294-0280-0}}</ref> The British philosopher and historian of ideas, Sir ], has pointed to the debt owed to Constant.<ref>{{cite book|author=Rosen, Frederick |title=Classical Utilitarianism from Hume to Mill |date=2005 |publisher=Routledge |page=251}} According to Berlin, the most eloquent of all defenders of freedom and privacy Benjamin Constant, who had not forgotten the Jacobin dictatorship.</ref> | |||
| On 15 October 1918, Hitler was admitted to a field hospital, temporarily blinded by a mustard gas attack. The English psychologist David Lewis and Bernhard Horstmann suggest the blindness may have been the result of a conversion disorder (then known as hysteria). Hitler said it was during this experience that he became convinced the purpose of his life was to "save Germany." Some scholars, notably Lucy Dawidowicz, argue that an intention to exterminate Europe's Jews was fully formed in Hitler's mind at this time, though he probably had not thought through how it could be done. Most historians think the decision was made in 1941, and some think it came as late as 1942. | |||
| ==== British liberalism ==== | |||
| Two passages in Mein Kampf mention the use of poison gas: | |||
| ] was based on core concepts such as ], ], '']'' government with minimal intervention and taxation and a ]. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights. Writers such as ] and ] opposed aristocratic privilege and property, which they saw as an impediment to developing a class of ] farmers.<ref name="Vincent, pp. 29–30">{{cite book|last=Vincent|first=Andrew|title=Modern Political Ideologies|url=https://archive.org/details/modernpoliticali0000vinc/mode/2up?view=theater|url-access = registration |year=1992|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford, UK, & Cambridge, US|isbn=0-631-16451-0|pages=29–30}}</ref> | |||
| ], an influential ] who established in ''Prolegomena to Ethics'' (1884) the first major foundations for what later became known as ] and in a few years, his ideas became the ] of the ] in ], precipitating the rise of ] and the modern ]]] | |||
| At the beginning of the Great War, or even during the War, if twelve or fifteen thousand of these Jews who were corrupting the nation had been forced to submit to poison-gas...then the millions of sacrifices made at the front would not have been in vain. | |||
| Beginning in the late 19th century, a new conception of liberty entered the liberal intellectual arena. This new kind of liberty became known as ] to distinguish it from the prior ], and it was first developed by ] ]. Green rejected the idea that humans were driven solely by ], emphasising instead the complex circumstances involved in the evolution of our ].<ref name="Adams 1998">{{cite book|last=Adams|first=Ian|title=Ideology and Politics in Britain Today|series = Politics Today | url=https://archive.org/details/ideologypolitics0000adam/mode/2up?view=theater|url-access = registration| chapter-url = https://archive.org/details/ideologypolitics0000adam/page/52/mode/2up?view=theater | chapter-url-access = registration|year=1998|publisher=Manchester University Press|location=Manchester & New York|isbn=0-7190-5055-3|chapter=New Liberals to Liberal Democrats}}</ref>{{rp|54–55}} In a very profound step for the future of modern liberalism, he also tasked society and political institutions with the enhancement of individual freedom and identity and the development of moral character, will and reason and the state to create the conditions that allow for the above, allowing genuine ].<ref name="Adams 1998"/>{{rp|54–55}} Foreshadowing the new liberty as the freedom to act rather than to avoid suffering from the acts of others, Green wrote the following: {{blockquote|If it were ever reasonable to wish that the usage of words had been other than it has been ... one might be inclined to wish that the term 'freedom' had been confined to the ... power to do what one wills.<ref>Wempe, p. 123.</ref>|sign=|source=}} | |||
| Rather than previous liberal conceptions viewing society as populated by selfish individuals, Green viewed society as an organic whole in which all individuals have a ] to promote the ].<ref name="Adams 1998"/>{{rp|55}} His ideas spread rapidly and were developed by other thinkers such as ] and ]. In a few years, this ''New Liberalism'' had become the essential social and political programme of the Liberal Party in Britain,<ref name="Adams 1998"/>{{rp|58}} and it would encircle much of the world in the 20th century. In addition to examining negative and positive liberty, liberals have tried to understand the proper relationship between liberty and democracy. As they struggled to expand ], liberals increasingly understood that people left out of the ] were liable to the "]", a concept explained in Mill's ''On Liberty'' and '']'' (1835) by ].<ref name="Young, p. 36">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=36}}.</ref> As a response, liberals began demanding proper safeguards to thwart majorities in their attempts at suppressing the ].<ref name="Young, p. 36"/> | |||
| These tactics are based on an accurate estimation of human weakness and must lead to success, with almost mathematical certainty, unless the other side also learns how to fight poison gas with poison gas. The weaker natures must be told that here it is a case of to be or not to be. | |||
| Besides liberty, liberals have developed several other principles important to the construction of their philosophical structure, such as equality, pluralism and tolerance. Highlighting the confusion over the first principle, ] commented, "equality is at once the most natural and at times the most chimeral of things".<ref>Wolfe, p. 63.</ref> All forms of liberalism assume in some basic sense that individuals are equal.<ref name="auto">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=39}}.</ref> In maintaining that people are naturally equal, liberals assume they all possess the same right to liberty.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|pp=39–40}}.</ref> In other words, no one is inherently entitled to enjoy the benefits of liberal society more than anyone else, and all people are ].<ref name="Young, p. 40">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=40}}.</ref> Beyond this basic conception, liberal theorists diverge in their understanding of equality. American philosopher ] emphasised the need to ensure equality under the law and the equal distribution of material resources that individuals required to develop their ] in life.<ref name="Young, p. 40"/> Libertarian thinker ] disagreed with Rawls, championing the former version of ].<ref name="Young, p. 40"/> | |||
| Hitler had long admired Germany, and during the war he had become a passionate German patriot, although he did not become a German citizen until 1932. He was shocked by Germany's capitulation in November 1918 even while the German army still held enemy territory. Like many other German nationalists, Hitler believed in the Dolchstoßlegende ("dagger-stab legend") which claimed that the army, "undefeated in the field", had been "stabbed in the back" by civilian leaders and Marxists back on the home front. These politicians were later dubbed the November Criminals. | |||
| To contribute to the development of liberty, liberals also have promoted concepts like pluralism and tolerance. By pluralism, liberals refer to the proliferation of opinions and beliefs that characterise a stable ].<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|pp=42–43}}.</ref> Unlike many of their competitors and predecessors, liberals do not seek ] and homogeneity in how people think. Their efforts have been geared towards establishing a governing framework that ] but still allows those views to exist and flourish.<ref>{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=43}}.</ref> For liberal philosophy, pluralism leads easily to toleration. Since individuals will hold diverging viewpoints, liberals argue, they ought to uphold and respect the right of one another to disagree.<ref name="Young, p. 44">{{Harvnb|Young|2002|p=44}}.</ref> From the liberal perspective, toleration was initially connected to ], with ] condemning "the stupidity of religious persecution and ideological wars".<ref name="Young, p. 44"/> Toleration also played a central role in the ] and John Stuart Mill. Both thinkers believed that society would contain different conceptions of a good ethical life and that people should be allowed to make their own choices without interference from the state or other individuals.<ref name="Young, p. 44"/> | |||
| The Treaty of Versailles deprived Germany of various territories, demilitarised the Rhineland and imposed other economically damaging sanctions. The treaty re-created Poland, which even moderate Germans regarded as an outrage. The treaty also blamed Germany for all the horrors of the war, something which major historians like John Keegan now consider at least in part to be victor's justice: most European nations in the run-up to World War I had become increasingly militarised and were eager to fight. The culpability of Germany was used as a basis to impose reparations on Germany (the amount was repeatedly revised under the Dawes Plan, the Young Plan, and the Hoover Moratorium). Germany in turn perceived the treaty and especially, Article 231 the paragraph on the German responsibility for the war as a humiliation. For example, there was a nearly total demilitarisation of the armed forces, allowing Germany only six battleships, no submarines, no air force, an army of 100,000 without conscription and no armoured vehicles. The treaty was an important factor in both the social and political conditions encountered by Hitler and his Nazis as they sought power. Hitler and his party used the signing of the treaty by the "November Criminals" as a reason to build up Germany so that it could never happen again. He also used the "November Criminals" as scapegoats, although at the Paris peace conference, these politicians had had very little choice in the matter. | |||
| === Liberal economic theory === | |||
| Entry into politics | |||
| {{main|Economic liberalism}} | |||
| ], ], (])]] | |||
| Main article: Hitler's political beliefs | |||
| ]'s '']'', published in 1776, followed by the French liberal economist ]'s treatise on '']'' published in 1803 and expanded in 1830 with practical applications, were to provide most of the ideas of economics until the publication of ]'s ''Principles'' in 1848.<ref name="Mills">{{cite book|last=Mills|first=John|author-link=John Mills (businessman)|title=A Critical History of Economics|url=https://archive.org/details/criticalhistoryo0000mill/page/n5/mode/2up?view=theater|year=2002|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|location=Basingstoke|isbn=0-333-97130-2}}</ref>{{rp|63, 68}} Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of ] and ], and the ] the state should follow to maximise ].<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|64}} | |||
| Smith wrote that as long as ], ]s and ] were left free of government regulation, the pursuit of material self-interest, rather than altruism, maximises society's wealth<ref>'' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221206080447/https://books.google.com/books?id=KpWg1DYxRTwC&pg=PA81&lpg=PA81&dq=%22public+good%22&sa=X#v=onepage&q=%22public%20good%22 |date=6 December 2022 }}'', Strahan and Cadell, 1778</ref> through profit-driven production of goods and services. An "]" directed individuals and firms to work toward the nation's good as an unintended consequence of efforts to maximise their gain. This provided a moral justification for accumulating wealth, which some had previously viewed as sinful.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|64}} | |||
| A copy of Adolf Hitler's forged German Workers' Party (DAP) membership card. His actual membership number was 555 (the 55th member of the party—the 500 was added to make the group appear larger) but later the number was reduced to create the impression that Hitler was one of the founding members. Hitler had wanted to create his own party, but was ordered by his superiors in the Reichswehr to infiltrate an existing one instead. | |||
| A copy of Adolf Hitler's forged German Workers' Party (DAP) membership card. His actual membership number was 555 (the 55th member of the party—the 500 was added to make the group appear larger) but later the number was reduced to create the impression that Hitler was one of the founding members. Hitler had wanted to create his own party, but was ordered by his superiors in the Reichswehr to infiltrate an existing one instead. | |||
| Smith assumed that workers could be ] as low as was necessary for their survival, which ] and ] later transformed into the "]".<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|65}} His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and ], which he thought could increase wealth through specialisation in production.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|66}} He also opposed restrictive ]s, state grants of ] and ]s and ]s.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|67}} Government should be limited to defence, ]s and the ], financed by ].<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|68}} Smith was one of the progenitors of the idea, which was long central to classical liberalism and has resurfaced in the ] literature of the later 20th and early 21st centuries, that free trade promotes peace.<ref>See, e.g., ], ''John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace'', Oxford University Press, 2006, chapter 1.</ref> Smith's economics was carried into practice in the 19th century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the ] that had restricted the mobility of labour in 1834 and the end of the rule of the ] over India in 1858.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|69}} | |||
| After World War I, Hitler remained in the army and returned to Munich, where he—in contrast to his later declarations—attended the funeral march for the murdered Bavarian prime minister Kurt Eisner. After the suppression of the Bavarian Soviet Republic, he took part in "national thinking" courses organized by the Education and Propaganda Department (Dept Ib/P) of the Bavarian Reichswehr Group, Headquarters 4 under Captain Karl Mayr. Scapegoats were found in "international Jewry", communists, and politicians across the party spectrum, especially the parties of the Weimar Coalition. | |||
| In his ''Treatise'' (Traité d'économie politique), Say states that any production process requires effort, knowledge and the "application" of the entrepreneur. He sees entrepreneurs as intermediaries in the production process who combine productive factors such as land, capital and labour to meet the consumers' demands. As a result, they play a central role in the economy through their coordinating function. He also highlights qualities essential for successful entrepreneurship and focuses on judgement, in that they have continued to assess market needs and the means to meet them. This requires an "unerring market sense". Say views entrepreneurial income primarily as the high revenue paid in compensation for their skills and expert knowledge. He does so by contrasting the enterprise and supply-of-capital functions, distinguishing the entrepreneur's earnings on the one hand and the remuneration of capital on the other. This differentiates his theory from that of ], who describes entrepreneurial rent as short-term profits which compensate for high risk (Schumpeterian rent). Say himself also refers to risk and uncertainty along with innovation without analysing them in detail. | |||
| In July 1919, Hitler was appointed a Verbindungsmann (police spy) of an Aufklärungskommando (Intelligence Commando) of the Reichswehr, both to influence other soldiers and to infiltrate a small party, the German Workers' Party (DAP). During his inspection of the party, Hitler was impressed with founder Anton Drexler's antisemitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist ideas, which favoured a strong active government, a "non-Jewish" version of socialism and mutual solidarity of all members of society. Drexler was impressed with Hitler's oratory skills and invited him to join as the party's 55th member. He was also made the seventh member of the executive committee. Years later, he claimed to be the party's seventh overall member, but it has been established that this claim is false. | |||
| Say is also credited with ], or the law of markets which may be summarised as "] creates its own ]", | |||
| Here Hitler also met Dietrich Eckart, one of the early founders of the party and member of the occult Thule Society. Eckart became Hitler's mentor, exchanging ideas with him, teaching him how to dress and speak, and introducing him to a wide range of people. Hitler thanked Eckart by paying tribute to him in the second volume of Mein Kampf. To increase the party's appeal, the party changed its name to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei or National Socialist German Workers Party. | |||
| and "]", or "Supply constitutes its own demand" and "Inherent in supply is the need for its own consumption". The related phrase "supply creates its own demand" was coined by ], who criticized Say's separate formulations as amounting to the same thing. Some advocates of Say's law who disagree with Keynes have claimed that Say's law can be summarized more accurately as "production precedes consumption" and that what Say is stating is that for consumption to happen, one must produce something of value so that it can be traded for money or barter for consumption later.<ref name="clower92">{{Harv|Clower|2004|loc=}}</ref><ref>Bylund, Per. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210308022031/https://twitter.com/perbylund/status/883692795583746049 |date=8 March 2021 }}.</ref> | |||
| Say argues, "products are paid for with products" (1803, p. 153) or "a glut occurs only when too much resource is applied to making one product and not enough to another" (1803, pp. 178–179).<ref>.{{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090326021523/http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/profiles/say.htm|date=26 March 2009}}</ref> | |||
| Related reasoning appears in the work of ] and earlier in that of his Scottish classical economist father, ] (1808). Mill senior restates Say's law in 1808: "production of commodities creates, and is the one and universal cause which creates a market for the commodities produced".<ref>{{cite book |last=Mill |first=James |date=1808 |title=Commerce Defended |chapter-url=http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=1668&layout=html |chapter=VI: Consumption |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210224092944/https://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle=1668&layout=html |archive-date=24 February 2021 |page=81}}</ref> | |||
| Hitler was discharged from the army in March 1920 and with his former superiors' continued encouragement began participating full time in the party's activities. By early 1921, Hitler was becoming highly effective at speaking in front of large crowds. In February, Hitler spoke before a crowd of nearly six thousand in Munich. To publicize the meeting, he sent out two truckloads of party supporters to drive around with swastikas, cause a commotion and throw out leaflets, their first use of this tactic. Hitler gained notoriety outside of the party for his rowdy, polemic speeches against the Treaty of Versailles, rival politicians (including monarchists, nationalists and other non-internationalist socialists) and especially against Marxists and Jews. | |||
| In addition to Smith's and Say's legacies, ]' theories of population and ]'s ] became central doctrines of classical economics.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|76}} Meanwhile, Jean-Baptiste Say challenged Smith's ], believing that prices were determined by utility and also emphasised the critical role of the entrepreneur in the economy. However, neither of those observations became accepted by British economists at the time. Malthus wrote '']'' in 1798,<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|71–72}} becoming a major influence on classical liberalism. Malthus claimed that population growth would outstrip food production because the population grew geometrically while food production grew arithmetically. As people were provided with food, they would reproduce until their growth outstripped the food supply. Nature would then provide a check to growth in the forms of vice and misery. No gains in income could prevent this, and any welfare for the poor would be self-defeating. The poor were, in fact, responsible for their problems which could have been avoided through self-restraint.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|72}} | |||
| The DAP was centered in Munich, a hotbed of German nationalists who included Army officers determined to crush Marxism and undermine the Weimar republic. Gradually they noticed Hitler and his growing movement as a vehicle to hitch themselves to. Hitler traveled to Berlin to visit nationalist groups during the summer of 1921, and in his absence there was a revolt among the DAP leadership in Munich. | |||
| Several liberals, including Adam Smith and ], argued that the free exchange of goods between nations would lead to world peace.<ref>Erik Gartzke, "", in ''Economic Freedom of the World: 2005 Annual Report'' (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 2005). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181227133203/http://www.columbia.akadns.net/itc/journalism/stille/Politics%20Fall%202007/readings%20weeks%206-7/Economic%20Freedom%20and%20Peace%20--%20Garzke.pdf |date=27 December 2018 }}.</ref> Smith argued that as societies progressed, the spoils of war would rise, but the costs of war would rise further, making war difficult and costly for industrialised nations.<ref>Michael Doyle, ''Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism'' (New York: Norton, 1997), p. 237 ({{ISBN|0-393-96947-9}}).</ref> Cobden believed that military expenditures worsened the state's welfare and benefited a small but concentrated elite minority, combining his ] beliefs with opposition to the economic restrictions of mercantilist policies. To Cobden and many classical liberals, those who advocated peace must also advocate free markets.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Howe |first1=Anthony |last2=Morgan |first2=Simon |title=Rethinking nineteenth-century liberalism: Richard Cobden bicentenary essays |year=2006 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-7546-5572-5 |pages=231, 239 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Eqp4Hae4bmUC |via=]}}</ref> | |||
| The party was run by an executive committee whose original members considered Hitler to be overbearing. They formed an alliance with a group of socialists from Augsburg. Hitler rushed back to Munich and countered them by tendering his resignation from the party on 11 July 1921. When they realized the loss of Hitler would effectively mean the end of the party, he seized the moment and announced he would return on the condition that he replace Drexler as party chairman, with unlimited powers. Infuriated committee members (including Drexler) held out at first. Meanwhile an anonymous pamphlet appeared entitled Adolf Hitler: Is he a traitor?, attacking Hitler's lust for power and criticizing the violent men around him. Hitler responded to its publication in a Munich newspaper by suing for libel and later won a small settlement. | |||
| ] was seen as a ] for implementing ] by British governments, an idea dominating economic policy from the 1840s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform, and John Stuart Mill's later writings foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a premise for a ''laissez-faire'' approach.<ref name = "Richardson 2001">{{cite book|first=James L.|last=Richardson|year=2001|title=Contending Liberalisms in World Politics: Ideology and Power|location=Boulder, Colorado|publisher=Lynne Rienner Publishers|isbn=155587939X}}</ref>{{rp|32}} The central concept of utilitarianism, developed by ], was that ] should seek to provide "the greatest happiness of the greatest number". While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to ], it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|76}} His philosophy proved highly influential on government policy and led to increased Benthamite attempts at government ], including ]'s ], ]s, the ]s and ] for the mentally ill. | |||
| The executive committee of the DAP eventually backed down and Hitler's demands were put to a vote of party members. Hitler received 543 votes for and only one against. At the next gathering on 29 July 1921, Adolf Hitler was introduced as Führer of the National Socialist Party, marking the first time this title was publicly used. | |||
| ==== Keynesian economics ==== | |||
| Hitler's beer hall oratory, attacking Jews, social democrats, liberals, reactionary monarchists, capitalists and communists, began attracting adherents. Early followers included Rudolf Hess, the former air force pilot Hermann Göring, and the army captain Ernst Röhm, who became head of the Nazis' paramilitary organization, the SA (Sturmabteilung, or "Storm Division"), which protected meetings and attacked political opponents. Hitler also assimilated independent groups, such as the Nuremberg-based Deutsche Werkgemeinschaft, led by Julius Streicher, who became Gauleiter of Franconia. Hitler also attracted the attention of local business interests, was accepted into influential circles of Munich society, and became associated with wartime General Erich Ludendorff during this time. | |||
| {{main|Keynesian economics}} | |||
| Drawing of Hitler, 1923. | |||
| ], one of the most influential economists of modern times and whose ideas, which are still ], formalized modern liberal economic policy.]] | |||
| Drawing of Hitler, 1923. | |||
| During the ], the English economist ] (1883–1946) gave the definitive liberal response to the economic crisis. Keynes had been "brought up" as a classical liberal, but especially after World War I, became increasingly a welfare or social liberal.<ref>See studies of Keynes by, e.g., ], ], Donald Moggridge, and ].</ref> A prolific writer, among many other works, he had begun a theoretical work examining the relationship between unemployment, money and prices back in the 1920s.<ref>{{cite book |last=Pressman |first=Steven |title=Fifty Great Economists |year=1999 |isbn=978-0-415-13481-1 |pages=96–100 |publisher=] |location=London}}</ref> Keynes was deeply critical of the British government's ] measures ]. He believed ]s were a good thing, a product of ]s. He wrote: "For Government borrowing of one kind or another is nature's remedy, so to speak, for preventing business losses from being, in so severe a slump as the present one, so great as to bring production altogether to a standstill".<ref name="Cassidy2011">{{cite magazine |last=Cassidy |first=John |author-link=John Cassidy (journalist) |title=The Demand Doctor |magazine=] |date=10 October 2011 |url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/10/10/the-demand-doctor}}</ref> At the height of the Great Depression in 1933, Keynes published ''The Means to Prosperity'', which contained specific policy recommendations for tackling unemployment in a global recession, chiefly counter cyclical public spending. ''The Means to Prosperity'' contains one of the first mentions of the ].<ref name="Skid30s">{{cite book |last=Skidelsky |first=Robert |title=John Maynard Keynes: 1883–1946: Economist, Philosopher, Statesman |year=2003 |isbn=978-0-330-48867-9 |pages=494–500, 504, 509–510 |publisher=Pan MacMillan Ltd}}</ref> | |||
| Beer Hall Putsch | |||
| ], with its periods of worldwide economic hardship, formed the backdrop against which the ] took place (the image is ]'s '']'' depiction of destitute ] in California, taken in March 1936).]] | |||
| Main article: Beer Hall Putsch | |||
| Keynes's '']'', '']'', was published in 1936<ref>{{cite book |first=Keith |last=Tribe |title=Economic careers: economics and economists in Britain, 1930–1970 |date=1997 |page=61}}</ref> and served as a theoretical justification for the ] Keynes favoured for tackling a recession. The ''General Theory'' challenged the earlier ] paradigm, which had held that the ] would naturally establish ] equilibrium if it were unfettered by government interference. ] believed in ], which states that "]" and that in a ], workers would always be willing to lower their wages to a level where employers could profitably offer them jobs. An innovation from Keynes was the concept of ], i.e. the recognition that, in reality, workers often refuse to lower their wage demands even in cases where a classical economist might argue it is ] for them to do so. Due in part to price stickiness, it was established that the interaction of "]" and "]" may lead to stable unemployment equilibria, and in those cases, it is the state and not the market that economies must depend on for their salvation. The book advocated activist economic policy by the government to stimulate demand in times of high unemployment, for example, by spending on public works. In 1928, he wrote: "Let us be up and doing, using our idle resources to increase our wealth. ... With men and plants unemployed, it is ridiculous to say that we cannot afford these new developments. It is precisely with these plants and these men that we shall afford them".<ref name="Cassidy2011"/> Where the market failed to allocate resources properly, the government was required to stimulate the economy until private funds could start flowing again—a "prime the pump" kind of strategy designed to boost ].<ref>Palmer and Colton, p. 808.</ref> | |||
| Encouraged by this early support, Hitler decided to use Ludendorff as a front in an attempted coup later known as the Beer Hall Putsch (sometimes as the Hitler Putsch or Munich Putsch). The Nazi Party had copied Italy's fascists in appearance and also had adopted some programmatical points, and in 1923, Hitler wanted to emulate Mussolini's "March on Rome" by staging his own "Campaign in Berlin". Hitler and Ludendorff obtained the clandestine support of Gustav von Kahr, Bavaria's de facto ruler, along with leading figures in the Reichswehr and the police. As political posters show, Ludendorff, Hitler and the heads of the Bavarian police and military planned on forming a new government. | |||
| === Liberal feminist theory === | |||
| On 8 November 1923, Hitler and the SA stormed a public meeting headed by Kahr in the Bürgerbräukeller, a large beer hall outside of Munich. He declared that he had set up a new government with Ludendorff and demanded, at gunpoint, the support of Kahr and the local military establishment for the destruction of the Berlin government. Kahr withdrew his support and fled to join the opposition to Hitler at the first opportunity. The next day, when Hitler and his followers marched from the beer hall to the Bavarian War Ministry to overthrow the Bavarian government as a start to their "March on Berlin", the police dispersed them. Sixteen NSDAP members were killed. | |||
| {{main|Liberal feminism}} | |||
| ], widely regarded as the pioneer of ]]] | |||
| ], the dominant tradition in ], is an ] form of ] that focuses on women's ability to maintain their equality through their actions and choices. Liberal feminists hope to eradicate all barriers to ], claiming that the continued existence of such barriers eviscerates the individual rights and freedoms ostensibly guaranteed by a liberal social order.<ref>Jensen, p. 2.</ref> They argue that society believes women are naturally ] than men; thus, it tends to ] in the ], the forum and the ]. Liberal feminists believe that "female subordination is rooted in a set of customary and legal constraints that blocks women's entrance to and success in the so-called public world". They strive for sexual equality via political and legal reform.<ref name="Tong, Rosemarie 1989">Tong, Rosemarie. 1989. Feminist Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction. Oxon, United Kingdom: Unwin Human Ltd. Chapter 1</ref> | |||
| British ] ] (1759–1797) is widely regarded as the pioneer of liberal feminism, with '']'' (1792) expanding the boundaries of liberalism to include women in the political structure of liberal society.<ref>Falco, pp. 47–48.</ref> In her writings, such as ''A Vindication of the Rights of Woman'', Wollstonecraft commented on society's view of women and encouraged women to use their voices in making decisions separate from those previously made for them. Wollstonecraft "denied that women are, by nature, more pleasure seeking and pleasure giving than men. She reasoned that if they were confined to the same cages that trap women, men would develop the same flawed characters. What Wollstonecraft most wanted for women was personhood".<ref name="Tong, Rosemarie 1989"/> | |||
| Hitler fled to the home of Ernst Hanfstaengl and contemplated suicide. He was soon arrested for high treason. Alfred Rosenberg became temporary leader of the party. During Hitler's trial, he was given almost unlimited time to speak, and his popularity soared as he voiced nationalistic sentiments in his defence speech. A Munich personality became a nationally known figure. On 1 April 1924, Hitler was sentenced to five years' imprisonment at Landsberg Prison. Hitler received favoured treatment from the guards and had much fan mail from admirers. He was pardoned and released from jail in December 1924, as part of a general amnesty for political prisoners. Including time on remand, he had served little more than one year of his sentence. | |||
| ] was also an early proponent of feminism. In his article '']'' (1861, published 1869), Mill attempted to prove that the legal subjugation of women is wrong and that it should give way to perfect equality.<ref>John Stuart Mill: critical assessments, Volume 4, By ]</ref><ref>Mill, J.S. (1869) {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150429185554/http://www.constitution.org/jsm/women.htm |date=29 April 2015 }}, Chapter 1</ref> He believed that both sexes should have equal rights under the law and that "until conditions of equality exist, no one can possibly assess the natural differences between women and men, distorted as they have been. What is natural to the two sexes can only be found out by allowing both to develop and use their faculties freely".<ref>Mill, John Stuart (1869). The Subjection of Women (1869 first ed.). London: Longmans, Green, Reader & Dyer. Retrieved 10 December 2012.</ref> Mill frequently spoke of this imbalance and wondered if women were able to feel the same "genuine unselfishness" that men did in providing for their families. This unselfishness Mill advocated is the one "that motivates people to take into account the good of society as well as the good of the individual person or small family unit".<ref name="Tong, Rosemarie 1989"/> Like Mary Wollstonecraft, Mill compared sexual inequality to slavery, arguing that their husbands are often just as abusive as masters and that a human being controls nearly every aspect of life for another human being. In his book ''The Subjection of Women'', Mill argues that three major parts of women's lives are hindering them: society and gender construction, education and marriage.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/mill-moral-political/|title=Mill's Moral and Political Philosophy|last=Brink|first=David|date=9 October 2007|publisher=Stanford University|access-date=1 October 2016}}</ref> | |||
| On 28 June 1925 Hitler wrote a letter from Uffing to the editor of The Nation in New York City stating how long he had been in prison at "Sandberg a. S." and how much his privileges had been revoked. | |||
