Misplaced Pages

Latest revision as of 04:01, 18 December 2024

Falun Gong
The Falun Dafa emblem
Traditional Chinese	法輪功
Simplified Chinese	法轮功
Literal meaning	Dharma Wheel Work
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Fǎlún Gōng Wade–Giles Fa-lun Kung IPA Hakka Pha̍k-fa-sṳ Fap-lùn-kûng Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Faat-leùhn Gūng Jyutping Faat3 leon4 gung1 IPA Southern Min Hokkien POJ Hoat-lûn-kong Eastern Min Fuzhou BUC Huák-lùng-gŭng
Alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese	法輪大法
Simplified Chinese	法轮大法
Literal meaning	Great Dharma Wheel Practice
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Fǎlún Dàfǎ Wade–Giles Fa-lun Ta-fa IPA Hakka Pha̍k-fa-sṳ Fap-lùn Thai-fap Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Faat-leùhn Daaih-faat Jyutping Faat3 leon4 daai6 faat3 IPA Southern Min Hokkien POJ Hoat-lûn Tāi-hoat Eastern Min Fuzhou BUC Huák-lùng Dâi-huák

Falun Gong (UK: /ˌfɑːlʊn ˈɡɒŋ, ˌfæl-, -ˈɡʊŋ/ FAH-lun GONG, FAL-, -⁠GUUNG, US: /- ˈɡɔːŋ/ -⁠GAWNG) or Falun Dafa (/ˈdɑːfə/ DAH-fə; lit. 'Dharma Wheel Practice') is a new religious movement. Falun Gong was founded by its leader Li Hongzhi in China in the early 1990s. Falun Gong has its global headquarters in Dragon Springs, a 173-hectare (427-acre) compound in Deerpark, New York, United States, near the residence of Li Hongzhi.

Led by Li Hongzhi, who is viewed by adherents as a deity-like figure, Falun Gong practitioners operate a variety of organizations in the United States and elsewhere, including the dance troupe Shen Yun. They are known for their opposition to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), espousing anti-evolutionary views, opposition to homosexuality and feminism, and rejection of modern medicine, among other views described as "ultra-conservative".

The Falun Gong also operates the Epoch Media Group, which is known for its subsidiaries, New Tang Dynasty Television and The Epoch Times newspaper. The latter has been broadly noted as a politically far-right media entity, and it has received significant attention in the United States for promoting conspiracy theories, such as QAnon and anti-vaccine misinformation, and producing advertisements for former U.S. President Donald Trump. It has also drawn attention in Europe for promoting far-right politicians, primarily in France and Germany.

Falun Gong emerged from the qigong movement in China in 1992, combining meditation, qigong exercises, and moral teachings rooted in Buddhist and Taoist traditions. While supported by some government agencies, Falun Gong's rapid growth and independence from state control led several top officials to perceive it as a threat, resulting in periodic acts of harassment in the late 1990s. On April 25, 1999, over 10,000 Falun Gong practitioners gathered peacefully outside the central government compound in Beijing, seeking official recognition of the right to practice their faith without interference.

In July 1999, the government of China implemented a ban on Falun Gong, categorizing it as an "illegal organization". Mass arrests, widespread torture and abuses followed. In 2008, U.S. government reports cited estimates that as much as half of China's labor camp population was made up of Falun Gong practitioners. In 2009, human rights groups estimated that at least 2,000 Falun Gong practitioners had died from persecution by that time. A 2022 United States Department of State report on religious freedom in China stated that "Falun Gong practitioners reported societal discrimination in employment, housing, and business opportunities". According to the same report: "Prior to the government's 1999 ban on Falun Gong, the government estimated there were 70 million adherents. Falun Gong sources estimate that tens of millions continue to practice privately, and Freedom House estimates there are seven to 20 million practitioners."

Beliefs and practices

Falun Gong is entirely based around the teachings of its autocratic founder and leader: China-born Li Hongzhi. According to NBC News, to his followers, Li is "a God-like figure who can levitate, walk through walls and see into the future. His ultra-conservative and controversial teachings include a rejection of modern science, art and medicine, and a denunciation of homosexuality, feminism and general worldliness." Hongzhi instructs his followers to downplay his controversial teachings when speaking to outsiders.

Central teachings

This section may need to be rewritten to comply with Misplaced Pages's quality standards. You can help. The talk page may contain suggestions. (November 2023)

According to the Falun Gong, the Falun Gong aspires to enable the practitioner to ascend spiritually through moral rectitude and the practice of a set of exercises and meditation. The three stated tenets of the belief are truthfulness (Chinese: 真; pinyin: Zhēn), compassion (Chinese: 善; pinyin: Shàn), and forbearance (Chinese: 忍; pinyin: Rěn). These principles have been repeated by Falun Gong members to outsiders as a tactic for evading deeper inquiry, and followers have been instructed by Li to lie about the practice. Together these principles are regarded as the fundamental nature of the cosmos, the criteria for differentiating right from wrong, and are held to be the highest manifestations of the Tao. Adherence to and cultivation of these virtues is regarded as a fundamental part of Falun Gong practice. In Zhuan Falun (转法轮), the foundational text published in 1995, Li Hongzhi writes "It doesn't matter how mankind's moral standard changes  The nature of the cosmos doesn't change, and it is the only standard for determining who's good and who's bad. So to be a cultivator you have to take the nature of the cosmos as your guide for improving yourself."

Practice of Falun Gong consists of two features: performance of the exercises, and the refinement of one's xinxing (moral character, temperament). In Falun Gong's central text, Li states that xinxing "includes virtue (which is a type of matter), it includes forbearance, it includes awakening to things, it includes giving up things—giving up all the desires and all the attachments that are found in an ordinary person—and you also have to endure hardship, to name just a few things." The elevation of one's moral character is achieved, on the one hand, by aligning one's life with truth, compassion, and tolerance; and on the other, by abandoning desires and "negative thoughts and behaviors, such as greed, profit, lust, desire, killing, fighting, theft, robbery, deception, jealousy, etc."

Among the central concepts found in the teachings of Falun Gong is the existence of 'Virtue' (Chinese: 德; pinyin: Dé) and 'Karma' (Chinese: 業; pinyin: Yè). The former is generated through doing good deeds and suffering, while the latter is accumulated through doing wrong deeds. A person's ratio of karma to virtue is said to determine their fortunes in this life or the next. While virtue engenders good fortune and enables spiritual transformation, an accumulation of karma results in suffering, illness, and alienation from the nature of the universe. Spiritual elevation is achieved through the elimination of negative karma and the accumulation of virtue. Practitioners believe that through a process of moral cultivation, one can achieve Tao and obtain special powers and a level of divinity.

Falun Gong's teachings posit that human beings are originally and innately good—even divine—but that they descended into a realm of delusion and suffering after developing selfishness and accruing karma. The practice holds that reincarnation exists, with the cycle of rebirth shaped by the accumulation of karma—a concept somewhat analogous to the Christian notion of "reaping what one sows."This perspective helps explain the perceived unfairness of differences among individuals, such as between the rich and the poor, while also encouraging moral behavior despite these inequalities. To re-ascend and return to the "original, true self", Falun Gong practitioners are supposed to assimilate themselves to the qualities of truthfulness, compassion and tolerance, let go of "attachments and desires" and suffer to repay karma.

Traditional Chinese cultural thought and opposition to modernity are two focuses of Li Hongzhi's teachings. Falun Gong echoes traditional Chinese beliefs that humans are connected to the universe through mind and body, and Li seeks to challenge "conventional mentalities", concerning the nature and genesis of the universe, time-space, and the human body. The practice draws on East Asian mysticism and traditional Chinese medicine, but claims to have the power to heal incurable illnesses. Falun Gong describes modern science as too limited, and views traditional Chinese research and practice as valid.

Li says that he is a being who has come to help humankind from the destruction it could face as the result of rampant evil. When asked if he was a human being, Li replied "You can think of me as a human being." According to the founder Li in his book, Zhuan Falun, he claims to have cultivated supernatural powers starting at age eight. According to Radio France International, Zhuan Falun also promises to teach practitioners to cultivate supernatural powers such as "see through a wall or into a human body".

Exercises

In addition to its moral philosophy, Falun Gong consists of four standing exercises and one sitting meditation. The exercises are regarded as secondary to moral elevation, though are still an essential component of Falun Gong cultivation practice.

The first exercises, called "Buddha Stretching a Thousand Arms", are intended to facilitate the free flow of energy through the body and open up the meridians. The second exercise, "Falun Standing Stance", involves holding four static poses—each of which resembles holding a wheel—for an extended period. The objective of this exercise is to "enhances wisdom, increases strength, raises a person's level, and strengthens divine powers". The third, "Penetrating the Cosmic Extremes", involves three sets of movements, which aim to enable the expulsion of bad energy (e.g., pathogenic or black qi) and the absorption of good energy into the body. Through practice of this exercise, the practitioner aspires to cleanse and purify the body. The fourth exercise, "Falun Cosmic Orbit", seeks to circulate energy freely throughout the body. Unlike the first through fourth exercises, the fifth exercise is performed in the seated lotus position. Called "Reinforcing Supernatural Powers", it is a meditation intended to be maintained as long as possible.

Falun Gong exercises can be practiced individually or in group settings, and can be performed for varying lengths of time in accordance with the needs and abilities of the individual practitioner. Porter writes that practitioners of Falun Gong are encouraged to read Falun Gong books and practice its exercises on a regular basis, preferably daily. Falun Gong exercises are practiced in group settings in parks, university campuses, and other public spaces in over 70 countries worldwide, and are taught for free by volunteers. In addition to five exercises, in 2001 another meditation activity was introduced called "sending righteous thoughts", which is intended to reduce persecution on the spiritual plane.

Discussions of supernatural skills also feature prominently within the qigong movement, and the existence of these skills gained a level of mainstream acceptance in China's scientific community in the 1980s.Falun Gong's teachings hold that practitioners can acquire supernatural skills through a combination of moral cultivation, meditation and exercises. These include—but are not limited to—precognition, clairaudience, telepathy, and divine sight (via the opening of the third eye or celestial eye). However, Falun Gong stresses that these powers can be developed only as a result of moral practice, and should not be pursued or casually displayed. According to David Ownby, Falun Gong teaches that "pride in one's abilities, or the desire to show off, are marks of dangerous attachments", and Li warns his followers not to be distracted by the pursuit of such powers.

Social practices

Falun Gong differentiates itself from Buddhist monastic traditions in that it places great importance on participation in the secular world. Falun Gong practitioners are required to maintain regular jobs and family lives, to observe the laws of their respective governments, and are instructed not to distance themselves from society. An exception is made for Buddhist Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunīs, who are permitted to continue a monastic lifestyle while practicing Falun Gong.

As part of its emphasis on ethical behavior, Falun Gong's teachings prescribe a strict personal morality for practitioners. They are expected to do good deeds, and conduct themselves with patience and forbearance when encountering difficulties. For instance, Li stipulates that a practitioner of Falun Gong must "not hit back when attacked, not talk back when insulted." In addition, they must "abandon negative thoughts and behaviors", such as greed, deception, jealousy, etc. The teachings contain injunctions against smoking and the consumption of alcohol, as these are considered addictions that are detrimental to health and mental clarity. Practitioners of Falun Gong are forbidden to kill living things—including animals for the purpose of obtaining food—though they are not required to adopt a vegetarian diet.

In addition to these things, practitioners of Falun Gong must abandon a variety of worldly attachments and desires. In the course of cultivation practice, the student of Falun Gong aims to relinquish the pursuit of fame, monetary gain, sentimentality, and other entanglements. Li's teachings repeatedly emphasize the emptiness of material pursuits; although practitioners of Falun Gong are not encouraged to leave their jobs or eschew money, they are expected to give up the psychological attachments to these things.

Falun Gong doctrine counsels against participation in political or social issues. Excessive interest in politics is viewed as an attachment to worldly power and influence, and Falun Gong aims for transcendence of such pursuits. According to Hu Ping, "Falun Gong deals only with purifying the individual through exercise, and does not touch on social or national concerns. It has not suggested or even intimated a model for social change. Many religions  pursue social reform to some extent  but there is no such tendency evident in Falun Gong."

Sexual desire and lust are treated as attachments to be discarded, though Falun Gong students are still generally expected to marry and have families. All sexual relations outside the confines of monogamous, heterosexual marriage are regarded as immoral.

Li Hongzhi taught that homosexuality makes one "unworthy of being human", creates bad karma, and is comparable to organized crime. He also taught that "disgusting homosexuality shows the dirty abnormal psychology of the gay who has lost his ability of reasoning", and that homosexuality is a "filthy, deviant state of mind". Li additionally stated in a 1998 speech in Switzerland that the gods' "first target of annihilation would be homosexuals". Although gay, lesbian, and bisexual people may practice Falun Gong, founder Li stated that they must "give up the bad conduct" of all same-sex sexual activity.

Falun Gong's cosmology includes the belief that different ethnicities each have a correspondence to their own heavens, and that individuals of mixed race lose some aspect of this connection. Falun Gong's teachings include belief in reincarnation and that one's soul (original spirit) always maintains single racial identity despite having a body of mixed race. Investigative journalist Ethan Gutmann noted that interracial marriage is common in the Falun Gong community.

Texts

Li Hongzhi authored the first book of Falun Gong teachings in April 1993; titled China Falun Gong, or simply Falun Gong, it is an introductory text that discusses qigong, Falun Gong's relationship to Buddhism, the principles of cultivation practice, and the improvement of moral character (xinxing). The book also provides illustrations and explanations of the exercises and meditation.

The main body of teachings is articulated in the book Zhuan Falun, published in Chinese in January 1995. The book is divided into nine "lectures", and was based on edited transcriptions of the talks Li gave throughout China in the preceding three years. Falun Gong texts have since been translated into an additional 40 languages. In addition to these central texts, Li has published several books, lectures, articles and books of poetry, which are made available on Falun Gong websites.

The Falun Gong teachings use numerous untranslated Chinese religious and philosophical terms, and make frequent allusion to characters and incidents in Chinese folk literature and concepts drawn from Chinese popular religion. This, coupled with the literal translation style of the texts, which imitate the colloquial style of Li's speeches, can make Falun Gong scriptures difficult to approach for Westerners.

Symbols

The main symbol of the practice is the Falun (Dharma wheel, or Dharmacakra in Sanskrit). In Buddhism, the Dharmacakra represents the completeness of the doctrine. To "turn the wheel of dharma" (Zhuan Falun) means to preach the Buddhist doctrine, and is the title of Falun Gong's main text. Despite the invocation of Buddhist language and symbols, the law wheel as understood in Falun Gong has distinct connotations, and is held to represent the universe. It is conceptualized by an emblem consisting of one large and four small (counter-clockwise) swastika symbols, representing the Buddha, and four small Taiji (yin-yang) symbols of the Daoist tradition.

