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{{Short description|South Asian ethnic group}} | |||
The following is a summary of the epochal study by Prof. By Karthigesu, Sivathamby titled ‘’’Sri Lankan Tamil Society and Politics’’’. | |||
{{Use British English|date=June 2012}} | |||
{{Distinguish|Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka}} | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2020}} | |||
{{Infobox ethnic group | |||
| group = Sri Lankan Tamils | |||
| native_name = {{lang|ta|ஈழத்தமிழர்}}<br>{{lang|ta|இலங்கை தமிழர்}} | |||
| native_name_lang = ta | |||
| image = Ceylon Tamil girl 1910.jpeg | |||
| caption = A postcard image of a Sri Lankan Tamil woman, 1910 | |||
| flag = | |||
| flag_caption = | |||
| population = '''~ 3.0 million'''<br/>(estimated; excluding ] and ]) | |||
| genealogy = | |||
| regions = | |||
| tablehdr = | |||
| region1 = {{Flagu|Sri Lanka}} | |||
| pop1 = 2,270,924 (2012) | |||
| ref1 = <ref name=census12 /> | |||
| region2 = {{Flagu|Canada}} | |||
| pop2 = ~300,000 | |||
| ref2 = <ref name=Foster /><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-314-x/98-314-x2011001-eng.cfm|title=Linguistic Characteristics of Canadians}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://tamilculture.ca/tamils-by-the-numbers/|title=Tamils by the Numbers|access-date=25 April 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140426235431/http://tamilculture.ca/tamils-by-the-numbers/|archive-date=26 April 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/new-bilingualism-taking-hold-in-canada/article4650408/|title=New bilingualism taking hold in Canada}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-314-x/2011001/tbl/tbl1-eng.cfm|title=Table 1 Size and percentage of population that reported speaking one of the top 12 immigrant languages most often at home in the six largest census metropolitan areas, 2011|access-date=11 May 2014|archive-date=14 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171214183707/http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-314-x/2011001/tbl/tbl1-eng.cfm|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
| region3 = {{Flagu|United Kingdom}} | |||
| pop3 = ~120,000 (2006) | |||
| ref3 = <ref>{{cite news|title=Britain urged to protect Tamil Diaspora|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/sinhala/news/story/2006/03/060315_hrw_jayadevan.shtml|newspaper=] Sinhala|date=15 March 2006|quote=According to HRW, there are about 120,000 Sri Lankan Tamils in the UK.}}</ref> | |||
| region4 = {{Flagu|India}} | |||
| pop4 = ~100,000 (2005) | |||
| ref4 = <ref name=Acharya /> | |||
| region5 = {{Flagu|Germany}} | |||
| pop5 = ~60,000 (2008) | |||
| ref5 = <ref name=Baumann /> | |||
| region6 = {{Flagu|France}} | |||
| pop6 = ~50,000 (2008) | |||
| ref6 = <ref>{{cite news|title=Politically French, culturally Tamil: 12 Tamils elected in Paris and suburbs|url=http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=79&artid=25010|newspaper=]|date=18 March 2008|quote=Around 125,000 Tamils are estimated to be living in France. Of them, around 50,000 are Eezham Tamils (Sri Lankan Tamils).}}</ref> | |||
| region7 = {{Flagu|Switzerland}} | |||
| pop7 = ~50,000 (2022) | |||
| ref7 = <ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.eda.admin.ch/countries/sri-lanka/de/home/internationale-zusammenarbeit/strategie.html#:~:text=In%20der%20Schweiz%20leben%20heute,Abteilung%20Menschliche%20Sicherheit%20des%20EDA | title=Strategie }}</ref> | |||
| region8 = {{Flagu|Singapore}} | |||
| pop8 = ~30,000 (1985) | |||
| ref8 = <ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/data/pdfdoc/SR19850210s.pdf|title=SPEECH BY MR. S RAJARATNAM, SENIOR MINISTER (PRIME MINISTER'S OFFICE), ON THE OCCASION OF THE 75TH ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION OF THE SINGAPORE CEYLON TAMILS' ASSOCIATION AT THE OBEROI IMPERIAL HOTEL ON SUNDAY, 10 FEBRUARY 1985 AT 7.30 PM.|date= 10 February 1985}}</ref> | |||
| region9 = {{Flagu|Australia}} | |||
| pop9 = ~30,000 | |||
| ref9 = <ref name=Sivasupramaniam>{{cite web|last=Sivasupramaniam|first=V.|title=History of the Tamil Diaspora|url=http://murugan.org/research/sivasupramaniam.htm|publisher=International Conferences on Skanda-Murukan}}</ref> | |||
| region10 = {{Flagu|United States}} | |||
| pop10 = ~25,000 (2010) | |||
| ref10 = <ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/sri-lankan-tamil-diaspora-after-ltte|title=The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora after the LTTE|date=23 February 2010}}</ref> | |||
| region11 = {{Flagu|Italy}} | |||
| pop11 = ~25,000 | |||
| ref11 = <ref name=Sivasupramaniam /> | |||
| region12 = {{Flagu|Malaysia}} | |||
| pop12 = ~24,436 (1970) | |||
| ref12 = {{Sfn|Rajakrishnan|1993|pp=541–557}} | |||
| region13 = {{Flagu|Netherlands}} | |||
| pop13 = ~20,000 | |||
| ref13 = <ref name=Sivasupramaniam /> | |||
| region14 = {{Flagu|Norway}} | |||
| pop14 = ~10,000 (2000) | |||
| ref14 = <ref>{{cite news|last=Raman|first=B.|title=Sri Lanka: The dilemma|url=http://www.hindu.com/businessline/2000/07/14/stories/041455br.htm|newspaper=]|date=14 July 2000|quote=It is estimated that there are about 10,000 Sri Lankan Tamils in Norway – 6,000 of them Norwegian citizens, many of whom migrated to Norway in the 1960s and the 1970s to work on its fishing fleet; and 4,000 post-1983 political refugees.|access-date=29 December 2013|archive-date=18 March 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200318193053/https://www.thehindu.com/archive/|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
| region15 = {{Flagu|Denmark}} | |||
| pop15 = ~9,000 (2003) | |||
| ref15 = {{Sfn|Mortensen|2004|p=110}} | |||
| languages = ]<br>(]) | |||
| religions = '''Majority'''<br>] {{hlist|] (mostly ])|<br>'''Minority'''<br>] ] (mostly ])}}<ref name="22,254 Tamil Buddhists in SL">{{cite news|last1=Perera|first1=Yohan|title=22,254 Tamil Buddhists in SL|url=http://www.dailymirror.lk/105937/-Tamil-Buddhists-in-SL|newspaper=Daily Mirror|access-date=31 March 2016}}</ref><br>]<ref>{{cite web|title=22,254 Tamil Buddhists in SL|url=http://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking_news/-Tamil-Buddhists-in-SL/108-105937|access-date=2020-11-17|website=www.dailymirror.lk|language=en}}</ref> | |||
| related = {{hlist|]<br/>]<br/>] (especially ] and ])<br/>]<br/>]<br/><ref>{{cite journal|doi= 10.1002/ajpa.1330450112|title=The legend of Prince Vijaya — a study of Sinhalese origins|year=1976|last1=Kirk|first1=R. L.|journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology|volume=45|pages=91–99}}</ref>}} | |||
| footnotes = | |||
}} | |||
{{Tamils}} | |||
'''Sri Lankan Tamils''' ({{Indic|lang=ta|indic=இலங்கை தமிழர்|trans=ilankai tamiḻar}} or {{Indic|lang=ta|indic=ஈழத் தமிழர்|trans=īḻat tamiḻar|showlang=false|showhelp=false}}),<ref>{{Cite book|last=Krishnan|first=Shankara|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=__6PDx2CyLkC|title=Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka, and the Question of Nationhood|publisher=]|year=1999|isbn=978-0-8166-3330-2|page=172}}</ref> also known as '''Ceylon Tamils''' or '''Eelam Tamils''',<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Ranganathan |first1=M. |last2=Velayutham |first2=S. |date=2012 |title=Imagining Eelam Tamils in Tamil cinema |url=http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10304312.2012.731261 |journal=Continuum |volume=26 |issue=6 |pages=871–881 |doi=10.1080/10304312.2012.731261}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Amarasingam |first=Amarnath |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZdTZCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA92 |title=Pain, Pride, and Politics: Social Movement Activism and the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora in Canada |date=2015-09-15 |publisher=University of Georgia Press |isbn=978-0-8203-4814-8 |page=92 |language=en}}</ref> are ] native to the ]n ] of ]. Today, they constitute a majority in the ], form the plurality in the ] and are in the minority throughout the rest of the country. ] in Sri Lanka live in the Northern and Eastern provinces.<ref name=census12 /> | |||
==Sri Lankan Tamil ethnic consciousness== | |||
Modern Sri Lankan Tamils descend from residents of the ], a former kingdom in the north of Sri Lanka and ] ] from the east. According to the anthropological and archaeological evidence, Sri Lankan Tamils have a very long ] and have lived on the island since at least around the 2nd century ]. | |||
Not all the Tamils living in Sri Lanka referred to as "Sri Lankan Tamils” (SLT) for in all the government records and even at the level of group consciousness there is a distinction made between the “Indian Tamils” (IT) of the tea and rubber plantation areas, and the “Sri Lankan Tamils” (SLT) who are the traditional Tamil inhabitants of Sri Lanka largely confined to the northern and the eastern parts of the island. | |||
The Sri Lankan Tamils are mostly ] with a significant ] population. ] on topics including religion and the sciences flourished during the medieval period in the court of the Jaffna Kingdom. Since the beginning of the ] in the 1980s, it is distinguished by an emphasis on themes relating to the conflict. ] are noted for their ] and retention of words not in everyday use in Southern India. The cultures of the Sri Lankan Tamils are also very distinctive and unique, even though the cultural influence of modern South India has grown and become prevalent since the 19th century.<ref name=":2" /> | |||
It should be borne in mind that the political militancy found among the Tamils that characterises the | |||
current ethnic conflict is totally opposed to such a distinction being made, and prefers to call these Tamils | |||
the “ Malaiyakattamilar” (1it:Tamils of the Mountain home referring to the Upcountry Tamils). Though it | |||
is true that the bulk of the Tamils of Indian descent bought in as plantation labourers by the Britishers are | |||
continuing to live in the “ estate” areas in the central regions of Sri Lanka, it cannot be denied that a | |||
substantial number of them had to leave the estates and go into the “ traditional” Tamil areas for reasons of | |||
safety and security - a process that started in the sixties increased in the seventies when the estates were | |||
nationalized and in the eighties when there were ethnic riots. Thus in the Census of 1981 it was officially | |||
acknowledged that the following districts which are predominately Tamil had the following percentage of | |||
Indian Tamils: Vavuniya 19.4% Mullaitivu: 13.9% Mannar:13.2% | |||
Since Sri Lanka gained ] from ] in 1948, relations between the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamil communities have been strained. Rising ethnic and political tensions following the ], along with ] carried out by Sinhalese mobs in ], ], ], ] and ], led to the formation and strengthening of ] advocating ]. The ensuing ] resulted in the deaths of more than 100,000 people and the ] and ] of thousands of others. The civil war ended in 2009 but there are continuing ] being committed by the ].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-11393458|title=Q&A: Post-war Sri Lanka|date=20 September 2013|newspaper=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-24849699|title='Tamils still being raped and tortured' in Sri Lanka|date=9 November 2013|newspaper=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/mar/26/tamils-fear-prison-and-torture-in-sri-lanka-13-years-after-civil-war-ended|title='Tamils fear prison and torture in Sri Lanka 13 years after civil war ended|date=26 March 2022|newspaper=]}} </ref> A ] found that as many as 40,000 Tamil civilians may have been killed in the final months of the civil war.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Darusman|first1=Marzuki|url=https://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/POE_Report_Full.pdf|title=Report of the Secretary-General's Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka|last2=Sooka|first2=Yasmin|last3=Ratner|first3=Steven R.|date=31 March 2011|publisher=]|page=41|author-link1=Marzuki Darusman}}</ref> In January 2020, President ] said that the estimated 20,000+ disappeared Sri Lankan Tamils were dead.<ref>{{Cite news|date=2020-01-20|title=Sri Lanka president says war missing are dead|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51184085|access-date=2020-06-08}}</ref> The end of the civil war has not fully improved conditions in Sri Lanka, with press freedom not being restored and the judiciary coming under political control.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/011/2012/en/|title=ASA 37/011/2012 Sri Lanka: Continuing Impunity, Arbitrary Detentions, Torture and Enforced Disappearances|date=30 October 2012|publisher=]|access-date=28 July 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2012/07/sri-lankan-press-freedom-under-attack-website-office-raids-and-online-content|title=Press Freedom Under Attack in Sri Lanka: Website Office Raids and Online Content Regulation|last=Kaiser|first=Katrina|date=30 July 2012|publisher=]|access-date=28 July 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Jayasinghe|first=Amal|url=https://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hn9AglmnC6DNZxlKsgNw2snBfpnA?docId=CNG.5c69d36ecf59a5a931e1ea83f43326c5.5c1|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140202194945/http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hn9AglmnC6DNZxlKsgNw2snBfpnA?docId=CNG.5c69d36ecf59a5a931e1ea83f43326c5.5c1|url-status=dead|archive-date=2 February 2014|title=Amnesty accuses Sri Lanka of targeting judges|date=2 November 2012|agency=]}}</ref> | |||
The figures for the recently created district of Kilinochi has not been given (it should at least be about | |||
15% ) and the figures since 1983 must be high. What is important is that, due to economic and socio- | |||
political pressures the pace of assimilation of the IT into the SLT is high. Marriages between IT and SLT | |||
Tamils are on the increase and there is an increasing sense of oneness politically. However, to understand | |||
their “ group” solidarity and cohesiveness, it is important that they are studied separately. | |||
One-third of Sri Lankan Tamils now live outside Sri Lanka. While there was significant migration during the ] era to Singapore and Malaysia, the civil war led to more than 800,000 Tamils leaving Sri Lanka, and many have ] for destinations such as Canada, United Kingdom, Germany and India as refugees or emigrants. According to the pro-rebel ], the ] and ] that Sri Lankan Tamils faced has resulted in some Tamils today not identifying themselves as Sri Lankans but instead identifying themselves as either ] Tamils, Ceylon Tamils, or simply Tamils.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://tamilculture.com/why-im-not-sri-lankan|title = Why I'm Not 'Sri Lankan'}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=79&artid=38093|title=TamilNet}}</ref> Many still support the idea of ], a proposed ] that Sri Lankan Tamils ] in the ] of Sri Lanka.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2016-04-02 |title=Vaddukoddai Resolution: More Relevant Now Than Ever Before |url=https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/vaddukoddai-resolution-more-relevant-now-than-ever-before/ |access-date=2023-11-29 |website=Colombo Telegraph |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.slelections.gov.lk/pdf/General%20Election%201977.PDF | title=Parliamentary Election - 1977 | publisher=Department of Elections Sri Lanka | access-date=March 14, 2013 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110717002624/http://www.slelections.gov.lk/pdf/General%20Election%201977.PDF | archive-date=17 July 2011 | url-status=dead | df=dmy-all }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Wijemanne |first=Adrian |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9EiToLETF5UC&pg=PA32 |title=War and Peace in Post-colonial Ceylon, 1948-1991 |date=1996 |publisher=Orient Blackswan |isbn=978-81-250-0364-9 |language=en}}</ref><ref>International Crisis Group - The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora after the LTTE, p13-14 https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/113104/186_the_sri_lankan_tamil_diaspora.pdf</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Tamil National Alliance -A Sinking Ship|date=3 September 2018|url=https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/tamil-national-alliance-a-sinking-ship/}}</ref> Inspired by the ], the ] also used by the ], has become a symbol of ] for some Tamils in Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.tamilguardian.com/content/eelam-tamil-flag-hoisted-valvettithurai|title = Eelam Tamil flag hoisted in Valvettithurai | Tamil Guardian}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.tamilguardian.com/content/tamils-across-london-hoist-tamil-eelam-flags-build-maaveerar-naal|title = Tamils across London hoist Tamil Eelam flags in build-up to Maaveerar Naal | Tamil Guardian}}</ref> | |||
The focus at first therefore should be on the Sri Lankan Tamils. Before we go into the problem of the | |||
groupings among these Tamils, their culture and the sub-cultures that are prevalent, we should understand | |||
the significance of this group of Tamils in terms of the history of the Tamils as a whole. It is this | |||
“ historical” consciousness that has given a wider dimension - Pan - Tamilian solidarity. | |||
== History == | |||
The Sri Lankan Tamils are the largest and the oldest of the Tamils living outside “ Tamilakam” (the | |||
{{Sri Lankan Tamil history}} | |||
Tamilian consciousness does not express this history in terms of India; it is always expressed in terms of | |||
the “ Land of the Tamils”). The proximity of this country and the group to Tamilians on the South West | |||
of India contributes to sense of Tamilian elation over their “ great past”. There has been a persistent | |||
tradition of referring to Tamilakam as the mother (place of mother) and Tamil region of Sri Lanka is | |||
“ Ceyakam” (place of the child). | |||