| ] is a form of liberal feminism discussed since the 1980s,<ref>{{cite book |title=Social Feminism |first=Naomi |last=Black |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kDYqAAAAYAAJ |year=1989 |publisher=] |isbn=9780801422614 |via=]}}</ref><ref name=Halfmann>{{cite book |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q83kxhOsgxYC&pg=PA79 |title=Industry and Politics in West Germany: Toward the Third Republic |editor-first=Peter J. |editor-last=Katzenstein |chapter=3. Social Change and Political Mobilization in West Germany |page=79 |first=Jost |last=Halfmann |quote=Equity-feminism differs from equality-feminism |year= 1989|publisher=Cornell University Press |isbn=978-0-8014-9595-3 |via=]}}</ref> specifically a kind of classically liberal or libertarian feminism.<ref name=Stanford>{{cite web |url=http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-liberal/#EquFem |title=Liberal Feminism |publisher=Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy |date=18 October 2007 |access-date=24 February 2016}} (revised 30 September 2013)</ref> ], an ], defines equity feminism as "a moral doctrine about equal treatment that makes no commitments regarding open empirical issues in psychology or biology".<ref>{{cite book |last=Pinker |first=Steven |title=The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature |url=https://archive.org/details/blankslatemodern00pink |url-access=registration |isbn=0-670-03151-8 |publisher=Viking |year=2002 |page=}}</ref> Barry Kuhle asserts that equity feminism is compatible with ] in contrast to ].<ref>{{cite journal |journal=] |url=http://www.epjournal.net/articles/evolutionary-psychology-is-compatible-with-equity-feminism-but-not-with-gender-feminism-a-reply-to-eagly-and-wood-2011/ |url-status=usurped |archive-date=16 January 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120116120314/http://www.epjournal.net/articles/evolutionary-psychology-is-compatible-with-equity-feminism-but-not-with-gender-feminism-a-reply-to-eagly-and-wood-2011/ |title=Evolutionary psychology is compatible with equity feminism |date=2011 |first=Barry X. |last=Kuhle}}</ref> | |||
| Mein Kampf | |||
| === Social liberal theory === | |||
| Main article: Mein Kampf | |||
| {{main|Social liberalism}} | |||
| ], who wrote the first critique of the free market from a liberal perspective in 1819]] | |||
| ]'s ''New Principles of Political Economy'' (French: ''Nouveaux principes d'économie politique, ou de la richesse dans ses rapports avec la population'') (1819) represents the first comprehensive liberal critique of early capitalism and laissez-faire economics, and his writings, which were studied by ] and ] among many others, had a profound influence on both liberal and socialist responses to the failures and contradictions of industrial society.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Stewart |first1=Ross E. |title=Sismondi's Forgotten Ethical Critique of Early Capitalism |journal=] |date=1984 |volume=3 |issue=3 |pages=227–234|doi=10.1007/BF00382924 |s2cid=154967384}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Spiegel |first1=Henry William |title=The Growth of Economic Thought |date=1991 |publisher=Duke University Press |pages=302–303}}</ref><ref name="Gareth">{{cite book |last1=Stedman Jones |first1=Gareth |editor1-last=Aprile |editor1-first=Sylvie |editor2-last=Bensimon |editor2-first=Fabrice |title=La France et l'Angleterre au XIXe siècle. Échanges, représentations, comparaisons |chapter=Saint-Simon and the Liberal origins of the Socialist critique of Political Economy |date=2006 |publisher=Créaphis |pages=21–47}}</ref> By the end of the 19th century, the ] were being increasingly challenged by downturns in ], a growing perception of the ], unemployment and relative deprivation present within modern industrial cities, as well as the agitation of ]. The ideal of the ] who could make his or her place in the world through hard work and talent seemed increasingly implausible. A major political reaction against the changes introduced by ] and ''laissez-faire'' capitalism came from conservatives concerned about social balance, although ] later became a more important force for change and reform. Some ], including ], ] and ], became early influential critics of social injustice.<ref name = "Richardson 2001"/>{{rp|36–37}} | |||
| New liberals began to adapt the old language of liberalism to confront these difficult circumstances, which they believed could only be resolved through a broader and more interventionist conception of the state. An equal right to liberty could not be established merely by ensuring that individuals did not physically interfere with each other or by having impartially formulated and applied laws. More positive and proactive measures were required to ensure that every individual would have an ] for success.<ref name="eatwell">{{cite book |last1=Eatwell |first1=Roger |last2=Wright |first2=Anthony |title=Contemporary political ideologies |publisher=] |year=1999 |isbn=978-0-8264-5173-6}}</ref> | |||
| While at Landsberg he dictated Mein Kampf (My Struggle, originally entitled "Four Years of Struggle against Lies, Stupidity, and Cowardice") to his deputy Rudolf Hess. The book, dedicated to Thule Society member Dietrich Eckart, was an autobiography and an exposition of his ideology. It was published in two volumes in 1925 and 1926, selling about 240,000 copies between 1925 and 1934. By the end of the war, about 10 million copies had been sold or distributed (newly-weds and soldiers received free copies). | |||
| ], whose '']'' greatly influenced 19th-century liberalism]] | |||
| Hitler spent years dodging taxes on the royalties of his book and had accumulated a tax debt of about 405,500 Reichsmarks (€6 million in today's money) by the time he became chancellor (at which time his debt was waived). | |||
| ] contributed enormously to liberal thought by combining elements of classical liberalism with what eventually became known as the new liberalism. Mill's 1859 '']'' addressed the nature and limits of the ] that can be legitimately exercised by society over the ].<ref>{{cite book |last=Mill |first=John Stuart |author-link=John Stuart Mill |title=] |publisher=Penguin Classics |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-14-144147-4 |pages=90–91}}</ref> He gave an impassioned defence of free speech, arguing that free ] is a ] for intellectual and social progress. Mill defined "]" as protection from "the tyranny of political rulers". He introduced many different concepts of the form tyranny can take, referred to as social tyranny and ]. Social liberty meant limits on the ruler's power through obtaining recognition of political liberties or rights and establishing a system of "] checks".<ref>{{cite book |last=Mill |first=John Stuart |author-link=John Stuart Mill |title=] |publisher=Penguin Classics |date=2006 |isbn=978-0-14-144147-4 |pages=10–11}}</ref> | |||
| His definition of liberty, influenced by ] and ], was that the ] ought to be free to do as he wishes unless he harms others.<ref>John Stuart Mill (1806–1873), "The Contest in America". Harper's New Monthly Magazine. Volume 24. Issue 143. pp. 683–684. Harper & Bros. New York. April 1862. .</ref> However, although Mill's initial ] supported ]s and argued that ]ation penalised those who worked harder,<ref> (PDF) {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090327011315/http://www.irefeurope.org/col_docs/doc_51_fr.pdf |date=27 March 2009 }}</ref> he later altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his ''Principles of Political Economy'' in defence of a socialist outlook and defending some socialist causes,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mill |first1=John Stuart |last2=Bentham |first2=Jeremy |editor-last=Ryan |editor-first=Alan |title=Utilitarianism and other essays |publisher=] |year=2004 |location=London |isbn=978-0-14-043272-5 |page= |url=https://archive.org/details/utilitarianismot00mill/page/11}}</ref> including the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favour of a co-operative wage system. | |||
| The copyright of Mein Kampf in Europe is claimed by the Free State of Bavaria and scheduled to end on 31 December 2015. Reproductions in Germany are authorized only for scholarly purposes and in heavily commented form. The situation is, however, unclear. Historian Werner Maser, in an interview with Bild am Sonntag has stated that Peter Raubal, son of Hitler's nephew, Leo Raubal, would have a strong legal case for winning the copyright from Bavaria if he pursued it. Raubal has stated he wants no part of the rights to the book, which could be worth millions of euros. The uncertain status has led to contested trials in Poland and Sweden. Mein Kampf, however, is published in the US, as well as in other countries such as Turkey and Israel, by publishers with various political positions. | |||
| Another early liberal convert to greater government intervention was ]. Seeing the effects of alcohol, he believed that the state should foster and protect the social, political and economic environments in which individuals will have the best chance of acting according to their consciences. The state should intervene only where there is a clear, proven and strong tendency of liberty to enslave the individual.<ref>Nicholson, P. P., "T. H. Green and State Action: Liquor Legislation", ''History of Political Thought'', 6 (1985), 517–50. Reprinted in A. Vincent, ed., ''The Philosophy of T. H. Green'' (Aldershot: Gower, 1986), pp. 76–103</ref> Green regarded the national state as legitimate only to the extent that it upholds a system of rights and obligations most likely to foster individual self-realisation. | |||
| Rebuilding of the party | |||
| Adolf Hitler (left), standing up behind Hermann Göring at a Nazi rally in Nuremberg, 1928. | |||
| Adolf Hitler (left), standing up behind Hermann Göring at a Nazi rally in Nuremberg, 1928. | |||
| The New Liberalism or social liberalism movement emerged in about 1900 in Britain.<ref>], ''The New Liberalism: An Ideology of Social Reform'' (Oxford UP, 1978).</ref> The New Liberals, including intellectuals like L. T. Hobhouse and ], saw individual liberty as something achievable only under favourable social and economic circumstances.<ref name="Adams 2011"/>{{rp|29}} In their view, the poverty, squalor and ignorance in which many people lived made it impossible for freedom and individuality to flourish. New Liberals believed these conditions could be ameliorated only through collective action coordinated by a strong, welfare-oriented, interventionist state.<ref>The Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, p. 599</ref> It supports a ] that includes ] and private property in ]s.<ref name="Stanislao G. Pugliese 1999. p. 99">{{cite book |first=Stanislao G. |last=Pugliese |url=https://archive.org/details/carlorossellisoc00pugl |title=Carlo Rosselli: socialist heretic and antifascist exile |publisher=] |date=1999 |page=99|isbn=9780674000537 }}</ref><ref name="Noel W. Thompson 2006. pp. 60–1">{{cite book |first=Noel W. |last=Thompson |title=Political economy and the Labour Party: the economics of democratic socialism, 1884–2005 |edition=2nd |location=Oxon, England; New York, New York |publisher=] |date=2006 |pages=60–61}}</ref> | |||
| At the time of Hitler's release, the political situation in Germany had calmed and the economy had improved, which hampered Hitler's opportunities for agitation. Though the Hitler Putsch had given Hitler some national prominence, his party's mainstay was still Munich. | |||
| Principles that can be described as social liberal have been based upon or developed by philosophers such as John Stuart Mill, ], ], ], ] and ].<ref>Nadia Urbinati. '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221206080447/https://books.google.com/books?id=YoS6bMf4toQC&printsec=frontcover |date=6 December 2022 }}''. Cambridge, England, UK: ], 2007 p. 101.</ref> Other important social liberal figures include Guido Calogero, ], Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse and ].<ref name="ref72">Steve Bastow, James Martin. '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181227181430/http://research.gold.ac.uk/1882/ |date=27 December 2018 }}''. Edinburgh, Scotland, UK: ], Ltd, 2003. p. 72.</ref> ] has been particularly prominent in British and Italian politics.<ref name="ref72"/> | |||
| Since Hitler was still banned from public speeches, he appointed Gregor Strasser, who in 1924 had been elected to the Reichstag, as Reichsorganisationsleiter, authorizing him to organize the party in northern Germany. Strasser, joined by his younger brother Otto and Joseph Goebbels, steered an increasingly independent course, emphasizing the socialist element in the party's programme. The Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Gauleiter Nord-West became an internal opposition, threatening Hitler's authority, but this faction was defeated at the Bamberg Conference in 1926, during which Goebbels joined Hitler. | |||
| === Anti-state liberal theory === | |||
| After this encounter, Hitler centralized the party even more and asserted the Führerprinzip ("Leader principle") as the basic principle of party organization. Leaders were not elected by their group but were rather appointed by their superior and were answerable to them while demanding unquestioning obedience from their inferiors. Consistent with Hitler's disdain for democracy, all power and authority devolved from the top down. | |||
| {{See also|Polycentric law|Voluntaryism|Panarchy (political philosophy)|Neoclassical liberalism|Anarcho-capitalism}}]]] | |||
| ]]] | |||
| ] advocates ] under the rule of law. In contrast, the "anti-state liberal tradition", as described by ], was supportive of a system where law enforcement and the courts being provided by private companies, minimizing or rejecting the role of the state. Various theorists have espoused legal philosophies similar to ]. One of the first liberals to discuss the possibility of ] the protection of individual liberty and property was the French philosopher ] in the 18th century. Later in the 1840s, ] and ] advocated the same. In his essay ''The Production of Security'', Molinari argued: "No government should have the right to prevent another government from going into competition with it, or to require consumers of security to come exclusively to it for this commodity". Molinari and this new type of anti-state liberal grounded their reasoning on liberal ideals and classical economics. Historian and libertarian Ralph Raico argued that what these liberal philosophers "had come up with was a form of individualist anarchism, or, as it would be called today, anarcho-capitalism or market anarchism".<ref>Raico, Ralph (2004) {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090610035217/http://www.crea.polytechnique.fr/index.htm |date=10 June 2009 }} Ecole Polytechnique, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090610035217/http://www.crea.polytechnique.fr/index.htm |date=10 June 2009 }}, Unité associée au CNRS</ref> Unlike the liberalism of Locke, which saw the state as evolving from society, the anti-state liberals saw a fundamental conflict between the voluntary interactions of people, i.e. society, and the institutions of force, i.e. the state. This society versus state idea was expressed in various ways: natural society vs artificial society, liberty vs authority, society of contract vs society of authority and industrial society vs militant society, to name a few.<ref name="Molinari-1849">Molinari, Gustave de (1849) {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070927000023/http://praxeology.net/GM-PS.htm |date=27 September 2007 }} (trans. J. Huston McCulloch). Retrieved 15 July 2006.</ref> The anti-state liberal tradition in Europe and the United States continued after Molinari in the early writings of ] and thinkers such as ] and ]. However, the first person to use the term anarcho-capitalism was ]. In the mid-20th century, Rothbard synthesized elements from the ] of economics, classical liberalism and 19th-century American ]s ] and ] (while rejecting their ] and the norms they derived from it).<ref>"A student and disciple of the Austrian economist Ludwig von Mises, Rothbard combined the laissez-faire economics of his teacher with the absolutist views of human rights and rejection of the state he had absorbed from studying the individualist American anarchists of the 19th century such as Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker." Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought, 1987, {{ISBN|978-0-631-17944-3}}, p. 290</ref> Anarcho-capitalism advocates the elimination of the state in favour of ], ] and ]. ]s believe that in the absence of ] (law by ] or ]), society would improve itself through the discipline of the free market (or what its proponents describe as a "]").<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |last=Morris |first=Andrew |editor-first=Ronald |editor-last=Hamowy |editor-link=Ronald Hamowy |encyclopedia=The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yxNgXs3TkJYC |year=2008 |publisher=]; ] |location=Thousand Oaks, CA |doi=10.4135/9781412965811.n8 |isbn=978-1-4129-6580-4 |oclc=750831024 |lccn=2008009151 |pages=13–14 |chapter=Anarcho-Capitalism}}</ref><ref name=Stringham51>Edward Stringham, ''Anarchy and the law: the political economy of choice,'' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221206080458/https://books.google.com/books?id=nft4e62nicsC&pg=PA51&dq=anarcho-capitalism+libertarian&sa=X&ct=result&resnum=8#v=onepage&q=anarcho-capitalism%20libertarian |date=6 December 2022 }}.</ref> | |||
| In a theoretical ] society, ], ]s and all other security services would be operated by privately funded competitors rather than centrally through ]. ] and other ] would be privately and competitively provided in an ]. Anarcho-capitalists say personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would be regulated by victim-based dispute resolution organizations under ] and ] law rather than by statute through centrally determined punishment under what they describe as "political monopolies".<ref name="libertarianpapers"> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181001010127/http://libertarianpapers.org/articles/2011/lp-3-3.pdf |date=1 October 2018 }} Libertarian Papers VOL. 3, ART. NO. 3 (2011)</ref> A Rothbardian anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon libertarian "legal code which would be generally accepted, and which the courts would pledge themselves to follow".<ref>Rothbard, Murray. For A New Liberty. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111213124557/http://mises.org/rothbard/newliberty11.asp |date=13 December 2011 }}</ref> Although enforcement methods vary, this pact would recognize ] and the ] (NAP). | |||
| A key element of Hitler's appeal was his ability to evoke a sense of offended national pride caused by the Treaty of Versailles imposed on the defeated German Empire by the Western Allies. Germany had lost economically important territory in Europe along with its colonies and in admitting to sole responsibility for the war had agreed to pay a huge reparations bill totaling 132 billion marks. Most Germans bitterly resented these terms, but early Nazi attempts to gain support by blaming these humiliations on "international Jewry" were not particularly successful with the electorate. The party learned quickly, and soon a more subtle propaganda emerged, combining antisemitism with an attack on the failures of the "Weimar system" and the parties supporting it. | |||
| == History == | |||
| Having failed in overthrowing the Republic by a coup, Hitler pursued a "strategy of legality": this meant formally adhering to the rules of the Weimar Republic until he had legally gained power. He would then use the institutions of the Weimar Republic to destroy it and establish himself as dictator. Some party members, especially in the paramilitary SA, opposed this strategy; Röhm ridiculed Hitler as "Adolphe Legalité". | |||
| {{main|History of liberalism}} | |||
| <!---- This section should be a summary of the article "History of liberalism" according with WP:SUMMARY. ----> | |||
| {{cleanup|section|reason=Needs better presentation and content summarization|date=May 2017}} | |||
| ] was the first to develop a liberal philosophy, including the ] and the ].]] | |||
| Isolated strands of liberal thought had existed in ] since the Chinese ]<ref name=Murray >Rothbard, Murray (2005). Excerpt from "Concepts of the Role of Intellectuals in Social Change Toward Laissez Faire", ''The Journal of Libertarian Studies'', Vol. IX, No. 2 (Fall 1990) at {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141108220713/http://mises.org/daily/1967 |date=8 November 2014 }}</ref> and ] since the ]. The economist ] suggested that Chinese ] philosopher ] was the first libertarian,<ref name="Murray"/> likening Laozi's ideas on government to ]'s theory of ].<ref>Rothbard, Murray (2005). "The Ancient Chinese Libertarian Tradition", ''Mises Daily'', (5 December 2005) (original source unknown) at {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141108220713/http://mises.org/daily/1967 |date=8 November 2014 }}</ref> These ideas were first drawn together and systematized as a distinct ideology by the English philosopher ], generally regarded as the father of modern liberalism.<ref name="Taverne, p. 18"/><ref name="Godwin et al., p. 12"/><ref name="FungCambridge">{{cite book |last1=Fung |first1=Edmund S. K. |title=The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity: Cultural and Political Thought in the Republican Era |date=2010 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-139-48823-5 |page=130 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7muduLXtSGMC&pg=PA130 |access-date=16 May 2017 |via=]}}</ref><ref name="BevirSAGE">{{cite book |last1=Bevir |first1=Mark |title=Encyclopedia of Political Theory: A–E, Volume 1 |year=2010 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-4129-5865-3 |page=164 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wVIoCtB3m74C&pg=PA164 |access-date=19 May 2017 |via=]}}</ref> The first major signs of liberal politics emerged in modern times. These ideas began to coalesce at the time of the ]. The ], a largely ignored minority political movement that primarily consisted of ], ], and ], called for ], frequent convening of parliament and equality under the law. The ] of 1688 enshrined ] and the ] in Britain and was referred to by author ] as the "first modern liberal revolution".<ref>{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/1688firstmodernr00stev |url-access=registration |title=1688: The First Modern Revolution |first=Steven |last=Pincus |year=2009 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-300-15605-8 |access-date=7 February 2013}}</ref> The development of liberalism continued throughout the 18th century with the burgeoning Enlightenment ideals of the era. This period of profound intellectual vitality questioned old traditions and influenced several ] throughout the 18th century. Political tension between England and its ] grew after 1765 and the ] over the issue of ], culminating in the ] and, eventually, the ]. After the war, the leaders debated about how to move forward. The ], written in 1776, now appeared inadequate to provide security or even a functional government. The ] called a ] in 1787, which resulted in the writing of a new ] establishing a ] government. In the context of the times, the Constitution was a republican and liberal document.<ref>] ''The Penguin History of the World''. New York: Penguin Group, 1992. {{ISBN|0-19-521043-3}} p. 701.</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Milan |last=Zafirovski |title=Liberal Modernity and Its Adversaries: Freedom, Liberalism and Anti-Liberalism in the 21st Century |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GNlT9Qho0tAC |year=2007 |publisher=] |pages=237–38 |isbn=978-90-04-16052-1 |via=]}}</ref> It remains the oldest liberal governing document in effect worldwide. | |||
| ], who argued for the ]]] | |||
| Rise to power | |||
| The two key events that marked the triumph of liberalism in France were the ] on the night of 4 August 1789, which marked the collapse of feudal and old traditional rights and privileges and restrictions, as well as the passage of the ] in August, itself based on the U.S. Declaration of Independence from 1776.<ref>{{cite book |first=Jon |last=Meacham |title=Thomas Jefferson: President and Philosopher |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tvBMBAAAQBAJ&pg=PT131 |year=2014|publisher=] |page=131 |isbn=978-0-385-38751-4}}</ref> During the ], the French brought Western Europe the liquidation of the ], the liberalization of ]s, the end of ], the abolition of ]s, the legalization of ], the disintegration of ], the collapse of the ], the end of the ], the elimination of church courts and religious authority, the establishment of the ] and equality under the law for all men.<ref>Palmer and Colton, pp. 428–29.</ref> His most lasting achievement, the ], served as "an object of emulation all over the globe"<ref>Lyons, p. 94.</ref> but also perpetuated further discrimination against women under the banner of the "natural order".<ref>Lyons, pp. 98–102.</ref> | |||
| The development into maturity of classical liberalism took place before and after the French Revolution in Britain.<ref name="Vincent, pp. 29–30"/> ]'s '']'', published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of ]'s ''Principles'' in 1848.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|63, 68}} Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and wealth distribution, and the policies the state should follow to maximise wealth.<ref name="Mills"/>{{rp|64}} The ] began in the 1790s in England and concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasizing natural rights and ]. Radicals like ] and ] saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of ], the slave trade, high prices and high taxes.<ref>Turner, p. 86</ref>{{full citation needed|date=August 2023}} | |||
| Main article: Hitler's rise to power | |||
| In ], liberal unrest dates back to the 18th century, when liberal agitation in Latin America led to ] from the imperial power of Spain and Portugal. The new regimes were generally liberal in their political outlook and employed the philosophy of ], which emphasized the truth of modern science, to buttress their positions.<ref>{{cite journal |url=http://pics3441.upmf-grenoble.fr/articles/cult/ |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150212190612/http://pics3441.upmf-grenoble.fr/articles/cult/assimilation_and_transformation_of_positivism_in_latin_america.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=12 February 2015 |jstor=2707981 |title=Assimilation and Transformation of Positivism in Latin America |journal=] |volume=24 |issue=4 |pages=515–522 |last1=Ardao |first1=Arturo |year=1963 |doi=10.2307/2707981}}</ref> In the United States, a ] ensured the integrity of the nation and the abolition of slavery in the ]. Historian ] has argued that the Union victory in the ] (1861–1865) greatly boosted the course of liberalism.<ref>{{cite book |first=Don H. |last=Doyle | author-link = Don H. Doyle |title=The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War |date=2014}}</ref>{{page needed|date=August 2023}} | |||
| Nazi Party Election Results | |||
| Date Votes Percentage Seats in Reichstag Background | |||
| May 1924 1,918,300 6.5 32 Hitler in prison | |||
| December 1924 907,300 3.0 14 Hitler is released from prison | |||
| May 1928 810,100 2.6 12 | |||
| September 1930 6,409,600 18.3 107 After the financial crisis | |||
| July 1932 13,745,800 37.4 230 After Hitler was candidate for presidency | |||
| November 1932 11,737,000 33.1 196 | |||
| March 1933 17,277,000 43.9 288 During Hitler's term as Chancellor of Germany | |||
| In the 19th century, ] liberal ] were the most influential in the global tradition of liberalism.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Caldwell |first=Wallace E. |title=History of the World |last2=Merrill |first2=Edward H. |publisher=The Greystone Press |year=1964 |volume=1 |location=] |pages=428}}</ref> | |||
| Brüning Administration | |||
| During the 19th and early 20th century, in the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East, liberalism influenced periods of reform, such as the ] and ]; the rise of secularism, constitutionalism and nationalism; and different intellectuals and religious groups and movements, like the ] and ]. Prominent of the era were ], ] and ]. However, the reformist ideas and trends did not reach the common population successfully, as the books, periodicals, and newspapers were accessible primarily to intellectuals and segments of the emerging middle class. Many ]s saw them as foreign influences on the ]. That perception complicated reformist efforts made by Middle Eastern states.<ref name="Abdelmoula">{{cite book |last1=Abdelmoula |first1=Ezzeddine |title=Al Jazeera and Democratization: The Rise of the Arab Public Sphere |year=2015 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-317-51847-1 |pages=50–52 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vP7qBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA50 |access-date=7 May 2017 |via=]}}</ref><ref>Roderic. H. Davison, ''Essays in Ottoman and Turkish History, 1774–1923 – The Impact of the West'', University of Texas Press, 1990, pp. 115-116.</ref> These changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day. This led to ].<ref name="LindgrenRoss">{{cite book |last1=Lindgren |first1=Allana |last2=Ross |first2=Stephen |title=The Modernist World |year=2015 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-317-69616-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YFvLCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA440 |access-date=6 May 2017 |via=]}}</ref> | |||
| The political turning point for Hitler came when the Great Depression hit Germany in 1930. The Weimar Republic had never been firmly rooted and was openly opposed by right-wing conservatives (including monarchists), communists and the Nazis. As the parties loyal to the democratic, parliamentary republic found themselves unable to agree on counter-measures, their Grand Coalition broke up and was replaced by a minority cabinet. The new Chancellor, Heinrich Brüning of the Roman Catholic Centre Party, lacking a majority in parliament, had to implement his measures through the president's emergency decrees. Tolerated by the majority of parties, this rule by decree would become the norm over a series of unworkable parliaments and paved the way for authoritarian forms of government. | |||
| ]'' by ], a tableau of the ] in 1830]] | |||
| The Reichstag's initial opposition to Brüning's measures led to premature elections in September 1930. The republican parties lost their majority and their ability to resume the Grand Coalition, while the Nazis suddenly rose from relative obscurity to win 18.3% of the vote along with 107 seats. In the process, they jumped from the sixth-smallest party in the chamber to the second largest. | |||
| ] and ] movements spread, along with representative and democratic ideals. France established an ] in the 1870s. However, nationalism also spread rapidly after 1815. A mixture of liberal and nationalist sentiments in ] and Germany brought about the unification of the two countries in the late 19th century. A liberal regime came to power in Italy and ended the secular power of the Popes. However, the ] launched a counter-crusade against liberalism. ] issued the '']'' in 1864, condemning liberalism in all its forms. In many countries, liberal forces responded by ]. By the end of the nineteenth century, the principles of classical liberalism were being increasingly challenged, and the ideal of the self-made individual seemed increasingly implausible. Victorian writers like ], ] and ] were early influential critics of social injustice.<ref name = "Richardson 2001"/>{{rp|36–37}} | |||
| ],<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.eduskunta.fi/triphome/bin/hx5000.sh?{hnro}=911547&{kieli}=su&{haku}=kaikki |title=Edustajamatrikkeli |language=fi |trans-title= |publisher=Eduskunta |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120212180625/http://www.eduskunta.fi/triphome/bin/hx5000.sh?%7Bhnro%7D=911547&%7Bkieli%7D=su&%7Bhaku%7D=kaikki |archive-date=2012-02-12}}</ref> ] (1865–1952), the ], anchored the state in ], guarded the fragile germ of the ], and embarked on internal reforms.<ref>{{cite web |first=Juha |last=Mononen |title=War or Peace for Finland? Neoclassical Realist Case Study of Finnish Foreign Policy in the Context of the Anti-Bolshevik Intervention in Russia 1918–1920 |url=https://tampub.uta.fi/handle/10024/80491 |date=2 February 2009 |publisher=] |access-date=25 August 2020 |archive-date=7 June 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150607035630/http://tampub.uta.fi/handle/10024/80491 |url-status=dead}}</ref>]] | |||
| In September–October 1930, Hitler appeared as a major defence witness at the trial in Leipzig of two junior Reichswehr officers charged with membership of the Nazi Party, which at that time was forbidden to Reichswehr personal. The two officers, Lieutenants Richard Scheringer and Hans Ludin admitted quite openly to Nazi Party membership, and used as their defence that the Nazi Party membership should not be forbidden to those serving in the Reichswehr. When the Prosecution argued that the Nazi Party was a dangerous revolutionary force, one of the defence lawyers, Hans Frank had Hitler brought to the stand to prove that the Nazi Party was a law-abiding party. During his testimony, Hitler insisted that his party was determined to come to power legally, that the phrase "National Revolution" was only to be interpreted "politically", and that his Party was a friend, not an enemy of the Reichswehr. Hitler's testimony of 25 September 1930 won him many admirers within the ranks of the officer corps. | |||
| Liberalism gained momentum at the beginning of the 20th century. The bastion of ], the ], was overthrown in the ] of the ]. The Allied victory in the ] and the collapse of four empires seemed to mark the triumph of liberalism across the European continent, not just among the ] but also in Germany and the newly created states of ]. Militarism, as typified by Germany, was defeated and discredited. As Blinkhorn argues, the liberal themes were ascendant in terms of "cultural pluralism, religious and ethnic toleration, national ], free market economics, representative and responsible government, free trade, unionism, and the peaceful settlement of international disputes through a new body, the ]". | |||
| Brüning's measures of budget consolidation and financial austerity brought little economic improvement and were extremely unpopular. Under these circumstances, Hitler appealed to the bulk of German farmers, war veterans and the middle class, who had been hard-hit by both the inflation of the 1920s and the unemployment of the Depression. Hitler received little response from the urban working classes and traditionally Catholic regions. | |||
| In the Middle East, liberalism led to constitutional periods, like the Ottoman ] and ] and the ], but it declined in the late 1930s due to the growth and opposition of ] and ] ].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kurzman|first1=Charles|title=Liberal Islam: A Source Book|year=1998|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-511622-9|page=10|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4n8HSe9SfXMC&pg=PA10|access-date=25 May 2017}}</ref><ref name="Moaddel1">{{cite book|last1=Moaddel|first1=Mansoor|title=Islamic Modernism, Nationalism, and Fundamentalism: Episode and Discourse|year=2005|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=978-0-226-53333-9|page=4|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Dk6BLopmn3gC&pg=PA4}}</ref><ref name="lapidus">{{cite book |title=A History of Islamic Societies |last=Lapidus |first=Ira Marvin |year=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-77933-3 |page=496 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I3mVUEzm8xMC&pg=PA496}}</ref><ref name="LorentzIran">{{cite book|last1=Lorentz|first1=John H.|title=The A to Z of Iran|year=2010|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=978-1-4617-3191-7|page=224|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oV9WwxXbCB8C&pg=PA224|access-date=9 May 2017}}</ref><ref name="LindgrenRoss"/> However, many intellectuals advocated liberal values and ideas. Prominent liberals were ], ], ], ] and ].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Hanssen|first1=Jens|last2=Weiss|first2=Max|title=Arabic Thought beyond the Liberal Age: Towards an Intellectual History of the Nahda|year=2016|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-107-13633-5|page=299|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dPF7DQAAQBAJ&pg=PA299|access-date=10 May 2017}}</ref> | |||
| In September 1931, Hitler's niece Geli Raubal was found dead in her bedroom in his Munich apartment (his half-sister Angela and her daughter Geli had been with him in Munich since 1929), an apparent suicide. Geli, who was believed to be in some sort of romantic relationship with Hitler, was 19 years younger than he was and had used his gun. His niece's death is viewed as a source of deep, lasting pain for him. | |||
| ]]] | |||