Dharma-ending period

Li situates his teaching of Falun Gong amidst the "Dharma-ending period" (Mo Fa, 末法), described in Buddhist scriptures as an age of moral decline when the teachings of Buddhism would need to be rectified. The current era is described in Falun Gong's teachings as the "Fa rectification" period (zhengfa, which might also be translated as "to correct the dharma"), a time of cosmic transition and renewal. The process of Fa rectification is necessitated by the moral decline and degeneration of life in the universe, and in the post-1999 context, the persecution of Falun Gong by the Chinese government has come to be viewed as a tangible symptom of this moral decay. Through the process of the Fa rectification, life will be reordered according to the moral and spiritual quality of each, with good people being saved and ascending to higher spiritual planes, and bad ones being eliminated or cast down. In this paradigm, Li assumes the role of rectifying the Dharma by disseminating through his moral teachings.

Some scholars, such as Maria Hsia Chang and Susan Palmer, have described Li's rhetoric about the "Fa rectification" and providing salvation "in the final period of the Last Havoc" as apocalyptic. However, Benjamin Penny, a professor of Chinese history at the Australian National University, argues that Li's teachings are better understood in the context of a "Buddhist notion of the cycle of the Dharma or the Buddhist law". Richard Gunde wrote that, unlike apocalyptic groups in the West, Falun Gong does not fixate on death or the end of the world, and instead "has a simple, innocuous ethical message". Li Hongzhi does not discuss a "time of reckoning", and has rejected predictions of an impending apocalypse in his teachings.

Extraterrestrials

Li in the 1990s repeated claims that aliens were responsible for scientific inventions through the manipulation of scientists. For example, in a 1999 interview with Time, Li attributed the invention of computers and airplanes to extraterrestrials, as well as war and violence. However, his position on aliens seemed fairly inconsistent to observers Graeme Lang and Lu Yunfeng. In the Time interview, Li believed that aliens were attempting to replace humans through a cloning process, in which human bodies would be cloned with no soul, so that the aliens can replace the soul and inhabit human bodies (which to him are perfect).

Li Hongzhi alleged that extraterrestrials disguise themselves as humans to corrupt and manipulate humanity. According to an ABC investigation, while some practioners stated that this was metaphorical, a former member said she was taught it as literal truth.

Categorization

Scholars describe Falun Gong as a new religious movement. The organization is regularly featured in handbooks describing new religious movements. While commonly described by scholars as a new religious movement, adherents may reject this term. Yuezhi Zhao describes Falun Gong as "a multifaceted and totalizing movement that means different things to different people, ranging from a set of physical exercises and a praxis of transformation to a moral philosophy and a new knowledge system."

In the cultural context of China, Falun Gong is generally described either as a system of qigong, or a type of "cultivation practice" (xiulian), a process by which an individual seeks spiritual perfection, often through both physical and moral conditioning. Varieties of cultivation practice are found throughout Chinese history, spanning Buddhist, Daoist, and Confucian traditions. Benjamin Penny writes "the best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2,500 years." Qigong practices can also be understood as a part of a broader tradition of "cultivation practice".

In the West, Falun Gong is frequently classified as a religion on the basis of its theological and moral teachings, its concerns with spiritual cultivation and transformation, and its extensive body of scripture. Falun Gong practitioners themselves have sometimes disavowed this classification, however. This rejection reflects the relatively narrow definition of "religion" in contemporary China. According to David Ownby, religion in China has been defined since 1912 to refer to "world-historical faiths" that have "well-developed institutions, clergy, and textual traditions"—namely, Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Moreover, if Falun Gong had described itself as a religion in China, it likely would have invited immediate suppression. These historical and cultural circumstances notwithstanding, the practice has often been described as a form of Chinese religion.

Approaches to media: The Epoch Times, Shen Yun, and Misplaced Pages

The performance arts group Shen Yun and the media organization The Epoch Times are the major outreach organizations of Falun Gong. Both promote the spiritual and political teachings of Falun Gong. They and a variety of other organizations such as New Tang Dynasty Television (NTD) operate as extensions of Falun Gong. These extensions promote the new religious movement and its teachings. In the case of The Epoch Times, they also promote conspiracy theories such as QAnon and anti-vaccine misinformation and far-right politics in both Europe and the United States. Around the time of the 2016 United States presidential election, The Epoch Times began running articles supportive of Donald Trump and critical of his opponents. Falun Gong extensions have also been active in promoting the European Radical right.

The exact financial and structural connections between Falun Gong, Shen Yun and The Epoch Times remains unclear. According to NBC News:

The Epoch Media Group, along with Shen Yun, a dance troupe known for its ubiquitous advertising and unsettling performances, make up the outreach effort of Falun Gong, a relatively new spiritual practice that combines ancient Chinese meditative exercises, mysticism and often ultraconservative cultural worldviews. Falun Gong's founder has referred to Epoch Media Group as "our media", and the group's practice heavily informs The Epoch Times' coverage, according to former employees who spoke with NBC News. The Epoch Times, digital production company NTD and the heavily advertised dance troupe Shen Yun make up the nonprofit network that Li calls "our media". Financial documents paint a complicated picture of more than a dozen technically separate organizations that appear to share missions, money and executives. Though the source of their revenue is unclear, the most recent financial records from each organization paint a picture of an overall business thriving in the Trump era.

According to scholar James R. Lewis writing in 2018, Falun Gong adherents have attempted to control English Misplaced Pages articles covering the group and articles related to it. Lewis highlights Falun Gong's extensive internet presence, and how editors who have to date contributed to English Misplaced Pages entries associated with Falun Gong to the point where "Falun Gong followers and/or sympathizers de facto control the relevant pages on Misplaced Pages", and how this is particularly important for Falun Gong as an organization due to the search engine optimization results of these entries, and how the entries can influence other media entities. Lewis notes also how this fits in as part of Falun Gong's general media strategy, such as Falun Gong media like The Epoch Times, New Tang Dynasty, Sound of Hope Radio, and, as Lewis discusses, the Rachlin media group. Lewis reports that the Rachlin media group is the Falun Gong's de facto PR firm operated by Gail Rachlin, spokesperson for the Falun Dafa Information Centre. Lewis says that Amnesty International does not independently verify its reports from Falun Gong groups, accepting material directly from Falun Gong organizations as fact. According to Lewis, " has thus been able to influence other media via its presence on the web, through its direct press releases, and through its own media."

Ultrasurf, Freegate, the Open Technology Fund, and whistleblower allegations

In the early 2000s, Falun Gong adherents in the United States developed Ultrasurf and Freegate, freeware intended to circumvent Chinese government internet censorship. According to NPR:

Adherents of Falun Gong first developed Ultrasurf nearly two decades ago to get around censors in China and elsewhere. Early on, Ultrasurf seemed a highly promising tool in aiding activists and journalists to talk securely online. It earlier received development money from the State Department and the predecessor agency to USAGM.

A Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society report on the circumvention landscape in 2007 found Ultrasurf's performance to be "the best of any tool tested in filtering countries, the only tool to display okay speed for both image heavy and simple, text oriented sites." A Wired article described Ultrasurf as "one of the most important free-speech tools on the Internet, used by millions from China to Saudi Arabia."

Beyond China, Freegate gained popularity among Iranian protesters soon after its Farsi version was introduced in July 2008. During the Green Movement protests surrounding the 2009 election, its servers were overwhelmed by Iranian Internet users.

In 2010, the US State Department under the Obama administration offered a $1.5 million grant to the Global Internet Freedom Consortium founded by Falun Gong adherents that developed Ultrasurf and Freegate, drawing opposition from the Chinese government. A 2011 Center for a New American Security report recognized the need for the US government to fund high-performing technologies like Ultrasurf and Freegate, despite the stress it might cause on the U.S.-China relationship, but recommended the US government diversify the technologies it funds.

In recent years, Ultrasurf has been a major point of contention in large part because it is not open source, meaning that it cannot be reviewed by outside engineers for vulnerabilities and back doors. Additionally, as reported by The Verge, since the 2000s, the software has drawn criticism "for its content filtering (which blocks pornography) and its ability to surveil user traffic, which is often impossible by design in competing tools".

Although it receives public funding, both its creators and owners have rejected attempts at allowing outside parties to review its effectiveness and utility. A 2020 audit by the U.S. State Department concluded that "censoring Ultrasurf nation-wide would have been trivial for a moderate-budget adversary".

After conservative documentary filmmaker Michael Pack was appointed CEO of the U.S. Agency for Global Media during the Trump administration in 2020, Pack tied up $19 million in federal funds from other projects for the Ultrasurf project. Numerous other projects, including other secure communication projects, lost funding during this period. Ultrasoft eventually received $249,000 of the allotted funds. Once receiving funding, only "four people abroad used it to access Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, a key purpose for its subsidy" during December 2020 and January 2021.

Two days before U.S. President Joe Biden's 2021 inauguration, Pack appointed a columnist from the Epoch Times to the board of directors for the networks his agency oversaw. This columnist had claimed the January 6 insurrection was a "false flag operation". During his eight months in office, Pack regularly appeared in the Epoch Times, where he also discussed Ultrasurf.

As of 2020, Pack, along with other USAGM officials he did not fire during his time there, faced a criminal inquiry in response to whistleblower allegations that the "concerted effort to divert funds to the Falun Gong software Ultrasurf was a criminal conspiracy".

Organization

This section has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages) This section may need to be rewritten to comply with Misplaced Pages's quality standards. You can help. The talk page may contain suggestions. (July 2020) This section may be confusing or unclear to readers. Please help clarify the section. There might be a discussion about this on the talk page. (December 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this message) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

Spiritual authority is vested exclusively in the teachings of founder Li Hongzhi. Volunteer "assistants" or "contact persons" do not hold authority over other practitioners, regardless of how long they have practiced Falun Gong. Li stipulates that practitioners of Falun Gong cannot collect money or charge fees, conduct healings, or teach or interpret doctrine for others. There is no system of membership within the practice and no rituals of worship. Falun Gong operates through a global, networked, and largely virtual online community. In particular, electronic communications, email lists and a collection of websites are the primary means of coordinating activities and disseminating Li Hongzhi's teachings.

Outside Mainland China, a network of volunteer 'contact persons', regional Falun Dafa Associations and university clubs exist in approximately 80 countries. Li Hongzhi's teachings are principally spread through the Internet. In most mid- to large-sized cities, Falun Gong practitioners organize regular group meditation or study sessions in which they practice Falun Gong exercises and read Li Hongzhi's writings. The exercise and meditation sessions are described as informal groups of practitioners who gather in public parks—usually in the morning—for one to two hours. Group study sessions typically take place in the evenings in private residences or university or high school classrooms, and are described by David Ownby as "the closest thing to a regular 'congregational experience'" that Falun Gong offers. Individuals who are too busy, isolated, or who simply prefer solitude may elect to practice privately. When there are expenses to be covered (such as for the rental of facilities for large-scale conferences), costs are borne by self-nominated and relatively affluent individual members of the community.

Within China

In 1993, the Beijing-based Falun Dafa Research Society was accepted as a branch of the state-run China Qigong Research Society (CQRS), which oversaw the administration of the country's various qigong schools, and sponsored activities and seminars. As per the requirements of the CQRS, Falun Gong was organized into a nationwide network of assistance centers, "main stations", "branches", "guidance stations", and local practice sites, mirroring the structure of the qigong society or even of the CCP itself. Falun Gong assistants were self-selecting volunteers who taught the exercises, organized events, and disseminated new writings from Li Hongzhi. The Falun Dafa Research Society provided advice to students on meditation techniques, translation services, and coordination for the practice nationwide.

Following its departure from the CQRS in 1996, Falun Gong came under increased scrutiny from authorities and responded by adopting a more decentralized and loose organizational structure. In 1997, the Falun Dafa Research Society was formally dissolved, along with the regional "main stations". Yet practitioners continued to organize themselves at local levels, being connected through electronic communications, interpersonal networks and group exercise sites. Both Falun Gong sources and Chinese government sources claimed that there were some 1,900 "guidance stations" and 28,263 local Falun Gong exercise sites nationwide by 1999, though they disagree over the extent of vertical coordination among these organizational units. In response to the persecution that began in 1999, Falun Gong was driven underground, the organizational structure grew yet more informal within China, and the internet took precedence as a means of connecting practitioners.

Following the persecution of Falun Gong in 1999, Chinese authorities sought to portray Falun Gong as a hierarchical and well-funded organization. James Tong writes that it was in the government's interest to portray Falun Gong as highly organized in order to justify its repression of the group: "The more organized the Falun Gong could be shown to be, then the more justified the regime's repression in the name of social order was." He concluded that Party's claims lacked "both internal and external substantiating evidence", and that despite the arrests and scrutiny, the authorities never "credibly countered Falun Gong rebuttals".

Dragon Springs compound

Falun Gong operates out of Dragon Springs, a 160-hectare (400-acre) compound located in Deerpark, New York. Falun Gong founder and leader Li Hongzhi resides near the compound, along with "hundreds" of Falun Gong adherents. Members of Falun Gong extension Shen Yun live and rehearse in the compound, which also contains schools and temples. The compound is registered as a church, Dragon Springs Buddhist, which gives it tax exemptions and greater privacy. Scholar Andrew Junker noted that in 2019, near Dragon Springs, in Middletown, was an office for the Falun Gong media extension The Epoch Times, which published a special local edition.

The compound has been a point of controversy among former residents. According to NBC News:

our former compound residents and former Falun Gong practitioners who spoke to NBC News ... said that life in Dragon Springs is tightly controlled by Li, that internet access is restricted, the use of medicines is discouraged, and arranged relationships are common. Two former residents on visas said they were offered to be set up with U.S. residents at the compound.

Tiger Huang, a former Dragon Springs resident who was on a United States student visa from Taiwan, said she was set up on three dates on the compound, and she believed her ability to stay in the United States was tied to the arrangement.

"The purpose of setting up the dates was obvious", Huang said. Her now-husband, a former Dragon Springs resident, confirmed the account. Huang said she was told by Dragon Springs officials her visa had expired and was told to go back to Taiwan after months of dating a nonpractitioner in the compound. She later learned that her visa had not expired when she was told to leave the country.

Acquired by Falun Gong in 2000, the site is closed to visitors and features guarded gates, has been a point of contention for some Deer Park residents concerned. In 2019, Falun Gong requested to expand the site, wishing to add a 920-seat concert hall, a new parking garage, a wastewater treatment plant and a conversion of meditation space into residential space large enough to bring the total residential capacity to 500 people. These plans met with opposition from the Delaware Riverkeeper Network regarding the wastewater treatment facility and the elimination of local wetlands, impacting local waterways such as the Basher Kill and Neversink River. Local residents opposed the expansion because it would increase traffic and reduce the rural character of the area. Falun Gong adherents living in the area have claimed that they have experienced discrimination from local residents.

After visiting in 2019, Junker noted that "the secrecy of Dragon Springs was obvious and a source of tension for the town." Junker adds that, Dragon Springs's website says its restricted access is for security reasons, and that the site claims the compound contains orphans and refugees.

Demography

Prior to July 1999, official Chinese government estimates placed the number of Falun Gong practitioners at 70 million nationwide, rivalling membership in the CCP. By the time of the persecution on 22 July 1999, most Chinese government numbers said the population of Falun Gong was between 2 and 3 million, though some publications maintained an estimate of 40 million. The Falun Gong organization estimated in the same period that the total number of practitioners in China was between 70 and 80 million, though sociologist David A. Palmer notes these numbers were likely highly inflated and gives a more reasonable estimate of 10 million. Other sources have estimated the Falun Gong population in China to have peaked between 10 and 70 million practitioners. The number of Falun Gong practitioners still practicing in China today is difficult to confirm, though Freedom House estimates that seven to 20 million continue to practice privately.