There is little scholarly consensus over the presence of the Sri Lankan Tamil people in Sri Lanka, also known as ] in ].<ref>{{Cite book|last=Pande|first=Amba|title=Women in the Indian Diaspora: Historical Narratives and Contemporary Challenges|date=2017-12-05|publisher=Springer|isbn=978-981-10-5951-3|location=|pages=106|language=en}}</ref> One older theory states that there were no large Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka until the 10th century CE.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Indrapala |first1=Karthigesu |title=Early Tamil Settlements in Ceylon |journal=The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland |date=1969 |volume=13 |pages=43–63 |publisher=Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka |location=Sri Lanka|jstor=43483465 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/43483465}}</ref> According to the anthropological and archaeological evidence, Sri Lankan Tamils have a very long ] and have lived on the island since at least around the 2nd century ].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Mahadevan|first=Iravatham|author-link=Iravatham Mahadevan|date=8 March 2002|title=Aryan or Dravidian or Neither? – A Study of Recent Attempts to Decipher the Indus Script (1995–2000)|url=http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0801/ejvs0801.txt|url-status=dead|journal=Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies|volume=8|issue=1|issn=1084-7561|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070723121117/http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs0801/ejvs0801.txt|archive-date=23 July 2007}}</ref>{{Sfn|Wenzlhuemer|2008|pp=19-20}} | |||
Besides this aspect of Tamilian ‘group-psychology’, there is also the fact of a variation in terms of socio- | |||
cultural organization which has given a sense of specificity to Sri Lankan Tamil culture, thereby also | |||
creating a sense of dedication and commitment to keep that specificity alive. The following, in brief, are | |||
some of the significant peculiarities of SLT culture, when compared to the Tamil culture prevalent among | |||
Tamilnadu Tamils (TNT). | |||
=== Prehistoric period === | |||
==Distinct differences== | |||
{{Multiple image | |||
| align = left | |||
| direction = vertical | |||
| width = 175 | |||
| image1 = Megalithic burial jar.jpg | |||
| caption1 = Megalithic burial urns or jar found in Pomparippu, North Western, Sri Lanka dated to at least five to two centuries BCE. These are similar to Megalithic burial jars found in ] and the ] during the similar time frame.{{Sfn|de Silva|2005|p=129}} | |||
| image2 = Black and Red ware.jpg | |||
| caption2 = South Indian type black and red ware pot sherds found in Sri Lanka and dated to 1st to 2nd century CE. Displayed at the ]. | |||
}} | |||
The ] ] are ethnically related to people in South India and early populations of ]. It is not possible to ascertain what languages that they originally spoke as ] is considered diverged from its original source (due to Sinhalese language influence).<ref>{{Cite encyclopedia|title=Vedda|encyclopedia=]|publisher=]| location=London|year=2008|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/624466/Vedda|access-date=23 June 2008}}</ref> | |||
According to ], ], rather than migration of people, spread the ] and ]s from peninsular India into an existing ] population, centuries before the ].{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|pp=53–54}} ] and Tamil-Prakrit scripts were used to write the Tamil language during this period on the island.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Schalk|first1=Peter|year=2002|title=Buddhism Among Tamils in Pre-colonial Tamilakam and Ilam: Prologue. The Pre-Pallava and the Pallava Period|journal=Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis|publisher=]|volume=19–20|pages=100–220|isbn=978-91-554-5357-2|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q2QEAAAAYAAJ}}</ref> | |||
a) Brahmins do not exercise social control. Though they are ritually the highest caste, among SLT they | |||
do not have the necessary social power and authority. Quite often they are employees at temples with | |||
well-defined duties and obligations. Nor do the Brahmins officiate in all temples; there are non- | |||
Brahmin priests known as Saivakkurukkals, drawn originally from the Vellala caste. | |||
During the ] (1000–500 BCE) Sri Lanka was culturally united with ],<ref>{{cite web |url=https://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30208096.ece |title=Reading the past in a more inclusive way - Interview with Dr. Sudharshan Seneviratne |work=Frontline (2006) |date=26 January 2006 }}</ref> and shared the same megalithic burials, ], iron technology, farming techniques and ].<ref name="Seneviratne">{{cite book |last=Seneviratne |first = Sudharshan|title=Social base of early Buddhism in south east India and Sri Lanka|date=1984 }}</ref><ref name="Karunaratne">{{cite book |last=Karunaratne |first = Priyantha|title=Secondary state formation during the early iron age on the island of Sri Lanka : the evolution of a periphery|date=2010 }}</ref> This cultural complex spread from southern India along with Dravidian clans such as the ], prior to the migration of ] speakers.<ref>Robin Conningham - Anuradhapura - The British-Sri Lankan Excavations at Anuradhapura Salgaha Watta | |||
b) The dominant caste among SLT is the Vellalas, and except in rare cases they have the social control. | |||
Volumes 1 and 2 (1999/2006)</ref><ref>Sudharshan Seneviratne (1989) - Pre-State Chieftains And Servants of the State: A Case Study of Parumaka -http://dlib.pdn.ac.lk/handle/123456789/2078</ref><ref name="Seneviratne"/> | |||
Settlements of culturally similar early populations of ancient Sri Lanka and ancient ] in India were excavated at ] at Pomparippu on the west coast and in ] on the east coast of the island. Bearing a remarkable resemblance to burials in the ], these sites were established between the 5th century BCE and 2nd century CE.{{Sfn|de Silva|2005|p=129}}{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=91}} | |||
c) Unlike in Tamilnadu where the caste system has an observable caste-tribe continuum (Vanniyar, | |||
Kallar, Maravar, Irular)among SLT castes are largely occupation based (Vellalar, Karaiyar, Nattuvar, | |||
Nalavar, Pallar, Vannar, Ampattar). Social control by the Vellalas except in the littoral towns where | |||
the karaiyars (lit. those of the shore, ref. to the fishermen) are dominant, is virtually a complete one. | |||
Excavated ] sequences similar to that of ] were found in ] (Kadiramalai) on the north coast, dated to 1300 BCE. Cultural similarities in burial practices in South India and Sri Lanka were dated by archaeologists to 10th century BCE. However, Indian history and archaeology have pushed the date back to 15th century BCE.<ref>Indian Journal of History of Science, 45.3 (2010) 369-394, Adichanallur: A prehistoric mining site https://insa.nic.in/writereaddata/UpLoadedFiles/IJHS/Vol45_3_3_BSasisekara.pdf</ref> In Sri Lanka, there is radiometric evidence from ] that the non-] symbol-bearing ] occur in the 10th century BCE.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2006-01-26 |title=Reading the past in a more inclusive way |url=https://frontline.thehindu.com/other/article30208096.ece |access-date=2023-11-29 |website=Frontline |language=en}}</ref> | |||
d) Among the SLT marriages are largely matrilocal; among the TnT it is largely patrilocal. e) Kinship organisation and sometimes even the kinship terms are different (for instances, at the non- | |||
brahmin level among the TnT uravinmurai (lineage) tradition is very strong; among the SLT even | |||
though they have the “ pakuti” (lineage) tradition, it is not strong; it is not sustainable). | |||
The skeletal remains of an ] chief were excavated in ], ]. The name ''Ko Veta'' is engraved in Brahmi script on a seal buried with the skeleton and is assigned by the excavators to the 3rd century BCE. Ko, meaning "King" in Tamil, is comparable to such names as Ko Atan, Ko Putivira and Ko Ra-pumaan occurring in contemporary ] inscriptions of ancient South India and ].{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=324}}<ref>{{cite news|last=Mahadevan|first=Iravatham|title=An epigraphic perspective on the antiquity of Tamil|url=http://www.hindu.com/2010/06/24/stories/2010062451701100.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100701211040/http://www.hindu.com/2010/06/24/stories/2010062451701100.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=1 July 2010|newspaper=]|date=24 June 2010|author-link=Iravatham Mahadevan}}</ref> | |||
f) In religious practices also there is considerable difference; there are also considerable differences in | |||
temple management. | |||
=== Historic period === | |||
g) Food habits vary much (among the TnT there is not much use of coconut and chillies; among the SLT there is much less use of milk, esp."tayir" and "mor". | |||
{{See also|Tamil inscriptions in Sri Lanka}} | |||
h) SLT dialect is very much different from the local dialects of Tamilnadu. | |||
] with ] from the 2nd century BCE have been found from the north in ], ] to the south in ]. They bore several inscriptions, including a clan name—''veḷ'', a name related to '']'' from ].{{Sfn|Mahadevan|2003|p=48}} | |||
i) The SLT literary culture too has been very different. In creative critical writings, SLT literary culture, responding to local needs and aspirations, has been able to carve out a distinct idiom of expression. | |||
The SLT live mostly in the Northern and Eastern provinces. | |||
Once ] speakers had attained dominance on the island, the ] further recounts the later migration of royal brides and service castes from the Tamil ] to the ] in the early historic period.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://mahavamsa.org/mahavamsa/original-version/07-consecrating-vijaya/ |title=The Consecrating of Vijaya |work=Mahavamsa |date=8 October 2011 }}</ref> | |||
==Population figures== | |||
] evidence shows people identifying themselves as Damelas or Damedas (the ] word for Tamil people) in Anuradhapura, the capital city of ] the middle kingdom, and other areas of Sri Lanka as early as the 2nd century BCE.{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=157}} Excavations in the area of ] in southern Sri Lanka have unearthed locally issued coins, produced between the 2nd century BCE and the 2nd century CE, some of which carry local Tamil personal names written in early Tamil characters,{{Sfn|Mahadevan|2000|pp=152–154}} which suggest that local Tamil merchants were present and actively involved in trade along the southern coast of Sri Lanka by the late classical period.{{Sfn|Bopearachchi|2004|pp=546–549}} | |||
The following are the population figurers of the SLT in the various districts of the North and East, for 1981. | |||
Other ancient inscriptions from the period reference a Tamil merchant,{{Efn|Dameda vanija gahapati Vishaka.}} the Tamil householder residing in Iḷabharata{{Efn|Iḷa bharatahi Dameda Samane karite Dameda gahapathikana.}} and a Tamil sailor named Karava.{{Efn|Dameda navika karava.}} Two of the six ancient inscriptions referring to the Damedas (Tamils) are in Periya Pullyakulam in the ], one is in Seruvavila in ], one is in Kuduvil in ], one is in Anuradhapura and one is in ].<ref>{{cite journal| last =Senanayake| first =A.M.P. | date =2017 | title = A STUDY ON SOCIAL IDENTITY BASED ON THE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS OF THE EARLY HISTORIC PERIOD IN THE NORTH WESTERN PROVINCE, SRI LANKA |url=http://socialaffairsjournal.com/Achive/Spring_2017/3.A_Study_on_Social_Identity_Based_on_the_Brahmi_Inscriptions_by_A.M.P._Senanayake_%20SAJ1(6).pdf |journal= Social Affairs: A Journal for the Social Sciences|volume=1 |issue=6|pages=38 }}</ref> | |||
Northern provinces: | |||
Literary sources make references about Tamil rulers bringing horses to the island in water crafts in the second century BCE, most likely arriving at ]. Historical records establish that Tamil kingdoms in modern India were closely involved in the island's affairs from about the 2nd century BCE.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|pp=30–32}}{{Sfn|Mendis|1957|pp=24–25}} Kudiramalai, Kandarodai and ] served as great northern Tamil capitals and emporiums of trade with these kingdoms and the ] from the 6th–2nd centuries BCE. The archaeological discoveries in these towns and the '']'', a historical poem, detail how Nāka-Tivu of Nāka-Nadu on the ] was a lucrative international market for pearl and conch trading for the Tamil fishermen. | |||
Jaffna (including Kilinochi) - 95.3% Mullaitivu - 76.0% Mannar - 50.6% Vavuniya - 56.9% | |||
Eastern provinces: Trincomalee - 33.8% | |||
Batticaloa - 70.8% Amparai - 20.1% | |||
Of the population of 14,850,001, SLT are 1,871,535 (12.6%) and Indians are 825,238 (5.6%). | |||
The Tamils in all constitute 17% of the population. SOURCE: CENSUS 1981. | |||
In '']'', a historical poem, ethnic Tamil adventurers such as ] invaded the island around 145 BCE.{{Sfn|Nadarajan|1999|p=40}} ] king ], son of ] utilised superior ] to conquer Ceylon in the first century CE. ], ] and ] were popular amongst the Tamils at this time, as was the proliferation of ]. | |||
==Northern Tamils== | |||
The ] was influential in the region when the ] established the Andhra empire and its 17th monarch ] (20–24 CE) married a princess from the island. Ancient ] settled in the east of the island in the first few centuries of the common era to cultivate and maintain the area.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Hellmann-Rajanayagam|first=Dagmar|title=Tamils and the meaning of history|journal=Contemporary South Asia|year=1994|volume=3|issue=1|pages=3–23|doi=10.1080/09584939408719724}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last=Schalk|first=Peter|title=Buddhism Among Tamils in Pre-colonial Tamilakam and Ilam: Prologue. The Pre-Pallava and the Pallava period|journal=Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis|year=2002|volume=19–20|pages=159, 503|publisher=]|quote=The Tamil stone inscription ''Konesar Kalvettu'' details King Kulakottan's involvement in the restoration of Koneswaram temple in 438 A.D. (Pillay, K., Pillay, K. (1963). ''South India and Ceylon'')}}</ref> The ] flourished.<ref>{{cite book|last=Arumugam|first=S.|title=The Lord of Thiruketheeswaram, an ancient Hindu sthalam of hoary antiquity in Sri Lanka|year=1980|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7g4YAAAAIAAJ|publisher=Colombo|quote=Kulakottan also paid special attention to agricultural practice and economic development, the effects of which made the Vanni region to flourish; temples were cared for and regular worship instituted at these}}</ref> | |||
Jaffna with a history of a kingdom of its own (taken as an important legitimising factor in the political | |||
demands of the SLT) has throughout been an articulating centre in the constitutional demands of the | |||
Tamils. The other major SLT regions are Vanni and Mattakkalappu (Baticalo). | |||
In the 6th century CE, a special coastal route by boat was established from the Jaffna peninsula southwards to Saivite religious centres in ] (Koneswaram) and further south to ] (]), passed a few small Tamil trading settlements in ] on the north coast.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ismail|first1=Marina|year=1995|title=Early settlements in northern Sri lanka|quote=In the sixth century AD there was a coastal route by boat from the Jaffna peninsula in the north, southwards to Trincomalee, especially to the religious centre of Koneswaram, and further onwards to Batticaloa and the religious centre of Tirukovil, along the eastern coast. Along this route there were a few small trading settlements such as Mullativu on the north coast... }}</ref> | |||
In terms of the geography of Sri Lanka, the area referred to as the Vanni districts fall between Mankulam | |||
and Anuradhapura in the North covering Vavuniya and Mullaitivu among the Tamil districts, and | |||
Anuradhapura, Tammankaduwe, Kekirake of the Sinhala areas going up to the northern reaches of the | |||
Triconamalee District. As the term “ Vanni” itself implies the word is derived from “ Vana” (forest) - this is | |||
the area that came under the Anuradhapura Kings (c. 2 ond c. B.C to 9th C.A.D) and later because of the | |||
drift of the Sinhala capitals to the South-West, became Jungle. These areas with their elephant infested | |||
jungles and malaria infested villages were kept aloof from the nuclear areas of post- 11th century Sri | |||
Lankan history. The area is divided into the Sinhala vanni and the Tamil Vanni. Thus the distinguishable | |||
Tamil areas are Batticaloa, Vanni, and Jaffna. | |||
The conquests and rule of the island by ] king ] (630–668 CE) and his grandfather King ] (537–590 CE) saw the erection and structural development of several '']'' around the island, particularly in the ]—these Pallava ] remained a popular and highly influential style of architecture in the region over the next few centuries.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Singhal|first1=Damodhar P.|year=1969|title=India and world civilization|volume=2|publisher=]|oclc=54202}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Codrington|first=Humphrey William|title=Short History of Ceylon|page=36|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tqpdlaPiOyEC|isbn=9788120609464|date=May 1995|publisher=Asian Educational Services }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Maity|first=Sachindra Kumar|title=Masterpieces of Pallava Art|page=4|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QgrqAAAAMAAJ|year=1982}}</ref> Tamil soldiers from what is now South India were brought to Anuradhapura between the 7th and 11th centuries CE in such large numbers that local chiefs and kings trying to establish legitimacy came to rely on them.<ref name=Spencer /> By the 8th century CE Tamil villages were collectively known as ''Demel-kaballa'' (Tamil allotment), ''Demelat-valademin'' (Tamil villages), and ''Demel-gam-bim'' (Tamil villages and lands).{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|pp=214–215}} | |||