| In 1932, Hitler intended to run against the aging President Paul von Hindenburg in the scheduled presidential elections. Though Hitler had left Austria in 1913, he still had not acquired German citizenship and hence could not run for public office. In February, however, the state government of Brunswick, in which the Nazi Party participated, appointed Hitler to a minor administrative post and also made him a citizen of Brunswick on 25 February 1932. In those days, the states conferred citizenship, so this automatically made Hitler a citizen of Germany and thus eligible to run for president. | |||
| In the United States, ] traces its history to the popular presidency of ], who initiated the ] in response to the ] and won an ]. The ] established by Roosevelt left a strong legacy and influenced many future American presidents, including ].<ref>Alterman, p. 32.</ref> Meanwhile, the definitive liberal response to the Great Depression was given by the British economist ], who had begun a theoretical work examining the relationship between unemployment, money and prices back in the 1920s.<ref>{{cite book|last=Pressman|first=Steven|title=Fifty Great Economists|year=1999|isbn=978-0-415-13481-1|pages=96–100|publisher=London: routledge|location=London}}</ref> The worldwide Great Depression, starting in 1929, hastened the discrediting of liberal economics and strengthened calls for state control over economic affairs. Economic woes prompted widespread unrest in the European political world, leading to the rise of ] as an ideology and a movement against liberalism and ], especially in ] and ].<ref>Heywood, pp. 218–26.</ref> The rise of fascism in the 1930s eventually culminated in ], the deadliest conflict in human history. The ] prevailed in the war by 1945, and their victory set the stage for the ] between the ] ] and the liberal ]. | |||
| ], liberalism enjoyed wide popularity. In April 1951, the ] became the governing coalition when democratically elected ], a liberal nationalist, took office as the ]. However, his way of governing conflicted with Western interests, and he was removed from power in a ]. The coup ended the dominance of liberalism in the country's politics.<ref name="jrisen">{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/041600iran-cia-index.html|work=The New York Times|title=Secrets of History: The C.I.A. in Iran|author=James Risen|date=16 April 2000|access-date=3 November 2006|author-link=James Risen}}</ref><ref>''Clandestine Service History: Overthrow of Premier Mossadeq of Iran'' (March 1954). p. iii.</ref><ref name="CN-IC-01">{{cite book|title=Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization|year=2007|publisher=I.B.Tauris|isbn=978-1-84511-347-6|pages=775 of 1082|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NQnpQNKeKKAC&pg=PA775}}</ref><ref name="FP 2013">{{cite journal|title=CIA Admits It Was Behind Iran's Coup|first=Malcolm|last=Bryne|date=18 August 2013|journal=Foreign Policy |url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/08/19/cia-admits-it-was-behind-irans-coup/}}</ref><ref>The CIA's history of the 1953 coup in Iran is made up of the following documents: a historian's note, a summary introduction, a lengthy narrative account written by Donald N. Wilber and as appendices five planning documents he attached. Published on 18 June 2000 under the title {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130125113825/http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/mideast/041600iran-cia-index.html |date=25 January 2013 }} by ''The New York Times''.</ref> | |||
| The new German citizen ran against Hindenburg, who was supported by a broad range of reactionary nationalist, monarchist, Catholic, republican and even social democratic parties. Also in the field was a Communist candidate and a member of a fringe right-wing party. Hitler's campaign was called "Hitler über Deutschland" (Hitler over Germany). The name had a double meaning; besides a reference to his dictatorial ambitions, it also referred to the fact that he campaigned by aircraft. This was a brand new political tactic that allowed Hitler to speak in two cities in one day, which was practically unheard of at the time. Hitler came in second on both rounds, attaining more than 35% of the vote during the second one in April. Although he lost to Hindenburg, the election established Hitler as a realistic alternative in German politics. | |||
| Among the various regional and national movements, the ] in the United States during the 1960s strongly highlighted the liberal efforts for ].<ref>Mackenzie and Weisbrot, p. 178.</ref> The ] project launched by ] ] oversaw the creation of ] and ], the establishment of ] and the ] as part of the ] and the passage of the landmark ], an altogether rapid series of events that some historians have dubbed the "Liberal Hour".<ref>Mackenzie and Weisbrot, p. 5.</ref> | |||
| Cabinets of Papen and Schleicher | |||
| ] were organized by Russia's liberal opposition.]] | |||
| Hindenburg, influenced by the Camarilla, became increasingly estranged from Brüning and pushed his Chancellor to move the government in a decidedly authoritarian and right-wing direction. This culminated, in May 1932, with the resignation of the Brüning cabinet. | |||
| The Cold War featured extensive ideological competition and several ]s, but the widely feared ] between the Soviet Union and the United States never occurred. While communist states and liberal democracies competed against one another, an ] in the 1970s inspired a move away from ], especially under ] in the United Kingdom and ] in the United States. This trend, known as ], constituted a ] away from the ], which lasted from 1945 to 1980.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Palley|first1=Thomas I|date=2004-05-05|title=From Keynesianism to Neoliberalism: Shifting Paradigms in Economics|url=http://fpif.org/from_keynesianism_to_neoliberalism_shifting_paradigms_in_economics/|journal=Foreign Policy in Focus|access-date=25 March 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=igrwb3rsOOUC&pg=PA339|title=Modern Political Ideologies|last1=Vincent|first1=Andrew|date=2009|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-4051-5495-6|location=Hoboken, New Jersey|page=339}}</ref> Meanwhile, nearing the end of the 20th century, communist states in Eastern Europe ], leaving liberal democracies as the only major forms of government in the West. | |||
| At the beginning of World War II, the number of democracies worldwide was about the same as it had been forty years before.<ref>]. ''Great Empires, Small Nations''. New York: Routledge, 2007. {{ISBN|0-415-43775-X}}, p. 62.</ref> After 1945, liberal democracies spread very quickly but then retreated. In ''The Spirit of Democracy'', Larry Diamond argues that by 1974 "dictatorship, not democracy, was the way of the world" and that "barely a quarter of independent states chose their governments through competitive, free, and fair elections". Diamond says that democracy bounced back, and by 1995 the world was "predominantly democratic".<ref>{{cite book|author=Larry Diamond|title=The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vx3JTGSB5JcC&pg=PA7|year=2008|publisher=Henry Holt|page=7|isbn=978-0-8050-7869-5}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Freedom in the World 2016|publisher=Freedom House|url=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016|date=2016-01-27}}</ref> However, liberalism still faces challenges, especially with the phenomenal growth of China as a model combination of authoritarian government and economic liberalism.<ref>Peerenboom, Randall. ''China modernizes''. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. {{ISBN|0-19-920834-4}}, pp. 7–8.</ref> | |||
| Hindenburg appointed the nobleman Franz von Papen as Chancellor, heading a "Cabinet of Barons". Papen was bent on authoritarian rule and, since in the Reichstag only the conservative German National People's Party (DNVP) supported his administration, he immediately called for new elections in July. In these elections, the Nazis achieved their biggest success yet and won 230 seats, becoming the largest party in the Reichstag. | |||
| Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ] of the ].<ref name=":1" /><ref name="Adams 2011"/>{{rp|11}} | |||
| Knowing that it was not possible to form a stable government without Nazi support, Papen tried to persuade Hitler to become Vice-Chancellor and enter a new government with a parliamentary basis. Hitler, however, would settle for nothing less than the chancellorship. He put further pressure on Papen by entertaining parallel negotiations with the Centre Party, Papen's former party, which was bent on bringing down the renegade Papen. In both negotiations, Hitler demanded that he, as leader of the strongest party, must be Chancellor, but Hindenburg consistently refused to appoint the "Bohemian lance corporal" to the chancellorship. | |||
| == Criticism and support == | |||
| After a vote of no-confidence in the Papen government, supported by 84% of the deputies, the new Reichstag was dissolved, and new elections were called in November. This time, the Nazis lost some seats but still remained the largest party in the Reichstag. | |||
| ] in 1831 as Spanish King ] took ] against the liberal forces in his country]] | |||
| ], a ]n writer and the creator of the website Free Saudi Liberals, who was sentenced to ten years in prison and 1,000 lashes for "insulting Islam" in 2014]] | |||
| Liberalism has drawn criticism and support from various ideological groups throughout its history. Despite these complex relationships, some scholars have argued that liberalism actually "rejects ideological thinking" altogether, largely because such thinking could lead to unrealistic expectations for human society.<ref>Wolfe, p. 116.</ref> | |||
| ===Conservatism=== | |||
| After Papen failed to secure a majority, he proposed to dissolve the parliament again along with an indefinite postponement of elections. Hindenburg at first accepted this, but after General Kurt von Schleicher and the military withdrew their support, Hindenburg instead dismissed Papen and appointed Schleicher, who promised he could secure a majority government by negotiations with the Social Democrats, the trade unions, and dissidents from the Nazi Party under Gregor Strasser. In January 1933, however, Schleicher had to admit failure in these efforts and asked Hindenburg for emergency powers along with the same postponement of elections that he had opposed earlier, to which the president reacted by dismissing Schleicher. | |||
| Conservatives have attacked what they perceive as the reckless liberal pursuit of progress and material gains, arguing that such preoccupations undermine traditional social values rooted in community and continuity.<ref>Koerner, p. 14.</ref> However, a few variations of conservatism, like ], expound some of the same ideas and principles championed by classical liberalism, including "small government and thriving capitalism".<ref name="Grigsby, p. 108"/> | |||
| The first major proponent of modern conservative thought, ], offered a blistering critique of the French Revolution by assailing the liberal pretensions to the power of rationality and the natural equality of all humans.<ref name="Grigsby, p. 108">Grigsby, p. 108.</ref> Burke was, however, highly influential on other classical liberal thought, and has been praised by both conservatives and liberals alike.<ref>{{cite book |last=O'Keeffe |first=Dennis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YVO9QuYUGwwC&pg=PA93 |title=Edmund Burke |publisher=Continuum |year=2009 |isbn=978-0826429780 |editor-last=Meadowcroft |editor-first=John |page=93}}</ref> | |||
| Appointment as Chancellor | |||
| In the book '']'' (2018), ] argued that liberalism has led to ], cultural decline, atomization, ], the erosion of freedoms, and the growth of powerful, centralized bureaucracies.<ref name="Linker">Damon Linker, , ''The Week'', January 22, 2018.</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite web |last=Burns |first=Nick |date=2020-04-08 |title=The new intellectuals of the American right |url=https://www.newstatesman.com/world/americas/north-america/2020/04/new-intellectuals-american-right |access-date=2023-08-10 |website=New Statesman |language=en-US}}</ref> The book also argues that liberalism has replaced old values of community, religion and tradition with self-interest.<ref name=":02" /> | |||
| Meanwhile, Papen tried to get his revenge on Schleicher by working toward the General's downfall, through forming an intrigue with the camarilla and Alfred Hugenberg, media mogul and chairman of the DNVP. Also involved were Hjalmar Schacht, Fritz Thyssen and other leading German businessmen. They financially supported the Nazi Party, which had been brought to the brink of bankruptcy by the cost of heavy campaigning. The businessmen also wrote letters to Hindenburg, urging him to appoint Hitler as leader of a government "independent from parliamentary parties" which could turn into a movement that would "enrapture millions of people." | |||
| Russian President ] believes that "liberalism has become obsolete" and claims that the vast majority of people in the world oppose multiculturalism, immigration, and ] for ] people.<ref>{{Cite news|date= 27 June 2019|editor1-last=Tiounine|editor1-first=Margot|editor2-last=Hannen|editor2-first=Tom|work=]|title=Liberalism 'has outlived its purpose' — President Putin speaks exclusively to the Financial Times|url=https://www.ft.com/video/a49cfa25-610e-438c-b11d-5dac19619e08|language=en-GB|access-date=23 August 2019}}</ref> | |||
| Finally, the president reluctantly agreed to appoint Hitler Chancellor of a coalition government formed by the NSDAP and DNVP. However, the Nazis were to be contained by a framework of conservative cabinet ministers, most notably by Papen as Vice-Chancellor and by Hugenberg as Minister of the Economy. The only other Nazi besides Hitler to get a portfolio was Wilhelm Frick, who was given the relatively powerless interior ministry (in Germany at the time, most powers wielded by the interior minister in other countries were held by the interior ministers of the states). As a concession to the Nazis, Göring was named minister without portfolio. While Papen intended to use Hitler as a figurehead, the Nazis gained key positions. For instance, as part of the deal in which Hitler became Chancellor, Göring was named interior minister of Prussia—giving him command of the largest police force in Germany. | |||
| ===Catholicism=== | |||
| On the morning of 30 January 1933, in Hindenburg's office, Adolf Hitler was sworn in as Chancellor during what some observers later described as a brief and simple ceremony. The Nazis' seizure of power subsequently became known as the Machtergreifung. Hitler established the Reichssicherheitsdienst as his personal bodyguards. | |||
| {{See also|Integralism|Christian democracy|Religious democracy}} | |||
| One of the most outspoken early critics of liberalism was the ], which resulted in lengthy power struggles between national governments and the Church.<ref>{{cite book|last=Grew|first=Raymond|chapter=Liberty and the Catholic Church in 19th century Europe|title=Freedom and Religion in the 19th Century|editor-last=Helmstadter|editor-first=Richard|publisher=Stanford University Press|year=1997|isbn=978-0-8047-3087-7|page=|chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/freedomreligioni0000unse/page/201}}</ref> | |||
| A movement associated with modern democracy, ], hopes to spread ] and has gained a large following in some European nations.<ref>Riff, pp. 34–36.</ref> The early roots of Christian democracy developed as a reaction against the ] and ] associated with ''laissez-faire'' liberalism in the 19th century.<ref>Riff, p. 34.</ref> | |||
| Reichstag fire and the March elections | |||
| === Anarchism === | |||
| Having become Chancellor, Hitler foiled all attempts by his opponents to gain a majority in parliament. Because no single party could gain a majority, Hitler persuaded President Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag again. Elections were scheduled for early March, but on 27 February 1933, the Reichstag building was set on fire. Since a Dutch independent communist was found in the building, the fire was blamed on a communist plot. The government reacted with the Reichstag Fire Decree of 28 February which suspended basic rights, including habeas corpus. Under the provisions of this decree, the German Communist Party (KPD) and other groups were suppressed, and communist functionaries and deputies were arrested, put to flight, or murdered. | |||
| Anarchists criticize the liberal ], arguing that it creates a state that is "oppressive, violent, corrupt, and inimical to liberty."<ref>{{Citation |last=Fiala |first=Andrew |title=Anarchism |date=2021 |url=https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2021/entries/anarchism/ |encyclopedia=The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy |editor-last=Zalta |editor-first=Edward N. |access-date=2023-06-17 |edition=Winter 2021 |publisher=Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University}}</ref> | |||
| ===Marxism=== | |||
| Campaigning continued, with the Nazis making use of paramilitary violence, anti-communist hysteria, and the government's resources for propaganda. On election day, 6 March, the NSDAP increased its result to 43.9% of the vote, remaining the largest party, but its victory was marred by its failure to secure an absolute majority, necessitating maintaining a coalition with the DNVP. | |||
| ] rejected the foundational aspects of liberal theory, hoping to destroy both the state and the liberal distinction between society and the individual while fusing the two into a collective whole designed to overthrow the developing capitalist order of the 19th century.<ref>Koerner, pp. 9–12.</ref> | |||
| Parade of SA troops past Hitler. Nuremberg, November 1935. | |||
| Parade of SA troops past Hitler. Nuremberg, November 1935. | |||
| ] stated that—in contrast with ]—liberal science defends ].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Selsam|first1=Howard|last2=Martel|first2=Harry|author-link1=Howard Selsam|title=Reader in Marxist Philosophy|year=1963|publisher=]|isbn=978-0-7178-0167-1|page=|url=https://archive.org/details/readerinmarxistp00sels|url-access=registration|access-date=1 June 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Lenin|first1=Vladimir|author-link1=Vladimir Lenin|title=On Culture and Cultural Revolution|date=2008|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CsoSQ6vD8fUC&pg=PA37|publisher=Wildside Press LLC|isbn=978-1-4344-6352-4|page=34|access-date=1 June 2017}}</ref> However, some proponents of liberalism, such as ], ], and ], were critics of wage slavery.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.ssa.gov/history/paine4.html |title=Social Security Online History Pages |access-date=1 June 2017 |archive-date=15 March 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150315055647/http://www.ssa.gov/history/paine4.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rodriguez |first1=Junius P.|author1-link=Junius P. Rodriguez |title=Slavery in the United States: A Social, Political, and Historical Encyclopedia |volume=1 |year=2007 |publisher=] |page=500 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4X44KbDBl9gC&pg=PA500 |access-date=1 June 2017 |isbn=978-1-85109-544-5}}</ref> | |||
| "Day of Potsdam" and the Enabling Act | |||
| ] believed that liberalization would destroy the political stability of the ] and the ], making it difficult for development to take place, and is inherently capitalistic. He termed it "]".<ref>{{Cite web |title=《邓小平文选第三卷》《在党的十二届六中全会上的讲话》|language=zh |url=http://www.qstheory.cn/books/2019-07/31/c_1119485398_58.htm|access-date=2022-02-27 |archive-date=2022-02-27 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220227203520/http://www.qstheory.cn/books/2019-07/31/c_1119485398_58.htm |quote=大家可以回想一下，粉碎“四人帮"以后，全国人大在一九八○年通过一个议案，取消宪法中的关于“大鸣、大放、大辩论、大字报"这一条。为什么做这件事？因为有一股自由化思潮。搞自由化，就会破坏我们安定团结的政治局面。没有一个安定团结的政治局面，就不可能搞建设。<br />自由化本身就是资产阶级的，没有什么无产阶级的、社会主义的自由化，自由化本身就是对我们现行政策、现行制度的对抗，或者叫反对，或者叫修改。实际情况是，搞自由化就是要把我们引导到资本主义道路上去，所以我们用反对资产阶级自由化这个提法。管什么这里用过、那里用过，无关重要，现实政治要求我们在决议中写这个。我主张用。|trans-quote=}}</ref> Thus, some socialists accuse the economic doctrines of liberalism, such as ], of giving rise to what they view as a system of exploitation that goes against the democratic principles of liberalism, while some liberals oppose the wage slavery that the economic doctrines of capitalism allow.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Beauchamp |first=Zack |date=2019-09-09 |title=The anti-liberal moment |url=https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/9/9/20750160/liberalism-trump-putin-socialism-reactionary |access-date=2021-05-06 |website=] |language=en}}</ref> | |||
| On 21 March, the new Reichstag was constituted with an opening ceremony held at Potsdam's garrison church. This "Day of Potsdam" was staged to demonstrate reconciliation and unity between the revolutionary Nazi movement and "Old Prussia" with its elites and virtues. Hitler appeared in a tail coat and humbly greeted the aged President Hindenburg. | |||
| === Feminism === | |||
| Because of the Nazis' failure to obtain a majority on their own, Hitler's government confronted the newly elected Reichstag with the Enabling Act that would have vested the cabinet with legislative powers for a period of four years. Though such a bill was not unprecedented, this act was different since it allowed for deviations from the constitution. Since the bill required a two-thirds majority in order to pass, the government needed the support of other parties. The position of the Centre Party, the third largest party in the Reichstag, turned out to be decisive: under the leadership of Ludwig Kaas, the party decided to vote for the Enabling Act. It did so in return for the government's oral guarantees regarding the Church's liberty, the concordats signed by German states and the continued existence of the Centre Party. | |||
| Some ] argue that liberalism's emphasis on distinguishing between the private and public spheres in society "allow the flourishing of bigotry and intolerance in the private sphere and to require respect for equality only in the public sphere", making "liberalism vulnerable to the right-wing populist attack. Political liberalism has rejected the feminist call to recognize that the ] and has relied on political institutions and processes as barriers against illiberalism."<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Stopler |first=Gila |date=May 8, 2021 |title=The personal is political: The feminist critique of liberalism and the challenge of right-wing populism |url=https://academic.oup.com/icon/article/19/2/393/6272532 |access-date=2023-07-13 |journal=] |volume=19 |issue=2 |pages=393–402 |doi=10.1093/icon/moab032|doi-access=free }}</ref> | |||
| ===Islam=== | |||
| On 23 March, the Reichstag assembled in a replacement building under extremely turbulent circumstances. Some SA men served as guards within while large groups outside the building shouted slogans and threats toward the arriving deputies. Kaas announced that the Centre Party would support the bill with "concerns put aside," while Social Democrat Otto Wels denounced the act in his speech. At the end of the day, all parties except the Social Democrats voted in favour of the bill. Deputies of the Communist Party were unable to vote, having already been arrested by the Nazis. The Enabling Act was dutifully renewed by the Reichstag every four years, even through World War II. | |||
| ] is supported by some ].<ref name="Kurzman 1998">{{cite book |author-last=Kurzman |author-first=Charles |author-link=Charles Kurzman |year=1998 |chapter=Liberal Islam and Its Islamic Context |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4n8HSe9SfXMC&pg=PA1 |editor-last=Kurzman |editor-first=Charles |title=Liberal Islam: A Sourcebook |location=] and ] |publisher=] |pages=1–26 |isbn=9780195116229 |oclc=37368975}}</ref><ref name="Essays by Muslims">{{cite book |editor-last=Safi |editor-first=Omid |editor-link=Omid Safi |date=2003 |title=Progressive Muslims: on justice, gender and pluralism |location=Oxford |publisher=] |isbn=9781851683161 |oclc=52380025}}</ref> The ] verse in ] supports liberalism by stating "there is no compulsion in religion".<ref name="qref|2|256">{{qref|2|256|b=yl}}</ref> ], which includes criminal punishment of ] up to ], opposes liberalism.<ref name="g263">{{cite journal | last=Kumar H. M. | first=Sanjeev | title=Islam and the Question of Confessional Religious Identity: The Islamic State, Apostasy, and the Making of a Theology of Violence | journal=Contemporary Review of the Middle East | publisher=SAGE Publications | volume=5 | issue=4 | date=10 October 2018 | issn=2347-7989 | doi=10.1177/2347798918806415 | pages=327–348}}</ref> | |||
| === Social democracy === | |||
| Removal of remaining limits | |||
| ] is an ideology that advocates for the reform of capitalism in a progressive manner. It emerged in the 20th century and was influenced by socialism. Social democracy aims to address what it perceives as the inherent flaws of capitalism through government reform, with a focus on reducing inequality.<ref>Lightfoot, p. 17.</ref> Importantly, social democracy does not oppose the state's existence. Several commentators have noted strong similarities between social liberalism and social democracy, with one political scientist{{who|date=October 2024}} calling ] "bootleg social democracy" due to the absence of a significant social democratic tradition in the United States.<ref>Susser, p. 110.</ref> | |||
| === Fascism === | |||
| With this combination of legislative and executive power, Hitler's government further suppressed the remaining political opposition. The Communist Party of Germany and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) were banned, while all other political parties were forced to dissolve themselves. Finally, on 14 July, the Nazi Party was declared the only legal party in Germany. Labour unions were merged with employers' federations into an organisation under Nazi control, and the traditional autonomy of German state governments was abolished. | |||
| ] of materialism and a lack of spiritual values.<ref name="massaschussetts1">{{cite book |first1=Marvin |last1=Perry |first2=Myrna |last2=Chase |first3=Margaret |last3=Jacob |first4=James R. |last4=Jacob |title=Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society – From 1600 |volume=2 |edition=9th |location=Boston, Massachusetts |publisher=] |date=2009 |page=760}}</ref> In particular, fascism opposes liberalism for its ], ], ] and ].<ref name="revolution1994">{{cite book |last1=Sternhell |first1=Zeev |first2=Mario |last2=Sznajder |first3=Maia |last3=Ashéri |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hnv0F88nLawC |title=The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221206080448/https://books.google.com/books?id=hnv0F88nLawC&printsec=frontcover |archive-date=6 December 2022 |location=Princeton, New Jersey |publisher=] |date=1994 |page=7|isbn=0691044864 }}</ref> Fascists believe that the liberal emphasis on individual freedom produces national divisiveness,<ref name="massaschussetts1"/> but many fascists agree with liberals in their support of ] and a ].<ref name="revolution1994"/> | |||
| == See also == | |||
| Hitler also used the SA paramilitary to push Hugenberg into resigning, and proceeded to politically isolate Vice-Chancellor Papen. Because the SA's demands for political and military power caused much anxiety among military leaders, Hitler used allegations of a plot by the SA leader Ernst Röhm to purge the SA's leadership during the Night of the Long Knives. Opponents unconnected with the SA were also murdered, notably Gregor Strasser and former Chancellor Kurt von Schleicher. | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| * ] | |||
| == References == | |||
| President Paul von Hindenburg died on 2 August 1934. Rather than holding new presidential elections, Hitler's cabinet passed a law proclaiming the presidency dormant and transferred the role and powers of the head of state to Hitler as Führer und Reichskanzler (leader and chancellor). Thereby Hitler also became supreme commander of the military, whose officers then swore an oath not to the state or the constitution but to Hitler personally. In a mid-August plebiscite, these acts found the approval of 84.6% of the electorate. This action technically violated both the constitution and the Enabling Act. The constitution had been amended in 1932 to make the president of the High Court of Justice, not the chancellor, acting president until new elections could be held. The Enabling Act specifically barred Hitler from taking any action that tampered with the presidency. However, no one dared object. With this action, Hitler effectively removed the last remedy by which he could be dismissed from office—and with it, all checks and balances on his power. | |||
| '''Notes''' | |||
| {{reflist}} | |||
| === Bibliography and further reading === | |||
| In 1938, Hitler forced the resignation of his War Minister (formerly Defense Minister), Werner von Blomberg, after evidence surfaced that Blomberg's new wife had a criminal past. Hitler replaced the Ministry of War with the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (High Command of the Armed Forces, or OKW), headed by General Wilhelm Keitel. More importantly, Hitler announced he was assuming personal command of the armed forces. He took over Blomberg's other old post, that of Commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, for himself. He was already Supreme Commander by virtue of holding the powers of the president. The next day, the newspapers announced, "Strongest concentration of powers in Führer's hands!" Many experts believe that it was at this point that Hitler became absolute dictator of Germany. It can, however, be argued that he became absolute dictator four years earlier with his assumption of the president's powers. | |||
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| * Susser, Bernard. ''Political ideology in the modern world''. Upper Saddle River: Allyn and Bacon, 1995. {{ISBN|0-02-418442-X}}. | |||
| * {{cite journal |last=Trivers |first=Robert L. |author-link=Robert Trivers |year=1971 |title=The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism |url=http://greatergood.berkeley.edu/images/uploads/Trivers-EvolutionReciprocalAltruism.pdf |journal=] |volume=46 |number=1 |pages=35–57 |jstor=2822435 |doi=10.1086/406755 |s2cid=19027999}}. | |||
| * Van den Berghe, Pierre. ''The Liberal dilemma in South Africa''. Oxford: ], 1979. {{ISBN|0-7099-0136-4}}. | |||
| * Van Schie, P. G. C. and Voermann, Gerrit. ''The dividing line between success and failure: a comparison of Liberalism in the Netherlands and Germany in the 19th and 20th Centuries''. Berlin: LIT Verlag Berlin-Hamburg-Münster, 2006. {{ISBN|3-8258-7668-3}}. | |||
| * Venturelli, Shalini. ''Liberalizing the European media: politics, regulation, and the public sphere''. New York: ], 1998. {{ISBN|0-19-823379-5}}. | |||
| * Wallerstein, Immanuel. ''The Modern World-System IV: Centrist Liberalism trimphant 1789–1914''. Berkeley and Los Angeles: ], 2011. | |||
| * Whitfield, Stephen. ''Companion to twentieth-century America''. Hoboken: ], 2004. {{ISBN|0-631-21100-4}}. | |||
| * ]. ''The Future of Liberalism''. New York: ], Inc., 2009. {{ISBN|0-307-38625-2}}. | |||
| * {{cite book |last=Young |first=Shaun |year=2002 |title=Beyond Rawls: An Analysis of the Concept of Political Liberalism |location=Lanham, MD |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-7618-2240-0 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/beyondrawlsanaly0000youn}} | |||
| * Zvesper, John. ''Nature and liberty''. New York: ], 1993. {{ISBN|0-415-08923-9}}. | |||
| :: '''Britain''' | |||
| Third Reich | |||
| * Adams, Ian. ''Ideology and politics in Britain today''. Manchester: ], 1998. {{ISBN|0-7190-5056-1}}. | |||
| * Cook, Richard. ''The Grand Old Man''. Whitefish: Kessinger Publishing, 2004. {{ISBN|1-4191-6449-X}} on Gladstone. | |||
| * Falco, Maria. ''Feminist interpretations of Mary Wollstonecraft''. State College: Penn State Press, 1996. {{ISBN|0-271-01493-8}}. | |||
| * Forster, Greg. ''John Locke's politics of moral consensus''. Cambridge: ], 2005. {{ISBN|0-521-84218-2}}. | |||
| * Locke, John. '']''. 1689. | |||
| * ]. ''Two Treatises of Government''. reprint, New York: Hafner Publishing Company, Inc., 1947. {{ISBN|0-02-848500-9}}. | |||
| * Wempe, Ben. ''T. H. Green's theory of positive freedom: from metaphysics to political theory''. Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2004. {{ISBN|0-907845-58-4}}. | |||
| :: '''France''' | |||
| Main article: Nazi Germany | |||
| * Frey, Linda and Frey, Marsha. ''The French Revolution''. Westport: ], 2004. {{ISBN|0-313-32193-0}}. | |||
| * Hanson, Paul. ''Contesting the French Revolution''. Hoboken: ], 2009. {{ISBN|1-4051-6083-7}}. | |||
| * Leroux, Robert, ''Political Economy and Liberalism in France: The Contributions of Frédéric Bastiat'', London and New York, ], 2011. | |||
| * Leroux, Robert, and David Hart (eds), ''French Liberalism in the 19th century. An Anthology'', London and New York, ], 2012. | |||
| * Lyons, Martyn. ''Napoleon Bonaparte and the Legacy of the French Revolution''. New York: ], Inc., 1994. {{ISBN|0-312-12123-7}}. | |||
| * Shlapentokh, Dmitry. ''The French Revolution and the Russian Anti-Democratic Tradition''. Edison, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997. {{ISBN|1-56000-244-1}}. | |||
| {{refend}} | |||
| == External links == | |||
| Having secured supreme political power, Hitler went on to gain their support by convincing most Germans he was their savior from the economic Depression, communism, the "Judeo-Bolsheviks," and the Versailles treaty, along with other "undesirable" minorities. The Nazis eliminated opposition through a process known as Gleichschaltung ("bringing into line"). | |||
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| Hitler oversaw one of the greatest expansions of industrial production and civil improvement Germany had ever seen, mostly based on debt flotation and expansion of the military. Nazi policies toward women strongly encouraged them to stay at home to bear children and keep house. In a September 1934 speech to the National Socialist Women's Organization, Adolf Hitler argued that for the German woman her "world is her husband, her family, her children, and her home." This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Given this, claims that the German economy achieved near full employment are at least partly artifacts of propaganda from the era. Much of the financing for Hitler's reconstruction and rearmament came from currency manipulation by Hjalmar Schacht, including the clouded credits through the Mefo bills. | |||
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| Hitler also oversaw one of the largest infrastructure-improvement campaigns in German history, with the construction of dozens of dams, autobahns, railroads, and other civil works. Hitler's policies emphasised the importance of family life: men were the "breadwinners", while women's priorities were to lie in bringing up children and in household work. This revitalising of industry and infrastructure came at the expense of the overall standard of living, at least for those not affected by the chronic unemployment of the later Weimar Republic, since wages were slightly reduced in pre-World War II years, despite a 25% increase in the cost of living. Laborers and farmers, the traditional voters of the NSDAP, however, saw an increase in their standard of living. | |||
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| Hitler's government sponsored architecture on an immense scale, with Albert Speer becoming famous as the first architect of the Reich. While important as an architect in implementing Hitler's classicist reinterpretation of German culture, Speer proved much more effective as armaments minister during the last years of World War II. In 1936, Berlin hosted the summer Olympic games, which were opened by Hitler and choreographed to demonstrate Aryan superiority over all other races, achieving mixed results. | |||
| ] | |||
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| Although Hitler made plans for a Breitspurbahn (broad gauge railroad network), they were preempted by World War II. Had the railroad been built, its gauge would have been three metres, even wider than the old Great Western Railway of Britain. | |||
| ] | |||
| Hitler contributed slightly to the design of the car that later became the Volkswagen Beetle and charged Ferdinand Porsche with its design and construction. Production was also deferred because of the war. | |||
| Hitler considered Sparta to be the first National Socialist state, and praised its early eugenics treatment of deformed children. | |||