Demographic surveys conducted in China in 1998 found a population that was mostly female and elderly. Of 34,351 Falun Gong practitioners surveyed, 27% were male and 73% female. Only 38% were under 50 years old. Falun Gong attracted a range of other individuals, from young college students to bureaucrats, intellectuals and Party officials. Surveys in China from the 1990s found that between 23 and 40% of practitioners held university degrees at the college or graduate level—several times higher than the general population.

Falun Gong is practiced by tens, and possibly hundreds, of thousands outside China, with the largest communities found in Taiwan and North American cities with large Chinese populations, such as New York and Toronto. Demographic surveys by Palmer and Ownby in these communities found that 90% of practitioners are ethnic Chinese. The average age was approximately 40. Among survey respondents, 56% were female and 44% male; 80% were married. The surveys found the respondents to be highly educated: 9% held PhDs, 34% had master's degrees, and 24% had a bachelor's degree.

As of 2008, the most commonly reported reasons for being attracted to Falun Gong were intellectual content, cultivation exercises, and health benefits. Non-Chinese Falun Gong practitioners tend to fit the profile of "spiritual seekers"—people who had tried a variety of qigong, yoga, or religious practices before finding Falun Gong. According to sociologist Richard Madsen, who specializes in studying modern Chinese culture, Chinese scientists with doctorates from prestigious American universities who practice Falun Gong claim that modern physics (for example, superstring theory) and biology (specifically the pineal gland's function) provide a scientific basis for their beliefs. From their point of view, "Falun Dafa is knowledge rather than religion, a new form of science rather than faith".

History inside China

1992–1996

Li Hongzhi introduced Falun Gong to the public on 13 May 1992, in Changchun, Jilin Province. Several months later, in September 1992, Falun Gong was admitted as a branch of qigong under the administration of the state-run China Qigong Scientific Research Society (CQRS). Li was recognized as a qigong master, and was authorized to teach his practice nationwide. Like many qigong masters at the time, Li toured major cities in China from 1992 to 1994 to teach the practice. He was granted a number of awards by PRC governmental organizations.

According to David Ownby, Professor of History and Director of the Center for East Asian Studies at the Université de Montréal, Li became an "instant star of the qigong movement", and Falun Gong was embraced by the government as an effective means of lowering health care costs, promoting Chinese culture, and improving public morality. In December 1992, for instance, Li and several Falun Gong students participated in the Asian Health Expo in Beijing, where he reportedly "received the most praise at the fair, and achieved very good therapeutic results", according to the fair's organizer. The event helped cement Li's popularity, and journalistic reports of Falun Gong's healing powers spread. In 1993, Li received a letter of appreciation from the Ministry of Public Security for providing treatment to around 100 police officers injured while on duty.

Falun Gong had differentiated itself from other qigong groups in its emphasis on morality, low cost, and health benefits. It rapidly spread via word-of-mouth, attracting a wide range of practitioners from all walks of life, including numerous members of the Chinese Communist Party.

From 1992 to 1994, Li did charge fees for the seminars he was giving across China, though the fees were considerably lower than those of competing qigong practices, and the local qigong associations received a substantial share. Li justified the fees as being necessary to cover travel costs and other expenses, and on some occasions, he donated the money earned to charitable causes. In 1994, Li ceased charging fees altogether, thereafter stipulating that Falun Gong must always be taught for free, and its teachings made available without charge (including online). Although some observers believe Li continued to earn substantial income through the sale of Falun Gong books, others dispute this, asserting that most Falun Gong books in circulation were bootleg copies.

With the publication of the books Falun Gong and Zhuan Falun, Li made his teachings more widely accessible. Zhuan Falun, published in January 1995 at an unveiling ceremony held in the auditorium of the Ministry of Public Security, became a best-seller in China.

In 1995, Chinese authorities began looking to Falun Gong to solidify its organizational structure and ties to the party-state. Li was approached by the Chinese National Sports Committee, Ministry of Public Health, and China Qigong Science Research Association (CQRS) to jointly establish a Falun Gong association. Li declined the offer. The same year, the CQRS issued a new regulation mandating that all qigong denominations establish a Chinese Communist Party branch. Li again refused.

Tensions continued to mount between Li and the CQRS in 1996. In the face of Falun Gong's rise in popularity—a large part of which was attributed to its low cost—competing qigong masters accused Li of undercutting them. According to Schechter, the qigong society under which Li and other qigong masters belonged asked Li to hike his tuition, but Li emphasized the need for the teachings to be free of charge.

In March 1996, Falun Gong withdrew from the CQRS in response to mounting disagreements, after which time it operated outside the official sanction of the state. Falun Gong representatives attempted to register with other government entities, but were rebuffed. Li and Falun Gong were then outside the circuit of personal relations and financial exchanges through which masters and their qigong organizations could find a place within the state system, and also the protections this afforded.

1996–1999

Falun Gong's departure from the state-run CQRS corresponded to a wider shift in the government's attitudes towards qigong practices. As qigong's detractors in government grew more influential, authorities began attempting to rein in the growth and influence of these groups, some of which had amassed tens of millions of followers. In the mid-1990s the state-run media began publishing articles critical of qigong.

Falun Gong was initially shielded from the mounting criticism, but following its withdrawal from the CQRS in March 1996, it lost this protection. On 17 June 1996, the Guangming Daily, an influential state-run newspaper, published a polemic against Falun Gong in which its central text, Zhuan Falun, was described as an example of "feudal superstition". The author wrote that the history of humanity is a "struggle between science and superstition", and called on Chinese publishers not to print "pseudo-scientific books of the swindlers". The article was followed by at least twenty more in newspapers nationwide. Soon after, on 24 July, the Central Propaganda Department banned all publication of Falun Gong books (though the ban was not consistently enforced). The state-administered Buddhist Association of China also began issuing criticisms of Falun Gong, urging lay Buddhists not to take up the practice.

The events were an important challenge to Falun Gong, and one that practitioners did not take lightly. Thousands of Falun Gong followers wrote to Guangming Daily and to the CQRS to complain against the measures, claiming that they violated Hu Yaobang's 1982 'Triple No' directive, which prohibited the media from either encouraging or criticizing qigong practices. In other instances, Falun Gong practitioners staged peaceful demonstrations outside media or local government offices to request retractions of perceived unfair coverage.

The polemics against Falun Gong were part of a larger movement opposing qigong organizations in the state-run media. Although Falun Gong was not the only target of the media criticism, nor the only group to protest, theirs was the most mobilized and steadfast response. Many of Falun Gong's protests against negative media portrayals were successful, resulting in the retraction of several newspaper stories critical of the practice. This contributed to practitioners' belief that the media claims against them were false or exaggerated, and that their stance was justified.

In June 1998, He Zuoxiu, an outspoken critic of qigong and a fierce defender of Marxism, appeared on a talk show on Beijing Television and openly disparaged qigong groups, making particular mention of Falun Gong. Falun Gong practitioners responded with peaceful protests and by lobbying the station for a retraction. The reporter responsible for the program was reportedly fired, and a program favorable to Falun Gong was aired several days later. Falun Gong practitioners also mounted demonstrations at 14 other media outlets.

In 1997, The Ministry of Public Security launched an investigation into whether Falun Gong should be deemed xie jiao (邪教, "heretical teaching"). The report concluded that "no evidence has appeared thus far". The following year, however, on 21 July 1998, the Ministry of Public Security issued Document No. 555, "Notice of the Investigation of Falun Gong". The document asserted that Falun Gong is a "heretical teaching", and mandated that another investigation be launched to seek evidence in support of the conclusion. Falun Gong practitioners reported having phone lines tapped, homes ransacked and raided, and Falun Gong exercise sites disrupted by public security agents.

In this time period, even as criticism of qigong and Falun Gong mounted in some circles, the practice maintained a number of high-profile supporters in the government. In 1998, Qiao Shi, the recently retired Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, initiated his own investigation into Falun Gong. After months of investigations, his group concluded that "Falun Gong has hundreds of benefits for the Chinese people and China, and does not have one single bad effect." In May of the same year, China's National Sports Commission launched its own survey of Falun Gong. Based on interviews with over 12,000 Falun Gong practitioners in Guangdong province, they stated that they were "convinced the exercises and effects of Falun Gong are excellent. It has done an extraordinary amount to improve society's stability and ethics."

The practice's founder, Li Hongzhi, was largely absent from the country during the period of rising tensions with the government. In March 1995, Li had left China to first teach his practice in France and then other countries, and in 1998 obtained permanent residency in the United States.

By 1999, estimates provided by the State Sports Commission suggested there were 70 million Falun Gong practitioners in China. An anonymous employee of China's National Sports Commission, was at this time quoted in an interview with U.S. News & World Report as speculating that if 100 million had taken up Falun Gong and other forms of qigong there would be a dramatic reduction of health care costs and that "Premier Zhu Rongji is very happy about that."

Tianjin and Zhongnanhai protests

By the late 1990s, the Chinese government's relationship to the growing Falun Gong movement had become increasingly tense. Reports of discrimination and surveillance by the Public Security Bureau were escalating, and Falun Gong practitioners were routinely organizing sit-in demonstrations responding to media articles they deemed to be unfair. The conflicting investigations launched by the Ministry of the Public Security on one side and the State Sports Commission and Qiao Shi on the other spoke of the disagreements among China's elites on how to regard the growing practice.

In April 1999, an article critical of Falun Gong was published in Tianjin Normal University's Youth Reader magazine. The article was authored by physicist He Zuoxiu who, as Porter and Gutmann indicate, is a relative of Politburo member and public security secretary Luo Gan. The article cast qigong, and Falun Gong in particular, as superstitious and harmful for youth. Falun Gong practitioners responded by picketing the offices of the newspaper requesting a retraction of the article. Unlike past instances in which Falun Gong protests were successful, on 22 April the Tianjin demonstration was broken up by the arrival of three hundred riot police. Some of the practitioners were beaten, and forty-five arrested. Other Falun Gong practitioners were told that if they wished to appeal further, they needed to take the issue up with the Ministry of Public Security and go to Beijing to appeal.

The Falun Gong community quickly mobilized a response, and on the morning of 25 April, upwards of 10,000 practitioners gathered near the central appeals office to demand an end to the escalating harassment against the movement, and request the release of the Tianjin practitioners. According to Benjamin Penny, practitioners sought redress from the leadership of the country by going to them and, "albeit very quietly and politely, making it clear that they would not be treated so shabbily." They sat or read quietly on the sidewalks surrounding the Zhongnanhai.

Five Falun Gong representatives met with Premier Zhu Rongji and other senior officials to negotiate a resolution. The Falun Gong representatives were assured that the regime supported physical exercises for health improvements and did not consider the Falun Gong to be anti-government.

President Jiang Zemin was alerted to the demonstration by Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission Luo Gan, and was reportedly angered by the audacity of the demonstration—the largest since the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. Jiang called for resolute action to suppress the group, and reportedly criticized Premier Zhu for being "too soft" in his handling of the situation. That evening, Jiang composed a letter indicating his desire to see Falun Gong "defeated". In the letter, Jiang expressed concerns over the size and popularity of Falun Gong, and in particular about the large number of senior CCP members found among Falun Gong practitioners. He believed it possible foreign forces were behind Falun Gong's protests (the practice's founder, Li Hongzhi, had emigrated to the United States), and expressed concern about their use of the internet to coordinate a large-scale demonstration. Jiang also intimated that Falun Gong's moral philosophy was at odds with the atheist values of Marxist–Leninism, and therefore constituted a form of ideological competition.

Jiang is held by Falun Gong to be personally responsible for this decision to persecute Falun Gong. Peerman cited reasons such as suspected personal jealousy of Li Hongzhi; Saich points to Jiang's anger at Falun Gong's widespread appeal, and ideological struggle as causes for the crackdown that followed. Willy Wo-Lap Lam suggests Jiang's decision to suppress Falun Gong was related to a desire to consolidate his power within the Politburo. According to Human Rights Watch, senior officials were far from unified in their support for the crackdown.

Persecution

On 20 July 1999, security forces abducted and detained thousands of Falun Gong practitioners who they identified as leaders. Two days later, on 22 July, the PRC Ministry of Civil Affairs outlawed the Falun Dafa Research Society as an illegal organization that was "engaged in illegal activities, advocating superstition and spreading fallacies, hoodwinking people, inciting and creating disturbances, and jeopardizing social stability". The same day, the Ministry of Public Security issued a circular forbidding citizens from practicing Falun Gong in groups, possessing Falun Gong's teachings, displaying Falun Gong banners or symbols, or protesting against the ban.

The aim of the ensuing campaign was to "eradicate" the group through a combination of means which included the publication and distribution of propaganda which denounced it and the imprisonment and coercive thought reform of its practitioners, sometimes resulting in deaths. In October 1999, four months after the imposition of the ban, legislation was passed in order to outlaw "heterodox religions" and sentence Falun Gong devotees to prison terms.

Hundreds of thousands of Falun Gong practitioners are estimated to have been extrajudicially imprisoned, and practitioners who are currently in detention are reportedly subjected to forced labor, psychiatric abuse, torture, and other coercive methods of thought reform at the hands of Chinese authorities. The U.S. Department of State and Congressional-Executive Commission on China cite estimates that as much as half of China's reeducation-through-labor camp population is made up of Falun Gong practitioners. Researcher Ethan Gutmann estimates that Falun Gong practitioners represent an average of 15 to 20 percent of the total "laogai" population, a population which includes practitioners who are currently being held in re-education through labor camps as well as practitioners who are currently being held in prisons and other forms of administrative detention. Former detainees of the labor camp system have reported that Falun Gong practitioners comprise one of the largest groups of prisoners; in some labor camp and prison facilities, they comprise the majority of the detainees, and they are often said to receive the longest sentences and the worst treatment. A 2013 report on labor reeducation camps by Amnesty International found that in some cases, Falun Gong practitioners "constituted on average from one third to 100 per cent of the total population" of certain camps.

According to Johnson, the campaign against Falun Gong extends to many aspects of society, including the media apparatus, the police force, the military, the education system, and workplaces. An extra-constitutional body, the "610 Office" was created to "oversee" the effort. Human Rights Watch (2002) commented that families and workplace employees were urged to cooperate with the government.

Causes

Observers have attempted to explain the Party's rationale for banning Falun Gong as stemming from a variety of factors. Many of these explanations centre on institutional causes, such as Falun Gong's size and popularity, its independence from the state, and internal politics within the Chinese government. Other scholars have noted that Chinese authorities were troubled by Falun Gong's moral and spiritual content, which put it at odds with aspects of the official Marxist ideology. Still others have pointed to China's history of bloody sectarian revolts as a possible factor leading to the crackdown.

Xinhua News Agency, the official news organization of the Chinese government, declared that Falun Gong is "opposed to the Communist Party of China and the central government, preaches idealism, theism and feudal superstition." Xinhua also asserted that "the so-called 'truth, kindness and forbearance' principle preached by has nothing in common with the socialist ethical and cultural progress we are striving to achieve", and it also argued that it was necessary to crush Falun Gong in order to preserve the "vanguard role and purity" of the Chinese Communist Party. Other articles which appeared in the state-run media in the first days and weeks after the ban was imposed posited that Falun Gong must be defeated because its "theistic" philosophy was at odds with the Marxism–Leninism paradigm and the secular values of materialism.