In an overall grouping up of “ culture areas” within the Tamil speaking region of Sri Lanka, Mannar | |||
presents a problem. This region on the North-West of the Northern province, now taken as part of the | |||
Vanni electoral district, was till recently a bigger district with ] within it. It lies to the north- | |||
western border and is the closest point in Sri Lanka to South India. It has a long littoral region thus making | |||
it a rich fishing area. It has been rich in pearl fisheries from historical times. In spite of the fact that in the | |||
land interior it has as much a tank-based agrarian economy as the Vanni, the littoral character dominates. | |||
Manner has a substantial Muslim population (26.6%) and among the Tamils the Roman Catholics are very | |||
influentially placed. | |||
=== Medieval period === | |||
It is of interest to note that on the south it is contiguous with ] district which | |||
{{Multiple image | |||
until the first two decades of this century had a substantial Tamil Catholic: population. It is well known | |||
| align = right | |||
fact of Roman Catholic Church 1 history that there was a process of Sinhalisation or assimilation into ] identity of these fishermen during the time of ]. The fishermen of the north western coast beginning from ] go to the ] and ] areas for seasonal fishing. | |||
| direction = vertical | |||
| width = 160 | |||
| image1 = Jaffna Royal family 280x190.jpg | |||
| caption1 = The ], first from the right is ], who held off the ]. | |||
| image2 = Map-of-ceylon-c1692.jpg | |||
| caption2 = ''Coylot Wanees Contrey'' (Coylot ] country), ] country in the northeast of the island on a 1681 CE map by ] as published in his book.<ref>The 1681 CE map by Robert Knox demarcates the then existing boundaries of the Tamil country. In 1692 CE, Dutch artist Wilhelm Broedelet crafted an engraving of the map: ''Coylat Wannees Land, where the Malabars live'' – , {{dead link|date=May 2018 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}.</ref> | |||
}} | |||
In the 9th and 10th centuries CE, ] and ] incursions into Sri Lanka culminated in the ], which lasted until the latter half of the 11th century CE.<ref name=Spencer>{{cite journal|last=Spencer|first=George W.|title=The politics of plunder: The Cholas in eleventh century Ceylon|journal=]|volume=35|issue=3|page=408|publisher=]}}</ref>{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=46}}{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=48}}{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=75}}{{Sfn|Mendis|1957|pp=30–31}}{{Sfn|Smith|1958|p=224}} ] renamed the northern throne ''Mummudi Chola Mandalam'' after his conquest of the northeast country to protect Tamil traders being looted, imprisoned and killed for years on the island.<ref>{{cite book|title=Epigraphia Carnatica, Volume 10, Part 1|page=32|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bGmiLgEACAAJ|isbn=9781231192177|last1=Rice|first1=Benjamin Lewis|date=2012-05-10|publisher=General Books }}</ref> ]'s conquest of the island led to the fall of four kings there, one of whom, Madavarajah, the king of Jaffna, was a usurper from the ].<ref>{{cite book|last=Pillay|first=K.|title=South India and Ceylon|year=1963|publisher=]|oclc=250247191}}</ref> These dynasties oversaw the development of several kovils that administered services to communities of land assigned to the temples through royal grants. Their rule also saw the benefaction of other faiths. Recent excavations have led to the discovery of a limestone Kovil of Raja Raja Chola I's era on ] island, found with Chola coins from this period.<ref>{{cite news|last=Balachandran|first=P.K.|title=Chola era temple excavated off Jaffna|url=http://www.newindianexpress.com/world/article257115.ece|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131231000458/http://www.newindianexpress.com/world/article257115.ece|url-status=dead|archive-date=31 December 2013|access-date=12 March 2010|newspaper=]|date=10 March 2010}}</ref> The decline of Chola power in Sri Lanka was followed by the restoration of the ] in the late 11th century CE.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=76}} | |||
In 1215, following Pandya invasions, the Tamil-dominant ] dynasty established an independent ] on the Jaffna peninsula and other parts of the north.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|pp=100–102}} The Arya Chakaravarthi expansion into the south was halted by ],{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|pp=102–104}} a man descended from a family of merchants from ] in Tamil Nadu. He was the chief minister of the Sinhalese king Parakramabahu V (1344–59 CE). Vira Alakeshwara, a descendant of Alagakkonara, later became king of the Sinhalese,{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=104}} but ] by the ] admiral ] in 1409 CE. The next year, the Chinese admiral ] erected a ] in ] in the south of the island, written in ], ] and Tamil that recorded offerings he made to ], ] and the God of Tamils Tenavarai Nayanar. The admiral invoked the blessings of Hindu deities at Temple of Perimpanayagam ] for a peaceful world built on trade.<ref>{{cite book|last=Kaplan|first=Robert D.|title=Monsoon: The Indian Ocean and the Future of American Power'|year=2010|publisher=Random House Publishing |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7ZUlDNrQOzoC|isbn=9780679604051}}</ref> | |||
One should not fail to understand the rich Roman Catholic tradition that is prevalent in Mannar. It was the | |||
first area to be converted and had therefore come under the influence such illustrious personalities like | |||
Francis Xavier. | |||
The 1502 map '']'' represents three Tamil cities on the east coast of the island - ], ] and ], where the residents grow ] and other spices, fish for pearls and seed pearls and worship idols, trading heavily with ] of ].<ref>{{cite book|last1=Pires|first1=Tomé|last2=Rodrigues|first2=Francisco|last3=Cortesão|first3=Armando|title=The Suma oriental of Tome Pires : an account of the east, from the red sea to China, written in Malacca and India in 1512–1515; and, The book of Francisco Rodrigues: pilot-major of the armada that discovered Banda and the Moluccas: rutter of a voyage in the red sea, nautical rules, almanack and, maps, written and drawn in the east before 1515|year=2005|publisher=]|location=New Delhi|isbn=978-81-206-0535-0|page=85|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=h82D-Y0E3TwC}}</ref> The Arya Chakaravarthi dynasty ruled large parts of northeast Sri Lanka until the ] in 1619 CE. The coastal areas of the island were conquered by the ] and then became part of the ] in 1796 CE. | |||
In the last days of the Jaffna Kingdom (17th C) it had to face a suppression of the ] by ], the last king of ], the memory of which is preserved to this day in the remembrance of “ the martyrs of Mannar”. The Roman Catholics of Mannar have a rich literary and dramatic tradition. The memory of Matottam, the ancient port of trade, looms large in the traditions of Mannar, in fact one of their theatrical forms is referred to as the “ Matottappanku”. | |||
The Sinhalese ''Nampota'' dated in its present form to the 14th or 15th century CE suggests that the whole of the Tamil Kingdom, including parts of the modern Trincomalee District, was recognised as a Tamil region by the name Demala-pattana (Tamil city).{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=210}} In this work, a number of villages that are now situated in the Jaffna, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee districts are mentioned as places in Demala-pattana.<ref>{{cite book|title=Nampota|year=1955|publisher=M. D. Gunasena & Co.|location=Colombo|pages=5–6}}</ref> | |||
To the Hindu Tamils, Mannar is hallowed by the presence of Tirukethisvaram the ] temple sanctified | |||
by the ] songs tevarams of Campantar and Cuntarar of 7th and 8th centuries A.D. | |||
The English sailor ] described walking into the island's Tamil country in the publication '']'', referencing some aspects of their royal, rural and economic life and annotating some kingdoms within it on a map in 1681 CE.{{Sfn|Knox|1681|p=166}} Upon arrival of European powers from the 17th century CE, the Tamils' separate nation was described in their areas of habitation in the northeast of the island.{{Efn|Upon arrival in June 1799, Sir Hugh Cleghorn, the island's first British colonial secretary wrote to the British government of the traits and antiquity of the Tamil nation on the island in the ''Cleghorn Minute:'' | |||
The Hindu-Catholic relations have not always been friendly (it very often manifests in the identification of and erecting of places of worship) but with increasing Tamil political consciousness Catholic -Hindu hostilities have decreased. The pro-Sinhala position the Sinhala Catholic hierarchy took in and after 1983 had brought about an unprecedented unity among the Tamil Christians and Hindus. It should be mentioned, in passing, that the ideology of the Liberation Theology adopted by many of the younger priests of the Catholic Church had facilitated this Hindu-Christian Tamil unity. | |||
"Two different nations from a very ancient period have divided between them the possession of the island. First the Sinhalese, inhabiting the interior in its Southern and Western parts, and secondly the ] who possess the Northern and Eastern districts. These two nations differ entirely in their religion, language, and manners". McConnell, D., 2008; Ponnambalam, S. 1983}} | |||
The ] of the majority ] has also accommodated Tamil and Kerala immigrants from South India since the 13th century CE. This led to the emergence of three new Sinhalese caste groups: the '']'', the '']'' and the '']''.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=121}}{{Sfn|Spencer|1990|p=23}}{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=275}} The Tamil migration and assimilation continued until the 18th century CE.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=121}} | |||
It is equally important to note that the Muslim - Tamil relationship in ] has not been a hostile one | |||
and that there has been a history of friendly co-existence, especially among the Hindus and the Muslims. | |||
== Society == | |||
In terms of anthropology the Tamils living in the Batticaloa known as ] district exhibit very interesting features indicating a tradition of social organisation and settlement quite different from other Tamil settlements, both in India and Sri Lanka. | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan society}} | |||
{{See also|Caste system in Sri Lanka#Sri Lankan Tamils}} | |||
=== Demographics === | |||
==Eastern Tamils== | |||
] | |||
According to the 2012 census there were 2,270,924 Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka, 11.2% of the population.<ref name=census12>{{cite web|title=A2 : Population by ethnic group according to districts, 2012|url=http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=pop42&gp=Activities&tpl=3|publisher=Department of Census & Statistics, Sri Lanka|access-date=23 October 2012|archive-date=28 April 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170428063924/http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=pop42&gp=Activities&tpl=3|url-status=dead}}</ref> Sri Lankan Tamils constitute an overwhelming majority of the population in the ] and are the largest ethnic group in the ].<ref name=census12 /> They are minority in other provinces. 70% of Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka live in the Northern and Eastern provinces.<ref name=census12 /> | |||
{{Historical populations | |||
Batticaloa is the anglicized form of “ Mattakkalappu” (lit: shallow points in the sea/river) and is now | |||
|align = right | |||
used, as the term Jaffna is to refer to a system of social organization (Batticoloa Tamils, Jaffna Tamils). | |||
|source = <ref name=census12 /><ref>{{cite web|title=Population by ethnic group, census years|url=http://www.statistics.gov.lk/Abstract2011/CHAP2/AB2-10.pdf|work=Statistical Abstract 2011|publisher=Department of Census & Statistics, Sri Lanka|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121113190517/http://www.statistics.gov.lk/Abstract2011/CHAP2/AB2-10.pdf|archive-date=13 November 2012|df=dmy-all}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Estimated mid year population by ethnic group, 1980–1989|url=http://www.statistics.gov.lk/Abstract2011/CHAP2/AB2-13.pdf|work=Statistical Abstract 2011|publisher=Department of Census & Statistics, Sri Lanka|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121113190529/http://www.statistics.gov.lk/Abstract2011/CHAP2/AB2-13.pdf|archive-date=13 November 2012|df=dmy-all}}</ref>{{Efn|Data is based on ] census except 1989 which is an estimate.}} | |||
Batticaloa lies on the central part of the eastern sea border of Sri Lanka, south of ]. Historically speaking it had come under the ] (from about the 16th century to 1815) thereby it has a completely different geographical and historical environment. Jaffna is close to South India and was able to found a ] of its own. Two factors which have determined the “ politicality” of Jaffna when compared with Batticalo. Batticaloa had been exclusive and has therefore been able to preserve many of traditional institutions which the much “ exposed” Jaffna has lost. Even under British rule, Batticaloa was not “ modernised” as comprehensively as Jaffna was. Modernisation in Batticaloa was confined only to the town of Batticaloa and a very sharp rural-urban discotinuum is a s striking feature of Batticalo district. | |||
|1911 | 528000 | |||
|1921 | 517300 | |||
|1931 | 598900 | |||
|1946 | 733700 | |||
|1953 | 884700 | |||
|1963 | 1164700 | |||
|1971 | 1424000 | |||
|1981 | 1886900 | |||
|1989 | 2124000 | |||
|2012 | 2270924 | |||
}} | |||
{| class="wikitable sortable" border="1" style="text-align:right;" | |||
|+ '''Distribution of Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka (2012)'''<ref name=census12 /> | |||
|- | |||
! style="vertical-align:bottom;"|] | |||
! style="vertical-align:bottom;"|<small>Sri Lankan<br />Tamils</small> | |||
! style="vertical-align:bottom;"|%<br />Province | |||
! style="vertical-align:bottom;"|<small>% Sri Lankan<br />Tamils</small> | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Central Province, Sri Lanka}} || 128,263 || 5.0% || 5.7% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Eastern Province, Sri Lanka}} || 609,584 || 39.3% || 26.8% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Northern Province, Sri Lanka}} || 987,692 || 93.3% || 43.5% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|North Central Province, Sri Lanka}} || 12,421 || 1.0% || 0.6% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|North Western Province, Sri Lanka}} || 66,286 || 2.8% || 2.9% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Sabaragamuwa Province}} || 74,908 || 3.9% || 3.3% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Southern Province, Sri Lanka}} || 25,901 || 1.1% || 1.1% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Uva Province}} || 30,118 || 2.4% || 1.3% | |||
|- | |||
| align=left|{{flagcountry|Western Province, Sri Lanka}} || 335,751 || 5.8% || 14.8% | |||
|- style="font-weight:bold" | |||
| align=left|Total || 2,270,924 || 11.2% || 100.0% | |||
|} | |||
There are no accurate figures for the number of Sri Lankan Tamils living in the ]. Estimates range from 450,000 to one million.<ref>{{cite book|last=Orjuela|first=Camilla|title=Politics from Afar: Transnational Diasporas and Networks|year=2012|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-84904-185-0|page=98|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ShluycPZdS4C|editor=Terrence Lyons|editor2=Peter G. Mandaville|chapter=5: Diaspora Identities and Homeland Politics}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora after the LTTE: Asia Report N°186|url=http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/186%20The%20Sri%20Lankan%20Tamil%20Diaspora%20after%20the%20LTTE.ashx|publisher=]|page=2|date=23 February 2010|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100516033156/http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/186%20The%20Sri%20Lankan%20Tamil%20Diaspora%20after%20the%20LTTE.ashx|archive-date=16 May 2010}}</ref> | |||
==Social Organization of Eastern Tamils== | |||
=== Other Tamil-speaking communities === | |||
The social organization of the Tamils of this district in terms of caste formation is slightly different from | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan Moors|Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka}} | |||
the one that obtains in ] and is definitely less rigid. The traditional agrarian organization is | |||
] are classed as a separate ethnic group.]] | |||
characteristically feudal in terms of the extraction of surplus. Within the Sri Lankan Tamil dialect, | |||
The two groups of Tamils located in Sri Lanka are the Sri Lankan Tamils and the ]. There also exists a ] in Sri Lanka who are native speakers of Tamil language and are of ]ic faith. Though a significant amount of evidence points towards these Muslims being ]s,<ref name="vm">{{cite book | last = Mohan | first = Vasundhara | title = Identity Crisis of Sri Lankan Muslims | publisher = Mittal Publications | location = Delhi | year = 1987 | pages = 9–14, 27–30, 67–74, 113–118 }}</ref><ref></ref><ref name="bbcnews">{{cite news | url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/2070817.stm | title=Analysis: Tamil-Muslim divide | date=27 June 2002 | publisher=BBC News World Edition | access-date=6 July 2014}}</ref> they are controversially<ref name="vm"/><ref name="bbcnews"/><ref name="azz">{{cite book | last = Zemzem | first = Akbar | title = The Life and Times of Marhoom Wappichi Marikar (booklet) | location = Colombo | year = 1970}}</ref> listed as a separate ethnic group by the ].{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|pp=3–5}}{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=9}}<ref name=population/> | |||