| An important historical debate about Hitler’s economic policies concerns the “modernization” debate. Historians such as David Schoenbaum and Henry Ashby Turner have argued that social and economic polices under Hitler were modernization carried out in pursuit of anti-modern goals. Other group of historians centered around Rainer Zitelmann have contended that Hitler had a delibrate strategy of pursuing a revolutionary modernization of German society. | |||
| Rearmament and new alliances | |||
| Main articles: Axis Powers and Tripartite Treaty | |||
| Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during Hitler's visit to Venice from 14–16 June 1934. | |||
| Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during Hitler's visit to Venice from 14–16 June 1934. | |||
| In a meeting with his leading generals and admirals on 3 February 1933 Hitler spoke of "conquest of Lebensraum in the East and its ruthless Germanisation" as his ultimate foreign policy objectives. In March 1933, the first major statement of German foreign policy aims appeared with the memo submitted to the German Cabinet by the State Secretary at the Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office), Prince Bernhard von Bülow (not to be confused with his more famous uncle, the former Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow), which advocated Anschluss with Austria, the restoration of the frontiers of 1914, the rejection of the Part V of Versailles, the return of the former German colonies in Africa, and a German zone of influence in Eastern Europe as goals for the future. Hitler found the goals in Bülow's memo to be too modest. In March 1933, to resolve the deadlock between the French demand for sécurité (“security”) and the German demand for gleichberechtigung (“equality of armaments”) at the World Disarmament Conference in Geneva, Switzerland, the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald presented the compromise “MacDonald Plan”. Hitler endorsed the “MacDonald Plan”, correctly guessing that nothing would come of it, and that in the interval he could win some goodwill in London by making his government appear moderate, and the French obstinate. | |||
| In June 1933, Hitler was forced to disavow Alfred Hugenberg of the German National People's Party, who while attending the London World Economic Conference put forth a programme of colonial expansion in both Africa and Eastern Europe, which created a major storm abroad. Speaking to the Burgermeister of Hamburg in 1933, Hitler commented that Germany required several years of peace before she could be sufficiently rearmed enough to risk a war, and until then a policy of caution was called for. In his "peace speeches" of 17 May 1933; 21 May 1935 and 7 March 1936 Hitler stressed his supposed pacific goals and a willingness to work within the international system. In private, Hitler's plans were something less than pacific. At the first meeting of his Cabinet in 1933, Hitler placed military spending ahead of unemployment relief, and indeed was only prepared to spend money on the latter if the former was satisfied first. When the president of the Reichsbank, the former Chancellor, Dr. Hans Luther offered the new government the legal limit of 100 million Reichmarks to finance rearmament, Hitler found the sum too low, and sacked Luther in March 1933 to replace him with Hjalmar Schacht, who during the next five years was to advance 12 billion Reichmarks worth of "Mefo-bills" to pay for rearmament. | |||
| A major initiative in Hitler's foreign policy in his early years was to create an alliance with Britain. In the 1920s, Hitler wrote that a future National Socialist foreign policy goal as being "the destruction of Russia with the help of England". In May 1933, Alfred Rosenberg in his capacity as head of the Nazi Party's Aussenpolitisches Amt (Foreign Political Office) visited London as part of a disastrous effort to win an alliance with Britain. In October 1933, Hitler pulled Germany out of both the League of Nations and World Disarmament Conference after his Foreign Minister Baron Konstantin von Neurath made it appear to world public opinion that the French demand for sécurité was the principle stumbling block. | |||
| In line with the views he advocated in Mein Kampf and Zweites Buch about the necessity of building an Anglo-German alliance, Hitler, in a meeting in November 1933 with the British Ambassador, Sir Eric Phipps, offered a scheme in which Britain would support a 300,000-strong German Army in exchange for a German “guarantee” of the British Empire. In response, the British stated a ten-year waiting period would be necessary before Britain would support an increase in the size of the German Army. A more successful initiative in foreign policy occurred with relations with Poland. In spite of intense opposition from the military and the Auswärtiges Amt who preferred closer ties with the Soviet Union, Hitler, in the fall of 1933 opened secret talks with Poland that were to lead to the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact of January 1934. | |||
| In February 1934, Hitler met with the British Lord Privy Seal, Sir Anthony Eden, and hinted strongly that Germany already possessed an Air Force, which had been forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles. Although a secret German armaments programme had been on-going since 1919, in March 1935, Hitler rejected Part V of the Versailles treaty by publicly announcing that the German army would be expanded to 600,000 men (six times the number stipulated in the Treaty of Versailles), introducing an Air Force (Luftwaffe) and increasing the size of the Navy (Kriegsmarine). Britain, France, Italy and the League of Nations quickly condemned these actions. However, after re-assurances from Hitler that Germany was only interested in peace, no country took any action to stop this development and German re-armament continued. Later in March 1935, Hitler held a series of meetings in Berlin with the British Foreign Secretary Sir John Simon and Eden, during which he successfully evaded British offers for German participation in a regional security pact meant to serve as an Eastern European equivalent of the Locarno pact while the two British ministers avoided taking up Hitler's offers of alliance. During his talks with Simon and Eden, Hitler first used what he regarded as the brilliant colonial negotiating tactic, when Hitler parlayed an offer from Simon to return to the League of Nations by demanding the return of the former German colonies in Africa. | |||
| Starting in April 1935, disenchantment with how the Third Reich had developed in practice as opposed to what been promised had led to many in the Nazi Party, especially the Alte Kämpfer (Old Fighters; i.e those who joined the Party before 1930, and who tended to the most ardent anti-Semitics in the Party), and the SA into lashing out against Germany's Jewish minority as a way of expressing their frustrations against .a group that the authorities would not generally protect The rank and file of the Party were most unhappy that two years into the Third Reich, and despite countless promises by Hitler prior to 1933, no law had been passed banning marriage or sex between those Germans belonging to the “Aryan” and Jewish “races”. A Gestapo report from the spring of 1935 stated that the rank and file of the Nazi Party would "set in motion by us from below" a solution to the "Jewish problem", "that the government would then have to follow". As a result, Nazi Party activists and the SA started a major wave of assaults, vandalism and boycotts against German Jews. | |||
| On 18 June 1935, the Anglo-German Naval Agreement (A.G.N.A.) was signed in London which allowed for increasing the allowed German tonnage up to 35% of that of the British navy. Hitler called the signing of the A.G.N.A. "the happiest day of his life" as he believed the agreement marked the beginning of the Anglo-German alliance he had predicted in Mein Kampf. This agreement was made without consulting either France or Italy, directly undermined the League of Nations and put the Treaty of Versailles on the path towards irrelevance. After the signing of the A.G.N.A., in June 1935 Hitler ordered the next step in the creation of an Anglo-German alliance: taking all the societies demanding the restoration of the former German African colonies and coordinating (Gleichschaltung) them into a new Reich Colonial Association (Reichskolonialbund) which over the next few years waged an extremely aggressive propaganda campaign for colonial restoration. Hitler had no real interest in the former German African colonies. In Mein Kampf, Hitler had excoriated the Imperial German government for pursuing colonial expansion in Africa prior to 1914 on the grounds that the natural area for Lebensraum was Eastern Europe, not Africa. It was Hitler’s intention to use colonial demands as a negotiating tactic that would see a German “renunciation” of colonial claims in exchange for Britain making an alliance with the Reich on German terms.. | |||
| In August 1935, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht advised Hitler that the wave of anti-Semitic violence was interfering with the workings of the economy, and hence rearmament. Following Dr. Schacht’s complaints, plus reports that the German public did not approve of the wave of anti-Semitic violence, and that continuing police toleration of the violence was hurting the regime's popularity with the wider public, Hitler ordered a stop to "individual actions" against German Jews on 8 August 1935. From Hitler's perspective, it was imperative to bring in harsh new anti-Semitic laws as a consolation prize for those Party members who were disappointed with Hitler's halt order of 8 August, especially because Hitler had only reluctantly given the halt order for pragmatic reasons, and his symapthies were with the Party radicals. The annual Nazi Party Rally held at Nuremberg in September 1935 was to feature the first session of the Reichstag held at that city since 1543. Hitler had planned to have the Reichstag pass a law making the Nazi Swastika flag the flag of the German Reich, and a major speech in support of the impending Italian aggression against Ethiopia. However, at the last minute, the German Foreign Minister Baron Konstantin von Neurath persuaded Hitler to cancel his speech as being too provocative to public opinion abroad as it contradicted the message of Hitler’s “peace speeches”, thus leaving Hitler with the sudden need to have something else to address the first meeting of the Reichstag in Nuremberg since 1543, other than the Reich Flag Law. On 13 September 1935, Hitler hurriedly ordered two civil servants, Dr. Bernhard Lösener and Franz Albrecht Medicus of the Interior Ministry to fly to Nuremberg to start drafting anti-Semitic laws for Hitler to present to the Reichstag for 15 September. On the evening of 15 September, Hitler presented two laws before the Reichstag banning sex and marriage between “Aryan” and Jewish Germans, the employment of “Aryan” woman under the age of 45 in Jewish households, and deprived “non-Aryans” of the benefits of German citizenship. The laws of September 1935 are generally known as the Nuremberg Laws. | |||
| In an interview with the French journalist Bertrand de Jouvenel in February 1936, Hitler appeared to disavow Mein Kampf by saying that parts of his book were now out of date, and he was not guided by them (through just what precise parts were out of date was left unclear). In March 1936, Hitler again violated the treaty by reoccupying the demilitarized zone in the Rhineland. When Britain and France did nothing, he grew bolder. In July 1936, the Spanish Civil War began when the military, led by General Francisco Franco, rebelled against the elected Popular Front government. After receiving an appeal for help from General Franco in July 1936, Hitler sent troops to support Franco, and Spain served as a testing ground for Germany's new forces and their methods. At the same time, Hitler continued with his efforts to create an Anglo-German alliance. In July 1936, he offered to Phipps a promise that if Britain were to sign an alliance with the Reich, then Germany would commit to sending twelve divisions to the Far East to protect British colonial possessions there from a Japanese attack. Hitler's offer was refused. | |||
| In August 1936, in response to a growing crisis in the German economy caused by the strains of rearmament, Hitler issued the "Four-Year Plan Memorandum" ordering Hermann Göring to carry out the Four Year Plan to have the German economy ready for war within the next four years. During the 1936 economic crisis, the German government was divided into two fractions with one (the so-called "free market" fraction) centering around the Reichsbank President Hjalmar Schacht and the Price Commissioner Dr. Carl Friedrich Goerdeler calling for decreased military spending and a turn away from autarkic policies, and another fraction around Göring calling for the opposite. Hitler hesitated for the first half of 1936 before siding with the more radical fraction in his "Four Year Plan" memo of August. Historians such as Richard Overy have argued that the importance of the memo, which was written personally by Hitler, can be gauged by the fact that Hitler, who had something of a phobia about writing, hardly ever wrote anything down, which indicates that Hitler had something especially important to say. The "Four-Year Plan Memorandum" predicated an imminent all-out, apocalyptic struggle between "Judo-Bolshevism" and German National Socialism, which necessitated a total effort at rearmament regardless of the economic costs. In the memo, Hitler wrote: | |||
| Since the outbreak of the French Revolution, the world has been moving with ever increasing speed toward a new conflict, the most extreme solution of which is called Bolshevism, whose essence and aim, however, are solely the elimination of those strata of mankind which have hitherto provided the leadership and their replacement by worldwide Jewry. No state will be able to withdraw or even remain at a distance from this historical conflict...It is not the aim of this memorandum to prophesy the time when the untenable situation in Europe will become an open crisis. I only want, in these lines, to set down my conviction that this crisis cannot and will not fail to arrive and that it is Germany's duty to secure her own existence by every means in face of this catastrophe, and to protect herself against it, and that from this compulsion there arises a series of conclusions relating to the most important tasks that our people have ever been set. For a victory of Bolshevism over Germany would not lead to a Versailles treaty, but to the final destruction, indeed the annihilation of the German people...I consider it necessary for the Reichstag to pass the following two laws: 1) A law providing the death penalty for economic sabotage and 2) A law making the whole of Jewry liable for all damage inflicted by individual specimens of this community of criminals upon the German economy, and thus upon the German people. | |||
| Hitler called for Germany to have the world's "first army" in terms of fighting power within the next four years and that "the extent of the military development of our resources cannot be too large, nor its pace too swift" (italics in the original) and the role of the economy was simply to support "Germany's self-assertion and the extension of her Lebensraum". Hitler went on to write that given the magnitude of the coming struggle that the concerns expressed by members of the "free market" faction like Schacht and Goerdeler that the current level of military spending was bankrupting Germany were irrelevant. Hitler wrote that: "However well balanced the general pattern of a nation's life ought to be, there must at particular times be certain disturbances of the balance at the expense of other less vital tasks. If we do not succeed in bringing the German army as rapidly as possible to the rank of premier army in the world...then Germany will be lost!" and "The nation does not live for the economy, for economic leaders, or for economic or financial theories; on the contrary, it is finance and the economy, economic leaders and theories, which all owe unqualified service in this struggle for the self-assertion of our nation". | |||
| In August 1936, the freelance Nazi diplomat Joachim von Ribbentrop was appointed German Ambassador to the Court of St. James. Before Ribbentrop left to take up his post in October 1936, Hitler told him: “Ribbentrop...get Britain to join the Anti-Comintern Pact, that is what I want most of all. I have sent you as the best man I’ve got. Do what you can... But if in future all our efforts are still in vain, fair enough, then I’m ready for war as well. I would regret it very much, but if it has to be, there it is. But I think it would be a short war and the moment it is over, I will then be ready at any time to offer the British an honourable peace acceptable to both sides. However, I would then demand that Britain join the Anti-Comintern Pact or perhaps some other pact. But get on with it, Ribbentrop, you have the trumps in your hand, play them well. I’m ready at any time for an air pact as well. Do your best. I will follow your efforts with interest”. | |||
| Prince Yasuhito Chichibu, who met Hitler during the 1937 Nuremberg Rally | |||
| Prince Yasuhito Chichibu, who met Hitler during the 1937 Nuremberg Rally | |||
| An Axis was declared between Germany and Italy by Count Galeazzo Ciano, foreign minister of Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini on 25 October 1936. On 25 November of the same year, Germany concluded the Anti-Comintern Pact with Japan. At the time of the signing of the Anti-Comintern Pact invitations were sent out for Britain, China, Italy and Poland to adhere; of the invited powers only the Italians were to sign the pact, in November 1937. To strengthen relationship with Japan, Hitler met in 1937 in Nuremberg Prince Chichibu, a brother of emperor Hirohito. However, the meeting with Prince Chichibu had little consequence, as Hitler refused the Japanese request to halt German arms shipments to China or withdraw the German officers serving with the Chinese in the Second Sino-Japanese War. By the later half of 1937, Hitler had abandoned his dream of an Anglo-German alliance, blaming "inadequate" British leadership for turning down his offers of an alliance. In a talk with the League of Nations High Commissioner for the Free City of Danzig, the Swiss diplomat Carl Jacob Burckhardt in September 1937, Hitler protested what he regarded as British interference in the "German sphere" in Europe, though in the same talk, Hitler made clear his view of Britain as an ideal ally, which for pure selfishness was blocking German plans. | |||
| Hitler had suffered severely from stomach pains and eczema in 1936–37, leading to his remark to the Nazi Party's propaganda leadership in October 1937 that because both parents died early in their lives, he would probably follow suit, leaving him with only a few years to obtain the necessary Lebensraum. About the same time, Dr. Goebbels noted in his diary Hitler now wished to see the "Great Germanic Reich" he envisioned in his own lifetime rather than leaving the work of building the "Great Germanic Reich" to his successors. | |||
| On 5 November 1937, at the Reich Chancellory, Adolf Hitler held a secret meeting with the War and Foreign Ministers plus the three service chiefs, recorded in the Hossbach Memorandum and stated his intentions for acquiring "living space" Lebensraum for the German people. He also ordered them to make plans for war in the east no later than 1943 in order to acquire Lebensraum. Hitler stated the conference minutes were to be regarded as his "political testament" in the event of his death. In the memo, Hitler was recorded as saying that such a state of crisis had been reached in the German economy that the only way of stopping a severe decline in living standards in Germany was to embark sometime in the near-future on a policy of aggression by seizing Austria and Czechoslovakia. Moreover, Hitler stated that the arms race meant that time for action had to occur before Britain and France obtained a permanent lead in the arms race. A striking change in the Hossbach Memo was Hitler’s changed view of Britain from the prospective ally of 1928 in the Zweites Buch to the "hate-inspired antagonist" of 1937 in the Hossbach memo. The historian Klaus Hildebrand described the memo as the start of an "ambivalent course" towards Britain while the late historian Andreas Hillgruber argued that Hitler was embarking on expansion "without Britain", preferably "with Britain", but if necessary "against Britain". | |||
| Hitler's intentions outlined in the Hossbach memorandum led to strong protests from the Foreign Minister, Baron Konstantin von Neurath, the War Minister Field Marshal Werner von Blomberg and the Army Commander General Werner von Fritsch that any German aggression in Eastern Europe was bound to trigger a war with France because of the French alliance system in Eastern Europe, the so-called cordon sanitaire and if a Franco-German war broke out, then Britain was almost certain to intervene rather than risk the chance of a French defeat. The aggression against Austria and Czechoslovakia were intended to be the first of a series of localized wars in Eastern Europe that would secure Germany’s position in Europe before the final showdown with Britain and France. Fritsch, Blomberg and Neurath all argue that Hitler was pursuing an extremely high risk strategy of localized wars in Eastern Europe that was most likely to cause a general war before Germany was ready for such a conflict, and advised Hitler to wait until Germany had more time to rearm. Neurath, Blomberg and Fritsch had no moral objections to German aggression, but rather based their opposition on the question of timing—determining the best time for aggression. | |||
| Late in November 1937, Hitler received as his guest the British Lord Privy Seal, Lord Halifax who was visiting Germany ostensibly as part of a hunting trip. Speaking of changes to Germany's frontiers, Halifax told Hitler that: "All other questions fall into the category of possible alterations in the European order which might be destined to come about with the passage of time. Amongst these questions were Danzig, Austria and Czechoslovakia. England was interested to see that any alterations should come through the course of peaceful evolution and that the methods should be avoided which might cause far-reaching disturbances". Significantly, Halifax made clear in his statements to Hitler, though whether Hitler appreciated the significance of this or not is unclear, that any possible territorial changes had to be accomplished peacefully, and that though Britain had no security commitments in Eastern Europe beyond the Covenant of the League of Nations, that Britain would not tolerate territorial changes via war. Hitler seems to have misunderstood Halifax's remarks as confirming his conviction that Britain would just stand aside while he pursued his strategy of limited wars in Eastern Europe. | |||
| Hitler was most unhappy with the criticism of his intentions expressed by Neurath, Blomberg, and Fritsch in the Hossbach Memo, and in early 1938 asserted his control of the military-foreign policy apparatus through the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair, the abolition of the War Ministry and its replacement by the OKW, and by sacking Neurath as Foreign Minister on 4 February 1938. The British economic historian Richard Overy commented that the establishment of the OKW in February 1938 was a clear sign of what Hitler's intentions were since supreme headquarters organizations such as the OKW are normally set up during wartime, not peacetime. The Official German history of World War II has argued that from early 1938 onwards, Hitler was not carrying out a foreign policy that had carried a high risk of war, but was carrying out a foreign policy aiming at war. | |||
| The Holocaust | |||
| Main article: The Holocaust | |||
| One of the foundations of Hitler's social policies was the concept of racial hygiene. It was based on the ideas of Arthur de Gobineau, a French count, eugenics, a pseudo-science that advocated racial purity, and social Darwinism, a mis-use of Charles Darwin's thought. Applied to human beings, "survival of the fittest" was interpreted as requiring racial purity and killing off "life unworthy of life." The first victims were children with physical and developmental disabilities; those killings occurred in a programme dubbed Action T4. After a public outcry, Hitler made a show of ending this program, but the killings in fact continued (see Nazi eugenics). | |||
| Between 1939 and 1945, the SS, assisted by collaborationist governments and recruits from occupied countries, systematically killed somewhere between 11 and 14 million people, including about six million Jews, in concentration camps, ghettos and mass executions, or through less systematic methods elsewhere. In addition to those gassed to death, many also died as a result of starvation and disease while working as slave labourers (sometimes benefiting private German companies). Along with Jews, non-Jewish Poles (over three million), communists or political opponents, members of resistance groups, homosexuals, Roma, the physically handicapped and mentally retarded, Soviet prisoners of war (possibly as many as three million), Jehovah's Witnesses, Adventists and Neopagans, trade unionists, and psychiatric patients were killed. One of the biggest centres of mass-killing was the extermination camp complex of Auschwitz-Birkenau. Hitler never visited the concentration camps and did not speak publicly about the killing in precise terms. | |||
| The Holocaust (the Endlösung der jüdischen Frage or "Final Solution of the Jewish Question") was planned and ordered by leading Nazis, with Heinrich Himmler playing a key role. While no specific order from Hitler authorizing the mass killing has surfaced, there is documentation showing that he approved the Einsatzgruppen, killing squads that followed the German army through Poland and Russia, and that he was kept well informed about their activities. The evidence also suggests that in the fall of 1941 Himmler and Hitler decided upon mass extermination by gassing. During interrogations by Soviet intelligence officers declassified over fifty years later, Hitler's valet Heinz Linge and his military aide Otto Gunsche said Hitler had "pored over the first blueprints of gas chambers." Also his private secretary, Traudl Junge, testified that Hitler knew all about the death camps. | |||
| To make for smoother cooperation in the implementation of this "Final Solution", the Wannsee conference was held near Berlin on 20 January 1942, with fifteen senior officials participating, led by Reinhard Heydrich and Adolf Eichmann. The records of this meeting provide the clearest evidence of planning for the Holocaust. On 22 February, Hitler was recorded saying to his associates, "we shall regain our health only by eliminating the Jews". | |||
| World War II | |||
| Main article: World War II | |||
| Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Munich, 1940 | |||
| Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Munich, 1940 | |||
| Early triumphs | |||
| In February 1938, Hitler finally ended the dilemma that had plagued German Far Eastern policy, namely whether to continue the informal alliance that existed with China or to create a new alliance with Japan. Upon the advice of his newly appointed Foreign Minister, the strongly pro-Japanese Joachim von Ribbentrop, Hitler chose to end the informal alliance with China as the price of gaining an alignment with Japan. In an address to the Reichstag, Hitler announced German recognition of Manchukuo and renounced the German claims to the former colonies in the Pacific held by Japan. Hitler ordered an end to arm shipments to China, and ordered the recall of all the German officers attached to the Chinese Army. | |||
| In March 1938, Hitler pressured Austria into unification with Germany (the Anschluss) and made a triumphant entry into Vienna on 14 March. Next, he intensified a crisis over the German-speaking Sudetenland districts of Czechoslovakia. | |||
| On 3 March 1938, the British Ambassador Sir Neville Henderson met with Hitler and presented on behalf of his government a proposal for an international consortium to rule much of Africa (in which Germany would be assigned a leading role) in exchange for a German promise never to resort to war to change the frontiers. Hitler, who was more interested in Lebensraum in Eastern Europe then in participating in international consortiums, rejected the British offer, using as his excuse that he wanted the former German African colonies returned to the Reich, not an international consortium running Central Africa. Moreover, Hitler argued that it was totally outrageous on Britain’s part to impose conditions on German conduct in Europe as the price for territory in Africa. Hitler ended the conversation by telling Henderson he would rather wait twenty years for the return of the former colonies than accept British conditions for avoiding war. | |||
| On 28 to 29 March 1938, Hitler held a series of secret meetings in Berlin with Konrad Henlein of the Sudeten Heimfront (Home Front), the largest of the ethnic German parties of the Sudetenland. During the Hitler-Henlein meetings, it was agreed that Henlein would provide the pretext for German aggression against Czechoslovakia by making demands on Prague for increased autonomy for Sudeten Germans that Prague could never be reasonably expected to fulfill. In April 1938, Henlein told the foreign minister of Hungary that “whatever the Czech government might offer, he would always raise still higher demands...he wanted to sabotage an understanding by all means because this was the only method to blow up Czechoslovakia quickly”. In private, Hitler considered the Sudeten issue unimportant; his real intentions being to use the Sudeten question as the justification both at home and abroad for a war of aggression to destroy Czechoslovakia, under the grounds of self-determination, and Prague’s refusal to meet Henlein’s demands. Hitler’s plans called for a massive military build-up along the Czechoslovak border, relentless propaganda attacks about the supposed ill treatment of the Sudetenlanders, and finally, “incidents” between Heimfront activists and the Czechoslovak authorities to justify an invasion that would swiftly destroy Czechoslovakia in a few days campaign before other powers could act. Since Hitler wished to have the fall harvest brought in as much as possible, and to complete the so-called “West Wall” to guard the Rhineland, the date for the invasion was chosen for late September or early October 1938. | |||
| In April 1938, Hitler ordered the OKW to start preparing plans for Fall Grün (Case Green), the codename for an invasion of Czechoslovakia. Further increasing the tension in Europe was the May Crisis of 19–22 May 1938. The May Crisis of 1938 was a false alarm caused by rumors that Czechoslovakia would be invaded the weekend of the municipal elections in that country, erroneous reports of major German troop movements along the Czechoslovak border just prior to the elections, the killing of two ethnic Germans by the Czechoslovak police, and Ribbentrop's highly bellicose remarks to Henderson when the latter asked the former if an invasion was indeed scheduled for the weekend, which led to a partial Czechoslovak mobilization and firm warnings from London against a German move against Czechoslovakia before it was realized that no invasion was intended for that weekend. Through no invasion had been planned for May 1938, it was believed in London that such a course of action was indeed being considered in Berlin, leading to two warnings on 21 May and 22 May that the United Kingdom would go to war with Germany if France became involved in a war with Germany. Hitler, for his part, was to use the words of an aide, highly “furious” with the perception that he had been forced to back down by the Czechoslovak mobilization, and warnings from London and Paris, when he had in fact had been planning nothing for that weekend. Though plans had already been drafted in April 1938 for an invasion of Czechoslovakia in the near future, the May Crisis and the perception of a diplomatic defeat further reinforced Hitler in his chosen course. The May Crisis seemed to have had the effect of convincing Hitler that expansion "without Britain" was not possible, and expansion "against Britain" was the only viable course. In the immediate aftermath of the May crisis, Hitler ordered an acceleration of German naval building beyond the limits of the A.G.N.A., and in the "Heye memorandum", drawn at Hitler's orders, envisaged the Royal Navy for the first time as the principle opponent of the Kriegsmarine. | |||
| At the conference of 28 May 1938, Hitler declared that it was his "unalterable" decision to "smash Czechoslovakia" by 1 October of the same year, which was explained as securing the eastern flank "for advancing against the West, England and France. At the same conference, Hitler expressed his belief that Britain would not risk a war until British rearmament was complete, which Hitler felt would be around 1941–42, and Germany should in a series of wars eliminate France and her allies in Europe in the interval in the years 1938–41 while German rearmament was still ahead. Hitler's determination to go through with Fall Grün in 1938 provoked a major crisis in the German command structure. The Chief of the General Staff, General Ludwig Beck protested in a lengthy series of memos that Fall Grün would start a world war that Germany would lose, and urged Hitler to put off the projected war. Hitler called Beck's arguments against war "kindische Kräfteberechnugen" ("childish calculations"). | |||
| Starting in August 1938, information reached London that Germany was beginning to mobilize reservists, together with information leaked by anti-war elements in the German military that the war was scheduled for sometime in September. Finally, as a result of intense French, and especially British diplomatic pressure, President Edvard Beneš unveiled on 5 September 1938, the “Fourth Plan” for constitutional reorganization of his country, which granted most of the demands for Sudeten autonomy made by Henlein in his Karlsbad speech of April 1938, and threatened to deprive the Germans of their pretext for aggression. Henlein’s Heimfront promptly responded to the offer of “Fourth Plan” by having a series of violent crashes with the Czechoslovak police, culminating in major clashes in mid-September that led to the declaration of martial law in certain Sudeten districts. In a response to the threatening situation, in late August 1938, the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had conceived of Plan Z, namely to fly to Germany, meet Hitler, and then work out an agreement that could end the crisis. On 13 September 1938, Chamberlain offered to fly to Germany to discuss a solution to the crisis. Chamberlain had decided to execute Plan Z in response to erroneous information supplied by the German opposition that the invasion was due to start any time after 18 September. Though Hitler was not happy with Chamberlain’s offer, he agreed to see the British Prime Minister because to refuse Chamberlain’s offer would put the lie to his repeated claims that he was a man of peace driven reluctantly to war because of Beneš’s intractability. In a summit at Berchtesgaden, Chamberlain promised to pressure Beneš into agreeing to Hitler's publicly stated demands about allowing the Sudetenland to join Germany, in return for a reluctant promise by Hitler to postpone any military action until Chamberlain had given a chance to fulfill his promise. Hitler had agreed to the postponement out of the expectation that Chamberlain would fail to secure Prague’s consent to transferring the Sudetenland, and was, by all accounts, most disappointed when Franco-British pressure secured just that. The talks between Chamberlain and Hitler in September 1938 were made difficult by their innately differing concepts of what Europe should look like, with Hitler aiming to use the Sudeten issue as a pretext for war and Chamberlain genuinely striving for a peaceful solution. | |||