Willy Wo-Lap Lam writes that Jiang Zemin's campaign against Falun Gong may have been used to promote allegiance to himself; Lam quotes one party veteran as saying "by unleashing a Mao-style movement , Jiang is forcing senior cadres to pledge allegiance to his line." The Washington Post reported that sources indicated not all of the Politburo Standing Committee shared Jiang's view that Falun Gong should be eradicated, and Jiang alone made the decision of crackdown.

Human Rights Watch commented that the crackdown on Falun Gong reflects historical efforts by the CCP to eradicate religion, which the government believes is inherently subversive. The Chinese government protects five "patriotic", state-sanctioned religious groups. Unregistered religions that fall outside the state-sanctioned organizations are thus vulnerable to suppression. The Globe and Mail wrote: "any group that does not come under the control of the Party is a threat". Craig S. Smith of The New York Times wrote that the party feels increasingly threatened by any belief system that challenges its ideology and has an ability to organize itself. That Falun Gong, whose belief system represented a revival of traditional Chinese religion, was being practiced by a large number of Communist Party members and members of the military was seen as particularly disturbing to Jiang Zemin; according to Julia Ching, "Jiang accepts the threat of Falun Gong as an ideological one: spiritual beliefs against militant atheism and historical materialism. He to purge the government and the military of such beliefs."

Yuezhi Zhao points to several other factors that may have led to a deterioration of the relationship between Falun Gong and the Chinese state and media. These included infighting within China's qigong establishment, the influence of qigong opponents among leaders of China, and the struggles from mid-1996 to mid-1999 between Falun Gong and the Chinese power elite over the status and treatment of the movement. According to Zhao, Falun Gong practitioners have established a "resistance identity"—one that stands against prevailing pursuits of wealth, power, scientific rationality, and "the entire value system associated with China's project of modernization." In China the practice represented an indigenous spiritual and moral tradition, a cultural revitalization movement, and it was a sharp contrast to "Marxism with Chinese characteristics".

Vivienne Shue similarly writes that Falun Gong presented a comprehensive challenge to the CCP's legitimacy. Shue argues that Chinese rulers have historically derived their legitimacy from their claim to possess an exclusive connection to the "Truth". In imperial China, truth was based on a Confucian and Daoist cosmology, where in the case of the Communist Party, the truth is represented by Marxist–Leninism and historical materialism. Falun Gong challenged the Marxist–Leninism paradigm, reviving an understanding which is based on more traditionally Buddhist or Daoist conceptions. David Ownby contends that Falun Gong also challenged the Communist Party's hegemony over the Chinese nationalist discourse: " evocation of a different vision of Chinese tradition and its contemporary values are now so threatening to the state and the party because it denies them the sole right to define the meaning of Chinese nationalism, and it even denies them the sole right to define the meaning of Chineseness."

Maria Chang commented that since the overthrow of the Qin dynasty, "Millenarian movements had exerted a profound impact on the course of Chinese history", culminating in the Chinese Revolutions of 1949, which brought the Chinese Communists to power. Patsy Rahn (2002) describes a paradigm of conflict between Chinese sectarian groups and the rulers who they often challenge. According to Rahn, the history of this paradigm goes back to the collapse of the Han dynasty: "The pattern of a ruling power keeping a watchful eye on sectarian groups, at times threatened by them, at times raising campaigns against them, began as early as the second century and continued throughout the dynastic period, through the Mao era and into the present."

Conversion program

According to James Tong, the regime aimed at both coercive dissolution of the Falun Gong denomination and "transformation" of the practitioners. By 2000, the Party escalated its campaign by sentencing "recidivist" practitioners to "re-education through labor" in an effort to have them renounce their beliefs and "transform" their thoughts. Terms were also arbitrarily extended by police, while some practitioners had ambiguous charges levied against them, such as "disrupting social order", "endangering national security", or "subverting the socialist system". According to Bejesky, the majority of long-term Falun Gong detainees are processed administratively through this system instead of the criminal justice system. Upon completion of their re-education sentences, those practitioners who refused to recant were then incarcerated in "legal education centers" set up by provincial authorities to "transform minds".

Much of the conversion program relied on Mao-style techniques of indoctrination and thought reform, where Falun Gong practitioners were organized to view anti-Falun Gong television programs and enroll in Marxism and materialism study sessions. Traditional Marxism and materialism were the core content of the sessions.

The government-sponsored image of the conversion process emphasizes psychological persuasion and a variety of "soft-sell" techniques; this is the "ideal norm" in regime reports, according to Tong. Falun Gong reports, on the other hand, depict "disturbing and sinister" forms of coercion against practitioners who fail to renounce their beliefs. Among them are cases of severe beatings; psychological torment, corporal punishment and forced intense, heavy-burden hard labor and stress positions; solitary confinement in squalid conditions; "heat treatment" including burning and freezing; electric shocks delivered to sensitive parts of the body that may result in nausea, convulsions, or fainting; "devastative" forced feeding; sticking bamboo strips into fingernails; deprivation of food, sleep, and use of toilet; rape and gang rape; asphyxiation; and threat, extortion, and termination of employment and student status.

The cases appear verifiable, and the great majority identify (1) the individual practitioner, often with age, occupation, and residence; (2) the time and location that the alleged abuse took place, down to the level of the district, township, village, and often the specific jail institution; and (3) the names and ranks of the alleged perpetrators. Many such reports include lists of the names of witnesses and descriptions of injuries, Tong says. The publication of "persistent abusive, often brutal behavior by named individuals with their official title, place, and time of torture" suggests that there is no official will to cease and desist such activities.

Deaths

Due to the difficulty in corroborating reports of torture deaths in China, estimates of the number of Falun Gong practitioners who have been killed as a result of the persecution vary widely. In 2009, The New York Times reported that, according to human rights groups, the repressions had claimed "at least 2,000" lives. Amnesty International said at least 100 Falun Gong practitioners had reportedly died in the 2008 calendar year, either in custody or shortly after their release. Investigative journalist Ethan Gutmann estimated 65,000 Falun Gong were killed for their organs from 2000 to 2008 based on extensive interviews, while researchers David Kilgour and David Matas reported, "the source of 41,500 transplants for the six-year period 2000 to 2005 is unexplained".

Chinese authorities do not publish statistics on Falun Gong practitioners killed amidst the crackdown. In individual cases, however, authorities have denied that deaths in custody were due to torture.

Organ harvesting allegations

In 2006, allegations emerged that a large number of Falun Gong practitioners had been killed to supply China's organ transplant industry. These allegations prompted an investigation by former Canadian Secretary of State David Kilgour and human rights lawyer David Matas.

The Kilgour-Matas report was published in July 2006, and concluded that "the government of China and its agencies in numerous parts of the country, in particular hospitals but also detention centers and 'people's courts', since 1999 have put to death a large but unknown number of Falun Gong prisoners of conscience." The report, which was based mainly on circumstantial evidence, called attention to the extremely short wait times for organs in China—one to two weeks for a liver compared with 32.5 months in Canada—implying it was indicative of organs being procured on demand. It also tracked a significant increase in the number of annual organ transplants in China beginning in 1999, corresponding with the onset of the persecution of Falun Gong. Despite very low levels of voluntary organ donation, China performs the second-highest number of transplants per year. Kilgour and Matas also presented self-accusatory material from Chinese transplant center web sites advertising the immediate availability of organs from living donors, and transcripts of interviews in which hospitals told prospective transplant recipients that they could obtain Falun Gong organs.

In May 2008 two United Nations Special Rapporteurs reiterated requests for the Chinese authorities to respond to the allegations, and to explain a source for the organs that would account for the sudden increase in organ transplants in China since 2000. Chinese officials have responded by denying the organ harvesting allegations, and insisting that China abides by World Health Organization principles that prohibit the sale of human organs without written consent from donors. Responding to a U.S. House of Representatives Resolution calling for an end to abusing transplant practices against religious and ethnic minorities, a Chinese embassy spokesperson said "the so-called organ harvesting from death-row prisoners is totally a lie fabricated by Falun Gong." In August 2009, Manfred Nowak, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture, said, "The Chinese government has yet to come clean and be transparent ... It remains to be seen how it could be possible that organ transplant surgeries in Chinese hospitals have risen massively since 1999, while there are never that many voluntary donors available."

In 2014, investigative journalist Ethan Gutmann published the result of his own investigation. Gutmann conducted extensive interviews with former detainees in Chinese labor camps and prisons, as well as former security officers and medical professionals with knowledge of China's transplant practices. He reported that organ harvesting from political prisoners likely began in Xinjiang province in the 1990s, and then spread nationwide. Gutmann estimates that some 64,000 Falun Gong prisoners may have been killed for their organs between the years 2000 and 2008.

In a 2016 report, David Kilgour found that he had underestimated. In the new report he found that the government's official estimates for the volume of organs harvested since the persecution of Falun Gong began to be 150,000 to 200,000. Media outlets have extrapolated from this study a death toll of 1.5 million. Ethan Gutmann estimated from this update that 60,000 to 110,000 organs are harvested in China annually observing that it is (paraphrasing): "difficult but plausible to harvest 3 organs from a single body" and also calls the harvest "a new form of genocide using the most respected members of society."

In June 2019, the China Tribunal—an independent tribunal set up by the International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China—concluded that detainees including imprisoned followers of the Falun Gong movement are still being killed for organ harvesting. The Tribunal, chaired by Sir Geoffrey Nice QC, said it was "certain that Falun Gong as a source—probably the principal source—of organs for forced organ harvesting".

In June 2021, the Special Procedures of the United Nations Human Rights Council voiced concerns over having "received credible information that detainees from ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities may be forcibly subjected to blood tests and organ examinations such as ultrasound and x-rays, without their informed consent; while other prisoners are not required to undergo such examinations." The press release stated that UN's human rights experts "were extremely alarmed by reports of alleged 'organ harvesting' targeting minorities, including Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, Tibetans, Muslims and Christians, in detention in China."

Media campaign

The Chinese government's campaign against Falun Gong was driven by large-scale propaganda through television, newspapers, radio and internet. The propaganda campaign focused on allegations that Falun Gong jeopardized social stability, was deceiving and dangerous, was anti-science and threatened progress, and argued that Falun Gong's moral philosophy was incompatible with a Marxist social ethic.

China scholars Daniel Wright and Joseph Fewsmith stated that for several months after Falun Gong was outlawed, China Central Television's evening news contained little but anti-Falun Gong rhetoric; the government operation was "a study in all-out demonization", they wrote. Falun Gong was compared to "a rat crossing the street that everyone shouts out to squash" by Beijing Daily; other officials said it would be a "long-term, complex and serious" struggle to "eradicate" Falun Gong.

State propaganda initially used the appeal of scientific rationalism to argue that Falun Gong's worldview was in "complete opposition to science" and communism. For example, the People's Daily asserted on 27 July 1999, that the fight against Falun Gong "was a struggle between theism and atheism, superstition and science, idealism and materialism." Other editorials declared that Falun Gong's "idealism and theism" are "absolutely contradictory to the fundamental theories and principles of Marxism", and that the "'truth, kindness and forbearance' principle preached by has nothing in common with the socialist ethical and cultural progress we are striving to achieve." Suppressing Falun Gong was presented as a necessary step to maintaining the "vanguard role" of the CCP in Chinese society.

Despite Party efforts, initial charges leveled against Falun Gong failed to elicit widespread popular support for the persecution of the group. In the months following July 1999, the rhetoric in the state-run press escalated to include charges that Falun Gong was colluding with foreign, "anti-China" forces. In October 1999, three months after the persecution began, the People's Daily newspaper claimed Falun Gong as a xiejiao (邪教). A direct translation of that term is "heretical teaching", but during the anti-Falun Gong propaganda campaign was rendered as "evil cult" in English. According to a Washington Post report, it was Jiang Zemin who issued the order to label Falun Gong a "cult". In Mainland China, the term xiejiao has been used to target religious organizations that do not submit to Communist Party authority.

Ian Johnson argued that applying the 'cult' label to Falun Gong effectively "cloaked the government's crackdown with the legitimacy of the West's anticult movement." He wrote that Falun Gong does not satisfy common definitions of a cult: "its members marry outside the group, have outside friends, hold normal jobs, do not live isolated from society, do not believe that the world's end is imminent and do not give significant amounts of money to the organisation ... it does not advocate violence and is at heart an apolitical, inward-oriented discipline, one aimed at cleansing oneself spiritually and improving one's health." David Ownby similarly wrote that "the entire issue of the supposed cultic nature of Falun Gong was a red herring from the beginning, cleverly exploited by the Chinese state to blunt the appeal of Falun Gong". According to John Powers and Meg Y. M. Lee, because the Falun Gong was categorized in the popular perception as an "apolitical, qigong exercise club", it was not seen as a threat to the government. The most critical strategy in the Falun Gong suppression campaign, therefore, was to convince people to reclassify the Falun Gong into a number of "negatively charged religious labels", like "evil cult", "sect", or "superstition". The group's silent protests were reclassified as creating "social disturbances". In this process of relabelling, the government was attempting to tap into a "deep reservoir of negative feelings related to the historical role of quasi-religious cults as a destabilising force in Chinese political history."

A turning point in the propaganda campaign came on the eve of Chinese New Year on 23 January 2001, when five people attempted to set themselves ablaze on Tiananmen Square. The official Chinese press agency, Xinhua News Agency, and other state media asserted that the self-immolators were practitioners, though the Falun Dafa Information Center disputed this, on the grounds that the movement's teachings explicitly forbid suicide and killing, further alleging that the event was "a cruel (but clever) piece of stunt-work." The incident received international news coverage, and video footage of the burnings were broadcast later inside China by China Central Television (CCTV). The broadcasts showed images of a 12-year-old girl, Liu Siying, burning, and interviews with the other participants in which they stated a belief that self-immolation would lead them to paradise. But one of the CNN producers on the scene did not even see a child there. Falun Gong sources and other commentators pointed out that the main participants' account of the incident and other aspects of the participants' behavior were inconsistent with Falun Gong's teachings. Media Channel and the International Education Development (IED) agree that the supposed self-immolation incident was staged by CCP to "prove" that Falun Gong brainwashes its followers to commit suicide and has therefore to be banned as a threat to the nation. IED's statement at the 53rd UN session describes China's violent assault on Falun Gong practitioners as state terrorism and that the self-immolation "was staged by the government." Washington Post journalist Phillip Pan wrote that the two self-immolators who died were not actually Falun Gong practitioners. On March 21, 2001, Liu Siying suddenly died after appearing very lively and being deemed ready to leave the hospital to go home. Time reported that prior to the self-immolation incident, many Chinese had felt that Falun Gong posed no real threat, and that the state's crackdown had gone too far. After the event, however, the mainland Chinese media campaign against Falun Gong gained significant traction. As public sympathy for Falun Gong declined, the government began sanctioning "systematic use of violence" against the group.