] has a distinctly separate mode. | |||
Sri Lankan Tamils (also called Ceylon Tamils) are descendants of the Tamils of the old ] and east coast chieftaincies called ]s. The Indian Tamils (or Hill Country Tamils) are descendants of bonded labourers sent from Tamil Nadu to Sri Lanka in the 19th century to work on tea plantations.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=177}}{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=181}} | |||
It is important to note that the differences that one sees on the social and cultural organisation of Jaffna and | |||
Batticaloa are not that fundamentally different from each other, because if ore analyses the basics of both the | |||
“ systems” one will not fail to see that they emanate from the basic Dravidian kinship system (Trautmann) | |||
– South Indian system. Uneven development arising out of years of exclusive existence have sharpened the | |||
dis-similarities. | |||
Most Sri Lankan Tamils live in the Northern and Eastern provinces and in the capital ], and most Indian Tamils live in the central highlands.<ref name=population>{{cite web|title=Population by Ethnicity according to District|author=Department of Census and Statistics of Sri Lanka|url=http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/PDF/Population/p9p8%20Ethnicity.pdf|publisher=statistics.gov.lk|access-date=3 May 2007|archive-date=13 July 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170713101148/http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/PDF/Population/p9p8%20Ethnicity.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> Historically, both groups have seen themselves as separate communities, although there has been a greater sense of unity since the 1980s.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Suryanarayan|first=V.|title=In search of a new identity|journal=]|date=4 August 2001|volume=18|issue=16|url=http://www.frontline.in/navigation/?type=static&page=flonnet&rdurl=fl1816/18160950.htm|access-date=2 July 2008}}</ref> In 1948, the ] government ]. Under the terms of an agreement reached between the Sri Lankan and Indian governments in the 1960s, about forty percent of the Indian Tamils were granted Sri Lankan citizenship, and most of the remainder were ]d to India.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=262}} By the 1990s, most Indian Tamils had received Sri Lankan citizenship.{{Sfn|de Silva|1987|p=262}} | |||
The term “ Mattakkalapputtamilar” refers to the Tamils living in the present Batticaloa and Amparai | |||
districts. | |||
=== Regional groups === | |||
The following are the castes found in Batticaloa – the dominant ones – | |||
Sri Lankan Tamils are categorised into three subgroups based on regional distribution, dialects, and culture: Negombo Tamils from the western part of the island, Eastern Tamils from the eastern part, and Jaffna or Northern Tamils from the north. | |||
==== Eastern Tamils ==== | |||
Vellalar, Cirpatakkaral*, Mukkuvar, Karaiyar | |||
] in ], mentioned in ] circa 700 CE by ]{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=230}}]] | |||
{{See also|History of Eastern Tamils}} | |||
(there has always been wrangling arguments on the order of precedence among these castes; one | |||
of them as recently as 1 980/1., when a book on Batticaloa was published.) - other castes: | |||
Eastern Tamils inhabit a region that spans the ], ], and ] districts.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=2–4}} Their history and traditions are inspired by local legends, native literature, and colonial documents.{{Sfn|Subramaniam|2006|pp=1–13}} | |||
Tanakkarar, Kaikkulavar Canar, Pallar, Vannar .Ampattar, Vanniyar*, Kollar, Tattar, Taccar, | |||
Kataiyar*, and Vetar*. Castes marked with the asteric (*) arc found only in Batticalo. | |||
In the 16th century the area came under the nominal control of the ], but there was scattered leadership under Vannimai chiefs in Batticaloa District<ref>McGilvray, D. ''Mukkuvar Vannimai: Tamil Caste and Matriclan Ideology in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka'', pp. 34–97</ref>{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=7–9}} who came with ] army in 1215.<ref>{{cite book|last=McGilvray|first=Dennis B.|title=Caste Ideology and Interaction|year=1982|publisher=]|page=59|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n-88AAAAIAAJ|isbn=9780521241458}}</ref> From that time on, Eastern Tamil social development diverged from that of the Northern Tamils. | |||
A special feature of the caste organization of Batticalo is the “ Kuti” system. The Tamil word “ KUTI” | |||
means “ a house”, a settlement. In Batticalo Kuti is found among all the major caste groups, and every | |||
context it refers to the exogamous matri – clans. The kuti system among the Muslims of Batticalo. The | |||
number of Kutis within a caste is always seven and the names vary. The significance of the kuti system lies | |||
in that, | |||
Eastern Tamils are an agrarian-based society. They follow a ] similar to the South Indian or ] ] system. The Eastern Tamil caste hierarchy is dominated by the ], ] and ].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Mw5cbpeFsvcC&q=eastern+tamils+caste&pg=PA96|title=Matrilineal Communities, Patriarchal Realities: A Feminist Nirvana Uncovered|last=Ruwanpura|first=Kanchana N.|date=2006|publisher=University of Michigan Press|isbn=978-0-472-06977-4|pages=96|language=en}}</ref> The main feature of their society is the ''kudi'' system.{{Sfn|Yalman|1967|pp=282–335}} Although the Tamil word ''kudi'' means a house or settlement, in eastern Sri Lanka it is related to matrimonial alliances. It refers to the ] ] ]s and is found amongst most caste groups.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=5–6}} Men or women remain members of the ''kudi'' of their birth and be brother or sister by relation. No man can marry in the same ''kudi'' because woman is always become sister to him. But, a man can only marry in one of his ''sampantha'' ''kudi''s not in the ''sakothara'' ''kudi''s. By custom, children born in a family belong to mother's ''kudi''. ''Kudi'' also collectively own places of worship such as ]s.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=5–6}} <!--The ''kuti'' system is also found among the Tamil speaking Muslims of Batticaloa.<ref>{{cite news|last=Hussei|first=Asiff|title=Nindavur: The land of the matri-clans|url=https://archives.sundayobserver.lk/2003/06/29/fea22.html|access-date=24 June 2008|newspaper=]|date=29 June 2003|quote=It is more likely as suggested by M.Z. Mohideen in his contribution on the Kudi Maraikayars to the Souvenir of the Moors Islamic Cultural Home (1965) that the kudi is probably Mukkuvar in origin. The Mukkuvar Tamils of Batticoloa South, he notes also have the kudi form of social organization. In an adjacent Mukkuvar village, for example, there can be a Mukkuvar kudi bearing the same name as the Muslim kudi. Folk tales, as recited by village elders, tend to indicate a Mukkuvar origin for the Muslim kudis.}}</ref> (need to find appropriate citation that is not copy vivo)--> Each caste contains a number of ''kudis'', with varying names. Aside from castes with an internal ''kudi'' system, there are seventeen caste groups, called ''Ciraikudis'', or imprisoned ''kudis'', whose members were considered to be in captivity, confined to specific services such as washing, weaving, and ]. However, such restrictions no longer apply. | |||
a) it is related to matrimonial jilliances (None carry with him the kuti of his birth and one always a joins the wife’s kuti on marriage b) control of the places of worship (temples) is through the kuti system | |||
For Instance the following are the kutis among the Vellalar and the Mukkuvar. | |||
Vellalar Kantankuti, Carukupillikuti. Kattappattankuti, Kavuttankuti, Attiyayankuti, Ponnaccikuti and Vaittikuti. (the Vellalar consider themselves to be the deseants of Magha of Kalinga who invaded Sri Lanka | |||
in the 14th century A.D.) | |||
The Tamils of the Trincomalee district have different social customs from their southern neighbours due to the influence of the Jaffna kingdom to the north.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=5–6}} The ] ] people of the east coast also speak Tamil and have become assimilated into the Eastern Tamil caste structure.<ref name=Seligmann1911>{{cite book|last1=Seligmann|first1=C.G.|last2=Gabriel|first2=C.|last3=Seligmann|first3=B.Z.|year=1911|title=The Veddas|url=http://vedda.org/seligmann-coastal-veddas.htm|pages=331–335}}</ref> Most Eastern Tamils follow customary laws called ] codified during the ].{{Sfn|Thambiah|2001|p=2}} | |||
Mukkuvar Ulakippotikuti, Kalinkakuti, Pataiyantakuti, Pettankuti, Panikkankuti, | |||
kaccilakuti, and Pettantapata antakuti. | |||
==== Northern Tamils ==== | |||
The kuti system is also found among the Cirpatakkarar, the Cettis, the Karaiyar and the Kammalar. It is of | |||
] of being an independent kingdom lends legitimacy to the political claims of the Sri Lankan Tamils, and has provided a focus for their constitutional demands.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=4–12}} Northern Tamil society is generally categorised into two groups: those who are from the ] in the north, and those who are residents of the ] to the immediate south. The Jaffna society is separated by ]. Historically, the ] were in northern region dominant and were traditionally ] involved in ] and ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Fernando|first=A. Denis N.|date=1987|title=Pennsular Jaffna From Ancient to Medieval Times: Its Significant Historical and Settlement Aspects|journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka|volume=32|pages=63–90|jstor=23731055}}</ref> They constitute half of the population and enjoyed dominance under Dutch rule, from which community the colonial political elites also were drawn from.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xj9FAwAAQBAJ&q=vellalar+dutch&pg=PT73|title=The Politics of Reconstruction and Development in Sri Lanka: Transnational Commitments to Social Change|last=Gerharz|first=Eva|date=2014-04-03|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-317-69279-9|language=en}}</ref> The maritime communities existed outside the agriculture-based caste system and is dominated by the ]s.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=62}}<ref>{{Cite book|last=Pfister|first=Raymond|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TJHYAAAAMAAJ&q=karaiyar|title=Soixante ans de pentecôtisme en Alsace (1930–1990): une approche socio-historique|date=1995|publisher=P. Lang|isbn=978-3-631-48620-7|page=165|language=en}}</ref> The dominant castes (e.g. the ] or ]) traditionally use the service of those collectively known as ''Kudimakkal''. The Panchamars, who serve as Kudimakkal, consists of the ''], ], ], ]'' and ].{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=4–12}} The castes of temple priests known as the Kurukkals and the '']'' are also held in high esteem.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=62}} The artisans who are known as ] also serve as Kudimakkal, and consists of the ''Kannar'' (brass-workers), ''Kollar'' (blacksmiths), ''Tattar'' (goldsmiths), ''Tatchar'' (carpenters) and ''Kartatchar'' (sculptor). The ''Kudimakkal'' were ] who also gave ritual importance to the dominant castes.<ref>{{Citation|last=Pranāndu|first=Mihindukalasūrya Ār Pī Susantā|title=Rituals, folk beliefs, and magical arts of Sri Lanka|date=2005|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=h94SAQAAIAAJ&q=kudimakkal|pages=459|publisher=Susan International|language=en|isbn=9789559631835|access-date=2018-03-11}}</ref><ref>{{Citation|last=Nayagam|first=Xavier S. Thani|title=Tamil Culture|date=1959|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yWwgAAAAMAAJ&q=kudimakkal|publisher=Academy of Tamil Culture|language=en|access-date=2018-03-11}}</ref> | |||
interest to note that the names of kutis are common to some of the castes. | |||
People in the Vanni districts considered themselves separate from Tamils of the Jaffna peninsula but the two groups did intermarry. Most of these married couples moved into the Vanni districts where land was available. Vanni consists of a number of highland settlements within forested lands using ]-based cultivation. An 1890 census listed 711 such tanks in this area. Hunting and raising livestock such as ] and cattle is a necessary adjunct to the agriculture. The Tamil-inhabited Vanni consists of the ], ], and eastern ] districts. Historically, the Vanni area has been in contact with what is now South India, including during the medieval period and was ruled by the ].{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=4–12}} Northern Tamils follow customary laws called ], codified during the ].{{Sfn|Thambiah|2001|p=12}} | |||
Besides those castes which have an internal kuti system there, are seventeen (17) caste groups which ~ are | |||
called “ CIRAIKKUTIS” (lit: prisoned kutis, meaning these are under “ captivity” and they are confined to | |||
the work they have got to do). Those are Matular, Koil Pantaram, Pantarappillai, Kucavar, Kollar, | |||
Mutalikal, Valipan, Nampikal, Vannar, anipattar, Canar, Pallar, Paraiyar, Koviyar, Tavacikal, and | |||
Kataiyar. | |||
==== Western Tamils ==== | |||
In the traditional agrarian system the “ feudal” landlord is known as the “ POTI”, the reverential form being | |||
{{Main|Negombo Tamils}} | |||
“ potiyar”. The Batticala potiyar is a regular farmer; he is not an absentee landlord. But there is a system of | |||
Western Tamils, also known as ] or Puttalam Tamils, are native Sri Lankan Tamils who live in the western ] and ] districts. The term does not apply to Tamil immigrants in these areas.<ref name=RD>{{cite court|litigants=Fernando v. Proctor el al|vol=3|reporter=Sri Lanka|opinion=924|court=District Court, Chilaw|date=27 October 1909|url=http://www.lawnet.lk/docs/case_law/nlr/common/html/NLR12V309.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120206033637/http://www.lawnet.lk/docs/case_law/nlr/common/html/NLR12V309.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref> They are distinguished from other Tamils by their dialects, one of which is known as the ], and by aspects of their culture such as ].<ref name=RD />{{Sfn|Gair|1998|p=171}}<ref name=Bonta>{{cite journal|last=Bonta|first=Steven|title=Negombo Fishermen's Tamil (NFT): A Sinhala Influenced Dialect from a Bilingual Sri Lankan Community|journal=International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics|date=June 2008|volume=37}}</ref> Most Negombo Tamils have assimilated into the ] ethnic group through a process known as ]. Sinhalisation has been facilitated by ] myths and legends.<ref name=Foell>{{cite web|last=Foell|first=Jens|title=Participation, Patrons and the Village: The case of Puttalam District|publisher=]|year=2007|url = http://www.sussex.ac.uk/development/archive/papers/fr.html|access-date =25 June 2008|quote=One of the most interesting processes in Mampuri is the one of Sinhalisation. Whilst most of the Sinhala fishermen used to speak Tamil and/or still do so, there is a trend towards the use of Sinhala, manifesting itself in most children being educated in Sinhala and the increased use of Sinhala in church. Even some of the long-established Tamils, despite having been one of the most powerful local groups in the past, due to their long local history as well as caste status, have adapted to this trend. The process reflects the political domination of Sinhala people in the Government controlled areas of the country.|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080611140511/http://www.sussex.ac.uk/development/archive/papers/fr.html|archive-date=11 June 2008}}</ref> The Western Tamils caste hierarchy is principally dominated by the maritime ]s, along with other dominant groups such as the ].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=50igCgAAQBAJ&q=negombo+paravar&pg=PA55|title=Historical Dictionary of Sri Lanka|last=Peebles|first=Patrick|date=2015|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|isbn=9781442255852|page=55|language=en}}</ref> | |||
leasing land to “ Kuttakaikkarar” (lessees), who undertake to do the cultivation (vellanmai) by paying a | |||
lump sum to the potiyar. There are instances when one potiyar could lease out land from another. Under | |||
the potiyar come the “ vayalkarar” (those of the field) who work on the fields. Labour is their main input, | |||
and the potiyar ‘looks after’ them, giving them what they need. These vayalkarar of the Batticalo system | |||
would correspond to the ‘pannaiyal’ of the ryotwari system in Tamilnadu. | |||
In Gampaha District, Tamils have historically inhabited the coastal region. In the Puttalam District, there was a substantial ethnic Tamil population until the first two decades of the 20th century.<ref name=Foell /><ref>{{cite journal|last=Goonetilleke|first=Susantha|title=Sinhalisation: Migration or Cultural Colonization?|journal=Lanka Guardian|date=1 May 1980|pages=18–29|url=http://www.noolaham.org/index.php?title=Lanka_Guardian_1980.05.01&uselang=en}}</ref> Most of those who identify as ethnic Tamils live in villages such as ] and ].<ref>{{cite news|last=Corea|first=Henry|title=The Maravar Suitor|url=http://www.defonseka.com/k21.htm|access-date=24 June 2008|newspaper=]|date=3 October 1960|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080517173456/http://www.defonseka.com/k21.htm|archive-date=17 May 2008}}</ref> The coastal strip from ] to ] is also known as the "Catholic belt".<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SCIDFTjeDD4C&q=catholic+belt+sri+lanka|title=Geographical Aspects of the Northern Province, Sri Lanka|last=Rajeswaran|first=S.T.B.|date=2012|publisher=Governor's Office|pages=69|language=en}}</ref> The ], chiefly Roman Catholics, have preserved their heritage in the major cities such as ], ], ], and also in villages such as ].<ref name=Foell /> | |||
==Religious Traditions of Eastern Tamils== | |||