| When Chamberlain returned to Germany on 22 September to present his peace plan for the transfer of the Sudetenland at a summit with Hitler at Bad Godesberg, the British delegation was most unpleasantly surprised to have Hitler reject his own terms he had presented at Berchtesgaden as now unacceptable. To put an end to Chamberlain’s peace-making efforts once and for all, Hitler demanded the Sudetenland be ceded to Germany no later then 28 September 1938 with no negotiations between Prague and Berlin and no international commission to oversee the transfer; no plebiscites to held in the transferred districts until after the transfer; and for good measure, that Germany would not forsake war as an option until all the claims against Czechoslovakia by Poland and Hungary had been satisfied. The differing views between the two leaders were best symbolized when Chamberlain was presented with Hitler’s new demands and protested at being presented with an ultimatum, leading Hitler in turn to retort that because his document stating his new demands was entitled “Memorandum”, it could not possibly be an ultimatum. On 25 September 1938 Britain rejected the Bad Godesberg ultimatum, and began preparations for war. To further underline the point, Sir Horace Wilson, the British government’s Chief Industrial Advisor, and a close associate of Chamberlain was dispatched to Berlin to inform Hitler that if the Germans attacked Czechoslovakia, then France would honor her commitments as demanded by the Franco-Czechoslovak alliance of 1924, and “then England would feel honor bound, to offer France assistance”. Initially, determined to continue with attack planned for 1 October 1938, sometime between 27 and 28 September, Hitler changed his mind, and asked to take up a suggestion, of and through the intercession of Mussolini, for a conference to be held in Munich with Chamberlain, Mussolini, and the French Premier Édouard Daladier to discuss the Czechoslovak situation. Just what had caused Hitler to change his attitude is not entirely clear, but it is likely that the combination of Franco-British warnings, and especially the mobilization of the British fleet, had finally convinced him of what the most likely result of Fall Grün would be; the minor nature of the alleged casus belli being the timetables for the transfer made Hitler appear too much like the aggressor; the view from his advisors that Germany was not prepared either militarily or economically for a world war; warnings from the states that Hitler saw as his would-be allies in the form of Italy, Japan, Poland and Hungary that they would not fight on behalf of Germany; and very visible signs that the majority of Germans were not enthusiastic about the prospect of war. Moreover, Germany lacked sufficient supplies of oil and other crucial raw materials (the plants that would produce the synthetic oil for the German war effort were not in operation yet), and was highly dependent upon imports from abroad. The Kriegsmarine reported that should war come with Britain, it could not break a British blockade, and since Germany had hardly any oil stocks, Germany would be defeated for no other reason than a shortage of oil. The Economics Ministry told Hitler that Germany had only 2.6 million tons of oil at hand, and should war with Britain and France, would require 7.6 million tons of oil. Starting on 18 September 1938, the British refused to supply metals to Germany, and on 24 September the Admiralty forbade British ships to sail to Germany. The British detained the tanker Invershannon carrying 8,600 tons of oil to Hamburg, which caused immediate economic pain in Germany Given Germany's dependence on imported oil (80% of German oil in the 1930s came from the New World), and the likelihood that a war with Britain would see a blockade cutting Germany off from oil supplies, historians have argued that Hitler's decision to see a peaceful end to call off Fall Grün was due to concerns about the oil problem. | |||
| On 30 September 1938, a one-day conference was held in Munich attended by Hitler, Chamberlain, Daladier and Mussolini that led to the Munich Agreement, which gave to Hitler's ostensible demands by handing over the Sudetenland districts to Germany. Since London and Paris had already agreed to the idea of a transfer of the disputed territory in mid-September, the Munich Conference mostly comprised discussions in one day of talks on technical questions about how the transfer of the Sudetenland would take place, and featured the relatively minor concessions from Hitler that the transfer would take place over a ten day period in October, overseen by an international commission, and Germany would wait until Hungarian and Polish claims were settled. At the end of the conference, Chamberlain had Hitler sign a declaration of Anglo-German friendship, to which Chamberlain attached great importance and Hitler none at all. Though Chamberlain was well-satisfied with the Munich conference, leading to his infamous claim to have secured “peace in our time”, Hitler was privately furious about being “cheated” out of the war he was desperate to have in 1938. As a result of the summit, Hitler was TIME magazine's Man of the Year for 1938. | |||
| British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain hailed this agreement as "peace in our time", but by appeasing Hitler, Britain and France left Czechoslovakia to Hitler's mercy. Though Hitler professed happiness in public over the achievement of his ostensible demands, in private he was determined to have a war the next time around by ensuring that Germany's future demands would not be met. In Hitler’s view, a British-brokered peace, though extremely favorable to the ostensible German demands, was a diplomatic defeat which proved that Britain needed to be ended as a power to allow him to pursue his dreams of eastern expansion. In the aftermath of Munich, Hitler felt since Britain would not ally herself nor stand aside to facilitate Germany’s continental ambitions, it had become a major threat, and accordingly, Britain replaced the Soviet Union in Hitler’s mind as the main enemy of the Reich, with German policies being accordingly reoriented. Hitler expressed his disappointment over the Munich Agreement in a speech on 9 October 1938 in Saarbrücken when he lashed out against the Conservative anti-appeasers Winston Churchill, Alfred Duff Cooper and Anthony Eden, whom Hitler described as a warmongering anti-German fraction, who would attack Germany at the first opportunity, and were likely to come to power at any moment. In the same speech, Hitler claimed “We Germans will no longer endure such governessy interference. Britain should mind her own business and worry about her own troubles”. In November 1938, Hitler ordered a major anti-British propaganda campaign to be launched with the British being loudly abused for their "hypocrisy" in maintaining world-wide empire while seeking to block the Germans from acquiring an empire of their own. A particular highlight in the anti-British propaganda was alleged British humans rights abuses in dealing with the Arab uprising in the Palestine Mandate and in India, and the "hyprocrisy" of British criticism of the Kristallnacht. This marked a huge change from the earlier years of the Third Reich, when the German media had portrayed the British Empire in very favorable terms. In November 1938, the Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was ordered to convert the Anti-Comintern Pact into an open anti-British military alliance, as a prelude for a war against Britain and France. On 27 January 1939, Hitler approved the Z Plan, which called for a Kriegsmarine of 10 battleships, 4 aircraft carriers, 3 battle cruisers, 44 light cruisers, 8 heavy cruisers, 68 destroyers and 249 U-boats by 1944 that was intended to crush the Royal Navy. The importance of the Z Plan can be seen in Hitler's orders that henceforward the Kriegsmarine was to go from third to one in allotment of raw materials and skilled workers. In the spring of 1939, the Luftwaffe was ordered to start building a strategic bombing force that was meant to level British cities. Hitler’s war plans against Britain called for a joint Kriegsmarine-Luftwaffe offensive that was to stage "rapid annihilating blows" against British cities and shipping with the expectation that "The moment England is cut off from her supplies she is forced to capitulate" as Hitler expected that the experience of living in a blockaded, famine-stricken, bombed out island to be too much for the British public. | |||
| In November 1938, in a secret speech to a group of German journalists, Hitler noted that he had been forced to speak of peace as the goal in order to attain the degree of rearmament "which were an essential prerequisite...for the next step". In the same speech, Hitler complained that his peace propaganda of the last five years had been too successful, and it was time for the German people to be subjected to war propaganda. Hitler stated: "It is self-evident that such peace propaganda conducted for a decade has its risky aspect; because it can too easily induce people to come to the conclusion that the present government is identical with the decision and with the intention to keep peace under all circumstances", and instead called for new journalism that "had to present certain foreign policy events in such a fashion that the inner voice of the people itself slowly begins to shout out for the use of force." | |||
| In late 1938 and early 1939, the continuing economic crisis caused by problems of rearmament, especially the shortage of foreign hard currencies needed to pay for raw materials Germany lacked together with reports from Göring that the Four Year Plan was hopelessly behind schedule forced Hitler in January 1939 to reluctantly order major defense cuts with the Wehrmacht having its steel allocations cut by 30%, aluminum 47%, cement 25%, rubber 14% and copper 20%. On 30 January 1939, Hitler made his "Export or die" speech calling for a German economic offensive ("export battle", to use Hitler's term), to increase German foreign exchange holdings and pay for raw materials needed for military materials. The "Export or die" speech of 30 January 1939 is also known as Hitler’s "Prophecy Speech". The name which that speech is known comes from Hitler’s "prophecy" issued towards the end of the speech: | |||
| "One thing I should like to say on this day which may be memorable for others as well for us Germans: In the course of my life I have very often been a prophet, and I usually been ridiculed for it. During the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish race which only received my prophecies with laughter when I said I would one day take over the leadership of the State, and it that of the whole nation, and I that I would then among many other things settle the Jewish problem. Their laughter was uproarious, but I think that for some time now they have been laughing on the other side of the face. Today I will be once more the prophet. If the international Jewish financiers outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the bolsheviszation of the earth, and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!" | |||
| . | |||
| A significant historical debate has swung around the “Prophecy Speech”. Historians who take an intentionist line such as Eberhard Jäckel have argued that at minimum from the time of the “Prophecy Speech” onwards, Hitler was committed to genocide of the Jews as his central goal. Lucy Dawidowicz and Gerald Fleming have argued that the "Prophecy Speech" was simply Hitler's way of saying that once he started a world war, he would use that war as a cover for his already pre-existing plans for genocide. Functionalist historians as Christopher Browning have dismissed this interpretation under the grounds that if Hitler were serious with the intentions expressed in the “Prophecy Speech”, then why the thirty-month “stay of execution” between the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, and the opening of the first Vernichtungslager in late 1941. In addition, Browning has pointed to the existence of the Madagascar Plan of 1940-41 and various other schemes as proof that there was no genocidal master plan. In Browning’s opinion, the "Prophecy Speech" was merely an manifestation of bravado on Hitler’s part, and had little connection with actual unfolding of anti-Semitic policies. | |||
| At least part of the reason why Hitler violated the Munich Agreement by seizing the Czech half of Czechoslovakia in March 1939 was to obtain Czechoslovak assets to help with the economic crisis.. Hitler ordered Germany's army to enter Prague on 15 March 1939, and from Prague Castle proclaimed Bohemia and Moravia a German protectorate. | |||
| As part of the anti-British course, it was deemed necessary by Hitler to have either Poland a satellite state or otherwise neutralized. Hitler believed this necessary on both strategic grounds as way of securing the Reich’s eastern flank and on economic grounds as a way of evading the effects of a British blockade. Initially, the German hope was transform Poland into a satellite state, but by March 1939 when the German demands had been rejected by the Poles three times, which led Hitler to decide upon the destruction of Poland as the main German foreign policy goal of 1939. In the spring 1939, Hitler ordered Fall Weiss (Case White), the plans for a German invasion to be executed on 25 August 1939 In August 1939, Hitler spoke to his generals that his original plan for 1939 had to “...establish a acceptable relationship with Poland in order to fight against the West” but since the Poles would not co-operate in setting up an “acceptable relationship” (i.e. becoming a German satellite), he believed he had no other choice other than wiping Poland off the map. The historian Gerhard Weinberg has argued since Hitler’s audience comprised men who were all for the destruction of Poland (anti-Polish feelings were traditionally very strong in the German Army), but rather less happy about the prospect of war with Britain and France, if that was the price Germany had to pay for the destruction of Poland, it is quite likely that Hitler was speaking the truth on this occasion. In his private discussions with his officials in 1939, Hitler always described Britain as the main enemy that had to be defeated, and in his view, Poland’s obliteration was the necessary prelude to that goal by securing the eastern flank and helpfully adding to Germany’s Lebensraum. | |||
| As a pretext for aggression against Poland, Hitler claimed the Free City of Danzig and the right for “extra-territorial” roads across the Polish Corridor which Germany had unwillingly ceded under the Versailles treaty. For Hitler, Danzig was just a pretext for aggression as the Sudetenland had been intended to be in 1938, and throughout 1939, while highlighting the Danzig issue as a grievance, the Germans always refused to engage in talks about the matter. A notable contradiction existed in Hitler's plans between the long-term anti-British course, whose major instruments such as a vastly expanded Kriegsmarine and Luftwaffe that would take several years to complete, and Hitler's immediate foreign policy in 1939, which was likely to provoke a general war by engaging in such actions as attacking Poland. Hitler's dilemma between his short-term and long-term goals was resolved by Foreign Minister Ribbentrop who told Hitler that neither Britain nor France would honor their commitments to Poland, and any German-Polish war would accordingly be a limited regional war. Ribbentrop based his appraisal partly on an alleged statement made to him by the French Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet in December 1938 that France now recognized Eastern Europe as Germany’s exclusive sphere of influence. In addition, Ribbentrop's status as the former Ambassador to London made him in Hitler's eyes the leading Nazi British expert, and as a result, Ribbentrop's advice that Britain would not honor her commitments to Poland carried much weight with Hitler. In addition, the German Ambassador in London, Herbert von Dirksen tended to sent reports that supported Ribbentrop's analysis such as a dispatch in August 1939 that reported Neville Chamberlain knew “the social structure of Britain, even the conception of the British Empire, would not survive the chaos of even a victorious war”, and so would back down. The extent that Hitler was influenced by Ribbentrop’s advice can be seen in Hitler's orders to the German military on 21 August 1939 for a limited mobilization against Poland alone. Hitler chose late August as his date for Fall Weiss in order to limit disruption to German agricultural production caused by mobilization. The problems caused by the need to begin a campaign in Poland in late August or early September in order to have the campaign finished before the October rains arrived, and the need to have sufficient time to concentrate German troops on the Polish border left Hitler in a self-imposed situation in August 1939 where Soviet co-operation was absolutely crucial if he were to have a war that year. | |||
| Britain was unable to reach an agreement with the Soviet Union for an alliance against Germany, and, on 23 August 1939, Hitler concluded a non-aggression pact (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) with Joseph Stalin, whose secret protocols contained an agreement to partition Poland. A major historical debate about the reasons for Hitler’s foreign policy choices in 1939 concerns whether a structural economic crisis drove Hitler into a “flight into war” as claimed by the Marxist historian Timothy Mason or whether Hitler’s actions were more influenced by non-economic factors as claimed by the economic historian Richard Overy. Historians such as William Carr, Gerhard Weinberg and Ian Kershaw have argued that a non-economic reason for Hitler’s rush to war was due to Hitler’s morbid and obsessive fear of an early death, and hence his feeling that he did not have long to accomplish his work. In the last days of peace, Hitler oscillated between the determination to fight the Western powers if he had to, and various schemes intended to keep Britain out of the war, but in any case, Hitler was not to be deterred from his aim of invading Poland. Only very briefly, when news of the Anglo-Polish alliance being signed on 25 August 1939 in response to the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact (instead of the severing of ties between London and Warsaw predicated by Ribbentrop) together with news from Italy that Mussolini would not honor the Pact of Steel, caused Hitler to postpone the attack on Poland from 25 August to 1 September. Hitler chose to spend the last days of peace either trying to maneuver the British into neutrality through his offer of 25 August 1939 to “guarantee” the British Empire, or having Ribbentrop present a last-minute peace plan to Henderson with an impossibly short time limit for its acceptance as part of an effort to blame the war on the British and Poles. On 1 September 1939, Germany invaded western Poland. Britain and France declared war on Germany on 3 September but did not immediately act. Not long after this, on 17 September, Soviet forces invaded eastern Poland. | |||
| Adolf Hitler in Paris, 1940, with Albert Speer (left) and Arno Breker (right) | |||
| Adolf Hitler in Paris, 1940, with Albert Speer (left) and Arno Breker (right) | |||
| “ Poland never will rise again in the form of the Versailles treaty. That is guaranteed not only by Germany, but also... Russia. ” | |||
| —Adolf Hitler in a public speech in Danzig at the end of September 1939. | |||
| After the fall of Poland came a period journalists called the "Phoney War". In part of north-western Poland annexed to Germany, Hitler instructed the two Gauleiters in charge of the area, namely Albert Forster and Arthur Greiser to “Germanize” the area, and promised them "There would be no questions asked" about how this "Germanization" was to be accomplished. Hitler’s orders were interpreted in very different ways by Forster and Greiser. Forster followed a policy of simply having the local Poles sign forms stating they had German blood with no documention required, whereas Greiser carried out a brutual ethnic cleansing campaign of expelling the entire Polish population into the Government-General of Poland. When Greiser, seconded by Himmler complained to Hitler that Forster was allowing thousands of Poles to be accepted as “racial” Germans and thus "contaminating" German “racial purity” , and asked Hitler to order Forster to stop. Hitler merely told Himmler and Greiser to take up their difficulties with Forster, and not to involve him. Hitler’s handling of the Forster-Greiser dispute has often been advanced as an example of Ian Kershaw's theory of “Working Towards the Führer”, namely that Hitler issued vague instructions, and allowed his subordinates to work out policy on their own. | |||
| After the conquest of Poland, another major dispute broke out between different fractions with one centering Reichsfüherer SS Heinrich Himmler and Arthur Greiser championing and carrying out ethnic cleansing schemes for Poland, and another centering around Hermann Göring and Hans Frank calling for turning Poland into the "granary" of the Reich. At a conference held at Göring's Karinhall estate on 12 February, 1940, the dispute was settled in favor of the Göring-Frank view of economic exploitation, and ending mass expulsions as economically disruptive. On 15 May, 1940 Himmler showed Hitler a memo entitled "Some Thoughts on the Treatment of Alien Population in the East", which called for expelling the entire Jewish population of Europe into Africa and reducing the remainer of the Polish population to a “"leaderless laboring class" Hitler called Himmler's memo "good and correct". Hitler’s remark had the effect of scuttling the so-called Karinhall argreement, and led to the Himmler-Greiser viewpoint triumping as German policy for Poland. | |||
| During this period, Hitler built up his forces on Germany's western frontier. In April 1940, German forces invaded Denmark and Norway. In May 1940, Hitler's forces attacked France, conquering the Luxembourg, Netherlands and Belgium in the process. France surrendered on 22 June 1940. These victories persuaded Benito Mussolini of Italy to join the war on Hitler's side on 10 June 1940. | |||
| Britain, whose forces evacuated France by sea from Dunkirk, continued to fight alongside other British dominions in the Battle of the Atlantic. After having his overtures for peace rejected by the British, now led by Winston Churchill, Hitler ordered bombing raids on the United Kingdom. The Battle of Britain was Hitler's prelude to a planned invasion. The attacks began by pounding Royal Air Force airbases and radar stations protecting South-East England. However, the Luftwaffe failed to defeat the Royal Air Force. On 27 September 1940, the Tripartite Treaty was signed in Berlin by Saburo Kurusu of Imperial Japan, Hitler, and Ciano. The purpose of the Tripartite treaty, which was directed against an unnamed power that was clearly meant to be the United States was to deter the Americans from supporting the British. It was later expanded to include Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. They were collectively known as the Axis Powers. By the end of October 1940, air superiority for the invasion Operation Sealion could not be assured, and Hitler ordered the bombing of British cities, including London, Plymouth, and Coventry, mostly at night. | |||
| Path to defeat | |||
| On 22 June 1941, three million German troops attacked the Soviet Union, breaking the non-aggression pact Hitler had concluded with Stalin two years earlier. This invasion, Operation Barbarossa, seized huge amounts of territory, including the Baltic states, Belarus, and Ukraine. It also encircled and destroyed many Soviet forces, which Stalin had ordered not to retreat. However, the Germans were stopped barely short of Moscow in December 1941 by the Russian winter and fierce Soviet resistance. The invasion failed to achieve the quick triumph Hitler wanted. | |||
| Hitler's declaration of war against the United States on 11 December 1941, four days after the Empire of Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii and six days after Nazi Germany's closest approach to Moscow, set him against a coalition that included the world's largest empire (the British Empire), the world's greatest industrial and financial power (the United States), and the world's largest army (the Soviet Union). | |||
| Hitler, Mannerheim and Ryti in Finland in 1942 | |||
| Hitler, Mannerheim and Ryti in Finland in 1942 | |||
| In late 1942, German forces were defeated in the second battle of El Alamein, thwarting Hitler's plans to seize the Suez Canal and the Middle East. In February 1943, the titanic Battle of Stalingrad ended with the destruction of the German 6th Army. Thereafter came the gigantic Battle of Kursk. Hitler's military judgment became increasingly erratic, and Germany's military and economic position deteriorated. Hitler's health was also deteriorating. His left hand trembled. The biographer Ian Kershaw and others believe that he may have suffered from Parkinson's disease. Syphilis has also been suspected as a cause of at least some of his symptoms, although the evidence is slight. | |||
| Following the allied invasion of Sicily (Operation Husky) in 1943, Mussolini was deposed by Pietro Badoglio, who surrendered to the Allies. Throughout 1943 and 1944, the Soviet Union steadily forced Hitler's armies into retreat along the Eastern Front. On 6 June 1944, the Western Allied armies landed in northern France in what was one of the largest amphibious operations in history, Operation Overlord. Realists in the German army knew defeat was inevitable, and some plotted to remove Hitler from power. In July 1944, Claus von Stauffenberg planted a bomb in Hitler's Führer Headquarters, the Wolfsschanze (Wolf's Lair) at Rastenburg, but Hitler narrowly escaped death. He ordered savage reprisals, resulting in the executions of more than 4,900 people, sometimes by starvation in solitary confinement followed by slow strangulation. The main resistance movement was destroyed, although smaller isolated groups continued to operate. | |||
| Defeat and death | |||
| Main article: Death of Adolf Hitler | |||
| By late 1944, the Red Army had driven the Germans back into Central Europe and the Western Allies were advancing into Germany. Hitler realized that Germany had lost the war, but allowed no retreats. He hoped to negotiate a separate peace with America and Britain, a hope buoyed by the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt on 12 April 1945. Hitler's stubbornness and defiance of military realities also allowed the Holocaust to continue. He also ordered the complete destruction of all German industrial infrastructure before it could fall into Allied hands, saying that Germany's failure to win the war forfeited its right to survive. Rather, Hitler decided that the entire nation should go down with him. Execution of this scorched earth plan was entrusted to arms minister Albert Speer, who disobeyed the order. | |||
| In April 1945, Soviet forces attacked the outskirts of Berlin. Hitler's followers urged him to flee to the mountains of Bavaria to make a last stand in the National Redoubt. But Hitler was determined to either live or die in the capital. | |||
| 20 April 1945. Hitler awards the Iron Cross to Hitler Youth outside his bunker. | |||
| 20 April 1945. Hitler awards the Iron Cross to Hitler Youth outside his bunker. | |||
| On 20 April, Hitler celebrated his 56th birthday in the "Führer's shelter" (Führerbunker) below the Reich Chancellery (Reichskanzlei). The garrison commander of the besieged "fortress Breslau" (Festung Breslau), General Hermann Niehoff, had chocolates distributed to his troops in honor of Hitler's birthday. | |||
| By 21 April, Georgi Zhukov's 1st Belorussian Front had broken through the defenses of German General Gotthard Heinrici's Army Group Vistula during the Battle of the Seelow Heights. The Soviets were now advancing towards Hitler's bunker with little to stop them. Ignoring the facts, Hitler saw salvation in the ragtag units commanded by General Felix Steiner. Steiner's command became known as "Army Detachment Steiner" (Armeeabteilung Steiner). But "Army Detachment Steiner" existed primarily on paper. It was something more than a corps but less than an army. Hitler ordered Steiner to attack the northern flank of the huge salient created by the breakthrough of Zhukov's 1st Belorussian Front. Meanwhile, the German Ninth Army, which had been pushed south of the salient, was ordered to attack north in a pincer attack. | |||
| Late on 21 April, Heinrici called Hans Krebs chief of the Supreme Army Command (Oberkommando des Heeres or OKH) and told him that Hitler's plan could not be implemented. Heinrici asked to speak to Hitler but was told by Krebs that Hitler was too busy to take his call. | |||
| On 22 April, during one of his last military conferences, Hitler interrupted the report to ask what had happened to General Steiner's offensive. There was a long silence. Then Hitler was told that the attack had never been launched, and that the withdrawal from Berlin of several units for Steiner's army, on Hitler's orders, had so weakened the front that the Russians had broken through into Berlin. Hitler asked everyone except Wilhelm Keitel, Hans Krebs, Alfred Jodl, Wilhelm Burgdorf, and Martin Bormann to leave the room, and launched a tirade against the perceived treachery and incompetence of his commanders. This culminated in an oath to stay in Berlin, head up the defense of the city, and shoot himself at the end. | |||
| Before the day ended, Hitler again found salvation in a new plan that included General Walther Wenck's Twelfth Army. This new plan had Wenck turn his army—currently facing the Americans to the west—and attack towards the east to relieve Berlin. Twelfth Army was to link up with Ninth Army and break through to the city. Wenck did attack and, in the confusion, managed to make temporary contact with the Potsdam garrison. But the link with the Ninth Army, like the plan in general, was ultimately unsuccessful. | |||
| On 23 April, Joseph Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of Berlin: | |||
| I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your Gauleiter is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will now use every means to galvanize the defense of the capital. The Battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle... | |||
| Also on 23 April, second in command of the Third Reich and commander of the Luftwaffe Hermann Göring sent a telegram from Berchtesgaden in Bavaria. Göring argued that, since Hitler was cut off in Berlin, he should assume leadership of Germany as Hitler's designated successor. Göring mentioned a time limit after which he would consider Hitler incapacitated. Hitler responded, in anger, by having Göring arrested, and when he wrote his will on 29 April, Göring was removed from all his positions in the government. | |||
| By the end of the day on 27 April Berlin was completely cut off from the rest of Germany. | |||
| On 28 April, Hitler discovered that SS leader Heinrich Himmler was trying to discuss surrender terms with the Allies (through the Swedish diplomat Count Folke Bernadotte). Hitler ordered Himmler's arrest and had Himmler's representative in Berlin Hermann Fegelein shot. | |||
| During the night of 28 April, General Wenck reported that his Twelfth Army had been forced back along the entire front. Wenck noted that no further attacks towards Berlin were possible. General Alfred Jodl (Supreme Army Command) did not provide this information to Hans Krebs in Berlin until early in the morning of 30 April. | |||
| Cover of US military newspaper The Stars and Stripes, May 1945 | |||
| Cover of US military newspaper The Stars and Stripes, May 1945 | |||
| On 29 April, Hans Krebs, Wilhelm Burgdorf, Joseph Goebbels, and Martin Bormann witnessed and signed the last will and testament of Adolf Hitler. Hitler dictated the document to his private secretary, Traudl Junge. Hitler was also that day informed of the violent death of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini on 28 April, which is presumed to have increased his determination to avoid capture. | |||
| On 30 April 1945, after intense street-to-street combat, when Soviet troops were within a block or two of the Reich Chancellory, Hitler committed suicide, shooting himself while simultaneously biting into a cyanide capsule. Hitler's body and that of Eva Braun (his mistress whom he had married the day before) were put in a bomb crater, doused in gasoline by Otto Günsche and other Führerbunker aides, and set alight as the Red Army advanced and shelling continued. | |||
| On 2 May, Berlin surrendered. In the postwar years there were conflicting reports about what happened to Hitler's remains. After the fall of the Soviet Union, however, it was revealed from records in the Soviet archives that the bodies of Hitler, Eva Braun, Joseph and Magda Goebbels, the six Goebbels children, General Hans Krebs and Hitler's dogs, were secretly buried in graves near Rathenow in Brandenburg. In 1970, the remains were disinterred, cremated and scattered in the Elbe River by the Soviets.According to the Russian Federal Security Service, a fragment of human skull stored in its archives and displayed to the public in a 2000 exhibition came from the remains of Hitler's body and is all that remains of Hitler. The authenticity of the skull has been challenged by many historians and researchers. | |||
| Legacy | |||
| Further information: Consequences of German Nazism and Neo-Nazism | |||
| Outside the building in Braunau am Inn, Austria where Adolf Hitler was born is a memorial stone warning of the horrors of World War II | |||
| Outside the building in Braunau am Inn, Austria where Adolf Hitler was born is a memorial stone warning of the horrors of World War II | |||
| Hitler, the Nazi Party and the results of Nazism are typically regarded as immoral. Historians, philosophers, and politicians have often used the word evil in both a secular sense of the word and in a religious sense. Historical and cultural portrayals of Hitler in the west are overwhelmingly condemnatory. The display of swastikas or other Nazi symbols is prohibited in Germany and Austria. Holocaust denial is prohibited in both countries. | |||
| Outside of Hitler's birthplace in Braunau am Inn, Austria is a stone marker engraved with the following message: | |||
| Für Frieden Freiheit | |||
| Und Demokratie | |||
| Nie wieder Faschismus | |||
| Millionen Tote mahnen | |||
| Loosely translated, it reads: "For Peace, Freedom and Democracy — Never Again Fascism — Remember the Millions Dead." | |||
| However, some people have referred to Hitler's legacy in neutral or favourable terms. Former Egyptian President Anwar El Sadat spoke of his 'admiration' of Hitler in 1953, when he was a young man, though it is possible he was speaking in the context of a rebellion against the British Empire. Louis Farrakhan has referred to him as a "very great man". Bal Thackeray, leader of the right-wing Hindu Shiv Sena party in the Indian state of the Maharashtra, declared in 1995 that he was an admirer of Hitler. Friedrich Meinecke, the German historian quotes of Hitler, "It is one of the great examples of the singular and incalculable power of personality in historical life". | |||
| Religious beliefs | |||
| Main articles: Adolf Hitler's religious beliefs, Positive Christianity, and Nazi Mysticism | |||
| Hitler was raised by Roman Catholic parents, but after he left home, he never attended Mass or received the sacraments, Hitler often praised Christian heritage, German Christian culture, and professed a belief in Jesus Christ. In his speeches and publications Hitler even spoke of Christianity as a central motivation for his antisemitism, stating that "As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice." His private statements, as reported by his intimates, are more mixed, showing Hitler as a religious man but critical of traditional Christianity. However, in contrast to early Nazi ideologues, Hitler did not adhere to esoteric ideas, occultism, or Ariosophy, and ridiculed such beliefs in Mein Kampf. Rather, Hitler advocated a "Positive Christianity", a belief system purged from what he objected to in traditional Christianity, and which reinvented Jesus as a fighter against the Jews. | |||
| Hitler believed in Arthur de Gobineau's ideas of struggle for survival between the different races, among which the "Aryan race"—guided by "Providence"—was supposed to be the torchbearers of civilization. In Hitler's conception Jews were enemies of all civilization. | |||