In February, 2001, the month following the Tiananmen Square self-immolation incident, Jiang Zemin convened a rare Central Work Conference to stress the importance of continuity in the anti-Falun Gong campaign and unite senior party officials behind the effort. Under Jiang's leadership, the crackdown on Falun Gong became part of the Chinese political ethos of "upholding stability"—much the same rhetoric employed by the party during 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. Jiang's message was echoed at the 2001 National People's Congress, where the Falun Gong's eradication was tied to China's economic progress. Though less prominent on the national agenda, the persecution of Falun Gong has carried on after Jiang was retired; successive, high-level "strike hard" campaigns against Falun Gong were initiated in both 2008 and 2009. In 2010, a three-year campaign was launched to renew attempts at the coercive "transformation" of Falun Gong practitioners.

In the education system

Anti-Falun Gong propaganda efforts have also permeated the Chinese education system. Following Jiang Zemin's 1999 ban of Falun Gong, then-Minister of Education Chen Zhili launched an active campaign to promote the Party's line on Falun Gong within all levels of academic institutions, including graduate schools, universities and colleges, middle schools, primary schools, and kindergartens. Her efforts included a "Cultural Revolution-like pledge" in Chinese schools that required faculty members, staff, and students to publicly denounce Falun Gong. Teachers who did not comply with Chen's program were dismissed or detained; uncooperative students were refused academic advancement, expelled from school, or sent to "transformation" camps to alter their thinking. Chen also worked to spread the anti-Falun Gong academic propaganda movement overseas, using domestic educational funding to donate aid to foreign institutions, encouraging them to oppose Falun Gong.

Falun Gong's response to the persecution

Falun Gong's response to the persecution in China began in July 1999 with appeals to local, provincial, and central petitioning offices in Beijing. It soon progressed to larger demonstrations, with hundreds of Falun Gong practitioners traveling daily to Tiananmen Square to perform Falun Gong exercises or raise banners in defense of the practice. These demonstrations were invariably broken up by security forces, and the practitioners involved were arrested—sometimes violently—and detained. By 25 April 2000, a total of more than 30,000 practitioners had been arrested on the square; seven hundred Falun Gong followers were arrested during a demonstration in the square on 1 January 2001. Public protests continued well into 2001. Writing for the Wall Street Journal, Ian Johnson wrote that "Falun Gong faithful have mustered what is arguably the most sustained challenge to authority in 50 years of Communist rule."

By late 2001, demonstrations in Tiananmen Square had become less frequent, and the practice was driven deeper underground. As public protest fell out of favor, practitioners established underground "material sites", which would produce literature and DVDs to counter the portrayal of Falun Gong in the official media. Practitioners then distribute these materials, often door-to-door. Falun Gong sources estimated in 2009 that over 200,000 such sites exist across China today. The production, possession, or distribution of these materials is frequently grounds for security agents to incarcerate or sentence Falun Gong practitioners.

In 2002, Falun Gong activists in China tapped into television broadcasts, replacing regular state-run programming with their own content. One of the more notable instances occurred in March 2002, when Falun Gong practitioners in Changchun intercepted eight cable television networks in Jilin Province, and for nearly an hour, televised a program titled "Self-Immolation or a Staged Act?". All six of the Falun Gong practitioners involved were captured over the next few months. Two were killed immediately, while the other four were all dead by 2010 as a result of injuries sustained while imprisoned.

Outside China, Falun Gong practitioners established international media organizations to gain wider exposure for their cause and challenge narratives of the Chinese state-run media. These include The Epoch Times newspaper, New Tang Dynasty Television, and Sound of Hope radio station. According to Zhao, through The Epoch Times it can be discerned how Falun Gong is building a "de facto media alliance" with China's democracy movements in exile, as demonstrated by its frequent printing of articles by prominent overseas Chinese critics of the PRC government. In 2004, The Epoch Times published a collection of nine editorials that presented a critical history of the Chinese Communist Party. This catalyzed the Tuidang movement, which encourages Chinese citizens to renounce their affiliations to the Chinese Communist Party, including ex post facto renunciations of the Communist Youth League and Young Pioneers. The Epoch Times claims that tens of millions have renounced the Chinese Communist Party as part of the movement, though these numbers have not been independently verified.

In 2006, Falun Gong practitioners in the United States formed Shen Yun Performing Arts, a dance and music company that tours internationally.

Falun Gong software developers in the United States are also responsible for the creation of several popular censorship-circumvention tools employed by internet users in China.

Falun Gong practitioners outside China have filed dozens of lawsuits against Jiang Zemin, Luo Gan, Bo Xilai, and other Chinese officials alleging genocide and crimes against humanity. According to International Advocates for Justice, Falun Gong has filed the largest number of human rights lawsuits in the 21st century and the charges are among the most severe international crimes defined by international criminal laws. As of 2006, 54 civil and criminal lawsuits were under way in 33 countries. In many instances, courts have refused to adjudicate the cases on the grounds of sovereign immunity. In late 2009, however, separate courts in Spain and Argentina indicted Jiang Zemin and Luo Gan on charges of "crimes of humanity" and genocide, and asked for their arrest—the ruling is acknowledged to be largely symbolic and unlikely to be carried out. The court in Spain also indicted Bo Xilai, Jia Qinglin and Wu Guanzheng.

Falun Gong practitioners and their supporters also filed a lawsuit in May 2011 against the technology company Cisco Systems, alleging that the company helped design and implement a surveillance system for the Chinese government to suppress Falun Gong. Cisco denied customizing their technology for this purpose.

Falun Gong outside China

Li Hongzhi began teaching Falun Gong internationally in March 1995. His first stop was in Paris where, at the invitation of the Chinese ambassador, he held a lecture seminar at the PRC embassy. This was followed by lectures in Sweden in May 1995. Between 1995 and 1999, Li gave lectures in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Switzerland, and Singapore.

Falun Gong's growth outside China largely corresponded to the migration of students from Mainland China to the West in the early-to-mid-1990s. Falun Gong associations and clubs began appearing in Europe, North America and Australia, with activities centered mainly on university campuses.

Translations of Falun Gong teachings began appearing in the late 1990s. As the practice began proliferating outside China, Li Hongzhi was beginning to receive recognition in the United States and elsewhere in the western world. In May 1999, Li was welcomed to Toronto with greetings from the city's mayor and the provincial lieutenant governor, and in the two months that followed also received recognition from the cities of Chicago and San Jose.

Although the practice was beginning to attract an overseas constituency in the 1990s, it remained relatively unknown outside China until the Spring of 1999, when tensions between Falun Gong and the CCP became a subject of international media coverage. With the increased attention, the practice gained a greater following outside China. Following the launch of the CCP's suppression campaign against Falun Gong, the overseas presence became vital to the practice's resistance in China and its continued survival. Falun Gong practitioners overseas have responded to the persecution in China through regular demonstrations, parades, and through the creation of media outlets, performing arts companies, and censorship-circumvention software mainly intended to reach Mainland Chinese audiences.

In its study of transnational repression committed by governments, Freedom House has reported that practitioners of Falun Gong have been targeted by the Chinese government's transnational repression campaign.

International reception

Since 1999, numerous Western governments and human rights organizations have expressed condemnation of the Chinese government's suppression of Falun Gong. Since 1999, members of the United States Congress have made public pronouncements and introduced several resolutions in support of Falun Gong. In 2010, U.S. House of Representatives Resolution 605 called for "an immediate end to the campaign to persecute, intimidate, imprison, and torture Falun Gong practitioners", condemned the Chinese authorities' efforts to distribute "false propaganda" about the practice worldwide, and expressed sympathy to persecuted Falun Gong practitioners and their families.

Adam Frank writes that in reporting on the Falun Gong, the Western tradition of casting the Chinese as "exotic" took dominance, and that while the facts were generally correct in Western media coverage, "the normalcy that millions of Chinese practitioners associated with the practice had all but disappeared." David Ownby wrote that alongside these tactics, the "cult" label applied to Falun Gong by the Chinese authorities never entirely went away in the minds of some Westerners, and the stigma still plays a role in wary public perceptions of Falun Gong.

To counter the support of Falun Gong in the West, the Chinese government expanded their efforts against the group internationally. This included visits to newspaper officers by diplomats to "extol the virtues of Communist China and the evils of Falun Gong", linking support for Falun Gong with "jeopardizing trade relations", and sending letters to local politicians telling them to withdraw support for the practice. According to Perry Link, pressure on Western institutions also takes more subtle forms, including academic self-censorship, whereby research on Falun Gong could result in a denial of visa for fieldwork in China; or exclusion and discrimination from business and community groups who have connections with China and fear angering Chinese government.

Although the persecution of Falun Gong has drawn considerable condemnation outside China, some observers assert that Falun Gong has failed to attract the level of sympathy and sustained attention afforded to other Chinese dissident groups. Katrina Lantos Swett, vice chair of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, has said most Americans are aware of the suppression of "Tibetan Buddhists and unregistered Christian groups or pro-democracy and free speech advocates such as Liu Xiaobo and Ai Weiwei", and yet "know little to nothing about China's assault on the Falun Gong".

Ethan Gutmann, a journalist reporting on China since the early 1990s, has attempted to explain this apparent dearth of public sympathy for Falun Gong as stemming, in part, from the group's shortcomings in public relations. Unlike the democracy activists or Tibetans, who have found a comfortable place in Western perceptions, "Falun Gong marched to a distinctly Chinese drum", Gutmann writes. Moreover, practitioners' attempts at getting their message across carried some of the uncouthness of Communist Party culture, including a perception that practitioners tended to exaggerate, create "torture tableaux straight out of a Cultural Revolution opera", or "spout slogans rather than facts". This is coupled with a general doubtfulness in the West of persecuted refugees. Gutmann also says that media organizations and human rights groups also self-censor on the topic, given the PRC governments vehement attitude toward the practice, and the potential repercussions that may follow for making overt representations on Falun Gong's behalf.

Richard Madsen writes that Falun Gong lacks robust backing from the American constituencies that usually support religious freedom. For instance, Falun Gong's conservative moral beliefs have alienated some liberal constituencies in the West (e.g. its teachings against promiscuity and homosexual behavior). He also states that Christian conservatives do not support Falun Gong while they do Chinese Christians. Madsen charges that the American political center does not want to push the human rights issue so hard that it would disrupt commercial and political relations with China. Thus, Falun Gong practitioners have largely had to rely on their own resources in responding to suppression.

In August 2007, the newly reestablished Rabbinic Sanhedrin deliberated persecution of the movement by the Chinese government at the request of Falun Gong.

See also

• Freedom of religion in China
• Human rights in China
• List of new religious movements