Some residents of these two districts, especially the ]s, are bilingual, ensuring that the Tamil language survives as a ] among migrating maritime communities across the island. Negombo Tamil dialect is spoken by about 50,000 people. This number does not include others, outside of Negombo city, who speak local varieties of the Tamil language.{{Sfn|Gair|1998|p=171}} The bilingual catholic ]s are also found in the western coastal regions, who trace their origins to the Tamil ] however identify themselves as ].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bonta|first=Steven|date=2010|title=Negombo Fishermen's Tamil: A Case of Indo-Aryan Contact-Induced Change in a Dravidian Dialect|jstor=41330804|journal=Anthropological Linguistics|volume=52|issue=3/4|pages=310–343|doi=10.1353/anl.2010.0021|s2cid=144089805}}</ref> | |||
The religious tradition of the Batticalo Hindus are very important. Sanskritization, which is a characteristic | |||
feature of Jaffna Hinduism is very much absent. Religious practice in Batticalo is mainly non-Agamic | |||
(Agamas are the Sanskrit texts dealing with the practices in rituals and religious behaviour. They prescribe | |||
how the rituals are conducted). In fact there is only one major Civan temple Kokkatticcolai Tantonri | |||
Isvaran Koyil. There are of course a number of Pillaiyar (Ganesa) shrines in Batticalo, most important of | |||
which is the Mamankappillaiyar temple. But it should be noted that Pillaiyar is an agrarian deity among | |||
the SLT. | |||
Negombo Tamil indicates that the ] immigrated to Sri Lanka much later than Tamils immigrated to Jaffna. This would suggest that the Negombo dialect continued to evolve in the Coromandel Coast before it arrived in Sri Lanka and began to get influenced by Sinhala. So, in some ways, the dialect is closer to those spoken in Tamil Nadu than to Jaffna Tamil.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://scroll.in/magazine/1020026/how-a-unique-tamil-dialect-survived-among-a-fishing-community-in-sri-lanka|title = How a unique Tamil dialect survived among a fishing community in Sri Lanka| date=23 March 2022 }}</ref> | |||
Batticalo has a large number of Murukan shrines, at Verukal, Cittanti, Tirupperunturai, Mantur, | |||
Tantamalai and Ukantamalai. | |||
Some ] have been retained in these districts. Outside the Tamil-dominated northeast, the Puttalam District has the highest percentage of place names of Tamil origin in Sri Lanka. Composite or hybrid place names are also present in these districts.<ref>{{cite conference|first=K.|last=Kularatnam|title=Tamil Place Names in Ceylon outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces|book-title=Proceedings of the First International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studies, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia vol.1|pages=486–493|publisher=International Association of Tamil Research |date=April 1966}}</ref> | |||
The most important popular cult found in Batticalo is the Pattini cult in which ], the chaste | |||
goddess, is worshipped. The important cult centres are Karaitivu, Palukamam, Kulakkattu, Makilativu, | |||
Aracatitivu, and Kannakuta. Another important cult is the ] cult. Whereas Kannaki | |||
worship is also found among the Jaffna Tamils mostly at the Little Tradition level the Great Tradition), the | |||
Draupathai Amman cult is only seen at very rare places in the Jaffna tradition. Fire-walking, though | |||
performed at other cult centres also, is the main form of votive offering at these shrines. There is also the worship of ] and Kali. | |||
=== Genetic affinities === | |||
Some of the major art forms of Batticalo are yet associated with rituals - the Kuravai, Vacantan, and the | |||
{{Main|Genetic studies on Sri Lankan Tamils}} | |||
Kompu-murittal. The Batticalo theatre, consisting of the Vatamoti and Tenmoti plays are even now largely | |||
votive offerings performed during the post-harvest season. The entire village joins in the production of a | |||
“ kuttu”(play). | |||
Although Sri Lankan Tamils are culturally and linguistically distinct, genetic studies indicate that they are closely related to other ethnic groups in the island while being related to the Indian Tamils from South India as well. There are various studies that indicate varying degrees of connections between Sri Lankan Tamils, Sinhalese, and Indian ethnic groups. | |||
It is important to note that when compared to the religious tradition prevalent in Jaffna and in South | |||
Tamilnadu, where the non-Brahminic traditions are very strong, one could see that the cults now prevail in | |||
Batticalo are really the pre-sanskritizcd lorms or those forms which were widely prevalent among the | |||
Tamils before Brahminism gained ascendancy. | |||
A study conducted by Kshatriya in 1995 found that both ethnolinguistic groups of Sri Lanka, including the Tamils, were closest to the Tamil population of India and also the Muslim population of South India. They were found to be the most distant group from the Veddahs, and quite distant from both North-West Indians (Punjabis and Gujratis) and North-East Indians (Bengalis).<ref name=":1">{{cite journal |last1=Kshatriya |first1=GK |title=Genetic affinities of Sri Lankan populations. |journal=Human Biology |date=December 1995 |volume=67 |issue=6 |pages=843–66 |pmid=8543296 }}</ref> In comparison to Indian Tamils, the Tamils of Sri Lanka had a higher admixture with the Sinhalese, though the Sinhalese themselves share a 69.86% (+/- 0.61) genetic admixture with the Indian Tamils.<ref name=":1" /> The study stated that any admixture from migrations several thousand years ago must have been erased through millennia of admixture among geographically local peoples.<ref name=":1" /> | |||
==Tamil Speaking ] of the East== | |||
=== Religion === | |||
Batticalo has a strong Muslim presence (Batticalo 24.0% and Amparai 41% of the population) and unlike | |||
] | |||
in the case of the Muslims of the western Province and Southern province, who are the richer and political | |||
], one of the main Kovil in Sri Lanka.]] | |||
the more articulate, are agrarian and thus land based. They are very strongly steeped in the Tamil tradition | |||
{{See also|Hinduism in Sri Lanka|Christianity in Sri Lanka|Village deities of Tamils of Sri Lanka}} | |||
(they share the kuti system) and the much published oral poetry of Batticalo is really the folk-songs of the | |||
In 1981, about eighty percent of Sri Lankan Tamils were ]s who followed the ] sect.<ref name=RR>{{cite web|title = Sri Lanka: Country study|publisher=]|year=1988|url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lktoc.html|access-date=25 June 2008}}</ref> The rest were mostly Roman Catholics who converted after the ]. There is also a small minority of Protestants due to missionary efforts in the 18th century by organisations such as the ].{{Sfn|Hudson|1982|p=29}} Most Tamils who inhabit the ] are Roman Catholics, while those of the ] and ] are mainly Hindu.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=34–89}} ] and other churches, such as ], are active among the internally displaced and refugee populations.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://pewforum.org/surveys/pentecostal/asia/|title=Overview: Pentecostalism in Asia|access-date=24 March 2008|publisher=The pew forum|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080306030325/http://pewforum.org/surveys/pentecostal/asia/|archive-date=6 March 2008}}</ref> The 2012 Sri Lanka Census revealed a ] population of 22,254 amongst Sri Lankan Tamils, i.e. roughly 1% of all Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka.<ref name="22,254 Tamil Buddhists in SL">{{cite news|last1=Perera|first1=Yohan|title=22,254 Tamil Buddhists in SL|url=http://www.dailymirror.lk/105937/-Tamil-Buddhists-in-SL|newspaper=Daily Mirror|access-date=31 March 2016}}</ref> | |||
Muslims. But this should not under play the intense suspicians one group has of the other, which is quite | |||
manifested in the Tamil-Muslim fights. Regardless of this a lot of sancretism has been taking place, and it | |||
is unfortunate that no objective scholarly study of this has yet been made. | |||
The Hindu elite, especially the ], follow the religious ideology of ] (Shaiva school) while the masses practice ], upholding their faith in local village deities not found in formal Hindu scriptures. The place of worship depends on the object of worship and how it is housed. It could be a proper Hindu temple known as a ''Koyil'', constructed according to the '']'' scripts (a set of scriptures regulating the temple cult). More often, however, the temple is not completed in accordance with ''Agamic'' scriptures but consists of the barest essential structure housing a local deity.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=34–89}} These temples observe daily '']'' (prayers) hours and are attended by locals. Both types of temples have a resident ritualist or priest known as a ''Kurukkal''. A ''Kurukkal'' may belong to someone from a prominent local lineage like ''Pandaram'' or Iyer community.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=34–89}} In the Eastern Province, a ''Kurukkal'' usually belongs to '']'' sect. Other places of worship do not have icons for their deities. The sanctum could house a ] (''culam''), a stone, or a large tree. Temples of this type are common in the Northern and Eastern Provinces; a typical village has up to 150 such structures. The offering would be done by an elder of the family who owns the site. A coconut oil lamp would be lit on Fridays, and a special rice dish known as '']'' would be cooked either on a day considered auspicious by the family or on the ] day, and possibly on ]. | |||
Trincomalee (Tirukkonamalai) on the north of the Eastern Province is really a halfway house between the | |||
Jaffna and the Batticalo systems. With Mullaitivu on its northern boundary and Batticalo on its south it | |||
has had a Tamil population which has been maintaining its relationship with both parts. Triconamalee | |||
with its famous ], the second of the Hindu shrines hallowed by the ] songs or Tevarams of Campantar and Cuntarar is vital to the Hindu Tamil traditions of Sri Lanka. | |||
There are several worshipped deities: ], Annamar, ], ], ], ], ] and ]. Villages have more Pillaiyar temples, which are patronised by local farmers.{{Sfn|Sivathamby|1995|pp=34–89}} Kannaki Amman is mostly patronised by maritime communities.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yI4cAAAAMAAJ|title=Early Settlements in Jaffna: An Archaeological Survey|last=PhD Ragupathy|first=Ponnampalam|date=1987|publisher=Thillimalar Ragupathy|location=University of Jaffna|pages=217|language=en}}</ref> Tamil Roman Catholics, along with members of other faiths, worship at the ].<ref>{{cite news|last=Harrison|first=Frances|title=Tamil Tigers appeal over shrine|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/7336855.stm|newspaper=]|date=8 April 2008|author-link=Frances Harrison}}</ref> Hindus have several temples with historic importance such as those at ], ], ], ], ], and ].{{Sfn|Manogaran|2000|p=46}} ] temple and ] are attended by all religious communities. | |||
Going northwards form Triconamalee we come to Vavuniya, Mullaitivu districts, known as the Vanni. | |||
=== Language === | |||
Vanni is characterised by the developed village, with a tank-based cultivation a highland settlement and the | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan Tamil dialects}} | |||
jungle beyond. The livestock of buffaloes, bulls and cows is related to the agrarian system. Hunting in this | |||
{{See also|Languages of Sri Lanka|Loan words in Sri Lankan Tamil|Sinhala words of Tamil origin}} | |||
area is more than a pastime; it is necessary to keep the cultivation going. | |||
Sri Lankan Tamils predominantly speak Tamil and its Sri Lankan dialects which are more conservative than the dialects spoken in India.<ref name=oldtamil /> These dialects preserve features of ] and ] which have been lost in their Indian counterparts. In spite of this, both Sri Lankan and Indian Tamil dialects retain a degree of mutual intelligibility.<ref name=oldtamil>{{cite book |last=Steever |first=SB. |date=2008 |editor-last=Woodard |editor-first=RD|title=The Ancient Languages of Asia and the Americas|publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=50–75 |chapter=Old Tamil |isbn=}}</ref> Sri Lankan Tamil dialects are classified into three major subgroups: the Jaffna Tamil, the Batticaloa Tamil, and the ]s. These dialects are also used by ethnic groups other than Tamils such as the Sinhalese, ] and Veddhas. Tamil loan words in Sinhala also follow the characteristics of Sri Lankan Tamil dialects.<ref name=Kuiper /> Sri Lankan Tamils, depending on where they live in Sri Lanka, may also additionally speak ] and or ]. According to the 2012 Census 32.8% or 614,169 Sri Lankan Tamils also spoke Sinhala and 20.9% or 390,676 Sri Lankan Tamils also spoke English.<ref name="Census2012">{{cite web |title=Census of Population and Housing 2011 |url=http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=FinalPopulation&gp=Activities&tpl=3 |website=www.statistics.gov.lk |publisher=Department of Census and Statistics |access-date=14 November 2018 |archive-date=16 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210416015917/http://www.statistics.gov.lk/PopHouSat/CPH2011/index.php?fileName=FinalPopulation&gp=Activities&tpl=3 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
The Tamil Vanni consists of Vavuniya, Mullaitivu and Eastern Mannar. A census taken in 1890 listed 711 | |||
tanks in this area. | |||
The Negombo Tamil dialect is used by bilingual fishermen in the Negombo area, who otherwise identify themselves as Sinhalese. This dialect has undergone considerable convergence with spoken ].<ref name=Bonta /> The Batticaloa Tamil dialect is shared between Tamils, Muslims, Veddhas and ] in the Eastern Province. Batticaloa Tamil dialect is the most literary of all the spoken dialects of Tamil. It has preserved several ancient features, remaining more consistent with the literary norm, while at the same time developing a few innovations. It also has its own distinctive vocabulary and retains words that are unique to present-day ], a ] from Kerala that originated as a ] of old Tamil around 9th century CE.{{Sfn|Subramaniam|2006|p=10}}<ref>{{cite journal|last=Zvlebil|first=Kamil|title=Some features of Ceylon Tamil|journal=]|volume=9|issue=2|pages=113–138|date=June 1966|doi=10.1007/BF00963656|s2cid=161144239}}</ref> The Tamil dialect used by residents of the Trincomalee District has many similarities with the Jaffna Tamil dialect.<ref name=Kuiper /> | |||
Historically speaking this area has been in direct contact with South India in the Late Medieval period. | |||
The long physical isolation of the Tamils of Jaffna has enabled their dialect to preserve ancient features of old Tamil that predate '']'',<ref name=Kuiper /> the grammatical treatise on Tamil dated from 3rd century BCE to 10th century CE.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Swamy|first=B.G.L.|year=1975|title=The Date of Tolksppiyam-a Retrospect|series=Silver|journal=Annals of Oriental Research|volume=Jubilee Volume|pages=292–317}}</ref> Also, a significant component of settlers were from ], which contributed to the distinctiveness of the dialect from the Tamil Nadu dialects.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Indrapala |first1=K. |title=Kerala and Sri Lanka History, Mythology, Folklore, Rituals and Law* |date=2018 |publisher=Primus Books. |location=New Delhi |pages=285–320}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{Cite book |last=Pfaffenberger |first=Bryan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=02RKAQAAMAAJ&q=sri+lanka+tamils+coromandel |title=Pilgrimage and Traditional Authority in Tamil Sri Lanka |date=1977 |publisher=University of California, Berkeley |page=15 |language=en |quote=As Kearney puts it, the influence of the early Malabar migrations, as well as long residence in Ceylon and interaction with the Sinhalese, left the Ceylon Tamils as a unique group of Tamil-speaking people, differentiated in customs, speech, and social organization from the Tamils of South India.}}</ref><ref name=Kuiper>{{cite journal|last=Kuiper|first=L.B.J|title=Note on Old Tamil and Jaffna Tamil|journal=]|volume=6|issue=1|pages=52–64|date=March 1964|doi=10.1163/000000062791616020<!-- at some point new publisher will have at https://brill.com/view/journals/iij/6/1/iij.6.issue-1.xml -->|url=https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/BF00157142|s2cid=161679797|jstor=24646759}}</ref> Conservational Jaffna Tamil dialect and Indian Tamil dialects are to an extent not mutually intelligible,<ref>{{cite web|last=Schiffman|first=Harold|title=Language Shift in the Tamil Communities of Malaysia and Singapore: the Paradox of Egalitarian Language Policy|publisher=]|date=30 October 1996|url=http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/~haroldfs/540/handouts/sparadox/sparadox.html|access-date =4 April 2008}}</ref> and the former is frequently mistaken for ] by native Indian Tamil speakers.{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=45}} There are also ] loan words that are unique to Jaffna Tamil.{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|p=389}}<ref>{{cite book|last=Ragupathy|first=P.|title=Tamil Social Formation in Sri Lanka: A Historical Outline'|page=1}}</ref> | |||
Nedunkerni, Putukkutiiruppu, Mulliyavalai and Tenneerurru are some of the better known Vanni villages | |||
and their characteristics and social composition could be taken as representative of the Vanni traditions. | |||
=== Education === | |||
==Tamils of the Vanni== | |||
] missionaries in Jaffna (circa 1890)]] | |||