| Hitler, despite his native Catholicism, favored aspects of Protestantism if they were more amenable to his own objectives. At the same time, he adopted some elements of the Catholic Church's hierarchical organization, liturgy and phraseology in his politics. | |||
| Hitler expressed admiration for the Muslim military tradition. According to one confidant, Hitler stated in private, "The Mohammedan religion too would have been much more compatible to us than Christianity. Why did it have to be Christianity with its meekness and flabbiness..." | |||
| Health and sexuality | |||
| Health | |||
| Main articles: Adolf Hitler's medical health and Vegetarianism of Adolf Hitler | |||
| Hitler's health has long been the subject of debate. He has variously been said to have suffered from irritable bowel syndrome, skin lesions, irregular heartbeat, Parkinson's disease, syphilis, and a strongly suggested addiction to methamphetamine. One film exists that shows his left hand trembling, which might suggest Parkinson's. Another film, to which words have been added using lip-reading technology, shows him complaining of his arm shaking. Beyond these accounts, however, the evidence is sparse. | |||
| After the early 1930s, Hitler generally followed a vegetarian diet, although he ate meat on occasion. There are reports of him disgusting his guests by giving them graphic accounts of the slaughter of animals in an effort to make them shun meat. A fear of cancer (from which his mother died) is the most widely cited reason, though many authors also assert Hitler had a profound and deep love of animals. Martin Bormann had a greenhouse constructed for him near the Berghof (near Berchtesgaden) to ensure a steady supply of fresh fruit and vegetables for Hitler throughout the war. Photographs of Bormann's children tending the greenhouse survive and, by 2005, its foundations were among the only ruins visible in the area that was associated with Nazi leaders. | |||
| Hitler was a non-smoker and promoted aggressive anti-smoking campaigns throughout Germany. He reportedly promised a gold watch to any of his close associates who quit (and gave a few away). Several witness accounts relate that, immediately after his suicide was confirmed, many officers, aides, and secretaries in the Führerbunker lit cigarettes. | |||
| Sexuality | |||
| Main article: Adolf Hitler's sexuality | |||
| Hitler presented himself publicly as a man without a domestic life, dedicated entirely to his political mission. | |||
| He had a fiancée, Mimi Reiter in the 1920s, and later had a mistress, Eva Braun. He had a close bond with his half-niece Geli Raubal, which some commentators have claimed was sexual, though there is no evidence that proves this. All three women attempted suicide (two succeeded), a fact that has led to speculation that Hitler may have had sexual fetishes, such as urolagnia, as was claimed by Otto Strasser, a political opponent of Hitler. Reiter, the only one to survive the Nazi regime, denied this. During the war and afterwards psychoanalysts offered numerous inconsistent psycho-sexual explanations of his pathology. Some theorists have claimed that Hitler had a relationship with British fascist Unity Mitford. More recently, Lothar Machtan has argued in his book, The Hidden Hitler, that Hitler was homosexual. | |||
| Family | |||
| Main article: Hitler (disambiguation) | |||
| Paula Hitler, the last living member of Adolf Hitler's immediate family, died in 1960. | |||
| The most prominent and longest-living direct descendants of Adolf Hitler's father, Alois, was Adolf's nephew William Patrick Hitler. With his wife Phyllis, he eventually moved to Long Island, New York, and had four sons. None of William Hitler's children have yet had any children of their own. | |||
| Over the years various investigative reporters have attempted to track down other distant relatives of the Führer; many are now alleged to be living inconspicuous lives and have long since changed their last name. | |||
| Adolf Hitler's genealogy | |||
| Adolf Hitler's genealogy | |||
| * Alois Hitler, father | |||
| * Alois Hitler, Jr., half-brother | |||
| * Angela Hitler Raubal, half-sister | |||
| * Bridget Dowling, sister-in-law | |||
| * Eva Braun, mistress and then wife | |||
| * Geli Raubal, niece | |||
| * Heinz Hitler, nephew | |||
| * Hermann Fegelein, brother-in-law through Hitler's marriage to Eva Braun | |||
| * Johann Georg Hiedler, presumed grandfather | |||
| * Johann Nepomuk Hiedler, maternal great-grandfather, presumed great uncle and possibly Hitler's true paternal grandfather | |||
| * Klara Hitler, mother | |||
| * Maria Schicklgruber, grandmother | |||
| * Paula Hitler, sister | |||
| * William Patrick Hitler, nephew | |||
| Hitler in media | |||
| Video of Adolf Hitler at Berchtesgaden | |||
| Play video | |||
| Video of Adolf Hitler at Berchtesgaden | |||
| See also: Hitler in popular culture | |||
| Oratory and rallies | |||
| Main article: List of Adolf Hitler speeches | |||
| Hitler was a gifted orator who captivated many with his beating of the lectern and growling, emotional speech. He honed his skills by giving speeches to soldiers during 1919 and 1920. He became adept at telling people what they wanted to hear (the stab-in-the-back, the Jewish-Marxist plot to conquer the world, and the betrayal of Germany in the Versailles treaty) and identifying a scapegoat for their plight. Over time Hitler perfected his delivery by rehearsing in front of mirrors and carefully choreographing his display of emotions. He was coached by a self-styled clairvoyant who focused on hand and arm gestures. Munitions minister and architect Albert Speer, who may have known Hitler as well as anyone, said that Hitler was above all else an actor. | |||
| Massive Nazi rallies staged by Speer were designed to spark a process of self-persuasion for the participants. By participating in the rallies, by marching, by shouting heil, and by making the stiff armed salute, the participants strengthened their commitment to the Nazi movement. This process can be appreciated by watching Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will, which presents the 1934 Nuremberg Rally. The camera shoots Hitler from on high and from below, but only twice head-on. These camera angles give Hitler a Christ-like aura. Some of the people in the film are paid actors, but most of the participants are not. Whether the film itself recruited new Nazis out of theater audiences is unknown. The process of self-persuasion may have affected Hitler. He gave the same speech (though it got smoother and smoother with repetition) hundreds of times first to soldiers and then to audiences in beer halls. These performances may have made his hatreds more intense, especially his all-consuming hatred of the Jews. | |||
| Hitler and Baron Mannerheim (June 1942) | |||
| Hitler and Baron Mannerheim (June 1942) | |||
| Recorded in private conversation | |||
| Hitler visited Finnish Field Marshal Mannerheim on 4 June 1942. During the visit an engineer of the Finnish broadcasting company YLE, Thor Damen, recorded Hitler and Mannerheim in conversation, something which had to be done secretly since Hitler never allowed recordings of him off-guard. Today the recording is the only known recording of Hitler not speaking in an official tone. The recording captures 11 and a half minutes of the two leaders in private conversation. Hitler speaks in a slightly excited, but still intellectually detached manner during this talk (the speech has been compared to that of the working class). The majority of the recording is a monologue by Hitler. In the recording, Hitler admits to underestimating the Soviet Union's ability to conduct war (some English transcripts exist). | |||
| Patria picture disc | |||
| Adolf Hitler even released a 7" picture disc with one of his speeches. Known as the 'Patria' (Fatherland) picture disc, the obverse bears an image of Hitler giving a speech and has a recording of both a speech by Hitler and also Party Member Hans Hinkel. The reverse bears a hand holding a swastika flag and the Carl Woitschach recording (1933 - Telefunken A 1431) 'In Dem Kampf um die Heimat — Faschistenmarsch'. | |||
| Documentaries during the Third Reich | |||
| Hitler appeared in and was involved to varying degrees with a series of films by the pioneering filmmaker Leni Riefenstahl via Universum Film AG (UFA): | |||
| * Der Sieg des Glaubens (Victory of Faith, 1933). | |||
| * Triumph des Willens (Triumph of the Will, 1934), co-produced by Hitler. | |||
| * Tag der Freiheit: Unsere Wehrmacht (Day of Freedom: Our Armed Forces, 1935). | |||
| * Olympia (1938). | |||
| Hitler was the central figure of the first three films; they focused on the party rallies of the respective years and are considered propaganda films. Hitler also featured prominently in the Olympia film. Whether the latter is a propaganda film or a true documentary is still a subject of controversy, but it nonetheless perpetuated and spread the propagandistic message of the 1936 Olympic Games depicting Nazi Germany as a prosperous and peaceful country. As a prominent politician, Hitler was also featured in many newsreels. | |||
| Television | |||
| Hitler's attendance at various public functions, including the 1936 Olympic Games and Nuremberg Rallies, appeared on television broadcasts made between 1935 and 1939. These events, along with other programming highlighting activity by public officials, were often repeated in public viewing rooms. Samples from a number of surviving television films from Nazi Germany were included in the 1999 documentary Das Fernsehen unter dem Hakenkreuz (Television Under the Swastika). | |||
| Documentaries post Third Reich | |||
| * The World at War (1974) — a Thames Television series which contains much information about Hitler and Nazi Germany, including an interview with his secretary, Traudl Junge. | |||
| * Adolf Hitler's Last Days — from the BBC series "Secrets of World War II" tells the story about Hitler's last days during World War II. | |||
| * The Nazis: A Warning From History (1997) — 6-part BBC TV series on how the cultured and educated Germans accepted Hitler and the Nazis up to its downfall. Historical consultant is Ian Kershaw. | |||
| * Im toten Winkel - Hitlers Sekretärin (Blind Spot: Hitler's Secretary) (2002) — an exclusive 90 minute interview with Traudl Junge, Hitler's secretary. Made by Austrian Jewish director André Heller shortly before Junge's death from lung cancer, Junge recalls the last days in the Berlin bunker. Clips of the interview were used in Downfall. | |||
| * Undergångens arkitektur (The Architecture of Doom) (1989) — documentary about the National Socialist aesthetic as envisioned by Hitler. | |||
| * Das Fernsehen unter dem Hakenkreuz (Television Under the Swastika) (1999) — documentary by Michael Kloft about the domestic use of television in Nazi Germany for propaganda purposes from 1935 to 1944. | |||
| Dramatizations | |||
| * Hitler: The Last Ten Days (1973) — movie depicting the days leading up to Adolf Hitler's death, starring Sir Alec Guinness. | |||
| * The Bunker (1978) — movie describing the last days in the Führerbunker from 17 January 1945 to 2 March 1945. Made into the TV movie The Bunker (1981), starring Anthony Hopkins. | |||
| * Max (2002) — fictional drama depicting a friendship between Jewish art dealer Max Rothman (John Cusack) and a young Adolf Hitler (Noah Taylor) as a failed painter in Vienna. | |||
| * Hitler: The Rise of Evil (2003) — two-part TV series about the early years of Adolf Hitler and his rise to power (up to 1933), starring Robert Carlyle. | |||
| * Der Untergang (Downfall) (2004) — German movie about the last days of Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich, starring Bruno Ganz. This film is partly based on the autobiography of Traudl Junge, a favorite secretary of Hitler's. In 2002, Junge said she felt great guilt for "...liking the greatest criminal ever to have lived." | |||
| * Hans-Jürgen Syberberg's Hitler — Ein Film aus Deutschland (Hitler: A Film from Germany) (1977) — a seven-hour work in four parts. The director uses documentary clips, photographic backgrounds, puppets, theatrical stages, and other elements. | |||
| * The Empty Mirror (1996) — fictional psychodrama which speculates on the events following Hitler surviving the fall of Nazi Germany. He is portrayed by Norman Rodway. | |||
| See also | |||
| * Ex-Nazis | |||
| * Führer Headquarters | |||
| * Führermuseum | |||
| * List of Adolf Hitler books | |||
| * List of Nazi Party leaders and officials | |||
| Notes | |||
| 1. ^ (7 April 1925). "Hitler ersucht um Entlassung aus der österreichischen Staatsangehörigkeit" (in German). Translation: "Hitler's official application to end his Austrian citizenship". NS-Archiv. Retrieved on 2008-08-19. | |||
| 2. ^ Steigmann-Gall 2003 | |||
| 3. ^ Keegan 1989 | |||
| 4. ^ Wistrich, Robert S.. Who's Who In Nazi Germany?. ISBN 978-0415118880. Retrieved on 2008-09-07. | |||
| 5. ^ Shirer 1961, p. 21 | |||
| 6. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 23 | |||
| 7. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 25 | |||
| 8. ^ Toland 1991, pp. 12–13 | |||
| 9. ^ Cornish 1999 | |||
| 10. ^ "In the House of my Parents". Mondo Politico. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 11. ^ Langer, Walter C. 1972, p. 246 | |||
| 12. ^ Bullock 1962, pp. 30–31 | |||
| 13. ^ a b c d e f Hitler 1998, §2 | |||
| 14. ^ Hamann 1999 | |||
| 15. ^ Hitler 1998, §7 | |||
| 16. ^ Röpke1946, p. 117 | |||
| 17. ^ Waite 1993, p. 251 | |||
| 18. ^ Shirer 1961 | |||
| 19. ^ Bullock 1962, pp. 50–51 | |||
| 20. ^ Shirer 1990, p. 53 | |||
| 21. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 52 | |||
| 22. ^ Lewis 2003 | |||
| 23. ^ Dawidowicz 1986 | |||
| 24. ^ Hitler 1998, §15 | |||
| 25. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 60 | |||
| 26. ^ Kerhsaw 1999 | |||
| 27. ^ "1919 Picture of Hitler". Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 28. ^ Fest 1970 | |||
| 29. ^ Shirer 1961, pp. 104–106 | |||
| 30. ^ Shirer 1961, p. 109 | |||
| 31. ^ Shirer 1961, pp. 111–113 | |||
| 32. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 121 | |||
| 33. ^ Katrina Vanden Heuvel The Nation 1865–1990, p. 66, Thunder's Mouth Press, 1990 ISBN 1-56025-001-1 | |||
| 34. ^ "Hitler dodged taxes, expert finds". BBC (2004-12-17). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 35. ^ Hinrichs, Per (2006-08-25). "Mythos Ladenhüter" (in German). Der Spiegel. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 36. ^ "Hitler Relative Eschews Royalties". Reuters (2004-05-25). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 37. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 218 | |||
| 38. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 216 | |||
| 39. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 216 | |||
| 40. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 218-219 | |||
| 41. ^ Wheeler-Bennett 1967, p. 222 | |||
| 42. ^ Bullock 1962, pp. 393–394 | |||
| 43. ^ "Des Führers Pass, Hitlers Einbürgerung". Der Spiegel. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 44. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 201 | |||
| 45. ^ "Eingabe der Industriellen an Hindenburg vom November 1932". Glasnost. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 46. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 262 | |||
| 47. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 265 | |||
| 48. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 305 | |||
| 49. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 309 | |||
| 50. ^ Fest 1974, p. 476 | |||
| 51. ^ Shirer 1990 | |||
| 52. ^ Wistrich, Robert S. (2002). Who's Who in Nazi Germany. New York: Routledge, 193. | |||
| 53. ^ Hitler, Adolf (1961). Hitler's Secret Book. New York: Grove Press, 18. | |||
| 54. ^ Kershaw 2000a, pp. 166-168 | |||
| 55. ^ Kershaw 2000a, pp. 244-245 | |||
| 56. ^ Weinberg 1970, pp. 26–27 | |||
| 57. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 490–491 | |||
| 58. ^ Leitz, Christian Nazi Foreign Policy, Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 2004 page 50 | |||
| 59. ^ Hildebrand 1973, pp. 31–32 | |||
| 60. ^ a b Carr 1972, p. 29 | |||
| 61. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 492, 555–556, 586–587 | |||
| 62. ^ Carr 1972, p. 23 | |||
| 63. ^ Weinberg 1970, p. 31 | |||
| 64. ^ Overy 1989, p. 39 | |||
| 65. ^ Weinberg 1970, p. 35 | |||
| 66. ^ a b Kershaw 2000a, pp. 145–147 | |||
| 67. ^ a b Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 596–597. | |||
| 68. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 599–600 | |||
| 69. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 601–602. | |||
| 70. ^ Hildebrand 1973, pp. 36–37 | |||
| 71. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 560-561 | |||
| 72. ^ Kershaw 1999, p. 561 | |||
| 73. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 561-562 | |||
| 74. ^ Hildebrand 1973, p. 39 | |||
| 75. ^ Roberts, Martin. The New Barbarism — A Portrait of Europe 1900–1973. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199132259. | |||
| 76. ^ Hildebrand 1973, pp. 40–41 | |||
| 77. ^ Hitler, Adolf Mein Kampf; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971 page 138 | |||
| 78. ^ Hildebrand 1973, p. 42 | |||
| 79. ^ a b c Kershaw 1999, p. 563 | |||
| 80. ^ a b Kershaw 1999, p. 567 | |||
| 81. ^ Kershaw 1999, pp. 567-568 | |||
| 82. ^ Kershaw 1999, p. 568 | |||
| 83. ^ Doerr 1998, p. 158 | |||
| 84. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 630–631. | |||
| 85. ^ Overy, Richard “Misjudging Hitler” pages 93–115 from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 pages 98–99. | |||
| 86. ^ Kershaw 2000b, pp. 18–20 | |||
| 87. ^ Overy, Richard “Misjudging Hitler” pages 93–115 from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 page 98. | |||
| 88. ^ Carr 1972, pp. 56–57 | |||
| 89. ^ Dawidowicz 1976, p. 32 | |||
| 90. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 623–624 | |||
| 91. ^ Overy, Richard “Misjudging Hitler” from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 page 103 | |||
| 92. ^ a b Tooze 2006, p. 220. | |||
| 93. ^ Jeremy Noakes & Geoffrey Pridham (editors) Nazism 1919–1945 Volume 3 Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination A Documentary Reader, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, Devon, United Kingdom, 1997 page 673. | |||
| 94. ^ a b Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 page 642. | |||
| 95. ^ Kershaw 2000b, p. 37 | |||
| 96. ^ Carr 1972, pp. 76–77 | |||
| 97. ^ Kershaw 2000b, p. 92 | |||
| 98. ^ Aigner, Dietrich “Hitler’s Ultimate Aims” from Aspects of the Third Reich edited by H.W. Koch, London: Macmillan, 1985 page 264 | |||
| 99. ^ a b Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pages 636–637 | |||
| 100. ^ Carr 1972, pp. 73–78 | |||
| 101. ^ Robertson | |||
| 102. ^ Hildebrand 1973, p. 42 | |||
| 103. ^ Hillgruber, Andreas "England's Place In Hitler's Plans for World Dominion" " pages 5–22 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 9, 1974 pages 13–14 | |||
| 104. ^ a b Weinberg 1980, pp. 39–40 | |||
| 105. ^ Roberts 1991, p. 71 | |||
| 106. ^ Doerr 1998, p. 216 | |||
| 107. ^ Overy, Richard Overy, Richard “Misjudging Hitler” pages 93–115 from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 pages 101–103 | |||
| 108. ^ Overy, Richard "Misjudging Hitler" from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 pages 101–102 | |||
| 109. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Volume I, Clarendon Press: Oxford, Oxfordshire, United Kingdom, 1990 page 638. | |||
| 110. ^ Overy 2005, p. 252 | |||
| 111. ^ "How many Jews were murdered in the Holocaust? How do we know? Do we have their names?". Yad Vashem. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 112. ^ "The Holocaust". United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 113. ^ a b Bloch & 1992 178-179 | |||
| 114. ^ Butler 1989, p. 159 | |||
| 115. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 434 | |||
| 116. ^ Overy 2005, p. 425 | |||
| 117. ^ Crozier 1988, p. 236 | |||
| 118. ^ a b Crozier 1988, p. 239 | |||
| 119. ^ Overy 1989, p. 84–85 | |||
| 120. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 334–335 | |||
| 121. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 338–340 | |||
| 122. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 338–339 | |||
| 123. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 418 | |||
| 124. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 366 | |||
| 125. ^ Bloch 1992, pp. 183–185 | |||
| 126. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 368 | |||
| 127. ^ Kee 1988, p. 132 | |||
| 128. ^ Hillgruber, Andreas "England's Place In Hitler's Plans for World Dominion" pages 5–22 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 9, 1974 pages 14–15 | |||
| 129. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, Oxfordshire, United Kingdom, 1990 page 663. | |||
| 130. ^ a b Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 page 654. | |||
| 131. ^ a b Murray 1984, pp. 178–184 | |||
| 132. ^ Murray 1984, p. 183 | |||
| 133. ^ Kee 1988, p. 147 | |||
| 134. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 418–419 | |||
| 135. ^ Kee 1988, pp. 149–150 | |||
| 136. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 419 | |||
| 137. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 425–426 | |||
| 138. ^ Overy 1989, pp. 87–88 | |||
| 139. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 428 | |||
| 140. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 431 | |||
| 141. ^ Middlemas, Keith Diplomacy of Illusion Weidenfeld and Nicolson: London, United Kingdom, 1972 pages 340–341 | |||
| 142. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 432, 447 | |||
| 143. ^ Hildebrand 1973, p. 72 | |||
| 144. ^ Middlemas, Keith Diplomacy of Illusion Weidenfeld and Nicolson: London, United Kingdom, 1972 page 364 | |||
| 145. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 447 | |||
| 146. ^ Dilks, David “`We Must Hope For The Best and Prepare For The Worse’” from The Origins of The Second World War edited by Patrick Finney, London: Arnold 1997 page 44 | |||
| 147. ^ Middlemas, Keith Diplomacy of Illusion page 368 | |||
| 148. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 448 | |||
| 149. ^ Overy, Richard “Germany and the Munich Crisis: A Mutilated Victory?” from The Munich Crisis, London: Frank Cass, 1999 page 208 | |||
| 150. ^ Overy, Richard “Germany and the Munich Crisis: A Mutilated Victory?” from The Munich Crisis, London: Frank Cass, 1999 page 207 | |||
| 151. ^ Overy, Richard “Germany and the Munich Crisis: A Mutilated Victory?” from The Munich Crisis London: Frank Cass 1999 pages 207–209 | |||
| 152. ^ Overy 1989, p. 49 | |||
| 153. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 452–453, 457 | |||
| 154. ^ a b Murray 1984, pp. 256–260 | |||
| 155. ^ Murray 1984, pp. 257–258, 260 | |||
| 156. ^ Murray 1984, p. 257 | |||
| 157. ^ Murray 1984, p. 259 | |||
| 158. ^ a b Bullock, A. Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, 469. | |||
| 159. ^ Kee 1988, pp. 198–200 | |||
| 160. ^ Kee 1988, pp. 201–202 | |||
| 161. ^ Kee 1988, pp. 202–203 | |||
| 162. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 462–463. | |||
| 163. ^ "Man of the Year". Time. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 164. ^ Weinberg 1980, p. 463 | |||
| 165. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 pages 671, 682–683 | |||
| 166. ^ Rothwell, Victor The Origins of the Second World War, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001 pages 90–91. | |||
| 167. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War edited by Wilhelm Deist, Hans-Erich Vokmann & Wolfram Wette, Volume I, Clarendon Press: Oxford, United Kingdom, 1990 pages 671, 682–683 | |||
| 168. ^ Rothwell, Victor The Origins of the Second World War, Manchester University Press: Manchester, United Kingdom, 2001 pages 90–91 | |||
| 169. ^ Hillgruber, Andreas "England's Place In Hitler's Plans for World Dominion" pages 5–22 from Journal of Contemporary History, Volume 9, 1974 page 15 | |||
| 170. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 506–507 | |||
| 171. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 page 672. | |||
| 172. ^ Watt, D.C. How War Came Heinemann: London, 1989 page 38 | |||
| 173. ^ Strobl 2000, pp. 161–162 | |||
| 174. ^ Strobl 2000, pp. 168–170 | |||
| 175. ^ Strobl 2000, pp. 61–62 | |||
| 176. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 pages 682–683. | |||
| 177. ^ Overy 1989, p. 61 | |||
| 178. ^ Maiolo, Joseph The Royal Navy and Nazi Germany Macmillan Press: London, 1998 pages 164–165 | |||
| 179. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 page 91. | |||
| 180. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1990 page 691 | |||
| 181. ^ a b Weinberg, Gerhard ”Propaganda for Peace and Preparation For War’ pages 68–82 from Germany, Hitler and World War II, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, United Kingdom, 1995 page 73 | |||
| 182. ^ a b Murray 1984, p. 268 | |||
| 183. ^ a b Marrus 2000, p. 37 | |||
| 184. ^ Marrus 2000, p. 38 | |||
| 185. ^ a b c Marrus 2000, p. 43 | |||
| 186. ^ Murray 1984, pp. 268–269 | |||
| 187. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Volume I, Clarendon Press: Oxford, United Kingdom, 1990 pages 688–690. | |||
| 188. ^ a b Weinberg 1980, pp. 537–539, 557–560 | |||
| 189. ^ a b Weinberg 1980, p. 558 | |||
| 190. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 579–581 | |||
| 191. ^ Weinberg 1980, pp. 561–562, 583–584 | |||
| 192. ^ Roberston, E.M. “Hitler Planning for War and the Response of the Great Powers” from Aspects of the Third Reich edited by H.W. Koch, London: Macmillan 1985 page 212 | |||
| 193. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War Clarendon Press: Oxford, United Kingdom, 1990 pages 688–690. | |||
| 194. ^ Bloch 1992, p. 228 | |||
| 195. ^ Overy 1989, p. 56 | |||
| 196. ^ a b Bloch 1992, pp. 210, 228 | |||
| 197. ^ Overy 1989, p. 56 | |||
| 198. ^ Overy, Richard “Economy Germany, ‘Domestic Crisis’ and War in 1939” from The Third Reich: The Essential Readings edited by Christian Leitz, Blackwell: Oxford, Oxfordshire, United Kingdom, 1999 page 125 | |||
| 199. ^ a b Robertson 1963, pp. 178–180 | |||
| 200. ^ Mason, Tim & Overy, R.J. “Debate: Germany, `domestic crisis’ and the war in 1939” from The Origins of The Second World War edited by Patrick Finney Edward Arnold: London, United Kingdom, 1997 pages 91–98 | |||
| 201. ^ Kershaw 2000b, pp. 36–37, 92 | |||
| 202. ^ Carr 1972, pp. 76–77 | |||
| 203. ^ Weinberg, Gerhard “Hitler's Private Testament of 2 May 1938” pages 415–419 from The Journal of Modern History, Volume 27, Issue # 4, December 1955 | |||
| 204. ^ Messerschmidt, Manfred “Foreign Policy and Preparation for War” from Germany and the Second World War, Clarendon Press: Oxford, Oxfordshire, United Kingdom, 1990 page 714. | |||
| 205. ^ Bloch 1992, pp. 252–253 | |||
| 206. ^ Weinberg, Gerhard "Hitler and England, 1933–1945: Pretense and Reality” pages 85–94 from Germany, Hitler and World War II Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, United Kingdom, 1995 pages 89–90 | |||
| 207. ^ Bloch 1992, pp. 255–257 | |||
| 208. ^ Hakim 1995 | |||
| 209. ^ (2 October 1939). Seven Years War?, TIME Magazine. Retrieved on 30 August 2008. | |||
| 210. ^ Rees 1997, p. 141 | |||
| 211. ^ Rees 1997, pp. 141-142 | |||
| 212. ^ Rees 1997, pp. 141-145 | |||
| 213. ^ a b c d Rees 1997, pp. 148-149 | |||
| 214. ^ "Parkinson's part in Hitler's downfall". BBC (1999-07-29). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 215. ^ a b c Bullock 1962, p. 717 | |||
| 216. ^ Shirer 1990, §29 | |||
| 217. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 753 | |||
| 218. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 763 | |||
| 219. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 778 | |||
| 220. ^ Bullock 1962, pp. 780–781 | |||
| 221. ^ a b Bullock 1962, pp. 774–775 | |||
| 222. ^ Dollinger 1995, p. 112 | |||
| 223. ^ a b Dollinger 1995, p. 231 | |||
| 224. ^ Bullock 1962, pp. 783–784 | |||
| 225. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 784 | |||
| 226. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 790 | |||
| 227. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 787 | |||
| 228. ^ a b c Bullock 1962, p. 795 | |||
| 229. ^ Butler 1989, pp. 227–228 | |||
| 230. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 791 | |||
| 231. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 792 | |||
| 232. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 793 | |||
| 233. ^ Bullock 1962, p. 798 | |||
| 234. ^ a b Bullock 1962, pp. 799–800 | |||
| 235. ^ "Hitler's final witness". BBC (2002-02-04). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 236. ^ Trevor-Roper, H. (1947). The Last Days of Hitler. University of Chicago Press. | |||
| 237. ^ Kershaw 2000b | |||
| 238. ^ V.K. Vinogradov and others, Hitler's Death: Russia's Last Great Secret from the Files of the KGB, Chaucer Press 2005, 111. This work reproduces a Soviet map showing that the bodies were buried in a field near the village of Neu Friedrichsdorf, approximately one kilometre east of Rathenow. | |||
| 239. ^ Hans Meissner, Magda Goebbels, First Lady of the Third Reich, 260-277 | |||
| 240. ^ "Russia displays 'Hitler skull fragment'". BBC (2000-04-26). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 241. ^ Finklestone, Joseph (1996). Anwar Sadat: Visionary Who Dared. Routledge. ISBN 0714634875. | |||
| 242. ^ Bierbauer, Charles (1995-10-17). "Million Man March: Its Goal More Widely Accepted than Its Leader", CNN. | |||
| 243. ^ "Portrait of a Demagogue". Asiaweek (1995-09-22). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 244. ^ Shirer, p 21 | |||
| 245. ^ Rissmann 2001, pp. 94–96 | |||
| 246. ^ Steigmann-Gall 2003 | |||
| 247. ^ Hitler 1942 | |||
| 248. ^ Hitler 1973 | |||
| 249. ^ a b Bullock 1962, p. 389 | |||
| 250. ^ a b Steigmann-Gall 2003, p. passim | |||
| 251. ^ Overy 2005, p. 282 | |||
| 252. ^ Overy 2005, p. 278 | |||
| 253. ^ Rissmann 2001, p. 96 | |||
| 254. ^ Bullock 2001, p. 388 | |||
| 255. ^ Speer 2003, p. 96ff | |||
| 256. ^ "The last 12 days of Hitler recalled". The Kingdom (2005-04-06). Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 257. ^ Midgley, Neil (2006-11-23). "New technology catches Hitler off guard". The Telegraph. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 258. ^ Wilson, Bee (1998-10-09). "Mein Diat — Adolf Hitler's diet". New Statesman. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 259. ^ Toland 1991, p. 741 | |||
| 260. ^ Rosenbaum 1998, pp. 99–117 | |||
| 261. ^ Rosenbaum 1998, p. 116 | |||
| 262. ^ "The Pink Swastika — Homosexuality in the Nazi Party - 4th edition". Abiding Truth. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 263. ^ "Hitler's Child". New Statesman. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 264. ^ "The Power of Speech". author= Frauenfeld, A. E.. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 265. ^ Goebbels, Joseph. "The Führer as a Speaker". Calvin College. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 266. ^ Moring, Kirsikka (2004-09-21). "Conversation secretly recorded in Finland helped German actor prepare for Hitler role". Helsingin Sanomat. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 267. ^ "Hitlerin salaa tallennettu keskustelu Suomessa" (in Finnish). YLE. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 268. ^ Allen, Greg. "Insight due to an Accident". WarGamer. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 269. ^ "IMDb: Adolf Hitler". IMDB. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| 270. ^ "Hitler — A Film from Germany (Hitler — Ein Film aus Deutschland)". German Films. Retrieved on 2008-05-22. | |||
| References | |||
| * Bloch, Michael (1992), Ribbentrop, New York: Crown Publishing . | |||
| * Bullock, A. (1962), Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, Penguin Books, ISBN 0140135642 . | |||
| * Butler, Ewan (1989), The Life and Death of Hermann Goering, David & Charles, ISBN 071539455X . | |||
| * Carr, William (1972), Arms, Autarky and Aggression, London: Edward Arnold, ISBN 9780713156683 . | |||
| * Cornish, Kimberley (1999), The Jew of Linz: Hitler, Wittgenstein and their secret battle for the mind . | |||
| * Crozier, Andrew (1988), Appeasement and Germany's Last Bid for Colonies, London: Macmillan Press, ISBN 0312015461 . | |||
| * Dawidowicz, Lucy (1976), A Holocaust Reader, New York: Behrman House . | |||
| * Dawidowicz, Lucy (1986), The War Against the Jews, Bantam Books . | |||
| * Doerr, Paul (1998), British Foreign Policy, Manchester: Manchester University Press . | |||
| * Dollinger, Hans (1995-03-28), The Decline and Fall of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, Gramercy, ISBN 0517123991 . | |||
| * Fest, Joachim C. (1970), The Face Of The Third Reich, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson . | |||
| * Fest, Joachim C. (1974), Hitler, New York: Harcourt Trade Publishers . | |||
| * Hakim, Joy (1995), A History of Us: War, Peace and all that Jazz, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-509514-6 . | |||
| * Hamann, Brigitte (1999), Hitler's Vienna. A dictator's apprenticeship, Oxford University Press . | |||
| * Hildebrand, Klaus (1973), The Foreign Policy of the Third Reich, London: Batsford . | |||
| * Hitler, Adolf (1942), The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922–August 1939, London: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-598-75893-3 . | |||
| * Hitler, Adolf (1973), My New Order, Octagon Books, ISBN 0-374-93918-7 . | |||
| * Hitler, Adolf (15 September), Mein Kampf, Mariner Books, ISBN 0395925037 . | |||
| * Kee, Robert (1988), Munich, London: Hamish Hamilton . | |||
| * Keegan, John (1989), The Second World War, Glenfield, New Zealand: Hutchinson . | |||
| * Kershaw, Ian (1999), Hitler: 1889-1936: Hubris, New York: W. W. Norton & Company . | |||
| * Kershaw, Ian (2000a), The Nazi Dictatorship : Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation (4th ed.), London: Arnold . | |||
| * Kershaw, Ian (2000b), Hitler, 1936–1945: Nemesis, New York; London: W. W. Norton & Company . | |||
| * Langer, Walter C. (1972), The Mind of Adolf Hitler, New York: Basic Books . | |||
| * Lewis, David (2003), The Man who invented Hitler, Hodder Headline, ISBN 0-7553-1148-5 . | |||
| * Marrus, Michael (2000), The Holocaust in History, Toronto: Key Porter . | |||
| * Murray, Williamson (1984), The Change in the European Balance of Power, Princeton: Princeton University Press . | |||
| * Overy, Richard (1989), The Road To War, London: Macmillan, ISBN 0-14-028530-X . | |||
| * Overy, Richard (2005), The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, Penguin Books, ISBN 0393020304 . | |||
| * Rees, Laurence (1997), The Nazis : A Warning From History, New York: New Press . | |||
| * Rissmann, Michael (2001), Hitlers Gott. Vorsehungsglaube und Sendungsbewußtsein des deutschen Diktators, Zürich München: Pendo, ISBN 3-85842-421-8 . | |||
| * Roberts, Andrew (1991), The Holy Fox, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson . | |||
| * Robertson, E.M. (1963), Hitler's Pre-War Policy and Military Plans, London: Longmans . | |||
| * Röpke, Wilhelm (1946), The Solution to the German Problem, G. P. Putnam's Sons . | |||
| * Rosenbaum, R. (1998), Explaining Hitler: The Search for the Origins of his Evil, Macmillan Publishers, ISBN 006095339X . | |||
| * Shirer, William L. (1961), The Rise And Fall of Adolf Hitler, Random House, ISBN 0394862708 . | |||
| * Shirer, William L. (1990-11-15), The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-671-72868-7 . | |||
| * Speer, Albert (2003), Inside the Third Reich, Weidenfeld & Nicolson History, ISBN 1-842-127357 . | |||
| * Steigmann-Gall, Richard (2003), The Holy Reich: Nazi Conceptions of Christianity, 1919–1945, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, doi:10.2277/0521823714, ISBN 0521823714 . | |||
| * Strobl, Gerwin (2000), The Germanic Isle, Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press . | |||
| * Toland, John (1991-12-01), Adolf Hitler: The Definitive Biography, Doubleday, ISBN 0385420536 . | |||
| * Tooze, Adam (2006), The Wages of Destruction, New York: Viking Press . | |||
| * Waite, Robert G. L. (1993), The Psychopathic God: Adolf Hitler, Da Capo Press, ISBN 0-306-80514-6 . | |||
| * Weinberg, Gerhard (1970), The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany Diplomatic Revolution in Europe 1933–1936, Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0226885097 . | |||
| * Weinberg, Gerhard (1980), The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany Starting World War II, University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0226885119 . | |||