References

1. Wells, John C. (2008), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.), Longman, ISBN 978-1405881180
2. Junker, Andrew. 2019. Becoming Activists in Global China: Social Movements in the Chinese Diaspora, pp. 23–24, 33, 119, 207. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1108655897
3. Barker, Eileen. 2016. Revisionism and Diversification in New Religious Movements, cf. 142–143. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1317063612
4. Oliver, Paul. 2012. New Religious Movements: A Guide for the Perplexed, pp. 81–84. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1441125538
5. Hexham, Irving. 2009. Pocket Dictionary of New Religious Movements, pp. 49, 71. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0830876525
6. Clarke, Peter. 2004. Encyclopedia of New Religious Movements. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1134499694
7. Partridge, Christopher. 2004. Encyclopedia of New Religions: New Religious Movements, Sects and Alternative Spiritualities, 265–266. Lion. ISBN 978-0745950730.
8. ^ Ownby, David (2004). "The Falun Gong: A New Religious Movement in Post-Mao China". In Lewis, James R.; Petersen, Jesper Aagaard (eds.). Controversial New Religions (1st ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 195–196. ISBN 978-0-19-515682-9.
9. ^
10. ^ Junker (2019: 33, 101).
11. van der Made, Jan (13 May 2019). "Shen Yun: Fighting Communism - and making a stack on the side". Radio France Internationale. Retrieved 6 July 2020.
12. ^ Zadrozny, Brandy; Collins, Ben (20 August 2019). "Trump, QAnon and an impending judgment day: Behind the Facebook-fueled rise of The Epoch Times". NBC News. Archived from the original on 23 August 2019. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
13. Campbell, Eric; Cohen, Hagar (20 July 2020). "The power of Falun Gong". ABC News. Archived from the original on 8 September 2022. Retrieved 27 October 2024.
14. Maloney, Carolyn. "In Recognition of Shen Yun; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 41". congress.gov. Archived from the original on 20 June 2023. Retrieved 4 July 2023.
15. Knutsen, Elise (5 July 2011). "Shen Yun Performance Brings Out Stars And Awareness". The Observer. Archived from the original on 17 March 2023. Retrieved 4 July 2023.
16. * Junker, Andrew (2019). Becoming Activists in Global China: Social Movements in the Chinese Diaspora. Cambridge University Press. p. 99. ISBN 978-1108482998. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 23 May 2020.
    • Tolentino, Jio (19 March 2019). "Stepping Into the Uncanny, Unsettling World of Shen Yun". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 17 March 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
    • Braslow, Samuel (9 March 2020). "Inside the Shadowy World of Shen Yun and Its Secret Pro-Trump Ties". Los Angeles. Archived from the original on 10 March 2020. Retrieved 27 April 2022.
    • Roose, Kevin (24 October 2020). "How The Epoch Times Created a Giant Influence Machine". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 25 December 2021. Retrieved 27 October 2024.
    • van Zuylen-Wood, Simon (13 January 2021). "MAGA-land's Favorite Newspaper". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 15 November 2023. Retrieved 27 October 2024.
    • Folkenflik, David (14 April 2021). "Falun Gong, Steve Bannon And The Trump-Era Battle Over Internet Freedom". NPR. Archived from the original on 2 November 2023. Retrieved 24 October 2024.
    • Dorrell, Taylor (5 March 2022). "The Right-Wing Cult Behind Shen Yun". Columbus Free Press. Retrieved 18 May 2024.
    • Zadrozny, Brandy (13 October 2023). "How the conspiracy-fueled Epoch Times went mainstream and made millions". NBC News. Archived from the original on 14 October 2023. Retrieved 27 October 2024.
17. Kaiser, Jonas (2019). "In the heartland of climate scepticism: A hyperlink network analysis of German climate sceptics and the US right wing". In Forchtner, Bernard (ed.). The Far Right and the Environment: Politics, Discourse and Communication. Routledge. p. 265. ISBN 978-1351104029.
18. Weisskircher, Manès (11 September 2020). "Neue Wahrheiten von rechts außen? Alternative Nachrichten und der 'Rechtspopulismus' in Deutschland" [New truths from the far-right? Alternative news and 'right-wing populism' in Germany]. Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen (in German). 33 (2). De Gruyter: 474–490. doi:10.1515/fjsb-2020-0040. ISSN 2192-4848. S2CID 222004415. In Deutschland existiert eine Vielzahl an alternativen Nachrichten-Plattformen von Rechtsaußen. Der Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2019 nennt Junge Freiheit, Compact online, PI News und Epoch Times als Plattformen mit der häufigsten Nutzung (Newman 2019: 86). [In Germany there is a large number of alternative news platforms from the far-right. The Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2019 names Junge Freiheit, Compact online, PI News and Epoch Times as the platforms with the most frequent use (Newman 2019: 86).]
19. ^ Allen-Ebrahimian, Bethany (23 September 2017). "The German Edition of Falun Gong's 'Epoch Times' Aligns with the Far Right". ChinaFile. Center on U.S.-China Relations at Asia Society. Archived from the original on 28 October 2017.
20. Alba, Davey (9 May 2020). "Virus Conspiracists Elevate a New Champion". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 1 December 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
21. ^ Hettena, Seth (17 September 2019). "The Obscure Newspaper Fueling the Far-Right in Europe". The New Republic. ISSN 0028-6583. Archived from the original on 2 July 2020. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
22. Aspinwall, Nick (2 November 2020). "Guo Wengui and Steve Bannon Are Flooding the Zone With Hunter Biden Conspiracies". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 2 March 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
23. Farhi, Paul (20 August 2020). "A 'loud mouth' writer says the White House broke its own briefing-room rules. So he did the same". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 31 December 2020. Retrieved 6 November 2020. Last week, McEnany admitted representatives from two far-right outfits, the Gateway Pundit and Epoch Times
24. Aspinwall, Nick (6 November 2020). "As Taiwan Watches US Election, It May Need Time to Trust a Biden Administration". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 12 February 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020. That's likely due in large part to the presence of influential Chinese-language far-right media on the island, such as the Falun Gong-backed Epoch Times
25. Newton, Casey (12 May 2020). "How the 'Plandemic' video hoax went viral". The Verge. Archived from the original on 8 April 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020. it won approving coverage from far-right outlets including the Epoch Times, Gateway Pundit, and Next News Network.
26. Pressman, Aaron; Morris, David Z. (7 August 2020). "This moon landing video is fake". Fortune. Archived from the original on 23 February 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
27. Sommer, Will (19 October 2019). "Bannon Teams Up With Chinese Group That Thinks Trump Will Bring on End-Times". The Daily Beast. Archived from the original on 7 January 2021. Retrieved 6 November 2020. New Tang Dynasty is part of the Epoch Media Group, a collection of far-right media outlets linked to Falun Gong
28. ^ Callery, James; Goddard, Jacqui (23 August 2021). "Most-clicked link on Facebook spread doubt about Covid vaccine". The Times. ISSN 0140-0460. Archived from the original on 29 September 2022. Retrieved 22 December 2021. Facebook's data on the first quarter of this year shows that one of its most popular pages was an article by The Epoch Times, a far-right newspaper that has promoted QAnon conspiracy theories and misleading claims of voter fraud related to the 2020 US election.
29. ^ Waldman, Scott (27 August 2021). "Climate denial newspaper flourishes on Facebook". E&E News. Archived from the original on 28 September 2022. Retrieved 8 January 2022.
31. ^ Roose, Kevin (5 February 2020). "Epoch Times, Punished by Facebook, Gets a New Megaphone on YouTube". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 6 February 2020. Retrieved 6 February 2020.
32. ^ Perrone, Alessio; Loucaides, Darren (10 March 2022). "A key source for Covid-skeptic movements, the Epoch Times yearns for a global audience". Coda Media. Archived from the original on 13 March 2022. Retrieved 13 March 2022.
33. ^ David Ownby, "The Falun Gong in the New World". European Journal of East Asian Studies, Sep 2003, Vol. 2 Issue 2, p 306.
34. ^ "Falun Gong: Religious Freedom in China". Freedom House. 2017.
35. "Falun Gong: Popular spiritual practice". SFGate. 6 April 2008.
36. ^ Ownby (2008), p. 89
37. ^ Fang, Bay (22 February 1999). "An opiate of the masses?". U.S. News & World Report. Archived from the original on 2 December 2013.
38. ^ Ownby (2008), p. 168
39. Penny (2012), pp. 49–56
40. Penny (2012), pp. 1–3
41. ^ Pomfret, John (12 November 1999). "Cracks in China's Crackdown". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 14 December 2017. Retrieved 2 March 2024.
42. ^ Philip Pan and John Pomfret, "Torture is Breaking Falun Gong". The Washington Post, 5 August 2001. Archived October 5, 2019, at the Wayback Machine
43. Johnson, Ian (2001). "Pulitzer Prize winning articles in the Wall Street Journal". Archived from the original on 11 October 2015.
44. ^ U.S. Department of State (October 2008). 2008 Country Report on Human Rights: China (includes Hong Kong and Macao) (Report). Archived from the original on 9 July 2019. Retrieved 22 May 2019. Some foreign observers estimated that at least half of the 250,000 officially recorded inmates in the country's re-education-through-labor camps were Falun Gong adherents. Falun Gong sources overseas placed the number even higher.
45. ^ Congressional Executive Commission on China (31 October 2008). Annual Report 2008 (Report). Archived from the original on 7 December 2014. International observers believe that Falun Gong practitioners constitute a large percentage—some say as many as half—of the total number of Chinese imprisoned in RTL camps. Falun Gong sources report that at least 200,000 practitioners are being held in RTL and other forms of detention.
46. ^ Jacobs, Andrew (27 April 2009). "China Still Presses Crusade Against Falun Gong". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 13 June 2017. Retrieved 16 August 2017.
47. ^ United States Department of State. 2022. "China 2022 International Religious Freedom Report". Online Archived 29 October 2023 at the Wayback Machine.
48. Lewis 2018, pp. 17, 92
49. Zadrozny, Brandy. 2023. "How the conspiracy-fueled Epoch Times went mainstream and made millions". NBC News, October 13, 2023. Online Archived 14 October 2023 at the Wayback Machine.
50. Lewis 2018, pp. 5, 30
51. Ownby (2008), pp. 93, 102
52. Kavan, Heather (July 2008). Falun Gong in the media: What can we believe? (PDF). 2008 Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference. Archived (PDF) from the original on 12 October 2020. Retrieved 12 October 2020.
53. James R. Lewis (2017). "'I am the only one propagating true Dharma': Li Hongzhi's Self-Presentation as Buddha and Greater". Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities. II (2). Colombo Arts.
54. Porter (2003), p. 29: "According to the Falun Gong belief system, there are three virtues that are also principles of the universe: Zhen, Shan, and Ren (真, 善, 忍). Zhen is truthfulness and sincerity. Shan is compassion, benevolence, and kindness. Ren is forbearance, tolerance, and endurance. These three virtues are the only criteria that truly distinguish good people and bad people. Human society has deviated from these moral standards. All matter in the universe contains Zhen- Shan-Ren. All three are equally important."
55. Ownby (2008), p. 93: "The very structure of the universe, according to Li Hongzhi, is made up of the moral qualities that cultivators are enjoined to practice in their own lives: truth, compassion, and forbearance."
56. Penny (2012), p. 133: "For Li, as he often repeats in Zhuan Falun, the special characteristic or particular nature of the cosmos is the moral triumvirate of zhen (truth), shan (compassion), and ren (forbearance). He does not mean this metaphorically; for him zhen, shan, and ren are the basic organizing principles of all things  it is embedded in the very essence of everything in the universe that they adhere to the principles of truth, compassion, and forbearance."
57. Penny (2012), p. 124: "In addition, in Falun Gong cultivation adherence to the code of truth, compassion, and forbearance is not just regarded as the right and responsible course of action for practitioners; it is an essential part of the cultivation process. Lapsing from it will render any other efforts in cultivation worthless."
58. Penny (2012), pp. 124–125
59. Penny (2012), p. 169
60. ^ Penny (2012), p. 170
61. Penny (2012), p. 172: "Transforming karma into virtue is fundamental in the cultivation practice of Falun Gong"
62. ^ Ownby (2008), pp. 110–12
63. ^ Penny, Benjamin (2012). The Religion of Falun Gong. University of Chicago Press. p. 217. ISBN 978-0-226-65501-7. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 23 September 2016 – via Google Books.
64. Li Hongzhi, "Zhuan Falun", pp. 27–35, 362–65
65. Ownby (2008), p. 93: "The goal of cultivation, and hence of life itself, is spiritual elevation, achieved through eliminating negative karma—the built-up sins of past and present lives—and accumulating virtue."
66. ^ Penny (2012), pp. 158, 201
67. Dowell, William. "Interview with Li Hongzhi". Time. Archived from the original on 1 October 2018. Retrieved 1 September 2018.
68. Penny (2012), p. 135
69. Ownby (2008), pp. 103–05
70. ^ Ownby (2008), p. 110
71. Ownby (2008), p. 93: "One finds few lists of do's and don'ts in Li's writings, nor are there sophisticated ethical discussions. Instead, followers are advised to rid themselves of unnecessary "attachments", to do what they know is right, and hence to return to "the origin", to their "original self".
72. ^ Schechter (2001)
73. ^ Chou, Kai-Ti (2008). Contemporary Religious Movements in Taiwan: Rhetorics of Persuasion. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. ISBN 978-0-7734-5241-1.
74. ^ Zhao, Yuezhi (2003). "Falun Gong, Identity, and the Struggle over Meaning Inside and Outside China". In Couldry, Nick; Curran, James (eds.). Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7425-2385-2. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 23 September 2016.
75. Dowellc, William (10 May 1999). "Interview with Li Hongzhi". Time. Archived from the original on 1 October 2018. Retrieved 30 January 2021.
76. "Who is Li Hongzhi?". BBC. 8 May 2001. Archived from the original on 5 May 2016. Retrieved 20 May 2010.
77. Peter Carlson (27 February 2000). "For Whom the Gong Tolls". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 12 August 2021. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
78. Jan van der Made (25 April 2019). "Were human organs stolen in 20-year conflict between Beijing and Falun Gong?". RFI. Archived from the original on 13 February 2023. Retrieved 30 April 2023.
79. Li Hongzhi, Falun Gong (6th Translation Edition, 2014)
80. Penny (2012), pp. 163–68
81. ^ David Ownby, "Falun Gong in the New World", European Journal of East Asian Studies (2003), pp. 313–314.
82. ^ Porter, Noah (2003). Falun Gong in the United States: An Ethnographic Study (PDF) (Thesis). University of South Florida. Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 September 2006.
83. ^ Ownby (2008)
84. Porter (2003), p. 205
85. ^ Penny (2012), pp. 102, 170–81
86. ^ Ownby (2008), pp. 112–14
87. Penny (2012), p. 123
88. Penny (2012), p. 48
89. ^ Hu Ping, "The Falun Gong Phenomenon", in Challenging China: Struggle and Hope in an Era of Change, Sharon Hom and Stacy Mosher (ed) (New York: The New Press, 2007).
90. ^ Johnson, Ian (2005). Wild Grass: Three Stories of Change in Modern China. New York: Pantheon Books. ISBN 978-0307430250. Archived from the original on 14 May 2024. Retrieved 11 June 2023 – via Google Books.
91. Vuari, Juha (2014). Critical Security and Chinese Politics: The Anti-Falungong Campaign. New York City: Routledge. p. 152. ISBN 9781138650282. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 12 January 2022 – via Google Books.
92. ^ Harwood, William (2011). Dictionary of Contemporary Mythology (3rd ed.). World Audience Inc. p. 162. ISBN 9781544601403. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 12 January 2022 – via Google Books.
93. ^ Xinzhang, Zhang; Lewis, James R. (2020). "The Gods Hate Fags: Falun Gong's Reactionary Social Teachings". Journal of Religion and Violence. 8 (3). Philosophy Documentation Center: 281–297. doi:10.5840/jrv202121679. ISSN 2159-6808. JSTOR 27212327. S2CID 233958033. Archived from the original on 18 February 2024. Retrieved 18 February 2024.
94. ^ Lubman, Sarah (23 December 2001). "A Chinese Battle on U.S. Soil". San Jose Mercury News. Archived from the original on 14 May 2024. Retrieved 18 February 2024 – via NewsBank.
95. Hsia Chang, Maria (2004). Falun Gong: The End of Days. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 94. ISBN 0-300-10227-5. OCLC 182530364. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023 – via Google Books.
96. Lewis, James R. (3 May 2018). Falun Gong: Spiritual Warfare and Martyrdom. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-1108445658. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 12 January 2022 – via Google Books.
97. Lewis, James; Chao, Huang (28 February 2020). "Falun Gong: Origins, Growth, Conflict". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.677. ISBN 978-0-19-934037-8. Archived from the original on 30 January 2023. Retrieved 8 March 2023.
98. "Conflicts between Falun Gong Teachings and Western Moral & Ethic Principles". The Chinese Press. Montreal, Canada: B12. 9 August 2019. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 12 January 2022.
99. ^ Gutmann, Ethan (2014). The Slaughter: Mass Killings, Organ Harvesting, and China's Secret Solution to Its Dissident Problem. Prometheus Books. p. 67. ISBN 978-1616149406.
100. Penny (2012), pp. 93–94
101. Penny (2012), p. 97
102. ^ Lowe, Scott (2003). "Chinese and International Contexts for the Rise of Falun Gong". Nova Religio. 6 (2): 263–76. doi:10.1525/nr.2003.6.2.263.
103. Benjamin Penny, "Falun Gong, Buddhism, and Buddhist qigong", Asian Studies Review 29 (March 2009).
104. ^ George Bruseker, "Falun Gong: A Modern Chinese Folk Buddhist Movement in Crisis", 26 April 2000.
105. ^ A Burgdoff, Craig (2003). "How Falun Gong Practice Undermines Li Hongzhi's Totalistic Rhetoric". Nova Religio. 6 (2): 332–47. doi:10.1525/nr.2003.6.2.332.
106. ^ Palmer (2007)
107. ^ Susan Palmer and David Ownby, Field Notes: Falun Dafa Practitioners: A Preliminary Research Report, Nova Religio, 2000.4.1.133
108. ^ Chang, Maria Hsia (1 October 2008). Falun Gong: The End of Days. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-13317-2. Archived from the original on 7 April 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2023 – via Google Books.
109. ^ Chris Bullock, producer (21 April 2001). "Falun Gong: Cult or Culture?". ABC Radio National. Archived from the original on 10 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
110. Richard Gunde, "Culture and Customs of China", (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002).
111. Schechter (2001), p. 57
112. Graeme Lang and Lu Yunfeng, "Assimilation of 'New Age' Beliefs into Cults and New Religions in East and Southest Asia", in New Age, edited by Michaela Moravčíková, 306–22. Bratislava: Ústav pre vzťahy štátu a cirkví, 2005. P. 317.
113. ^ DOWELL, WILLIAM (10 May 1999). "Interview with Li Hongzhi". Time. ISSN 0040-781X. Archived from the original on 29 May 2023. Retrieved 12 December 2023.
114. Graeme Lang and Lu Yunfeng, "Assimilation of 'New Age' Beliefs into Cults and New Religions in East and Southest Asia", in New Age, edited by Michaela Moravčíková, 306–22. Bratislava: Ústav pre vzťahy štátu a cirkví, 2005. P. 319.
115. Farley, Helen (2014). "Falun Gong: A Narrative of Pending Apocalypse, Shape-Shifting Aliens, and Relentless Persecution". In Lewis, James R.; Petersen, Jesper Aa. (eds.). Controversial New Religions (2nd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 248–249. ISBN 978-0-19-515682-9.
116. Campbell, Eric; Cohen, Hagar (30 July 2020). "When Anna was 14, her mother set up a 'special appointment' with The Master". ABC News. Archived from the original on 8 September 2022. Retrieved 12 December 2023.
117. Examples include:a.) Hexham, Irving. 2009. Pocket Dictionary of New Religious Movements, pp. 49, 71. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0830876525 and b.) Clarke, Peter. 2004. Encyclopedia of New Religious Movements. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1134499694 and c.) Partridge, Christopher. 2004. Encyclopedia of New Religions: New Religious Movements, Sects and Alternative Spiritualities, 265–266. Lion. ISBN 978-0745950730.
118. ^ Benjamin Penny, "The Past, Present, and Future of Falun Gong" Archived 25 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Lecture given at the National Library of Australia, 2001.
119. ^ Richard Madsen, "Understanding Falun Gong", Current History (September 2000).
120. Ownby, David (23 May 2005). "Unofficial Religions in China: Beyond the Party's Rules" (PDF). cecc.gov. Congressional-Executive Commission on China. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 June 2022.
121. Penny (2012), p. 226: "Falun Gong is a new form of Chinese religion, even if its adherents themselves may not recognize it as being religion at all."
122. Tolentino, Jio (19 March 2019). "Stepping Into the Uncanny, Unsettling World of Shen Yun". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on 17 March 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
123. Braslow, Samuel (9 March 2020). "Inside the Shadowy World of Shen Yun and Its Secret Pro-Trump Ties". Los Angeles. Archived from the original on 10 March 2020. Retrieved 27 April 2022.
124. Andrew Junker (2019). Becoming Activists in Global China: Social Movements in the Chinese Diaspora. Cambridge University Press. p. 99. ISBN 978-1108482998. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 23 May 2020.
125. Alba, Davey (23 August 2019). "Facebook Bans Ads From The Epoch Times". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 17 March 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2019.
126. Gartenberg, Chaim (23 August 2019). "Epoch Times banned from advertising after sneaking pro-Trump propaganda onto Facebook". The Verge. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved 16 December 2019.
128. Lewis, James R. 2018. Falun Gong: Spiritual Warfare and Martyrdom, pp. 80–81. Cambridge University Press. "Falun Gong followers and/or sympathizers de facto control the relevant pages on Misplaced Pages"
129. Pan, Philip P. (21 February 2006). "Free Software Takes Users Around Filters". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 3 March 2022. Retrieved 2 January 2024.
130. "Cracking the 'Great Firewall' of China's Web censorship". USA Today. 4 February 2011. Archived from the original on 4 February 2011. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
131. ^ Folkenflik, David. 2021. "Falun Gong, Steve Bannon And The Trump-Era Battle Over Internet Freedom" Archived 2 November 2023 at the Wayback Machine. NPR. Online.
132. Roberts, Hal; Zuckerman, Ethan; Palfrey, John (March 2009). "2007 Circumvention Landscape Report: Methods, Uses, and Tools" (PDF). dash.harvard.edu. Archived (PDF) from the original on 31 December 2023. Retrieved 30 December 2023.
133. ^ Beiser, Vince (1 November 2010). "Digital Weapons Help Dissidents Punch Holes in China's Great Firewall". Wired. Vol. 18, no. 11. ISSN 1059-1028. Archived from the original on 29 March 2011. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
134. "Falun Gong helps crack Iran's web filter". ABC News. 2 July 2009. Archived from the original on 31 December 2023. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
135. Ramirez, Jessica (25 January 2010). "Internet Freedom Group Helps Dissidents Abroad". Newsweek. Archived from the original on 31 December 2023. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
136. Markoff, John (16 December 2023). "Iranians and Others Outwit Net Censors". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 16 December 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2024.
137. Lake, Eli (2 September 2009). "Hacking the Regime". The New Republic. ISSN 0028-6583. Archived from the original on 9 December 2023. Retrieved 3 January 2024.
138. Pomfret, John (12 May 2010). "U.S. risks China's ire with decision to fund software maker tied to Falun Gong". Washington Post. Archived from the original on 30 December 2023. Retrieved 2 January 2024.