Sri Lankan Tamil society values education highly, for its own sake as well as for the opportunities it provides.{{Sfn|Gair|1998|p=171}} The kings of the Aryacakravarti dynasty were historically patrons of literature and education. Temple schools and traditional '']am'' classes on ]s (known as ''Thinnai Pallikoodam'' in Tamil) spread basic education in religion and in languages such as Tamil and ] to the upper classes.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=64–65}} The Portuguese introduced western-style education after their conquest of the Jaffna kingdom in 1619. The Jesuits opened churches and seminaries, but the Dutch destroyed them and opened their own schools attached to ]es when they took over Tamil-speaking regions of Sri Lanka.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=68}} | |||
<!--With the expansion of education during the British period, education became the gateway to white-collar jobs in the colonial governments of Sri Lanka, India, Malaysia, and Singapore.-->The primary impetus for educational opportunity came with the establishment of the American Ceylon Mission in Jaffna District, which started with the arrival in 1813 of missionaries sponsored by the ]. <!--Due to geopolitical issues, the British colonial offices in India and ] restricted the Americans to the relatively small ] for almost 40 years.--> The critical period of the missionaries' impact was from the 1820s to the early 20th century. During this time, they created Tamil translations of English texts, engaged in printing and publishing, established primary, secondary, and ], and provided health care for residents of the Jaffna Peninsula. American activities in Jaffna also had unintended consequences. The concentration of efficient Protestant mission schools in Jaffna produced a revival movement among local Hindus led by ], who responded by building many more schools within the Jaffna peninsula. Local Catholics also started their own schools in reaction, and the state had its share of primary and secondary schools. Tamil literacy greatly increased as a result of these changes. This prompted the British colonial government to hire Tamils as government servants in British-held Ceylon, India, ], and ].{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=73–109}} | |||
Vanni Tamils distinguish themselves from those of Jaffna. But quite often they have marital relations with | |||
the Tamils living in the peninsula. For instance the ] of Tanneerurru, Odducuttan and Netunkeni | |||
have marriage relations with the Vellalars of Mattuvil and Itaikkatu, Kaikkular of the Vanni with the same | |||
group at Kallinankatu, the Karaiyar of the Vanni have marriage relations with those living in Valvettiturai | |||
and Karaveddi (and also with the Karaiyars from Tennamaravady and Tampalakamam in the eastern | |||
province). Once the marriage is over the couple, generally speaking, settle down in Vanni because of the | |||
availability of land. | |||
By the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, about sixty percent of government jobs were held by Tamils, who formed barely fifteen percent of the population. The elected Sinhalese leaders of the country saw this as the result of a British stratagem to control the majority Sinhalese, and deemed it a situation that needed correction by implementation of the ]<!-- expand more on this -->.<!-- that was implemented strained the already tenuous political relationship between the communities and is believed to be one of the main causes of the ].-->{{Sfn|Pfaffenberg|1994|p=110}}{{Sfn|Ambihaipahar|1998|p=29}} | |||
Vanni being primarily agricultural, farmers dominate, but there has always been a tendency for all these | |||
castes to take to agriculture. The Tamil proverb current in vanni, a variation of a well known one | |||
indicating the upward mobility of many non Vellala caste groups to Vellala status, depicts the Vanni | |||
situation rather pithily, Kallar Maravar Kanatta Akampatiyar mella mellap pallarkalum vellalar anarkal (Not only) the Kallar the Maravar and the weighty Akampatiyar even the Pallar gradually became | |||
Vellalar). | |||
=== Literature === | |||
J. P. Lewis in his “ THE MANUAL OF THE VANNI DISTRICT” gives a list of 36 castes from | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan Tamil literature}} | |||
Brahmins, Vellalar, Karaiyar to Nalavar. There is also mention of the Vanniya caste, one which is not | |||
According to legends, the origin of Sri Lankan Tamil literature dates back to the ] (3rd century BCE–6th century CE). These legends indicate that the Tamil poet ] (Poothanthevanar from Sri Lanka) lived during this period.<ref name=Sivathamby>{{cite web|last=Sivathamby|first=K.|title=50 years of Sri Lankan Tamil literature|url=http://tamilelibrary.org/teli/srilitt.html|publisher=Tamil Circle|access-date=25 August 2008|author-link=K. Sivathamby|year=2005}}</ref> | |||
found in the Jaffna system but is very important in the Tamilnadu system. | |||
Medieval period Tamil literature on the subjects of medicine, mathematics and history was produced in the courts of the Jaffna Kingdom. | |||
The caste system is less rigid in the Vanni, but one could see all the castes found in Jaffna e.g. in | |||
<!--During the reign of Jayaveera Singaiariyan, Karivaiya wrote a text on medical sciences (''Segarajasekaram''), astrology (''Segarajasekaramalai''),{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=64–65}}<ref name=c74>Coddrington, H. ''Ceylon Coins and Currency'', p. 74</ref> and mathematics (''Kanakathikaram'').{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=64–65}} A work about medicine known as ''Pararajasekaram'' was completed during the rule of Kunaveera Singaiariyan.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=64–65}}-->During ]'s rule, an academy for the propagation of the Tamil language, modelled on those of ancient ], was established in Nallur. This academy collected manuscripts of ancient works and preserved them in the Saraswathy Mahal library.<!-- Singai Pararasasekaran's cousin Arasakesari is credited with translating the Sanskrit classic ] into Tamil.<ref name=c74 /> Many literary works of historic importance were compiled before the arrival of European colonizers, including the well-known ''Vaiyapatal'', written by Vaiyapuri Aiyar.(too much details)-->{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|pp=64–65}}{{Sfn|Nadarajan|1999|pp=80–84}} | |||
Mulliyavalai there are the following castes:- ], ], Koviyar, Karaiyar, Kaikkolar, Taccar, Kollar, Vannar, Ampattar, Pallar, Paraiyar, and Turumpar. The service castes, as mentioned earlier besides doing their caste services are also engaged in agriculture. | |||
During the Portuguese and Dutch colonial periods (1619–1796), ] is the earliest known author who used literature to respond to Christian missionary activities. He was followed by ], who wrote and published a number of books.<ref name=Sivathamby /> The period of joint missionary activities by the ], American Ceylon, and ] Missions also saw the spread of modern education and the expansion of translation activities. | |||
Because of the peculiar feature of the Vanni where elephant noosing is done there has been a caste-the | |||
panikkans doing that particular work. | |||
The modern period of Tamil literature began in the 1960s with the establishment of modern universities and a free education system in post-independence Sri Lanka. The 1960s also saw a social revolt against the ] system in Jaffna, which impacted Tamil literature: ], Senkai aazhiyaan, Thamizhmani Ahalangan are the products of this period.<ref name=Sivathamby /> | |||
Vanni has a very rich oral tradition connected with agriculture, a feature not seen much in other areas. The | |||
oral poetry of Pantippall kuruviccintu, Kuruviappallu, Murukaiyan cintu and Amman cintu are connected | |||
with agriculture. It has also a very rich dramatic tradition kattavarayan Kuttu and Kovalan kannaki Natakam | |||
are well known. | |||
After the start of the civil war in 1983, a number of poets and fiction writers became active, focusing on subjects such as death, destruction, and rape. Such writings have no parallels in any previous Tamil literature.<ref name=Sivathamby /> The war produced displaced Tamil writers around the globe who recorded their longing for their lost homes and the need for integration with mainstream communities in Europe and North America.<ref name=Sivathamby /> | |||
== Social Organization of Northern Tamils== | |||
The ] which contained over 97,000 books and manuscripts was one of the biggest libraries in Asia, and through the ] much of ] has been obliterated.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|url=http://archive.ifla.org/IV/ifla72/papers/119-Knuth-en.pdf|title=Destroying a Symbol: Checkered History of Sri Lanka's Jaffna Public Library|last=Knuth|first=Rebecca|publisher=University of Hawaii|year=2006}}</ref> | |||
It is the system of caste and social stratification that prevails Jaffna that is better known, but even here it | |||
should emphatically be mentioned that there are not enough studies and whatever that is available cannot | |||
be taken as comprehensive and adequate. | |||
=== Cuisine === | |||
The major studies on Jaffna social organization are those of Banks, David, Skjonberg, Pfaffenberger and | |||
{{Multiple image | |||
Holmes. | |||
| align = right | |||
| caption_align = center | |||
| image1 = Pittu At Omax.jpg | |||
| width1 = 200 | |||
| caption1 = '']'', with sea food at a shop in Jaffna. | |||
| image2 = Idiyappam.jpg | |||
| width2 = 200 | |||
| caption2 = ], known as ''Idiyappam'' in Tamil, is a popular breakfast and dinner dish. | |||
}} | |||
{{See also|Tamil cuisine|Sri Lankan cuisine}} | |||
The cuisine of Sri Lankan Tamils draws influence from that of India, as well as from colonialists and foreign traders. <!--It is noted for its emphasis on using a minimal number of ingredients to turn out simple, nutritious food for the family, rather than gourmet fare for sophisticated palates.--> Rice is usually consumed daily and can be found at any special occasion, while spicy ] are favourite dishes for lunch and dinner. ] is the name for a range of Sri Lankan Tamil dishes distinct from Indian Tamil cuisine, with regional variations between the island's northern and eastern areas. While rice with curries is the most popular lunch menu, combinations such as ], tangy mango, and tomato rice are also commonly served.<ref name=TH200703>{{cite news|last=Ramakrishnan|first=Rohini|title=From the land of the Yaal Padi|url=http://www.hindu.com/mag/2003/07/20/stories/2003072000780700.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131231001737/http://www.hindu.com/mag/2003/07/20/stories/2003072000780700.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=31 December 2013|newspaper=]|date=20 July 2003}}</ref> | |||
], which are made of ] and look like knitted ] neatly laid out in circular pieces about {{convert|12|cm|in}} in diameter, are frequently combined with tomato ''sothi'' (a soup) and curries for breakfast and dinner.{{Sfn|Pujangga|1997|p=75}} Another common item is '']'', a granular, dry, but soft steamed rice powder cooked in a bamboo cylinder with the base wrapped in cloth so that the bamboo flute can be set upright over a clay pot of boiling water. This can be transformed into varieties such as '']'', spinach, and tapioca puttu. There are also sweet and savoury puttus.{{Sfn|Pujangga|1997|p=72}} Another popular breakfast or dinner dish is ], a thin crusty pancake made with rice flour, with a round soft crust in the middle.{{Sfn|Pujangga|1997|p=73}} It has variations such as egg or milk Appam.<ref name=TH200703 /> | |||
The studies of David and Pfaffenberger seem to fit the caste mode that exists in Jaffna into some of the | |||
“ reigning” theoretical moulds. That is not a thing to be criticized for it is a welcome attempt to understand | |||
the society that exists in Jaffna in wider perspectives and in terms of the existing knowledge of the | |||
discipline. But the crucial fact is that these studies have been done in such a manner that it would not be | |||
possible to generalise on the basis of the findings because each of these has been confined to areas with | |||
which it is not possible to make an assessment of the system that exists within Jaffna as a whole. Banks, | |||
study was based on Sirupiddy in which there is no Karaiyar caste, and it will not be possible to decide on | |||
caste ranking in without understanding the importance of the “ unbound” groups (as very well pointed out | |||
by David). Pfaffenberger’s study also suffers from the fact that his area of research-Tenmaradchy also cannot | |||
be considered as typical of Jaffna caste system because of the absence of the Karaiyar population. Kenneth | |||
David’s study is in this respect more typical, because it deals with Vellala-Karayar interaction. Unfortunately it does not possess an active and representative enough Koviya caste for one to get a picture of how the relationship within the “ bound modes” are under transition. And that is something that would be crucial to the understanding of the system as it operates/functions now. Nor do we have any caste studies | |||
which could be related to each other and thus a picture be obtained of the overall situation. | |||
Jaffna, as a peninsula, has an abundance of seafood such as crab, shark, fish, prawn, and squid. Meat dishes such as mutton, chicken and pork also have their own niche. Vegetable curries use ingredients primarily from the home garden such as pumpkin, ], ] seed, ] flower, and various green leaves. ] and hot ] powder are also frequently used. Appetizers can consist of a range of '']'' (pickles) and ''vadahams''. Snacks and sweets are generally of the homemade "rustic" variety, relying on ], ] seed, coconut, and ], to give them their distinct regional flavour. A popular alcoholic drink in rural areas is ] (toddy), made from ] sap. Snacks, savouries, sweets and porridge produced from the palmyra form a separate but unique category of foods; from the fan-shaped leaves to the root, the palmyra palm forms an intrinsic part of the life and cuisine of northern region.<ref name=TH200703 /> | |||
It is only when we look at the problem of caste and inter-relationships and at the possibility of getting at an | |||
overall picture, we would realize the need to identify the sub regions within Jaffna where dominances and, | |||
therefore, caste relationships vary. A closer look at the social system of Jaffna from this point of view would | |||
necessitate the demarcation of the sub-regions. I would on the basis of my observations taking into count | |||
the occupational patterns, availability of resources, the build-up of local traditions and positions of | |||
economic strength and dependence suggest the following sub-regions: | |||
== Politics == | |||
Vadamaradehy | |||
{{See also|Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism|Origins of the Sri Lankan civil war|Sri Lankan Civil War|Tamil Eelam}} | |||
Tenmaradehy | |||
Sri Lanka became an independent nation in 1948. Since independence, the political relationship between the Sinhalese and Sri Lankan Tamil communities has been strained. Sri Lanka has been unable to contain its ethnic violence as it escalated from sporadic terrorism to mob violence, and finally to civil war.<ref name=Peebles /> The ] has several underlying causes: the ways in which modern ethnic identities have been made and remade since the colonial period, rhetorical wars over archaeological sites and ], and the political use of the national past.{{Sfn|Spencer|1990|p=23}} The civil war resulted in the death of at least 100,000 people<ref>{{cite news|last=Doucet|first=Lyse|title=UN 'failed Sri Lanka civilians', says internal probe|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-20308610|newspaper=]|date=13 November 2012|author-link=Lyse Doucet}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Peachey|first=Paul|title=Sri Lanka snubs UN as it bids for more trade links with the UK|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/sri-lanka-snubs-un-as-it-bids-for-more-trade-links-with-the-uk-8795379.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220524/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/sri-lanka-snubs-un-as-it-bids-for-more-trade-links-with-the-uk-8795379.html |archive-date=24 May 2022 |url-access=subscription |url-status=live|newspaper=]|date=2 September 2013}}</ref> and, according to human rights groups such as ], the ] of thousands of others (''see ]'').<ref>{{cite news|title=S Lanka civilian toll 'appalling'|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/7243595.stm|newspaper=]|date=13 February 2008|quote=Sri Lanka's government is one of the world's worst perpetrators of enforced disappearances, US-based pressure group ] (HRW) says. An HRW report accuses security forces and pro-government militias of abducting and "disappearing" hundreds of people—mostly Tamils—since 2006.}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Pathirana|first=Saroj|title=Fears grow over Tamil abductions|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/5382582.stm|newspaper=]|date=26 September 2006|quote=The image of the "white van" invokes memories of the "era of terror" in the late 1980s when death squads abducted and killed thousands of Sinhala youth in the south of the country. The ] (AHRC) says the "white van culture" is now re-appearing in Colombo to threaten the Tamil community.}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Denyer|first=Simon|title="Disappearances" on rise in Sri Lanka's dirty war|url=http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2006/09/14/disappearances_on_rise_in_sri_lankas_dirty_war/|access-date=7 July 2008|newspaper=]|date=14 September 2006|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090529005905/http://www.boston.com/news/world/asia/articles/2006/09/14/disappearances_on_rise_in_sri_lankas_dirty_war/|archive-date=29 May 2009|quote=The National Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka has recorded 419 missing people in Jaffna since December 2005.}}</ref> Since 1983, Sri Lanka has also witnessed massive civilian displacements of more than a million people, with eighty percent of them being Sri Lankan Tamils.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Newman|first=Jesse|year=2003|title=Narrating displacement:Oral histories of Sri Lankan women|journal = Refugee Studies Centre – Working Papers|issue=15|pages=3–60|publisher=]}}</ref> | |||