| * Wheeler-Bennett, John (1967), The Nemesis of Power, London: Macmillan . | |||
| External links | |||
| Find more about Adolf Hitler on Misplaced Pages's sister projects: | |||
| Dictionary definitions | |||
| Textbooks | |||
| Quotations | |||
| Source texts | |||
| Images and media | |||
| News stories | |||
| Learning resources | |||
| Images and videos | |||
| * Adolf Hitler at the Internet Movie Database (The Character portrayed in film and television) | |||
| * Color Footage of Hitler - Watch color footage of Hitler during WWII | |||
| * Photos of Adolf Hitler | |||
| Speeches and publications | |||
| * A speech from 1932 (text and audiofile), German Museum of History Berlin | |||
| * Hitler Speech (10 February 1933) with English Translation | |||
| * Hitler's book Mein Kampf (full English translation) | |||
| * The Testament of Adolf Hitler the Bormann-Hitler documents | |||
| Political offices | |||
| Preceded by | |||
| Anton Drexler Leader of the NSDAP | |||
| 1921–1945 Succeeded by | |||
| None | |||
| Preceded by | |||
| Franz Pfeffer von Salomon Leader of the SA | |||
| 1930–1945 | |||
| Preceded by | |||
| Kurt von Schleicher Chancellor of Germany(1) | |||
| 1933–1945 Succeeded by | |||
| Joseph Goebbels | |||
| Preceded by | |||
| Paul von Hindenburg (as President) Führer of Germany(1) | |||
| 1934–1945 Succeeded by | |||
| Karl Dönitz (as President) | |||
| Military offices | |||
| Preceded by | |||
| Walther von Brauchitsch Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres (Army Commander) | |||
| 1941–1945 Succeeded by | |||
| Ferdinand Schörner | |||
| Notes and references | |||
| 1. The positions of Head of State and Government were combined 1934–1945 in the office of Führer and Chancellor of Germany | |||
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| v • d • e | |||
| Chancellor of Germany | |||
| German Empire | |||
| (1871–1918) | |||
| Otto von Bismarck · Leo von Caprivi · Prince Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst · Bernhard von Bülow · Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg · Georg Michaelis · Georg von Hertling · Prince Maximilian of Baden | |||
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| Revolutionary Period | |||
| (1918–1919) | |||
| Friedrich Ebert | |||
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| (1919–1933) | |||
| Philipp Scheidemann · Gustav Bauer · Hermann Müller · Konstantin Fehrenbach · Joseph Wirth · Wilhelm Cuno · Gustav Stresemann · Wilhelm Marx · Hans Luther · Wilhelm Marx · Hermann Müller · Heinrich Brüning · Franz von Papen · Kurt von Schleicher | |||
| Third Reich | |||
| (1933–1945) | |||
| Adolf Hitler · Joseph Goebbels · Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk | |||
| Federal Republic | |||
| (1949–) | |||
| Konrad Adenauer · Ludwig Erhard · Kurt Georg Kiesinger · Willy Brandt · Helmut Schmidt · Helmut Kohl · Gerhard Schröder · Angela Merkel | |||
| v • d • e | |||
| Coat of arms of Nazi Germany The Hitler Cabinet | |||
| (30 January 1933 – 30 April 1945) | |||
| Adolf Hitler (Chancellor and Führer) | |||
| Franz von Papen (ind) · Konstantin von Neurath · Joachim von Ribbentrop · Wilhelm Frick · Heinrich Himmler · Lutz Graf Schwerin von Krosigk (ind) · Alfred Hugenberg (DNVP) · Kurt Schmitt · Hjalmar Schacht (ind) · Hermann Göring · Walther Funk · Franz Seldte · Franz Gürtner (DNVP) · Franz Schlegelberger · Otto Georg Thierack · Werner von Blomberg (ind) · Wilhelm Keitel (ind) · Freiherr von Eltz-Rübenach (ind) · Julius Dorpmüller · Wilhelm Ohnesorge · Richard Walther Darré · Herbert Backe · Joseph Goebbels · Bernhard Rust · Fritz Todt · Albert Speer · Alfred Rosenberg · Hanns Kerrl · Hermann Muhs · Otto Meißner (ind) · Hans Lammers · Martin Bormann · Karl Hermann Frank · Rudolf Hess · Ernst Röhm | |||
| All personnel were or became NSDAP members except where indicated ("ind" = nominally independent) | |||
| v • d • e | |||
| Final occupants of the Führerbunker by date of departure | |||
| April 22 | |||
| Karl Gebhardt · Julius Schaub · Christa Schroeder · Johanna Wolf | |||
| April 23 | |||
| Theodor Morell · Albert Speer · Joachim von Ribbentrop | |||
| April 24 | |||
| Walter Frentz | |||
| April 28 | |||
| Robert Ritter von Greim · Hanna Reitsch · Walter Wagner | |||
| April 29 | |||
| Heinrich Müller · Bernd von Freytag-Loringhoven · Gerhardt Boldt · Rudolf Weiss | |||
| April 30 | |||
| Nicolaus von Below | |||
| May 1 | |||
| Erich Kempka · Traudl Junge · Gerda Christian · Constanze Manziarly · Else Krüger · Otto Günsche · Johann Rattenhuber · Werner Naumann · Wilhelm Mohnke · Hans-Erich Voss · Ludwig Stumpfegger · Martin Bormann · Artur Axmann · Walther Hewel · Günther Schwägermann · Armin D. Lehmann | |||
| May 2 | |||
| Rochus Misch · Helmuth Weidling · Hans Refior · Theodor von Dufving · Siegfried Knappe | |||
| Date uncertain | |||
| Wilhelm Zander · Heinz Lorenz · Heinz Linge · Hans Baur · Helmut Kunz | |||
| Still present on May 2 | |||
| Erna Flegel · Werner Haase · Johannes Hentschel | |||
| Committed suicide | |||
| Ernst-Robert Grawitz · Adolf Hitler / Eva Hitler (Eva Braun) · Joseph Goebbels / Magda Goebbels · Wilhelm Burgdorf · Hans Krebs · Peter Högl | |||
| Killed | |||
| Hermann Fegelein · Goebbels children · Blondi | |||
| v • d • e | |||
| Time Persons of the Year | |||
| 1927–1950 | |||
| Charles Lindbergh (1927) · Walter Chrysler (1928) · Owen D. Young (1929) · Mahatma Gandhi (1930) · Pierre Laval (1931) · Franklin D. Roosevelt (1932) · Hugh Samuel Johnson (1933) · Franklin D. Roosevelt (1934) · Haile Selassie I (1935) · Wallis Simpson (1936) · Chiang Kai-shek / Soong May-ling (1937) · Adolf Hitler (1938) · Joseph Stalin (1939) · Winston Churchill (1940) · Franklin D. Roosevelt (1941) · Joseph Stalin (1942) · George Marshall (1943) · Dwight D. Eisenhower (1944) · Harry S. Truman (1945) · James F. Byrnes (1946) · George Marshall (1947) · Harry S. Truman (1948) · Winston Churchill (1949) · The American Fighting-Man (1950) | |||
| 1951–1975 | |||
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Latest revision as of 23:05, 8 December 2024
Political ideology based on individual rights and liberty For other uses, see Liberal (disambiguation). Not to be confused with Libertarianism.
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Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on the rights of the individual, liberty, consent of the governed, political equality, the right to private property and equality before the law. Liberals espouse various and often mutually warring views depending on their understanding of these principles but generally support private property, market economies, individual rights (including civil rights and human rights), liberal democracy, secularism, rule of law, economic and political freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of religion. Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ideology of modern history.
Liberalism became a distinct movement in the Age of Enlightenment, gaining popularity among Western philosophers and economists. Liberalism sought to replace the norms of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute monarchy, the divine right of kings and traditional conservatism with representative democracy, rule of law, and equality under the law. Liberals also ended mercantilist policies, royal monopolies, and other trade barriers, instead promoting free trade and marketization. Philosopher John Locke is often credited with founding liberalism as a distinct tradition based on the social contract, arguing that each man has a natural right to life, liberty and property, and governments must not violate these rights. While the British liberal tradition has emphasized expanding democracy, French liberalism has emphasized rejecting authoritarianism and is linked to nation-building.
Leaders in the British Glorious Revolution of 1688, the American Revolution of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789 used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of royal sovereignty. The 19th century saw liberal governments established in Europe and South America, and it was well-established alongside republicanism in the United States. In Victorian Britain, it was used to critique the political establishment, appealing to science and reason on behalf of the people. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, liberalism in the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East influenced periods of reform, such as the Tanzimat and Al-Nahda, and the rise of constitutionalism, nationalism, and secularism. These changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day, leading to Islamic revivalism. Before 1920, the main ideological opponents of liberalism were communism, conservatism, and socialism; liberalism then faced major ideological challenges from fascism and Marxism–Leninism as new opponents. During the 20th century, liberal ideas spread even further, especially in Western Europe, as liberal democracies found themselves as the winners in both world wars and the Cold War.
Liberals sought and established a constitutional order that prized important individual freedoms, such as freedom of speech and freedom of association; an independent judiciary and public trial by jury; and the abolition of aristocratic privileges. Later waves of modern liberal thought and struggle were strongly influenced by the need to expand civil rights. Liberals have advocated gender and racial equality in their drive to promote civil rights, and global civil rights movements in the 20th century achieved several objectives towards both goals. Other goals often accepted by liberals include universal suffrage and universal access to education. In Europe and North America, the establishment of social liberalism (often called simply liberalism in the United States) became a key component in expanding the welfare state. Today, liberal parties continue to wield power and influence throughout the world. The fundamental elements of contemporary society have liberal roots. The early waves of liberalism popularised economic individualism while expanding constitutional government and parliamentary authority.
Definitions
Origins
Liberal, liberty, libertarian, and libertine all trace their etymology to liber, a root from Latin that means "free". One of the first recorded instances of liberal occurred in 1375 when it was used to describe the liberal arts in the context of an education desirable for a free-born man. The word's early connection with the classical education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations. Liberal could refer to "free in bestowing" as early as 1387, "made without stint" in 1433, "freely permitted" in 1530, and "free from restraint"—often as a pejorative remark—in the 16th and the 17th centuries.
In the 16th-century Kingdom of England, liberal could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someone's generosity or indiscretion. In Much Ado About Nothing, William Shakespeare wrote of "a liberal villaine" who "hath ... confest his vile encounters". With the rise of the Enlightenment, the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, defined as "free from narrow prejudice" in 1781 and "free from bigotry" in 1823. In 1815, the first use of liberalism appeared in English. In Spain, the liberales, the first group to use the liberal label in a political context, fought for decades to implement the Spanish Constitution of 1812. From 1820 to 1823, during the Trienio Liberal, King Ferdinand VII was compelled by the liberales to swear to uphold the 1812 Constitution. By the middle of the 19th century, liberal was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide.
Yellow is the political colour most commonly associated with liberalism. The United States differs from other countries in that conservatism is associated with red and liberalism with blue.
Modern usage and definitions
In Europe and Latin America, liberalism means a moderate form of classical liberalism and includes both conservative liberalism (centre-right liberalism) and social liberalism (centre-left liberalism).
In North America, liberalism almost exclusively refers to social liberalism. The dominant Canadian party is the Liberal Party, and the Democratic Party is usually considered liberal in the United States. In the United States, conservative liberals are usually called conservatives in a broad sense.
Social liberalism
See also: Social liberalism, Welfare state, and Liberalism in the United StatesOver time, the meaning of liberalism began to diverge in different parts of the world. Since the 1930s, liberalism is usually used without a qualifier in the United States, to refer to social liberalism, a variety of liberalism that endorses a regulated market economy and the expansion of civil and political rights, with the common good considered as compatible with or superior to the freedom of the individual.
According to the Encyclopædia Britannica: "In the United States, liberalism is associated with the welfare-state policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, whereas in Europe it is more commonly associated with a commitment to limited government and laissez-faire economic policies." This variety of liberalism is also known as modern liberalism to distinguish it from classical liberalism, which evolved into modern conservatism. In the United States, the two forms of liberalism comprise the two main poles of American politics, in the forms of modern American liberalism and modern American conservatism.
Some liberals, who call themselves classical liberals, fiscal conservatives, or libertarians, endorse fundamental liberal ideals but diverge from modern liberal thought on the grounds that economic freedom is more important than social equality. Consequently, the ideas of individualism and laissez-faire economics previously associated with classical liberalism are key components of modern American conservatism and movement conservatism, and became the basis for the emerging school of modern American libertarian thought. In this American context, liberal is often used as a pejorative.
This political philosophy is exemplified by enactment of major social legislation and welfare programs. Two major examples in the United States are Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies and later Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society, as well as other accomplishments such as the Works Progress Administration and the Social Security Act in 1935, as well as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Modern liberalism, in the United States and other major Western countries, now includes issues such as same-sex marriage, transgender rights, the abolition of capital punishment, reproductive rights and other women's rights, voting rights for all adult citizens, civil rights, environmental justice, and government protection of the right to an adequate standard of living. National social services, such as equal educational opportunities, access to health care, and transportation infrastructure are intended to meet the responsibility to promote the general welfare of all citizens as established by the United States Constitution.
Classical liberalism
See also: Classical liberalism and Conservative liberalismClassical liberalism is a political tradition and a branch of liberalism that advocates free market and laissez-faire economics and civil liberties under the rule of law, with special emphasis on individual autonomy, limited government, economic freedom, political freedom and freedom of speech. Classical liberalism, contrary to liberal branches like social liberalism, looks more negatively on social policies, taxation and the state involvement in the lives of individuals, and it advocates deregulation.
Until the Great Depression and the rise of social liberalism, classical liberalism was called economic liberalism. Later, the term was applied as a retronym, to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from social liberalism. By modern standards, in the United States, the bare term liberalism often means social liberalism, but in Europe and Australia, the bare term liberalism often means classical liberalism.
Classical liberalism gained full flowering in the early 18th century, building on ideas dating at least as far back as the 16th century, within the Iberian, British, and Central European contexts, and it was foundational to the American Revolution and "American Project" more broadly. Notable liberal individuals whose ideas contributed to classical liberalism include John Locke, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. It drew on classical economics, especially the economic ideas espoused by Adam Smith in Book One of The Wealth of Nations, and on a belief in natural law. In contemporary times, Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, Ludwig von Mises, Thomas Sowell, George Stigler, Larry Arnhart, Ronald Coase and James M. Buchanan are seen as the most prominent advocates of classical liberalism. However, other scholars have made reference to these contemporary thoughts as neoclassical liberalism, distinguishing them from 18th-century classical liberalism.
In the context of American politics, "classical liberalism" may be described as "fiscally conservative" and "socially liberal". Despite this, classical liberals tend to reject the right's higher tolerance for economic protectionism and the left's inclination for collective group rights due to classical liberalism's central principle of individualism. Additionally, in the United States, classical liberalism is considered closely tied to, or synonymous with, American libertarianism.
Philosophy
Liberalism—both as a political current and an intellectual tradition—is mostly a modern phenomenon that started in the 17th century, although some liberal philosophical ideas had precursors in classical antiquity and Imperial China. The Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius praised "the idea of a polity administered with regard to equal rights and equal freedom of speech, and the idea of a kingly government which respects most of all the freedom of the governed". Scholars have also recognised many principles familiar to contemporary liberals in the works of several Sophists and the Funeral Oration by Pericles. Liberal philosophy is the culmination of an extensive intellectual tradition that has examined and popularized some of the modern world's most important and controversial principles. Its immense scholarly output has been characterized as containing "richness and diversity", but that diversity often has meant that liberalism comes in different formulations and presents a challenge to anyone looking for a clear definition.
Major themes
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Although all liberal doctrines possess a common heritage, scholars frequently assume that those doctrines contain "separate and often contradictory streams of thought". The objectives of liberal theorists and philosophers have differed across various times, cultures and continents. The diversity of liberalism can be gleaned from the numerous qualifiers that liberal thinkers and movements have attached to the term "liberalism", including classical, egalitarian, economic, social, the welfare state, ethical, humanist, deontological, perfectionist, democratic, and institutional, to name a few. Despite these variations, liberal thought does exhibit a few definite and fundamental conceptions.
Political philosopher John Gray identified the common strands in liberal thought as individualist, egalitarian, meliorist and universalist. The individualist element avers the ethical primacy of the human being against the pressures of social collectivism; the egalitarian element assigns the same moral worth and status to all individuals; the meliorist element asserts that successive generations can improve their sociopolitical arrangements, and the universalist element affirms the moral unity of the human species and marginalises local cultural differences. The meliorist element has been the subject of much controversy, defended by thinkers such as Immanuel Kant, who believed in human progress, while suffering criticism by thinkers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who instead believed that human attempts to improve themselves through social cooperation would fail.
The liberal philosophical tradition has searched for validation and justification through several intellectual projects. The moral and political suppositions of liberalism have been based on traditions such as natural rights and utilitarian theory, although sometimes liberals even request support from scientific and religious circles. Through all these strands and traditions, scholars have identified the following major common facets of liberal thought:
- believing in equality and individual liberty
- supporting private property and individual rights
- supporting the idea of limited constitutional government
- recognising the importance of related values such as pluralism, toleration, autonomy, bodily integrity, and consent
Classical and modern
See also: Age of EnlightenmentJohn Locke and Thomas Hobbes
See also: John Locke and Thomas HobbesEnlightenment philosophers are given credit for shaping liberal ideas. These ideas were first drawn together and systematized as a distinct ideology by the English philosopher John Locke, generally regarded as the father of modern liberalism. Thomas Hobbes attempted to determine the purpose and the justification of governing authority in post-civil war England. Employing the idea of a state of nature — a hypothetical war-like scenario prior to the state — he constructed the idea of a social contract that individuals enter into to guarantee their security and, in so doing, form the State, concluding that only an absolute sovereign would be fully able to sustain such security. Hobbes had developed the concept of the social contract, according to which individuals in the anarchic and brutal state of nature came together and voluntarily ceded some of their rights to an established state authority, which would create laws to regulate social interactions to mitigate or mediate conflicts and enforce justice. Whereas Hobbes advocated a strong monarchical commonwealth (the Leviathan), Locke developed the then-radical notion that government acquires consent from the governed, which has to be constantly present for the government to remain legitimate. While adopting Hobbes's idea of a state of nature and social contract, Locke nevertheless argued that when the monarch becomes a tyrant, it violates the social contract, which protects life, liberty and property as a natural right. He concluded that the people have a right to overthrow a tyrant. By placing the security of life, liberty and property as the supreme value of law and authority, Locke formulated the basis of liberalism based on social contract theory. To these early enlightenment thinkers, securing the essential amenities of life—liberty and private property—required forming a "sovereign" authority with universal jurisdiction.
His influential Two Treatises (1690), the foundational text of liberal ideology, outlined his major ideas. Once humans moved out of their natural state and formed societies, Locke argued, "that which begins and actually constitutes any political society is nothing but the consent of any number of freemen capable of a majority to unite and incorporate into such a society. And this is that, and that only, which did or could give beginning to any lawful government in the world". The stringent insistence that lawful government did not have a supernatural basis was a sharp break with the dominant theories of governance, which advocated the divine right of kings and echoed the earlier thought of Aristotle. Dr John Zvesper described this new thinking: "In the liberal understanding, there are no citizens within the regime who can claim to rule by natural or supernatural right, without the consent of the governed".
Locke had other intellectual opponents besides Hobbes. In the First Treatise, Locke aimed his arguments first and foremost at one of the doyens of 17th-century English conservative philosophy: Robert Filmer. Filmer's Patriarcha (1680) argued for the divine right of kings by appealing to biblical teaching, claiming that the authority granted to Adam by God gave successors of Adam in the male line of descent a right of dominion over all other humans and creatures in the world. However, Locke disagreed so thoroughly and obsessively with Filmer that the First Treatise is almost a sentence-by-sentence refutation of Patriarcha. Reinforcing his respect for consensus, Locke argued that "conjugal society is made up by a voluntary compact between men and women". Locke maintained that the grant of dominion in Genesis was not to men over women, as Filmer believed, but to humans over animals. Locke was not a feminist by modern standards, but the first major liberal thinker in history accomplished an equally major task on the road to making the world more pluralistic: integrating women into social theory.
Locke also originated the concept of the separation of church and state. Based on the social contract principle, Locke argued that the government lacked authority in the realm of individual conscience, as this was something rational people could not cede to the government for it or others to control. For Locke, this created a natural right to the liberty of conscience, which he argued must remain protected from any government authority. In his Letters Concerning Toleration, he also formulated a general defence for religious toleration. Three arguments are central:
- Earthly judges, the state in particular, and human beings generally, cannot dependably evaluate the truth claims of competing religious standpoints;
- Even if they could, enforcing a single "true religion" would not have the desired effect because belief cannot be compelled by violence;
- Coercing religious uniformity would lead to more social disorder than allowing diversity.
Locke was also influenced by the liberal ideas of Presbyterian politician and poet John Milton, who was a staunch advocate of freedom in all its forms. Milton argued for disestablishment as the only effective way of achieving broad toleration. Rather than force a man's conscience, the government should recognise the persuasive force of the gospel. As assistant to Oliver Cromwell, Milton also drafted a constitution of the independents (Agreement of the People; 1647) that strongly stressed the equality of all humans as a consequence of democratic tendencies. In his Areopagitica, Milton provided one of the first arguments for the importance of freedom of speech—"the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties". His central argument was that the individual could use reason to distinguish right from wrong. To exercise this right, everyone must have unlimited access to the ideas of his fellow men in "a free and open encounter", which will allow good arguments to prevail.
In a natural state of affairs, liberals argued, humans were driven by the instincts of survival and self-preservation, and the only way to escape from such a dangerous existence was to form a common and supreme power capable of arbitrating between competing human desires. This power could be formed in the framework of a civil society that allows individuals to make a voluntary social contract with the sovereign authority, transferring their natural rights to that authority in return for the protection of life, liberty and property. These early liberals often disagreed about the most appropriate form of government, but all believed that liberty was natural and its restriction needed strong justification. Liberals generally believed in limited government, although several liberal philosophers decried government outright, with Thomas Paine writing, "government even in its best state is a necessary evil".
James Madison and Montesquieu
As part of the project to limit the powers of government, liberal theorists such as James Madison and Montesquieu conceived the notion of separation of powers, a system designed to equally distribute governmental authority among the executive, legislative and judicial branches. Governments had to realise, liberals maintained, that legitimate government only exists with the consent of the governed, so poor and improper governance gave the people the authority to overthrow the ruling order through all possible means, even through outright violence and revolution, if needed. Contemporary liberals, heavily influenced by social liberalism, have supported limited constitutional government while advocating for state services and provisions to ensure equal rights. Modern liberals claim that formal or official guarantees of individual rights are irrelevant when individuals lack the material means to benefit from those rights and call for a greater role for government in the administration of economic affairs. Early liberals also laid the groundwork for the separation of church and state. As heirs of the Enlightenment, liberals believed that any given social and political order emanated from human interactions, not from divine will. Many liberals were openly hostile to religious belief but most concentrated their opposition to the union of religious and political authority, arguing that faith could prosper independently without official sponsorship or administration by the state.
Beyond identifying a clear role for government in modern society, liberals have also argued over the meaning and nature of the most important principle in liberal philosophy: liberty. From the 17th century until the 19th century, liberals (from Adam Smith to John Stuart Mill) conceptualised liberty as the absence of interference from government and other individuals, claiming that all people should have the freedom to develop their unique abilities and capacities without being sabotaged by others. Mill's On Liberty (1859), one of the classic texts in liberal philosophy, proclaimed, "the only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way". Support for laissez-faire capitalism is often associated with this principle, with Friedrich Hayek arguing in The Road to Serfdom (1944) that reliance on free markets would preclude totalitarian control by the state.
Coppet Group and Benjamin Constant
The development into maturity of modern classical in contrast to ancient liberalism took place before and soon after the French Revolution. One of the historic centres of this development was at Coppet Castle near Geneva, where the eponymous Coppet group gathered under the aegis of the exiled writer and salonnière, Madame de Staël, in the period between the establishment of Napoleon's First Empire (1804) and the Bourbon Restoration of 1814–1815. The unprecedented concentration of European thinkers who met there was to have a considerable influence on the development of nineteenth-century liberalism and, incidentally, romanticism. They included Wilhelm von Humboldt, Jean de Sismondi, Charles Victor de Bonstetten, Prosper de Barante, Henry Brougham, Lord Byron, Alphonse de Lamartine, Sir James Mackintosh, Juliette Récamier and August Wilhelm Schlegel.
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Among them was also one of the first thinkers to go by the name of "liberal", the Edinburgh University-educated Swiss Protestant, Benjamin Constant, who looked to the United Kingdom rather than to ancient Rome for a practical model of freedom in a large mercantile society. He distinguished between the "Liberty of the Ancients" and the "Liberty of the Moderns". The Liberty of the Ancients was a participatory republican liberty, which gave the citizens the right to influence politics directly through debates and votes in the public assembly. In order to support this degree of participation, citizenship was a burdensome moral obligation requiring a considerable investment of time and energy. Generally, this required a sub-group of slaves to do much of the productive work, leaving citizens free to deliberate on public affairs. Ancient Liberty was also limited to relatively small and homogenous male societies, where they could congregate in one place to transact public affairs.
In contrast, the Liberty of the Moderns was based on the possession of civil liberties, the rule of law, and freedom from excessive state interference. Direct participation would be limited: a necessary consequence of the size of modern states and the inevitable result of creating a mercantile society where there were no slaves, but almost everybody had to earn a living through work. Instead, the voters would elect representatives who would deliberate in Parliament on the people's behalf and would save citizens from daily political involvement. The importance of Constant's writings on the liberty of the ancients and that of the "moderns" has informed the understanding of liberalism, as has his critique of the French Revolution. The British philosopher and historian of ideas, Sir Isaiah Berlin, has pointed to the debt owed to Constant.
British liberalism
Liberalism in Britain was based on core concepts such as classical economics, free trade, laissez-faire government with minimal intervention and taxation and a balanced budget. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights. Writers such as John Bright and Richard Cobden opposed aristocratic privilege and property, which they saw as an impediment to developing a class of yeoman farmers.
Beginning in the late 19th century, a new conception of liberty entered the liberal intellectual arena. This new kind of liberty became known as positive liberty to distinguish it from the prior negative version, and it was first developed by British philosopher T. H. Green. Green rejected the idea that humans were driven solely by self-interest, emphasising instead the complex circumstances involved in the evolution of our moral character. In a very profound step for the future of modern liberalism, he also tasked society and political institutions with the enhancement of individual freedom and identity and the development of moral character, will and reason and the state to create the conditions that allow for the above, allowing genuine choice. Foreshadowing the new liberty as the freedom to act rather than to avoid suffering from the acts of others, Green wrote the following:
If it were ever reasonable to wish that the usage of words had been other than it has been ... one might be inclined to wish that the term 'freedom' had been confined to the ... power to do what one wills.
Rather than previous liberal conceptions viewing society as populated by selfish individuals, Green viewed society as an organic whole in which all individuals have a duty to promote the common good. His ideas spread rapidly and were developed by other thinkers such as Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse and John A. Hobson. In a few years, this New Liberalism had become the essential social and political programme of the Liberal Party in Britain, and it would encircle much of the world in the 20th century. In addition to examining negative and positive liberty, liberals have tried to understand the proper relationship between liberty and democracy. As they struggled to expand suffrage rights, liberals increasingly understood that people left out of the democratic decision-making process were liable to the "tyranny of the majority", a concept explained in Mill's On Liberty and Democracy in America (1835) by Alexis de Tocqueville. As a response, liberals began demanding proper safeguards to thwart majorities in their attempts at suppressing the rights of minorities.
Besides liberty, liberals have developed several other principles important to the construction of their philosophical structure, such as equality, pluralism and tolerance. Highlighting the confusion over the first principle, Voltaire commented, "equality is at once the most natural and at times the most chimeral of things". All forms of liberalism assume in some basic sense that individuals are equal. In maintaining that people are naturally equal, liberals assume they all possess the same right to liberty. In other words, no one is inherently entitled to enjoy the benefits of liberal society more than anyone else, and all people are equal subjects before the law. Beyond this basic conception, liberal theorists diverge in their understanding of equality. American philosopher John Rawls emphasised the need to ensure equality under the law and the equal distribution of material resources that individuals required to develop their aspirations in life. Libertarian thinker Robert Nozick disagreed with Rawls, championing the former version of Lockean equality.