139. "Internet Freedom: A Foreign Policy Imperative in the Digital Age". www.cnas.org. Archived from the original on 31 December 2023. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
140. ^ Brandom, Russell. 2020. "A new Trump appointee has put internet freedom projects in crisis mode". The Verge. Online Archived 17 November 2023 at the Wayback Machine.
141. ^ Varma, Pranshu; Wong, Edward (4 July 2020). "New Trump Appointee Puts Global Internet Freedom at Risk, Critics Say". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 9 January 2023. This battle revolves around software developed by Falun Gong, the secretive spiritual movement persecuted by the Chinese Communist Party.
142. ^ Palmer (2007), pp. 241–46
143. Junker, Andrew (2019). Becoming Activists in Global China. Cambridge University Press. p. 186. ISBN 9781108685382.
144. ^ Noakes, Stephen; Ford, Caylan (23 July 2015). "Managing Political Opposition Groups in China: Explaining the Continuing Anti-Falun Gong Campaign". The China Quarterly. 223: 658–679. doi:10.1017/s0305741015000788. ISSN 0305-7410. Archived from the original on 14 May 2024. Retrieved 1 March 2024.
145. McDonald, Kevin (2006). Global movements: action and culture. Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1405116138. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
146. Mark R. Bell, Taylor C. Boas, "Falun Gong and the Internet: Evangelism, Community, and Struggle for Survival", Nova Religio, April 2003, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 277–293
147. Craig Burgdoff, "How Falun Gong Practice Undermines Li Hongzhi's Totalistic Rhetoric", p. 336.
148. Craig Burgdoff, "How Falun Gong Practice Undermines Li Hongzhi's Totalistic Rhetoric", p. 338.
149. ^ Tong, James (September 2002). "An Organizational Analysis of the Falun Gong: Structure, Communications, Financing". The China Quarterly. 171: 636–660. doi:10.1017/S0009443902000402. S2CID 154108066.
150. McDonald, Kevin (2006). Global Movements: Action and Culture. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 142–164. ISBN 978-1405116138.
151. Tong (2002), p. 641
152. ^ Tong (2009)
153. Tong (2002), p. 642
154. Patricia Thornton, "Manufacturing Dissent in Transnational China", in Popular Protest in China, Kevin J. O'Brien (ed.), (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008).
155. Tong (2002), p. 638
156. Tong (2002), p. 657
157. Hill, Michael (30 April 2019). "Falun Gong US compound's neighbors fret over expansion plans". AP News. Archived from the original on 15 October 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
158. Junker 2019: 100–101.
159. ^ Faison, Seth (27 April 1999). "In Beijing: A Roar of Silent Protestors". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 15 October 2015. Buddhist Law, led by a qigong master named Li Hongzhi, claims to have more than 100 million followers. Even if that is an exaggeration, the government's estimate of 70 million practitioners represents a large group in a nation of 1.2 billion.
160. Kahn, Joseph (27 April 1999). "Notoriety Now for Movement's Leader". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Beijing puts the tally of followers in his mystical movement at 70 million. Its practitioners say they do not dispute those numbers. But they say they have no way of knowing for sure, in part because they have no central membership lists.
161. ^ Schoff, Renee (26 April 1999). "Growing group poses a dilemma for China". Associated Press. It teaches morality and acceptance, just what the Beijing government likes to see. But, with more members than the Communist Party—at least 70 million, according to the State Sports Administration—Falun is also a formidable social network
162. "4 From Chinese Spiritual group Are Sentenced". The New York Times. 13 November 1999. p. A5. Archived from the original on 28 December 2016. Retrieved 19 February 2017. Before the crackdown the government estimated membership at 70 million—which would make it larger than the Chinese Communist Party, with 61 million members.
163. ^ Zong, Hairen (2001). Zhu Rongji zai 1999 [Zhu Rongji in 1999]. Carle Place, NY: Mirror Books.
164. ^ Chan, Cheris Shun-ching (September 2004). "The Falun Gong in China: A Sociological Perspective". The China Quarterly. 179: 665–83. doi:10.1017/S0305741004000530. hdl:10722/172350. S2CID 55593101. Archived from the original on 24 January 2015.
165. Palmer (2007), pp. 259–261
166. Faison, Seth (30 July 1999). "Followers of Chinese Sect Defend Its Spiritual Goals". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2 July 2010.
167. Palmer (2007), pp. 260–261: "we may very roughly and tentatively estimate that the total number of practitioners was, at its peak, between 3 and 20 million. ... A mid-range estimate of 10 million would appear, to me, more reasonable."
168. "2022 Report on International Religious Freedom: China (Includes Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang)". Department of State. Archived from the original on 5 August 2023. Retrieved 6 July 2023.
169. "China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, Macau)". U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on 17 July 2019. Retrieved 5 December 2022.
170. Moore, Malcolm (24 April 2009). "Falun Gong 'growing' in China despite 10-year ban". The Telegraph. Archived from the original on 26 May 2018.
171. Porter (2003), p. 117
172. Lincoln Kaye, "Travelers Tales", Far Eastern Economic Review, 23 July 1992.
173. Ownby (2008), p. 127
174. Ownby (2008), p. 126
175. ^ Ownby (2008), p. 136
176. Ownby (2008), pp. 132–134
177. A Short Biography of Mr. Li Hongzhi Archived 28 November 2004 at the Wayback Machine, PRC law and Government v. 32 no. 6 (November/December 1999) pp. 14–23 ISSN 0009-4609
178. Zeng, Jennifer (2006). Witnessing History: One Chinese Woman's Fight for Freedom, Soho Press, ISBN 1569474214
179. Thomas Lum, Congressional Research Report #RL33437 Archived 5 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Congressional Research Service, 11 August 2006
180. Ownby (2008), p. 86
181. Dai Qing: "Members of Falungong in an Autocratic Society". Asia Quarterly, Volume IV, No. 3, Summer 2000 "Members of Falungong in an Autocratic Society". Archived from the original on 2 April 2012. Retrieved 20 October 2011.
182. Schechter (2001), p. 66
183. Ownby (2008), p. 72
184. Palmer (2007), p. 248
185. Palmer (2007), p. 295
186. ^ Palmer (2007), p. 249
187. Palmer (2007), p. 263
188. Sumner B. Twiss, "Religious Intolerance in Contemporary China, Including the Curious Case of Falun Gong", The World's Religions After 11 September, by Arvind Sharma (ed.) (Greenwood Publishing, 2009), pp. 227–240.
189. Penny (2012), p. 53.
190. Ownby (2008), p. 170
191. Palmer (2007), pp. 134, 252–256
192. ^ Østergaard, Clemens Stubbe (2003). Jude Howell (ed.). Governance and the Political Challenge of Falun Gong. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 214–223. ISBN 978-0742519886. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
193. ^ Spiegel, Mickey (2001). Dangerous meditation: China's campaign against Falungong. New York: Human Rights Watch. p. 9. ISBN 156432270X. Archived from the original on 21 March 2023. Retrieved 25 April 2024.
194. Palmer (2007), p. 265
195. ^ Palmer (2007), p. 267
196. Penny (2012), p. 56.
197. Gallagher, Eugene V.; Ashcraft, W. Michael (2006). Introduction to New and Alternative Religions in America: African diaspora traditions and other American innovations. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 174. ISBN 978-0275987176. Retrieved 4 February 2012.
198. Penny (2012), pp. 55–56
199. He Zuoxiu (1999). 我不赞成青少年炼气功 [I do not agree with Youth Practicing Qigong] (in Chinese). Archived from the original on 14 July 2007.
200. Ownby (2008), p. 171
201. Penny (2012), p. 57
202. ^ Tong (2009), p. 5
203. Jiang Zemin, Letter to Party cadres on the evening of 25 April 1999. Published in Beijing Zhichun no. 97 (June 2001)
204. Peerman, Dean (10 August 2004). "China syndrome: the persecution of Falun Gong". The Christian Century. Vol. 121, no. 16. Archived from the original on 28 June 2009. Retrieved 19 May 2023.
205. Tony Saich, Governance and Politics in China, Palgrave Macmillan, 2nd ed. (2004)
206. ^ Lam, Willy Wo-Lap. "China's sect suppression carries a high price", CNN, 9 February 2001. Archived February 11, 2001, at the Wayback Machine
207. Xinhua, China Bans Falun Gong Archived 8 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine, People's Daily, 22 July 1999
208. Human Rights Watch (12 March 2016), Appendix II: Laws and Regulations Used to Crack Down on Falungong, Dangerous Mediation, archived from the original on 12 March 2016, retrieved 10 February 2023
209. ^ Leung, Beatrice (2002) 'China and Falun Gong: Party and society relations in the modern era', Journal of Contemporary China, 11:33, 761–784
210. ^ "China: The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called 'heretical organizations'". Amnesty International. 23 March 2000. Archived from the original on 29 July 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
211. ^ "Congressional-Executive commission on China, Annual Report 2008". 31 October 2008. Archived from the original on 7 December 2014. Retrieved 8 January 2015.
212. Lu, Sunny Y.; Galli, Viviana B. (2002). "Psychiatric Abuse of Falun Gong Practitioners in China" (PDF). Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law. 30 (1): 126–130. PMID 11931360. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 October 2016.
213. Munro, Robin J. (Fall 2000). "Judicial Psychiatry in China and its Political Abuses". Columbia Journal of Asian Law. 14 (1): 114.
214. ^ Gutmann, Ethan (2009). "How many harvested?". State Organs: Transplant Abuse in China. Woodstock, ON: Seraphim editions. pp. 49–67.
215. Human Rights Watch (7 December 2005). We Could Disappear at Any Time (PDF) (Report). Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 February 2017. Several petitioners reported that the longest sentences and the worst treatment were meted out to members of the banned meditation group, Falungong, many of whom also petition in Beijing. Kang reported that of the roughly one thousand detainees in her labor camp in Jilin, most of them were Falungong practitioners. The government's campaign against the group has been so thorough that even long-time Chinese activists are afraid to say the group's name aloud
216. Chinese Human Rights Defenders (4 February 2009). Re-education through Labor Abuses Continue Unabated: Overhaul Long Overdue (PDF) (Report). Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 January 2012. More than half of our 13 interviewees remarked on the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in RTL camps. They said Falun Gong practitioners make up one of the largest groups of detainees in the camp, and that they are often persecuted because of their faith ... 'Of all the detainees, the Falun Gong practitioners were the largest group'"
217. Changing the soup but not the medicine: Abolishing re-education through labor in China. London: Amnesty International. December 2013. Archived from the original on 23 November 2019. Retrieved 31 January 2022.
218. Morais, Richard C. (9 February 2006). "China's Fight With Falun Gong". Forbes. Archived from the original on 16 December 2008. Retrieved 7 July 2006.
219. ^ The Globe and Mail (26 January 2001) Beijing v. falun gong Archived 26 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine Metro A14
220. ^ Julia Ching, "The Falun Gong: Religious and Political Implications", American Asian Review, Vol. XIX, no. 4, Winter 2001, p. 12
221. ^ Vivienne Shue, "Legitimacy Crisis in China?" In Peter Hays Gries and Stanley Rosen (eds.), State and Society in 21st-century China. Crisis, Contention, and Legitimation, New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004.
222. ^ Rahn, Patsy (24 January 2002). "The Chemistry of a Conflict: The Chinese Government and the Falun Gong". Terrorism and Political Violence. 14 (4): 41–65. doi:10.1080/714005633. S2CID 145680606. Archived from the original on 10 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
223. "People's Daily". en.people.cn. 2 August 1999. Archived from the original on 26 October 2015. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
224. Hanson, Gayle M. B. (23 August 1999). "China Shaken by Mass Meditation". webarchive.loc.gov. Archived from the original on 8 July 2012. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
225. Noakes, Stephen; Ford, Caylan (15 June 2020), Contextualizing a Crackdown: Voegelin on China's Falun Gong, Lexington Books, ISBN 978-1-4985-9861-3
226. Reid, Graham (29 April–5 May 2006) "Nothing left to lose" Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine, New Zealand Listener. Retrieved 6 July 2006.
227. Congressional-Executive Commission on China (10 October 2010). "2010 Annual Report". cecc.gov. Archived from the original on 10 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
228. Smith, Craig S. (30 April 2000). "Rooting Out Falun Gong; China Makes War on Mysticism". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 11 November 2017. Retrieved 19 February 2017.
229. Twiss, Sumner B. "Religious Intolerance in Contemporary China, Including the Curious Case of Falun Gong" in The World's Religions After September 11. Arvind Sharma (ed), Greenwood Publishing, 2009 pp. 227–240
230. Ownby, David (15 February 2001). "Opinion | China's War Against Itself". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 28 December 2016. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
231. Tong (2009), p. 105
232. ^ Robert Bejesky, "Falun Gong & reeducation through labor", Columbia Journal of Asian Law, 17:2, Spring 2004, pp. 147–189
233. Congressional Executive Commission on China Annual Report 2006, p. 59; note 224, p. 201
234. Tong (2009), p. 109
235. Tong (2009), p. 128
236. ^ Tong (2009), pp. 122–128
237. Amnesty International, 'China – Amnesty International Report 2008' Archived 18 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
238. ^ David Kilgour, David Matas (6 July 2006, revised 31 January 2007) An Independent Investigation into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China organharvestinvestigation.net
239. David Kilgour & David Matas, Bloody Harvest: The killing of Falun Gong for their organs, Seraphim Editions (2009) 232 pp ISBN 978-0980887976
240. ^ Johnson, Ian (20 April 2000). "A Deadly Exercise". The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company. Reprinted in The Pulitzer Prizes. "The 2001 Pulitzer Prize Winner in International Reporting: Ian Johnson of The Wall Street Journal". pulitzer.org. Archived from the original on 27 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
241. "Falun Gong organ claim supported". The Age. 8 July 2006. Archived from the original on 20 October 2022. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
242. Endemann, Kirstin (6 July 2006) CanWest News Service; Ottawa Citizen "Ottawa urged to stop Canadians travelling to China for transplants" Archived 17 October 2015 at the Wayback Machine
243. "French Newspaper Le Figaro Reports on CCP's Forced Organ Harvesting". minghui.org. 3 August 2016. Archived from the original on 30 October 2016.
244. United Nations Human Rights Special Rapporteurs Reiterate Findings on China's Organ Harvesting from Falun Gong Practitioners Archived 12 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine, 9 May 2008. Retrieved 24 September 2010
245. Smith, Lydia (31 July 2014). "US Calls for China to End 'State-Sanctioned Harvesting of Human Organs' From Prisoners". International Business Times. Archived from the original on 19 August 2014. Retrieved 15 August 2014.
246. ^ Getlen, Larry (9 August 2014). "China's long history of harvesting organs from living political foes". New York Post. Archived from the original on 11 August 2014. Retrieved 15 August 2014.
247. Jay Nordlinger (25 August 2014) "Face The Slaughter: The Slaughter: Mass Killings, Organ Harvesting, and China's Secret Solution to Its Dissident Problem, by Ethan Gutmann" Archived 23 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine, National Review
248. Turnbull, Barbara (21 October 2014). "Q&A: Author and analyst Ethan Gutmann discusses China's illegal organ trade". thestar.com. Archived from the original on 7 July 2017. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
249. Kilgour, David. "Blood Harvest: The Slaughter" (PDF). End Organ Pillaging: 428. Archived (PDF) from the original on 6 July 2016. Retrieved 9 August 2016.
250. Samuels, Gabriel (29 June 2016). "China kills millions of innocent meditators for their organs, report finds". The Independent. Archived from the original on 2 July 2016. Retrieved 27 August 2017.
251. "Bloody Harvest / The Slaughter". International Coalition to End Organ Pillaging in China. 24 June 2016. Archived from the original on 12 August 2016. Retrieved 9 August 2016 – via You Tube Channel.
252. "China is harvesting organs from detainees, tribunal concludes". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 16 March 2020. Retrieved 17 June 2019.
253. "China is harvesting organs from Falun Gong members, finds expert panel". Reuters. Archived from the original on 18 June 2019. Retrieved 17 June 2019.
254. "China: UN human rights experts alarmed by 'organ harvesting' allegations". Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 14 June 2021.
255. Fewsmith, Joseph and Daniel B. Wright. "The promise of the Revolution: stories of fulfilment and struggle in China", 2003, Rowman and Littlefield. p. 156
256. Associated Press, "'Enemies of people' warned", 23 January 2001
257. Plafker, Ted. "Falun Gong Stays Locked In Struggle With Beijing", The Washington Post, 26 April 2000
258. Lu, Xing, Rhetoric of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: the impact on Chinese thought, culture, and communication, University of South Carolina Press (2004).
259. Chen, Chiung Hwang. "Framing Falun Gong: Xinhua News Agency's Coverage of the New Religious Movement in China", Asian Journal of Communication, Vol. 15 No. 1 (2005), pp. 16–36.
260. Irons, Edward (2003). "Falun Gong and the Sectarian Religion Paradigm". Nova Religio. 6 (2): 244–262. doi:10.1525/nr.2003.6.2.244.
261. Chang, Maria Hsia (2004). Falun Gong: The End of Days, Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0300102277.
262. Freedom House, "Report Analyzing Seven Secret Chinese Government Documents" Archived 2 April 2012 at the Wayback Machine, 11 February 2002.
263. ^ Powers, John and Meg Y. M. Lee. "Dueling Media: Symbolic Conflict in China's Falun Gong Suppression Campaign" in Chinese Conflict Management and Resolution, by Guo-Ming Chen and Ringo Ma (2001), Greenwood Publishing Group
264. ^ "Press Statement". Clearwisdom. 23 January 2001. Archived from the original on 10 March 2007. Retrieved 9 February 2007.
265. Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing dictatorship: propaganda and thought work in contemporary China, Rowman & Littlefield, 2008
266. ^ Pan, Philip P. (5 February 2001). "One-Way Trip to the End in Beijing". International Herald Tribune.
267. "New Evidence Confirms Alleged Falun Gong 'Tiananmen Square Self-Immolation' Was a State Conspiracy". World Organization to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong. August 2004. Archived from the original on 25 March 2013. Retrieved 22 July 2013.
268. Forney, Matthew (25 June 2001). "The Breaking Point". Time. Archived from the original on 13 October 2007.
269. Congressional-Executive Commission on China (22 March 2011). "Communist Party Calls for Increased Efforts To 'Transform' Falun Gong Practitioners as Part of Three-Year Campaign". cecc.gov. Archived from the original on 5 April 2018. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
270. ^ "Chinese Ministry of Education Participating in Persecution of Falun Gong: Investigative Report" Archived 27 September 2004 at the Wayback Machine. 16 March 2004. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
271. Elisabeth Rosenthal and Erik Eckholm, "Vast Numbers of Sect Members Keep Pressure on Beijing", The New York Times, 28 October 1999.
272. Johnson, Ian (25 April 2000). "Defiant Falun Dafa Members Converge on Tiananmen". The Wall Street Journal. Pulitzer.org. p. A21. Archived from the original on 29 December 2009. Retrieved 10 October 2009.
273. Selden, Elizabeth J.; Perry, Mark (2003). Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance. Routledge. ISBN 978-0415301701.
274. Liao Yiwu. "The Corpse Walker: Real Life Stories: China from the Bottom Up." p. 230.
275. Congressional-Executive Commission on China (10 October 2009). "2009 Annual Report". cecc.gov. Archived from the original on 10 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
276. He Qinglian (2008). The Fog of Censorship: Media Control in China (PDF). Human Rights in China. pp. xii. ISBN 978-0971735620. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 February 2012.
277. Gutmann, Ethan (6 December 2010). "Into Thin Airwaves". The Weekly Standard. Archived from the original on 5 January 2012. Retrieved 1 January 2012.
278. Steel, Kevin. 'Revolution number nine', The Western Standard, 11 July 2005.
279. Gutmann, Ethan. The Chinese Internet: A dream deferred?. Testimony given at the National Endowment for Democracy panel discussion "Tiananmen 20 years on", 2 June 2009.
280. Hune-Brown, Nicholas (12 December 2017). "The traditional Chinese dance troupe China doesn't want you to see". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 19 December 2017. Retrieved 19 December 2017.
281. ^ Beiser, Vince (1 November 2010). "Digital Weapons Help Dissidents Punch Holes in China's Great Firewall". Wired. Archived from the original on 22 December 2016.
282. Human Rights Law Foundation, Direct Litigation Archived 11 November 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 19 March 2011
283. ^ "La Audiencia pide interrogar al ex presidente chino Jiang por genocidio". elmundo.es. 14 November 2009. Archived from the original on 10 February 2023. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
284. Henao, Luis Andres (23 December 2009). "Argentine judge asks China arrests over Falun Gong". Reuters. Archived from the original on 3 December 2015. Retrieved 10 February 2023.
285. Falun Dafa Information Center (20 December 2009). "Argentine Judge Orders Arrest of Top Chinese Communist Party Officials for Crimes Against Humanity". Archived from the original on 25 September 2011.
286. Baynes, Terry (20 May 2011). "Suit claims Cisco helped China repress religious group". Westlaw. Archived from the original on 27 May 2011 – via Thomson Reuters.
287. Porter (2003), pp. 38–39
288. Chan (2004), pp. 665–683
289. "China: Transnational Repression Origin Country Case Study". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 12 August 2022.
290. Ownby (2008), p. 229
291. Thomas Lum (25 May 2006). "CRS Report for Congress: China and Falun Gong" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. Archived (PDF) from the original on 4 September 2017. Retrieved 25 June 2017.
292. United States House Resolution 605 Archived 5 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, United States Government Printing Office, 17 March 2010
293. Einhorn, Bruce, (17 March 2010). "Congress Challenges China on Falun Gong & Yuan, Businessweek
294. Frank, Adam (2004). "Falun Gong and the Threat of History". In Tétreault, Mary Ann; Denemark, Robert Allen (eds.). Gods, Guns, and Globalization: Religious Radicalism and International Political Economy. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner. p. 241. ISBN 1588262537.
295. Ownby (2008), p. 248
296. ^ Turley-Ewart, John (20 March 2004). "Falun Gong persecution spreads to Canada". National Post. Ansley and Company. Archived from the original on 4 July 2012.
297. Perry Link, The Anaconda in the Chandelier: Chinese censorship today Archived 6 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine, 27 May 2005.
298. ^ "Carrying a Torch for China". Weekly Standard. 21 April 2008. Archived from the original on 5 January 2013.
299. Lantos Swett, Katrina; Glendon, Mary Ann (23 July 2013). "U.S. should press China over Falun Gong". CNN. Archived from the original on 12 September 2016.
300. Gutmann, Ethan (24 November 2008). "China's Gruesome Organ Harvest. The whole world isn't watching. Why not?". Weekly Standard. Archived from the original on 24 May 2012. Retrieved 26 May 2012.
301. ^ Madsen, Richard (2000). "Understanding Falun Gong". Current History. 99 (638): 247. doi:10.1525/curh.2000.99.638.243. ISSN 0011-3530. JSTOR 45318453.
302. Zinger, Zvi (20 August 2007). "YNet: Self-appointed Torah court takes on China". Ynetnews. Archived from the original on 23 June 2016. Retrieved 18 May 2016.
303. "Israel National News: Sanhedrin May Hear Complaint against Chinese Torture". 22 August 2007. Archived from the original on 10 June 2016. Retrieved 18 May 2016.
304. "NFC: International Court of Justice, according to the laws of the torah". Archived from the original on 29 September 2007. Retrieved 18 May 2016.