The Islands | |||
Jaffna Town, with Vannarponnai, | |||
Nallur and up to Kopay | |||
Manipay | |||
Tellippallai, Cunnakam | |||
Chulipuram Pannakam | |||
The littoral area from Kankesanturai to Palaly | |||
Vaddukkottai, Araly | |||
=== Before independence === | |||
The last 4 sub regions covering the present Valikamam North and East should be worked out in better | |||
The arrival of Protestant missionaries on a large scale beginning in 1814 was a primary contributor to the development of political awareness among Sri Lankan Tamils. Activities by missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and ] and ] churches led to a revival among Hindu Tamils who created their own social groups, built their own schools and temples, and published their own literature to counter the missionary activities. The success of this effort led to a new confidence for the Tamils, encouraging them to think of themselves as a community, and it paved the way for their emergence as a cultural, religious, and linguistic society in the mid-19th century.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=108}}{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=201}} | |||
detail. A thorough going analysis of the systems in each of the subregions followed by a comparative | |||
analysis would throw up a picture of the system that is in operation in Jaffna. One should not forget the | |||
significance of the social relationships that are emerging in the Kilinochi, Paranthan area, the area opened | |||
up for agricultural development in the North. The people who have gone into these areas are from Jaffna, | |||
and there (in the new settlements) due to economic needs and social situations not experienced in Jaffna | |||
have evaluate mode of social relationships characteristic of or demanded by the mode of agricultural | |||
production that exists there is emerging between groups of persons who retain an active contact with their | |||
native villages in Jaffna. A contrast of these relationships would enable us to understand the current system | |||
better and to see how there is a transformation taking place. | |||
], which conquered the whole island by 1815, established a ] in 1833. During the 1833 Colebrooke-Cameron reforms the British centralised control to Colombo and amalgamated all administrative territories including the Tamil areas which had previously been administered separately.<ref>The Colebrooke-Cameron Reforms http://countrystudies.us/sri-lanka/13.htm</ref> A form of modern central government was established for the first time in the island, followed by gradual decline of local form of feudalism including Rajakariya, which was abolished soon after. | |||
The following are the important caste groups seen in Jaffna today: | |||
In the legislative council the British assigned three European seats and one seat each for Sinhalese, Tamils and ].<ref name=McConnell2008>{{cite journal|last=McConnell|first=D.|year=2008|title=The Tamil people's right to self-determination|journal=]|volume=21|issue=1|pages=59–76|doi=10.1080/09557570701828592|s2cid=154770852}}</ref> This council's primary function was to act as advisor to the ], and the seats eventually became elected positions.<!--From the introduction of an advisory council to the ] in 1931 until the ] in 1947, the main dispute between the elite of the Sinhalese and of the Tamils was over the question of representation, not the structure of the government. The issue of power-sharing was used by the nationalists of both communities to create an escalating interethnic rivalry that continues to gain momentum today.-->{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=76}} There was initially little tension between the Sinhalese and the Tamils, when in 1913 ], a Tamil, was elected representative of the Sinhalese as well as of the Tamils in the national legislative council. British Governor ], who was appointed in 1918 however, actively encouraged the concept of "communal representation".<ref>{{cite book|last=de Silva|first=K.M.|title=History of Sri Lanka|year=1995|publisher=]|author-link=K. M. de Silva}}</ref> Subsequently, the Donoughmore Commission in 1931 rejected communal representation and brought in ]. This decision was opposed by the Tamil political leadership, who realised that they would be reduced to a minority in parliament according to their proportion of the overall population. In 1944, ], a leader of the Tamil community, suggested to the ] that a roughly equal number of seats be assigned to Sinhalese and minorities in an independent Ceylon (50:50)—a proposal that was rejected.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=5}} But under section 29(2) of the constitution formulated by the commissioner, additional protection was provided to minority groups, such requiring a two-thirds majority for any amendments and a scheme of representation that provided more weight to the ethnic minorities.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=6}} | |||
Piramanar(], Saivakkurukkalmar, ], Karaiyar, Koviyar, Tattar, Taccar Kollar, Nattuvar, Kaikkular, Chcttikai, Timilar, Mukkuvar, Kucavar, Vannar, Ampattar, Nalavar, Pallar, Paraiyar, Turumpar (the names of the castes are not given in any order of precedence) | |||
=== After independence === | |||
It is the hierarchic order that is crucial to the discussion of caste as a system of social organization and | |||
] by various ] groups]] | |||
action among the Tamils of Jaffna. Kennetth David very rightly spoke of the “ bound” and the “ non-bound | |||
Shortly after independence in 1948, G.G. Ponnambalam and his ] joined ]'s moderate, western-oriented ] led ] which led to a split in the Tamil Congress.{{Sfn|Wilson|2000|p=79}} ], the leader of the splinter ] (FP or Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi), contested the ], which denied citizenship to Tamils of ], before the ], and then in the ] in England, but failed to overturn it. The FP eventually became the dominant Tamil political party.<ref>{{cite web|last=Russell|first=Ross|title=Sri Lanka:Country study|publisher=]|year=1988|url = http://countrystudies.us/sri-lanka/25.htm|access-date=25 June 2008}}</ref> In response to the ] in 1956, which made Sinhala the sole official language, Federal Party Members of Parliament staged a nonviolent sit-in ('']'') protest, but it was violently broken up by a mob. The FP was blamed and briefly banned after the ] targeting Tamils, in which many were killed and thousands forced to flee their homes.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Roberts|first=Michael|title=Blunders in Tigerland: Papes muddles on suicide bombers|journal=Heidelberg Papers on South Asian and Comparative Politics|volume=32|page=14|publisher=]|date=November 2007}}</ref> Another point of conflict between the communities was ] that effectively changed the demographic balance in the Eastern Province, an area Tamil nationalists considered to be their traditional homeland, in favour of the majority Sinhalese.<!--This has been perhaps the most immediate cause of ].--><ref name=Peebles>{{cite journal|last=Peebles|first=Patrick|title=Colonization and Ethnic Conflict in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka|journal=]|volume=49|issue=1|pages=30–55|date=February 1990|doi=10.2307/2058432|jstor=2058432|s2cid=153505636 |doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=cstudy>{{cite web|last=Russel|first=Ross|title=Tamil Alienation|publisher=]|year=1988|url=http://countrystudies.us/sri-lanka/71.htm|access-date=25 June 2008}}</ref> | |||
mode”, the former refers to the relationships those caste groups which have been considered dependent on | |||
the Vellalar for their economic subsistence and thus were bound to the Vellalar through the kutimai-atimai | |||
murais. Both the kutimai and the atimai systems are there no more in the manner they are expressed and | |||
articulated in traditional terms but the this concept of being “ bound” has a significant role in assigning the | |||
hierarchical order. The term “ non-bound” refers to those groups which are not dependent on the Vellalar for | |||
their sustenance. This would refer to those non-agrarian pursuits like fishing. | |||
In 1972, a newly formulated constitution removed section 29(2) of the 1947 Soulbury constitution that was formulated to protect the interests of minorities.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=6}} Also, in 1973, the ] was implemented by the Sri Lankan government, supposedly to rectify disparities in university enrolment created under ]. <!--It was in essence an ] program to assist geographically disadvantaged students get a college education.--> The resultant benefits enjoyed by Sinhalese students also meant a significant decrease in the number of Tamil students within the Sri Lankan university student population.<ref>{{cite book|last=Jayasuriya|first=J.E.|title=Education in the Third World: Some Reflections|year=1981|publisher=Indian Institute of Education|location=Pune|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=25SfAAAAMAAJ}}</ref> | |||
The caste system in Jaffna is very much Vellala based and an ideology of Vellala hegemony has been built | |||
up over the centuries through caste myths and “ Histories” which have legitimised the hegemony. | |||
Ideologically speaking the most interesting are the sat-sudra concept which takes away from the Vellalar the | |||
defilements spoken of in relations to sudras as the lowest in the varna hierarchy and the formation of the | |||
pancama castes (lit: the fifth caste consisting of Nalavar, Pallar, Vannar, Ampattar and Paraiyar) so that the | |||
Vellalar as sudras are no more the lowest. | |||
Shortly thereafter, in 1973, the Federal Party decided to demand a ]. In 1976 they merged with the other Tamil political parties to become the ] (TULF). <!--After the first National convention of TULF in 1976, the Ceylon Tamils moved towards a transformed nationalism, meaning they were now unwilling to live within a confined single island entity.-->{{Sfn|Wilson|2000|pp=101–110}} <!--Chelvanayakam and the Federal Party had always campaigned for a united country and thought, until 1973, that partitioning the country would be "suicidal". At that point, however, policies by the various governments that were considered to be discriminatory by the Tamil leadership modified the position of Tamil Nationalism.--><ref name=Peebles /><ref name=cstudy /> By 1977 most Tamils seemed to support the move for independence by electing the Tamil United Liberation Front overwhelmingly.{{Sfn|Gunasingam|1999|p=7}} The elections were followed by the ], in which around 300 Tamils were killed.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Kearney|first=R.N.|year=1985|title=Ethnic Conflict and the Tamil Separatist Movement in Sri Lanka|journal=]|volume=25|issue=9|pages=898–917|doi=10.2307/2644418|jstor=2644418}}</ref> There was further violence in 1981 when an organised Sinhalese mob went on a rampage during the nights of 31 May to 2 June, ]—at the time one of the largest libraries in Asia—containing more than 97,000 books and manuscripts.{{Sfn|Wilson|2000|p=125}}<ref>{{cite web|last=Knuth|first=Rebecca|title=Destroying a symbol|publisher=]|year=2006|url = http://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla72/papers/119-Knuth-en.pdf|access-date=20 March 2008}}</ref> | |||
The characteristic feature of the caste system is that it prescribes the vocation for a person on the basis of his | |||
birth and a system of social network is worked on that basis. Variations were permitted in so far those did | |||
not threaten the system. In contemporary Jaffna the caste-vocation cotinuum is seen in the following | |||
manner. | |||
=== Rise of militancy === | |||
a) Those which have a significance in ritual practices. Brahmins (Rituals are done by those Brahmins who are qualified to do it: other Brahmins though are of the caste do not do it) Vannar (the washermen: they have important ritual functions at temples, at domestic level ceremonies child birth, coming of age, marriage, and death). Ampattar (the barbers, they have an important place in death ceremonies and b) Those who are engaged in the field of traditional technology: Taccar (carpenters), Kollar (blacksmiths) Tattar (goldsmiths) Here too it must be remembered that not all who are born into these castes take the caste | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan Tamil militant groups}}{{See also|Human rights in Sri Lanka|Sri Lanka and state terrorism|List of attacks attributed to the LTTE}} | |||
jobs. Nattuvar (the traditional musicians, name the nadadeswaram, tavil players) will also come | |||
] in 2004]] | |||
in this category. Besides these the main division would be in relation to the two main economic activities | |||
Since 1948, successive governments have adopted policies that had the net effect of assisting the Sinhalese community in such areas as education and public employment.<ref name=cstudy3>{{cite web|last=Russell|first=Ross|title=Tamil Militant Groups|publisher=]|year=1988|url=http://countrystudies.us/sri-lanka/72.htm|access-date=25 June 2008}}</ref> These policies made it difficult for middle class Tamil youth to ] or secure employment.<ref name=cstudy3 /><ref name=Shastri1990>{{cite journal|last=Shastri|first=A.|year=1990|title=The Material Basis for Separatism: The Tamil Eelam Movement in Sri Lanka|journal=]|volume=49|issue=1|pages=56–77|doi=10.2307/2058433|jstor=2058433|s2cid=154928204 }}</ref> | |||
The individuals belonging to this younger generation, often referred to by other Tamils as "the boys" (''Podiyangal'' in Tamil), formed many militant organisations.<ref name=cstudy3 /> The most important contributor to the strength of the militant groups was the ] massacre, in which between 1,000 and 3,000<ref>{{cite web|last=Kumaratunga|first=Chandrika|author-link=Chandrika Kumaratunga|title=Speech by President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the 21st Anniversary of 'Black July', Presidential Secretariat, Colombo, July 23, 2004|publisher=SATP|date=24 July 2004|url=http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/shrilanka/document/papers/BlackJuly2004.htm|access-date=8 September 2008|archive-date=19 April 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120419180506/http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/shrilanka/document/papers/BlackJuly2004.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name=BBC230703>{{cite news|last=Harrison|first=Frances|title=Twenty years on – riots that led to war|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/3090111.stm|newspaper=]|date=23 July 2003|author-link=Frances Harrison|quote=Indeed nobody really knows how many Tamils died in that one week in July 1983. Estimates vary from 400 to 3,000 dead.}}</ref> Tamils were killed, prompting many youths to choose the path of armed resistance.<ref name=cstudy3 /><ref name=BBC230703 /><ref>{{cite web|last=Marschall|first=Wolfgang|title =Social Change Among Sri Lankan Tamil Refugees in Switzerland|year=2003|url = http://www.research.unibe.ch/abstracts/A_66584590.html|publisher=]|access-date =22 December 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071205014602/http://www.research.unibe.ch/abstracts/A_66584590.html|archive-date=5 December 2007}}</ref> | |||
==Agriculture and fishing traditions== | |||
By the end of 1987, the militant youth groups had fought not only the Sri Lankan security forces and the ] also among each other, with the ] (LTTE) eventually eliminating most of the others. Except for the LTTE, many of the remaining organisations transformed into either minor political parties within the ] or standalone political parties. Some also function as paramilitary groups within the Sri Lankan military.<ref name=cstudy3 /> | |||
In the case of fishing the following are the caste groups that are considered as traditional fishermen: | |||
Karaiyar, Mukkuvar and Timilar. It is true that occasionally Nalavar and Pallar do some shallow water | |||
fishing during rainy season. They use very very primitive forms. | |||
Human rights groups such as ] and ], as well as the ]<ref>{{cite web|url = https://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/sa/index.cfm?docid=704 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20010607063826/http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/sa/index.cfm?docid=704 |url-status = dead |archive-date = 7 June 2001 |title= 2000 Human Rights Report: Sri Lanka|year =2000|publisher=]|access-date=8 May 2008}}</ref> and the ],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://ec.europa.eu/external_relations/sri_lanka/intro/index.htm#hr|title=The EU's relations with Sri Lanka – Overview|year=2007|publisher=]|access-date=8 May 2008|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070910052109/http://ec.europa.eu/external_relations/sri_lanka/intro/index.htm#hr|archive-date=10 September 2007}}</ref> have expressed concern about the state of ], and both the government of Sri Lanka and the rebel LTTE have been accused of human rights violations. Although Amnesty International in 2003 found considerable improvement in the human rights situation, attributed to a ceasefire and peace talks between the government and the LTTE,<ref>{{cite web|title=Open letter to LTTE, SLMM and SL Police concerning recent politically motivated killings and abductions in Sri Lanka|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/004/2003/en/|year=2003|publisher=]|access-date=27 August 2008}}</ref> by 2007 they reported an escalation in ], ], ], and armed clashes, which created a climate of fear in the north and east of the country.<ref>{{cite web|title=Amnesty International report for Sri Lanka 2007|year=2007|url=http://report2007.amnesty.org/eng/Regions/Asia-Pacific/Sri-Lanka|publisher=]|access-date=1 July 2008|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080708212351/http://report2007.amnesty.org/eng/Regions/Asia-Pacific/Sri-Lanka|archive-date=8 July 2008}}</ref> | |||