To contribute to the development of liberty, liberals also have promoted concepts like pluralism and tolerance. By pluralism, liberals refer to the proliferation of opinions and beliefs that characterise a stable social order. Unlike many of their competitors and predecessors, liberals do not seek conformity and homogeneity in how people think. Their efforts have been geared towards establishing a governing framework that harmonises and minimises conflicting views but still allows those views to exist and flourish. For liberal philosophy, pluralism leads easily to toleration. Since individuals will hold diverging viewpoints, liberals argue, they ought to uphold and respect the right of one another to disagree. From the liberal perspective, toleration was initially connected to religious toleration, with Baruch Spinoza condemning "the stupidity of religious persecution and ideological wars". Toleration also played a central role in the ideas of Kant and John Stuart Mill. Both thinkers believed that society would contain different conceptions of a good ethical life and that people should be allowed to make their own choices without interference from the state or other individuals.
Liberal economic theory
Main article: Economic liberalism
Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, followed by the French liberal economist Jean-Baptiste Say's treatise on Political Economy published in 1803 and expanded in 1830 with practical applications, were to provide most of the ideas of economics until the publication of John Stuart Mill's Principles in 1848. Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and wealth distribution, and the policies the state should follow to maximise wealth.
Smith wrote that as long as supply, demand, prices and competition were left free of government regulation, the pursuit of material self-interest, rather than altruism, maximises society's wealth through profit-driven production of goods and services. An "invisible hand" directed individuals and firms to work toward the nation's good as an unintended consequence of efforts to maximise their gain. This provided a moral justification for accumulating wealth, which some had previously viewed as sinful.
Smith assumed that workers could be paid as low as was necessary for their survival, which David Ricardo and Thomas Robert Malthus later transformed into the "iron law of wages". His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and international trade, which he thought could increase wealth through specialisation in production. He also opposed restrictive trade preferences, state grants of monopolies and employers' organisations and trade unions. Government should be limited to defence, public works and the administration of justice, financed by taxes based on income. Smith was one of the progenitors of the idea, which was long central to classical liberalism and has resurfaced in the globalisation literature of the later 20th and early 21st centuries, that free trade promotes peace. Smith's economics was carried into practice in the 19th century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the Poor Relief Act that had restricted the mobility of labour in 1834 and the end of the rule of the East India Company over India in 1858.
In his Treatise (Traité d'économie politique), Say states that any production process requires effort, knowledge and the "application" of the entrepreneur. He sees entrepreneurs as intermediaries in the production process who combine productive factors such as land, capital and labour to meet the consumers' demands. As a result, they play a central role in the economy through their coordinating function. He also highlights qualities essential for successful entrepreneurship and focuses on judgement, in that they have continued to assess market needs and the means to meet them. This requires an "unerring market sense". Say views entrepreneurial income primarily as the high revenue paid in compensation for their skills and expert knowledge. He does so by contrasting the enterprise and supply-of-capital functions, distinguishing the entrepreneur's earnings on the one hand and the remuneration of capital on the other. This differentiates his theory from that of Joseph Schumpeter, who describes entrepreneurial rent as short-term profits which compensate for high risk (Schumpeterian rent). Say himself also refers to risk and uncertainty along with innovation without analysing them in detail.
Say is also credited with Say's law, or the law of markets which may be summarised as "Aggregate supply creates its own aggregate demand", and "Supply creates its own demand", or "Supply constitutes its own demand" and "Inherent in supply is the need for its own consumption". The related phrase "supply creates its own demand" was coined by John Maynard Keynes, who criticized Say's separate formulations as amounting to the same thing. Some advocates of Say's law who disagree with Keynes have claimed that Say's law can be summarized more accurately as "production precedes consumption" and that what Say is stating is that for consumption to happen, one must produce something of value so that it can be traded for money or barter for consumption later. Say argues, "products are paid for with products" (1803, p. 153) or "a glut occurs only when too much resource is applied to making one product and not enough to another" (1803, pp. 178–179).
Related reasoning appears in the work of John Stuart Mill and earlier in that of his Scottish classical economist father, James Mill (1808). Mill senior restates Say's law in 1808: "production of commodities creates, and is the one and universal cause which creates a market for the commodities produced".
In addition to Smith's and Say's legacies, Thomas Malthus' theories of population and David Ricardo's Iron law of wages became central doctrines of classical economics. Meanwhile, Jean-Baptiste Say challenged Smith's labour theory of value, believing that prices were determined by utility and also emphasised the critical role of the entrepreneur in the economy. However, neither of those observations became accepted by British economists at the time. Malthus wrote An Essay on the Principle of Population in 1798, becoming a major influence on classical liberalism. Malthus claimed that population growth would outstrip food production because the population grew geometrically while food production grew arithmetically. As people were provided with food, they would reproduce until their growth outstripped the food supply. Nature would then provide a check to growth in the forms of vice and misery. No gains in income could prevent this, and any welfare for the poor would be self-defeating. The poor were, in fact, responsible for their problems which could have been avoided through self-restraint.
Several liberals, including Adam Smith and Richard Cobden, argued that the free exchange of goods between nations would lead to world peace. Smith argued that as societies progressed, the spoils of war would rise, but the costs of war would rise further, making war difficult and costly for industrialised nations. Cobden believed that military expenditures worsened the state's welfare and benefited a small but concentrated elite minority, combining his Little Englander beliefs with opposition to the economic restrictions of mercantilist policies. To Cobden and many classical liberals, those who advocated peace must also advocate free markets.
Utilitarianism was seen as a political justification for implementing economic liberalism by British governments, an idea dominating economic policy from the 1840s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform, and John Stuart Mill's later writings foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a premise for a laissez-faire approach. The central concept of utilitarianism, developed by Jeremy Bentham, was that public policy should seek to provide "the greatest happiness of the greatest number". While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to reduce poverty, it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher. His philosophy proved highly influential on government policy and led to increased Benthamite attempts at government social control, including Robert Peel's Metropolitan Police, prison reforms, the workhouses and asylums for the mentally ill.
Keynesian economics
Main article: Keynesian economics
During the Great Depression, the English economist John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946) gave the definitive liberal response to the economic crisis. Keynes had been "brought up" as a classical liberal, but especially after World War I, became increasingly a welfare or social liberal. A prolific writer, among many other works, he had begun a theoretical work examining the relationship between unemployment, money and prices back in the 1920s. Keynes was deeply critical of the British government's austerity measures during the Great Depression. He believed budget deficits were a good thing, a product of recessions. He wrote: "For Government borrowing of one kind or another is nature's remedy, so to speak, for preventing business losses from being, in so severe a slump as the present one, so great as to bring production altogether to a standstill". At the height of the Great Depression in 1933, Keynes published The Means to Prosperity, which contained specific policy recommendations for tackling unemployment in a global recession, chiefly counter cyclical public spending. The Means to Prosperity contains one of the first mentions of the multiplier effect.
Keynes's magnum opus, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, was published in 1936 and served as a theoretical justification for the interventionist policies Keynes favoured for tackling a recession. The General Theory challenged the earlier neo-classical economic paradigm, which had held that the market would naturally establish full employment equilibrium if it were unfettered by government interference. Classical economists believed in Say's law, which states that "supply creates its own demand" and that in a free market, workers would always be willing to lower their wages to a level where employers could profitably offer them jobs. An innovation from Keynes was the concept of price stickiness, i.e. the recognition that, in reality, workers often refuse to lower their wage demands even in cases where a classical economist might argue it is rational for them to do so. Due in part to price stickiness, it was established that the interaction of "aggregate demand" and "aggregate supply" may lead to stable unemployment equilibria, and in those cases, it is the state and not the market that economies must depend on for their salvation. The book advocated activist economic policy by the government to stimulate demand in times of high unemployment, for example, by spending on public works. In 1928, he wrote: "Let us be up and doing, using our idle resources to increase our wealth. ... With men and plants unemployed, it is ridiculous to say that we cannot afford these new developments. It is precisely with these plants and these men that we shall afford them". Where the market failed to allocate resources properly, the government was required to stimulate the economy until private funds could start flowing again—a "prime the pump" kind of strategy designed to boost industrial production.
Liberal feminist theory
Main article: Liberal feminism.jpg)
Liberal feminism, the dominant tradition in feminist history, is an individualistic form of feminist theory that focuses on women's ability to maintain their equality through their actions and choices. Liberal feminists hope to eradicate all barriers to gender equality, claiming that the continued existence of such barriers eviscerates the individual rights and freedoms ostensibly guaranteed by a liberal social order. They argue that society believes women are naturally less intellectually and physically capable than men; thus, it tends to discriminate against women in the academy, the forum and the marketplace. Liberal feminists believe that "female subordination is rooted in a set of customary and legal constraints that blocks women's entrance to and success in the so-called public world". They strive for sexual equality via political and legal reform.
British philosopher Mary Wollstonecraft (1759–1797) is widely regarded as the pioneer of liberal feminism, with A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792) expanding the boundaries of liberalism to include women in the political structure of liberal society. In her writings, such as A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, Wollstonecraft commented on society's view of women and encouraged women to use their voices in making decisions separate from those previously made for them. Wollstonecraft "denied that women are, by nature, more pleasure seeking and pleasure giving than men. She reasoned that if they were confined to the same cages that trap women, men would develop the same flawed characters. What Wollstonecraft most wanted for women was personhood".
John Stuart Mill was also an early proponent of feminism. In his article The Subjection of Women (1861, published 1869), Mill attempted to prove that the legal subjugation of women is wrong and that it should give way to perfect equality. He believed that both sexes should have equal rights under the law and that "until conditions of equality exist, no one can possibly assess the natural differences between women and men, distorted as they have been. What is natural to the two sexes can only be found out by allowing both to develop and use their faculties freely". Mill frequently spoke of this imbalance and wondered if women were able to feel the same "genuine unselfishness" that men did in providing for their families. This unselfishness Mill advocated is the one "that motivates people to take into account the good of society as well as the good of the individual person or small family unit". Like Mary Wollstonecraft, Mill compared sexual inequality to slavery, arguing that their husbands are often just as abusive as masters and that a human being controls nearly every aspect of life for another human being. In his book The Subjection of Women, Mill argues that three major parts of women's lives are hindering them: society and gender construction, education and marriage.
Equity feminism is a form of liberal feminism discussed since the 1980s, specifically a kind of classically liberal or libertarian feminism. Steven Pinker, an evolutionary psychologist, defines equity feminism as "a moral doctrine about equal treatment that makes no commitments regarding open empirical issues in psychology or biology". Barry Kuhle asserts that equity feminism is compatible with evolutionary psychology in contrast to gender feminism.
Social liberal theory
Main article: Social liberalism.png)
Jean Charles Léonard Simonde de Sismondi's New Principles of Political Economy (French: Nouveaux principes d'économie politique, ou de la richesse dans ses rapports avec la population) (1819) represents the first comprehensive liberal critique of early capitalism and laissez-faire economics, and his writings, which were studied by John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx among many others, had a profound influence on both liberal and socialist responses to the failures and contradictions of industrial society. By the end of the 19th century, the principles of classical liberalism were being increasingly challenged by downturns in economic growth, a growing perception of the evils of poverty, unemployment and relative deprivation present within modern industrial cities, as well as the agitation of organised labour. The ideal of the self-made individual who could make his or her place in the world through hard work and talent seemed increasingly implausible. A major political reaction against the changes introduced by industrialisation and laissez-faire capitalism came from conservatives concerned about social balance, although socialism later became a more important force for change and reform. Some Victorian writers, including Charles Dickens, Thomas Carlyle and Matthew Arnold, became early influential critics of social injustice.
New liberals began to adapt the old language of liberalism to confront these difficult circumstances, which they believed could only be resolved through a broader and more interventionist conception of the state. An equal right to liberty could not be established merely by ensuring that individuals did not physically interfere with each other or by having impartially formulated and applied laws. More positive and proactive measures were required to ensure that every individual would have an equal opportunity for success.
John Stuart Mill contributed enormously to liberal thought by combining elements of classical liberalism with what eventually became known as the new liberalism. Mill's 1859 On Liberty addressed the nature and limits of the power that can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual. He gave an impassioned defence of free speech, arguing that free discourse is a necessary condition for intellectual and social progress. Mill defined "social liberty" as protection from "the tyranny of political rulers". He introduced many different concepts of the form tyranny can take, referred to as social tyranny and tyranny of the majority. Social liberty meant limits on the ruler's power through obtaining recognition of political liberties or rights and establishing a system of "constitutional checks".
His definition of liberty, influenced by Joseph Priestley and Josiah Warren, was that the individual ought to be free to do as he wishes unless he harms others. However, although Mill's initial economic philosophy supported free markets and argued that progressive taxation penalised those who worked harder, he later altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his Principles of Political Economy in defence of a socialist outlook and defending some socialist causes, including the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favour of a co-operative wage system.
Another early liberal convert to greater government intervention was T. H. Green. Seeing the effects of alcohol, he believed that the state should foster and protect the social, political and economic environments in which individuals will have the best chance of acting according to their consciences. The state should intervene only where there is a clear, proven and strong tendency of liberty to enslave the individual. Green regarded the national state as legitimate only to the extent that it upholds a system of rights and obligations most likely to foster individual self-realisation.
The New Liberalism or social liberalism movement emerged in about 1900 in Britain. The New Liberals, including intellectuals like L. T. Hobhouse and John A. Hobson, saw individual liberty as something achievable only under favourable social and economic circumstances. In their view, the poverty, squalor and ignorance in which many people lived made it impossible for freedom and individuality to flourish. New Liberals believed these conditions could be ameliorated only through collective action coordinated by a strong, welfare-oriented, interventionist state. It supports a mixed economy that includes public and private property in capital goods.
Principles that can be described as social liberal have been based upon or developed by philosophers such as John Stuart Mill, Eduard Bernstein, John Dewey, Carlo Rosselli, Norberto Bobbio and Chantal Mouffe. Other important social liberal figures include Guido Calogero, Piero Gobetti, Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse and R. H. Tawney. Liberal socialism has been particularly prominent in British and Italian politics.
Anti-state liberal theory
See also: Polycentric law, Voluntaryism, Panarchy (political philosophy), Neoclassical liberalism, and Anarcho-capitalism
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Classical liberalism advocates free trade under the rule of law. In contrast, the "anti-state liberal tradition", as described by Ralph Raico, was supportive of a system where law enforcement and the courts being provided by private companies, minimizing or rejecting the role of the state. Various theorists have espoused legal philosophies similar to anarcho-capitalism. One of the first liberals to discuss the possibility of privatizing the protection of individual liberty and property was the French philosopher Jakob Mauvillon in the 18th century. Later in the 1840s, Julius Faucher and Gustave de Molinari advocated the same. In his essay The Production of Security, Molinari argued: "No government should have the right to prevent another government from going into competition with it, or to require consumers of security to come exclusively to it for this commodity". Molinari and this new type of anti-state liberal grounded their reasoning on liberal ideals and classical economics. Historian and libertarian Ralph Raico argued that what these liberal philosophers "had come up with was a form of individualist anarchism, or, as it would be called today, anarcho-capitalism or market anarchism". Unlike the liberalism of Locke, which saw the state as evolving from society, the anti-state liberals saw a fundamental conflict between the voluntary interactions of people, i.e. society, and the institutions of force, i.e. the state. This society versus state idea was expressed in various ways: natural society vs artificial society, liberty vs authority, society of contract vs society of authority and industrial society vs militant society, to name a few. The anti-state liberal tradition in Europe and the United States continued after Molinari in the early writings of Herbert Spencer and thinkers such as Paul Émile de Puydt and Auberon Herbert. However, the first person to use the term anarcho-capitalism was Murray Rothbard. In the mid-20th century, Rothbard synthesized elements from the Austrian School of economics, classical liberalism and 19th-century American individualist anarchists Lysander Spooner and Benjamin Tucker (while rejecting their labour theory of value and the norms they derived from it). Anarcho-capitalism advocates the elimination of the state in favour of individual sovereignty, private property and free markets. Anarcho-capitalists believe that in the absence of statute (law by decree or legislation), society would improve itself through the discipline of the free market (or what its proponents describe as a "voluntary society").
In a theoretical anarcho-capitalist society, law enforcement, courts and all other security services would be operated by privately funded competitors rather than centrally through taxation. Money and other goods and services would be privately and competitively provided in an open market. Anarcho-capitalists say personal and economic activities under anarcho-capitalism would be regulated by victim-based dispute resolution organizations under tort and contract law rather than by statute through centrally determined punishment under what they describe as "political monopolies". A Rothbardian anarcho-capitalist society would operate under a mutually agreed-upon libertarian "legal code which would be generally accepted, and which the courts would pledge themselves to follow". Although enforcement methods vary, this pact would recognize self-ownership and the non-aggression principle (NAP).
History
Main article: History of liberalism | This section may require cleanup to meet Misplaced Pages's quality standards. The specific problem is: Needs better presentation and content summarization. Please help improve this section if you can. (May 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
Isolated strands of liberal thought had existed in Eastern philosophy since the Chinese Spring and Autumn period and Western philosophy since the Ancient Greeks. The economist Murray Rothbard suggested that Chinese Taoist philosopher Laozi was the first libertarian, likening Laozi's ideas on government to Friedrich Hayek's theory of spontaneous order. These ideas were first drawn together and systematized as a distinct ideology by the English philosopher John Locke, generally regarded as the father of modern liberalism. The first major signs of liberal politics emerged in modern times. These ideas began to coalesce at the time of the English Civil War. The Levellers, a largely ignored minority political movement that primarily consisted of Puritans, Presbyterians, and Quakers, called for freedom of religion, frequent convening of parliament and equality under the law. The Glorious Revolution of 1688 enshrined parliamentary sovereignty and the right of revolution in Britain and was referred to by author Steven Pincus as the "first modern liberal revolution". The development of liberalism continued throughout the 18th century with the burgeoning Enlightenment ideals of the era. This period of profound intellectual vitality questioned old traditions and influenced several European monarchies throughout the 18th century. Political tension between England and its American colonies grew after 1765 and the Seven Years' War over the issue of taxation without representation, culminating in the American Revolutionary War and, eventually, the Declaration of Independence. After the war, the leaders debated about how to move forward. The Articles of Confederation, written in 1776, now appeared inadequate to provide security or even a functional government. The Confederation Congress called a Constitutional Convention in 1787, which resulted in the writing of a new Constitution of the United States establishing a federal government. In the context of the times, the Constitution was a republican and liberal document. It remains the oldest liberal governing document in effect worldwide.
The two key events that marked the triumph of liberalism in France were the abolition of feudalism in France on the night of 4 August 1789, which marked the collapse of feudal and old traditional rights and privileges and restrictions, as well as the passage of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in August, itself based on the U.S. Declaration of Independence from 1776. During the Napoleonic Wars, the French brought Western Europe the liquidation of the feudal system, the liberalization of property laws, the end of seigneurial dues, the abolition of guilds, the legalization of divorce, the disintegration of Jewish ghettos, the collapse of the Inquisition, the end of the Holy Roman Empire, the elimination of church courts and religious authority, the establishment of the metric system and equality under the law for all men. His most lasting achievement, the Civil Code, served as "an object of emulation all over the globe" but also perpetuated further discrimination against women under the banner of the "natural order".
The development into maturity of classical liberalism took place before and after the French Revolution in Britain. Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of John Stuart Mill's Principles in 1848. Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and wealth distribution, and the policies the state should follow to maximise wealth. The radical liberal movement began in the 1790s in England and concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasizing natural rights and popular sovereignty. Radicals like Richard Price and Joseph Priestley saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices and high taxes.
In Latin America, liberal unrest dates back to the 18th century, when liberal agitation in Latin America led to independence from the imperial power of Spain and Portugal. The new regimes were generally liberal in their political outlook and employed the philosophy of positivism, which emphasized the truth of modern science, to buttress their positions. In the United States, a vicious war ensured the integrity of the nation and the abolition of slavery in the South. Historian Don H. Doyle has argued that the Union victory in the American Civil War (1861–1865) greatly boosted the course of liberalism.
In the 19th century, English liberal political philosophers were the most influential in the global tradition of liberalism.
During the 19th and early 20th century, in the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East, liberalism influenced periods of reform, such as the Tanzimat and Al-Nahda; the rise of secularism, constitutionalism and nationalism; and different intellectuals and religious groups and movements, like the Young Ottomans and Islamic Modernism. Prominent of the era were Rifa'a al-Tahtawi, Namık Kemal and İbrahim Şinasi. However, the reformist ideas and trends did not reach the common population successfully, as the books, periodicals, and newspapers were accessible primarily to intellectuals and segments of the emerging middle class. Many Muslims saw them as foreign influences on the Muslim world. That perception complicated reformist efforts made by Middle Eastern states. These changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day. This led to Islamic revivalism.
Abolitionist and suffrage movements spread, along with representative and democratic ideals. France established an enduring republic in the 1870s. However, nationalism also spread rapidly after 1815. A mixture of liberal and nationalist sentiments in Italy and Germany brought about the unification of the two countries in the late 19th century. A liberal regime came to power in Italy and ended the secular power of the Popes. However, the Vatican launched a counter-crusade against liberalism. Pope Pius IX issued the Syllabus of Errors in 1864, condemning liberalism in all its forms. In many countries, liberal forces responded by expelling the Jesuit order. By the end of the nineteenth century, the principles of classical liberalism were being increasingly challenged, and the ideal of the self-made individual seemed increasingly implausible. Victorian writers like Charles Dickens, Thomas Carlyle and Matthew Arnold were early influential critics of social injustice.
Liberalism gained momentum at the beginning of the 20th century. The bastion of autocracy, the Russian Tsar, was overthrown in the first phase of the Russian Revolution. The Allied victory in the First World War and the collapse of four empires seemed to mark the triumph of liberalism across the European continent, not just among the victorious allies but also in Germany and the newly created states of Eastern Europe. Militarism, as typified by Germany, was defeated and discredited. As Blinkhorn argues, the liberal themes were ascendant in terms of "cultural pluralism, religious and ethnic toleration, national self-determination, free market economics, representative and responsible government, free trade, unionism, and the peaceful settlement of international disputes through a new body, the League of Nations".
In the Middle East, liberalism led to constitutional periods, like the Ottoman First and Second Constitutional Era and the Persian constitutional period, but it declined in the late 1930s due to the growth and opposition of Islamism and pan-Arab nationalism. However, many intellectuals advocated liberal values and ideas. Prominent liberals were Taha Hussein, Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed, Tawfiq al-Hakim, Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri and Muhammad Mandur.
In the United States, modern liberalism traces its history to the popular presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, who initiated the New Deal in response to the Great Depression and won an unprecedented four elections. The New Deal coalition established by Roosevelt left a strong legacy and influenced many future American presidents, including John F. Kennedy. Meanwhile, the definitive liberal response to the Great Depression was given by the British economist John Maynard Keynes, who had begun a theoretical work examining the relationship between unemployment, money and prices back in the 1920s. The worldwide Great Depression, starting in 1929, hastened the discrediting of liberal economics and strengthened calls for state control over economic affairs. Economic woes prompted widespread unrest in the European political world, leading to the rise of fascism as an ideology and a movement against liberalism and communism, especially in Nazi Germany and Italy. The rise of fascism in the 1930s eventually culminated in World War II, the deadliest conflict in human history. The Allies prevailed in the war by 1945, and their victory set the stage for the Cold War between the Communist Eastern Bloc and the liberal Western Bloc.
In Iran, liberalism enjoyed wide popularity. In April 1951, the National Front became the governing coalition when democratically elected Mohammad Mosaddegh, a liberal nationalist, took office as the Prime Minister. However, his way of governing conflicted with Western interests, and he was removed from power in a coup on 19 August 1953. The coup ended the dominance of liberalism in the country's politics.
Among the various regional and national movements, the civil rights movement in the United States during the 1960s strongly highlighted the liberal efforts for equal rights. The Great Society project launched by President Lyndon B. Johnson oversaw the creation of Medicare and Medicaid, the establishment of Head Start and the Job Corps as part of the War on Poverty and the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, an altogether rapid series of events that some historians have dubbed the "Liberal Hour".
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The Cold War featured extensive ideological competition and several proxy wars, but the widely feared World War III between the Soviet Union and the United States never occurred. While communist states and liberal democracies competed against one another, an economic crisis in the 1970s inspired a move away from Keynesian economics, especially under Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Ronald Reagan in the United States. This trend, known as neoliberalism, constituted a paradigm shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus, which lasted from 1945 to 1980. Meanwhile, nearing the end of the 20th century, communist states in Eastern Europe collapsed precipitously, leaving liberal democracies as the only major forms of government in the West.
At the beginning of World War II, the number of democracies worldwide was about the same as it had been forty years before. After 1945, liberal democracies spread very quickly but then retreated. In The Spirit of Democracy, Larry Diamond argues that by 1974 "dictatorship, not democracy, was the way of the world" and that "barely a quarter of independent states chose their governments through competitive, free, and fair elections". Diamond says that democracy bounced back, and by 1995 the world was "predominantly democratic". However, liberalism still faces challenges, especially with the phenomenal growth of China as a model combination of authoritarian government and economic liberalism.
Liberalism is frequently cited as the dominant ideology of the modern era.
Criticism and support
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Liberalism has drawn criticism and support from various ideological groups throughout its history. Despite these complex relationships, some scholars have argued that liberalism actually "rejects ideological thinking" altogether, largely because such thinking could lead to unrealistic expectations for human society.
Conservatism
Conservatives have attacked what they perceive as the reckless liberal pursuit of progress and material gains, arguing that such preoccupations undermine traditional social values rooted in community and continuity. However, a few variations of conservatism, like liberal conservatism, expound some of the same ideas and principles championed by classical liberalism, including "small government and thriving capitalism".
The first major proponent of modern conservative thought, Edmund Burke, offered a blistering critique of the French Revolution by assailing the liberal pretensions to the power of rationality and the natural equality of all humans. Burke was, however, highly influential on other classical liberal thought, and has been praised by both conservatives and liberals alike.
In the book Why Liberalism Failed (2018), Patrick Deneen argued that liberalism has led to income inequality, cultural decline, atomization, nihilism, the erosion of freedoms, and the growth of powerful, centralized bureaucracies. The book also argues that liberalism has replaced old values of community, religion and tradition with self-interest.
Russian President Vladimir Putin believes that "liberalism has become obsolete" and claims that the vast majority of people in the world oppose multiculturalism, immigration, and civil and political rights for LGBTQ people.
Catholicism
See also: Integralism, Christian democracy, and Religious democracyOne of the most outspoken early critics of liberalism was the Roman Catholic Church, which resulted in lengthy power struggles between national governments and the Church.
A movement associated with modern democracy, Christian democracy, hopes to spread Catholic social ideas and has gained a large following in some European nations. The early roots of Christian democracy developed as a reaction against the industrialisation and urbanisation associated with laissez-faire liberalism in the 19th century.
Anarchism
Anarchists criticize the liberal social contract, arguing that it creates a state that is "oppressive, violent, corrupt, and inimical to liberty."
Marxism
Karl Marx rejected the foundational aspects of liberal theory, hoping to destroy both the state and the liberal distinction between society and the individual while fusing the two into a collective whole designed to overthrow the developing capitalist order of the 19th century.
Vladimir Lenin stated that—in contrast with Marxism—liberal science defends wage slavery. However, some proponents of liberalism, such as Thomas Paine, George Henry Evans, and Silvio Gesell, were critics of wage slavery.
Deng Xiaoping believed that liberalization would destroy the political stability of the People’s Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party, making it difficult for development to take place, and is inherently capitalistic. He termed it "bourgeois liberalization". Thus, some socialists accuse the economic doctrines of liberalism, such as individual economic freedom, of giving rise to what they view as a system of exploitation that goes against the democratic principles of liberalism, while some liberals oppose the wage slavery that the economic doctrines of capitalism allow.
Feminism
Some feminists argue that liberalism's emphasis on distinguishing between the private and public spheres in society "allow the flourishing of bigotry and intolerance in the private sphere and to require respect for equality only in the public sphere", making "liberalism vulnerable to the right-wing populist attack. Political liberalism has rejected the feminist call to recognize that the personal is political and has relied on political institutions and processes as barriers against illiberalism."
Islam
Liberalism within Islam is supported by some Islamic schools and branches. The Al-Baqara 256 verse in Quran supports liberalism by stating "there is no compulsion in religion". Islamic supremacism, which includes criminal punishment of apostasy in Islam up to capital punishment, opposes liberalism.
Social democracy
Social democracy is an ideology that advocates for the reform of capitalism in a progressive manner. It emerged in the 20th century and was influenced by socialism. Social democracy aims to address what it perceives as the inherent flaws of capitalism through government reform, with a focus on reducing inequality. Importantly, social democracy does not oppose the state's existence. Several commentators have noted strong similarities between social liberalism and social democracy, with one political scientist calling American liberalism "bootleg social democracy" due to the absence of a significant social democratic tradition in the United States.
Fascism
Fascists accuse liberalism of materialism and a lack of spiritual values. In particular, fascism opposes liberalism for its materialism, rationalism, individualism and utilitarianism. Fascists believe that the liberal emphasis on individual freedom produces national divisiveness, but many fascists agree with liberals in their support of private property rights and a market economy.
See also
References
Notes
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political rationalism, hostility to autocracy, cultural distaste for conservatism and for tradition in general, tolerance, and ... individualism.
- Generally support:
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Liberal democracy requires a form of secularism to sustain itself
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Three of them – freedom from fear, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion – have long been fundamental to liberalism.
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For all three share a belief in the liberal society as defined above: a society that provides constitutional government (rule by law, not by men) and freedom of religion, thought, expression and economic interaction; a society in which ... .
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The most frequently cited rights included freedom of speech, press, assembly, religion, property, and procedural rights
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Democracy attaches itself to a form of government: liberalism, to liberty and guarantees of liberty. The two may agree; they are not contradictory, but they are neither identical, nor necessarily connected. In the moral order, liberalism is the liberty to think, recognised and practiced. This is primordial liberalism, as the liberty to think is itself the first and noblest of liberties. Man would not be free in any degree or in any sphere of action, if he were not a thinking being endowed with consciousness. The freedom of worship, the freedom of education, and the freedom of the press are derived the most directly from the freedom to think.
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大家可以回想一下，粉碎"四人帮"以后，全国人大在一九八○年通过一个议案，取消宪法中的关于"大鸣、大放、大辩论、大字报"这一条。为什么做这件事？因为有一股自由化思潮。搞自由化，就会破坏我们安定团结的政治局面。没有一个安定团结的政治局面，就不可能搞建设。
自由化本身就是资产阶级的，没有什么无产阶级的、社会主义的自由化，自由化本身就是对我们现行政策、现行制度的对抗，或者叫反对，或者叫修改。实际情况是，搞自由化就是要把我们引导到资本主义道路上去，所以我们用反对资产阶级自由化这个提法。管什么这里用过、那里用过，无关重要，现实政治要求我们在决议中写这个。我主张用。 - Beauchamp, Zack (9 September 2019). "The anti-liberal moment". Vox. Retrieved 6 May 2021.
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External links
Library resources aboutLiberalism
- Liberalism—entry at Encyclopædia Britannica
- Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). "Liberalism". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
- "Guide to Classical Liberal Scholarship".
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