Bibliography

• Ownby, David (2008). Falun Gong and the Future of China. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-532905-6.
• Chang, Maria Hsia (2004). Falun Gong: The End of Days. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-10227-5.
• Schechter, Danny (2001). Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or "Evil Cult"?: a Report and Reader. Akashic Books. ISBN 1-888451-13-0. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
• Palmer, David A. (2007). Qigong fever: body, science, and utopia in China. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-14066-9. Archived from the original on 14 May 2024. Retrieved 23 September 2016 – via Google Books.
• Tong, James (2009). Revenge of the Forbidden City: The suppression of the Falungong in China, 1999–2005. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537728-6.
• Shue, Vivienne (2004). "Legitimacy Crisis in China?". In Hays Gries, Peter; Rosen, Stanley (eds.). State and Society in 21st-century China. Crisis, Contention, and Legitimation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon.
• Johnson, Ian (2005). Wild Grass: Three Stories of Change in Modern China. Pantheon. ISBN 0375719199.
• Johnson, Ian (2001). Pulitzer Prize winning articles in the Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 11 October 2015. Retrieved 23 July 2009.
• United States Congressional-Executive Commission on China (2013). Falun Gong in China: Review and Update: Hearing before the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, Second Session, December 18, 2012. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. Archived (PDF) from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 25 June 2017.

External links

• Resources in your library
• Resources in other libraries

• Official website

v t e Qigong
Main topics	Qi Chinese martial arts Chinese philosophy History of qigong Qigong fever Traditional Chinese medicine Tai chi
TCM and philosophy	Acupuncture Chinese art Dantian Tui na Essence (Jing 精) Meridian (jīngluò 经络) Spirit (Shen 神) Yin and yang
Traditional practices	Internal alchemy (Neidan 內丹术) Silk reeling (Chán sī jìng 纏絲勁) Standing meditation (Zhan zhuang 站桩) 'Guiding and pulling' exercises (Dǎo yǐn 導引)
Qigong forms and styles	Eight Pieces of Brocade (Bāduànjǐn qìgōng 段锦气功) Five Animals (Wu Qin Xi qìgōng 五禽戲) Muscle/Tendon Change Classic (Yijin Jing qìgōng 易筋经) Primordial qigong (Wujigong 無極氣功) Six Healing Sounds (Liu Zi Jue qìgōng 六字訣) Wisdom Healing Qigong (Zhineng qìgōng 智能气功)
Qigong masters	Hua Tuo (141–208) Li Shizhen (1518–1593) Zhang Sanfeng (c. 12th century)
Spiritual movements and politics	Falun Gong Zhong Gong
Related topics	Alternative medicine Biofeedback Energy medicine Exercise Meditation Mind-body intervention World Tai Chi and Qigong Day Qigong Fever: Body, Science, and Utopia in China
Category

• Falun Gong
• Meditation
• New religious movements
• Qigong
• Creationism
• Pseudoscience
• Anti-communism in China
• Right-wing politics in China
• Conservatism in China