Vellalar are the agriculturists. In the native perception a Vallalan is one who is engaged in vellanmai: They | |||
own the lands. | |||
=== End of the civil war === | |||
A close analysis of the caste formation in Jaffna would show that many of the intermediate caste groups | |||
On May 18, 2009, the civil war ended with total victory for the government forces. During the last phase of the war, many Tamil civilians and combatants were killed. The government estimated that over 22,000 LTTE cadres had died.<ref>{{cite news|title=Sri Lankan army and Tamil Tiger death tolls reveal grim cost of years of civil war|url=http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/eda17636-4733-11de-923e-00144feabdc0.html?nclick_check=1|access-date=30 May 2009|newspaper=]|date=23 May 2009}}</ref> The civilian death toll is estimated to be as high as 40,000 or more.<ref>{{cite news|last=Buncombe|first=Andrew|title= Up to 40,000 civilians 'died in Sri Lanka offensive'|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/up-to-40000-civilians-died-in-sri-lanka-offensive-1897865.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220524/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/asia/up-to-40000-civilians-died-in-sri-lanka-offensive-1897865.html |archive-date=24 May 2022 |url-access=subscription |url-status=live|access-date=23 May 2010|newspaper=]|date=12 February 2010|location=London}}</ref> This is in addition to the 70,000 Sri Lankans killed up to the beginning of the last phase of the civil war.<ref>{{cite news|last=Buerk|first=Roland|title=Sri Lankan families count cost of war|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/7521197.stm|newspaper=]|date=23 July 2008|author-link=Roland Buerk}}</ref> Over 300,000 ] Tamil civilians were interred in ] and eventually released. As of 2011, there were still a few thousand alleged combatants in state prisons awaiting trials.<ref>{{cite news|title=Sri Lankan introduces new 'anti-terror' legislation|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-south-asia-14735405|newspaper=]|date=2 August 2011}}</ref> The Sri Lankan government has released over 11,000 rehabilitated former LTTE cadres.<ref>{{cite news|title=Sri Lanka to release 107 rehabilitated LTTE cadres|url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-09-08/south-asia/41873495_1_vavuniya-ltte-tamil-tigers|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130913084852/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-09-08/south-asia/41873495_1_vavuniya-ltte-tamil-tigers|url-status=dead|archive-date=13 September 2013|newspaper=]|date=8 September 2013|agency=]}}</ref> | |||
which were doing vocations which ceased to exist after the socio-historical changes that have been taking | |||
place through modernization, like the Matappalliyar, the Akampatiyar, the Tanakkarar and even the local | |||
Chetties, have been now absorbed in to the Vellala caste. Thus the proverb “ Kallar, Maravar….” referred to | |||
earlier. There used to be a concept of Chinna Vellalar. | |||
] (a northwestern town) ] said that 146,679 people seemed to be unaccounted between 2008 October and at the end of the civil war.<ref>{{cite news|last=Senewiratne|first=Brian|title=The Life of a Sri Lankan Tamil Bishop (and others) in Danger|url=http://www.salem-news.com/articles/april072012/sri-lanka-priests-bs.php|access-date=28 July 2013|newspaper=Salem-News.com|date=7 April 2012}}</ref> | |||
The Kutimakkal are no more dependent on the Vellalar and the mode of remuneration is no more the | |||
Varucappati (the annual gift in kind) but a monetary payment on the basis daily wages. In the case of | |||
Vannar and Ampattar there are yet places where an annual donation of paddy is given, but that is in | |||
addition to what is given as cash payment. | |||
The Tamil presence in Sri Lankan politics and society is facing a revival. In 2015 elections the Tamil national alliance got the third largest number of seats in the Parliament and as the largest parties UNP and SLFP created a unity government TNA leader R. Sampanthan was appointed as the opposition leader.<ref>{{cite news|title=Lanka's main Tamil party TNA presses for Opposition status in Parliament|url=http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/lankas-main-tamil-party-tna-presses-for-opposition-status-in-parliament/articleshow/48729413.cms|access-date=1 February 2017|newspaper=The Economic Times}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|title=Sampanthan appointed Opposition Leader|url=http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=32205}}</ref> K. Sripavan became the 44th Chief justice and the second Tamil to hold the position.<ref>{{cite news|title=K. Sripavan sworn in as Chief Justice|url=http://www.adaderana.lk/news/29632/k-sripavan-sworn-in-as-chief-justice|access-date=1 February 2017}}</ref> | |||
An important feature of contemporary caste in Jaffna today is the formation of what I would describe as the | |||
“Mega ]”. By this is meant the absorption into one caste all those intermediate castes the specific | |||
vocations of which do not exist now, or those which, irrespective of the technologies they use are doing the | |||
same vocation and are clustered together now. The mega castes that have arisen thus are the Vellalar, the | |||
Karaiyar and the smiths. | |||
== Migrations == | |||
It should be noted that the social position assigned to the intermediate castes in the sub regions vary, for | |||
], Germany, built primarily by Sri Lankan Tamil expatriates<ref name=Baumann>{{cite web|last=Baumann|first=Martin|title=Immigrant Hinduism in Germany: Tamils from Sri Lanka and Their Temples|publisher=]|year=2008|url= http://www.pluralism.org/resources/slideshow/hindgerm/index.php|access-date=26 June 2008|quote=Since the escalation of the Sinhalese-Tamil conflict in Sri Lanka during the 1980s, about 60,000 came as asylum seekers.}}</ref>]] | |||
instance the social position of the Karaiyar is low in Karaveddi whereas in ] they are the | |||
{{Main|Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora}}{{See also|Tamil Canadian|British Tamil}} | |||
dominant caste. Social mobility is now a feature of caste life in Jaffna and it is important to know the | |||
manner the change takes place. | |||
=== Pre-independence === | |||
==Modernization and higher education == | |||
The earliest Tamil speakers from Sri Lanka known to have travelled to foreign lands were members of a ] ] called ''Tenilankai Valanciyar'' (Valanciyar from Lanka of the South). They left behind inscriptions in South India dated to the 13th century.{{Sfn|Indrapala|2007|pp=253–254}} In the late 19th century, educated Tamils from the Jaffna peninsula migrated to the British colonies of ] (Malaysia and Singapore) and India to assist the colonial bureaucracy. They worked in almost every branch of public administration, as well as on plantations and in industrial sectors. Prominent Sri Lankan Tamils in the Forbes list of billionaire include: ],<ref>{{cite news|title=Who is Ananda Krishnan?|url=http://sundaytimes.lk/070527/News/nws14.html|access-date=2 August 2008|newspaper=]|date=27 May 2007}}</ref> ], and ],<ref>{{cite news|title=#17 G. Gnanalingam|url=https://www.forbes.com/profile/g-gnanalingam/|access-date=2 December 2015|date=2 December 2015}}</ref> and Singapore's former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, ], are of Sri Lankan Tamil descent.<ref>{{cite news|last=Chongkittavorn|first=Kavi|title=Asean's birth a pivotal point in history of Southeast Asia|url=http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2007/08/06/headlines/headlines_30043849.php|access-date=2 August 2008|newspaper=]|date=6 August 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130614200718/http://www.nationmultimedia.com/2007/08/06/headlines/headlines_30043849.php|archive-date=14 June 2013}}</ref> ], an Indian-based Tamil language revivalist, was born in the Jaffna peninsula.<ref>{{cite news|last=Muthiah|first=S.|title=The first Madras graduate|url=http://hindu.com/thehindu/mp/2004/08/09/stories/2004080900190300.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20041217093506/http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/mp/2004/08/09/stories/2004080900190300.htm|url-status=dead|archive-date=17 December 2004|newspaper=]|date=9 August 2004}}</ref> Before the Sri Lankan civil war, Sri Lankan Tamil communities were well established in ], ], ] and the ]. | |||
=== Post civil war === | |||
With the opening up of Education in the British period and education itself becoming the gateway to white | |||
] children in traditional clothes in Canada<nowiki/>|upright]] | |||
collar jobs in the government service the consciously guarded social power began to disintegrate. At the | |||
After the start of the conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the ], there was a mass migration of Tamils trying to escape the hardships and perils of war. Initially, it was middle class professionals, such as doctors and engineers, who emigrated; they were followed by the poorer segments of the community. The fighting drove more than 800,000 Tamils from their homes to other places within Sri Lanka as ]s and also overseas, prompting the ] (UNHCR) to identify them in 2004 as the largest asylum-seeking group.<ref name=Acharya>{{cite web|last=Acharya|first=Arunkumar|title=Ethnic conflict and refugees in Sri Lanka|publisher=]|year=2007|url=http://www.ujaen.es/huesped/rae/articulos2007/acharya0907.pdf|access-date=1 July 2008|archive-date=10 February 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120210055448/http://www.ujaen.es/huesped/rae/articulos2007/acharya0907.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa37/004/2006/en/|title=ASA 37/004/2006 Sri Lanka: Waiting to go home – the plight of the internally displaced|access-date=22 April 2007|publisher=]|date=28 June 2006}}</ref> | |||
beginning it was Christianity that provided the breakthrough. One should not altogether dismiss as mere | |||
Christian propaganda that the early efforts at the revitalization of traditional religion (Hinduism) were also | |||
meant to check the social mobility that had started taking place. When the traditional main groups found | |||
that their social pre eminence was at stake they began to collaborate with the rulers. | |||
The country with the largest share of displaced Tamils is Canada, with more than 200,000 legal residents,<ref name=Foster>{{cite web|last=Foster|first=Carly|title=Tamils: Population in Canada|publisher=]|year=2007|url=http://www.diversitywatch.ryerson.ca/backgrounds/tamils.htm|access-date=25 June 2008|quote=According to government figures, there are about 200,000 Tamils in Canada|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080214141743/http://www.diversitywatch.ryerson.ca/backgrounds/tamils.htm|archive-date=14 February 2008}}</ref> found mostly within the ].<ref>{{cite news|title=Ottawa won't invoke notwithstanding clause to stop migrant ships|url=https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/article/860379|access-date=14 September 2010|newspaper=]|date=13 September 2010}}</ref> and there are a number of prominent Canadians of Sri Lankan Tamil descent, such as author ],<ref>{{cite web|last=Hunn|first=Deborah|title=Selvadurai, Shyam|year=2006|url=http://www.glbtq.com/literature/selvadurai_s.html|access-date=5 August 2008|publisher=]|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080511144733/http://www.glbtq.com/literature/selvadurai_s.html|archive-date=11 May 2008}}</ref> and ],<ref>{{cite web|last=Pilger|first=Rick|title=Thoroughly Dynamic: Indira Samarasekera|url=http://www.uofaweb.ualberta.ca/newtrail/nav03.cfm?nav03=41976&nav02=41975&nav01=41974|publisher=]|access-date=5 August 2008|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080524010227/http://www.uofaweb.ualberta.ca/newtrail/nav03.cfm?nav03=41976&nav02=41975&nav01=41974|archive-date=24 May 2008}}</ref> former president of the ]. | |||
With modernization and the ensuing mechanization there came up new professions which eroded the caste- | |||
vocation continuum. Driving lorries and tractors, being masons, running and working. in motor-repair | |||
shops and garages and such other secondary technology led to a number of people from the lower rungs of | |||
the society to get out of the tyrannies of the caste system. Also important was the emergence of urban trade, | |||
mostly small trade which again eroded the social exclusiveness that the caste system tended to impose. | |||
] are mostly refugees of about over 100,000 in special camps and another 50,000 outside of the camps.<ref name=Acharya /> In western European countries, the refugees and immigrants have integrated themselves into society where permitted. ] singer ] (born Mathangi Arulpragasam)<ref>{{cite news|last=Lynskey|first=Dorian|title=Fighting talk: She's a revolutionary's daughter and her music oozes attitude|url=https://www.theguardian.com/music/2005/apr/22/popandrock1|access-date=5 August 2008|newspaper=]|date=22 April 2005|location=London}}</ref> and ] journalist ]<ref>{{cite news|title=George Alagiah|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/newswatch/ukfs/hi/newsid_3220000/newsid_3223900/3223966.stm|newspaper=] ]|date=26 June 2006}}</ref> are, among others, notable people of Sri Lankan Tamil descent. Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus have built a number of prominent Hindu temples across North America and Europe, notably in Canada, France, Germany, Denmark, and the UK.<ref name=Baumann />{{Sfn|Mortensen|2004|p=110}} | |||
Politicization, especially the emergence of Tamil nationalism, was another factor which enabled social | |||
mobility. | |||
Sri Lankan Tamils continue to seek refuge in countries like Canada and Australia.<ref>{{cite news|last=Kamanev|first=Marina|title=Asylum Seekers Stuck in Indonesia-Australia Standoff|url=http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1933874,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091105024721/http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1933874,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=5 November 2009|access-date=2 November 2009|newspaper=]|date=11 February 2009}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last=Fong|first=Petti|title=Migrants said to be Tamils|url=https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/article/712215--migrants-said-to-be-tamils|access-date=2 November 2009|newspaper=]|date=19 October 2009}}</ref> The ] and the Australian government has declared some Sri Lankans including Tamils as economic migrants.<ref>{{cite news|last=March|first=Stephanie|title=Sri Lankans heading to Australia 'economic migrants', not refugees: IOM|url=http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-11-06/an-sri-lankans-27economic-migrants272c-not-refugees/4355860|access-date=7 November 2012|newspaper=]|date=7 November 2012}}</ref> A Canadian government survey found that over 70% of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have gone back to Sri Lanka for holidays raising concerns over the legitimacy of their refugee claims.<ref>{{cite news|last=Lilley|first=Brian|date=22 August 2010|title=Refugees go home for holidays|newspaper=]|url=http://www.torontosun.com/news/canada/2010/08/21/15098766.html|access-date=22 November 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131014011520/http://www.torontosun.com/news/canada/2010/08/21/15098766.html|archive-date=14 October 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref> However, the inability of Tamils to settle in their own lands indicate the ongoing hostilities and differential treatment of Tamils even after the end of armed war in May 2009.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-05-18 |title=Statement by the Prime Minister on the 13th anniversary of the end of the armed conflict in Sri Lanka |url=https://pm.gc.ca/en/news/statements/2022/05/18/statement-prime-minister-13th-anniversary-end-armed-conflict-sri-lanka |access-date=2022-11-28 |website=Prime Minister of Canada |language=en}}</ref> | |||
All these led to a process of ] and many caste groups and subgroups assuming “ respectable” position within the system itself. These led to the absorption of many of the intermediate caste groups onto the higher groups and to many of the lower groups to be independent of the religious isolation that the higher castes tried to impose on them. | |||
== See also == | |||
The social rigidities of the caste also began to loosen. With the development of the subsidiary food crop | |||
* ] | |||
production, especially with the boom of the early seventies the traditional tenurial system relating to | |||
* ] | |||
leasing began to change. Men and women from the lower caste groups began to be employed as agricultural | |||
* ] | |||
wage labor. They began to demand new work conditions which challenged the traditional caste norms. | |||
* ] | |||
There began in the fishing industry also the employment of wage labor in fishing. | |||
== Notes == | |||
Equally important, though a later day phenomenon, is the exodus to the Middle East which enabled | |||
{{Notelist}} | |||
carpenters and masons to get very high incomes. This newly earned wealth has led to a new wave of | |||
] by which social position accruing out of management of religious institutions is being | |||
shared by the once socially un-privileged, and underprivileged. | |||
== References == | |||
The need of the day is not to study caste system as an unchanging one but to study the caste-class | |||
{{reflist}} | |||
relationship. It would yet be tenable to argue that the caste as a system of social behaviour has ceased to be | |||
effective. The “ system” exists but in new forms. It is important to identify these new forms and also the | |||
efforts taken to counter them. | |||
== Further reading == | |||
It is at this point sociology should take over from anthropology. | |||
{{refbegin}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Ambihaipahar|first=R|title=Scientific Pioneer: Dr. Samuel Fisk Green|publisher=Dhulasi Publications|date=11 November 1998|location=Colombo|isbn=978-955-8193-00-6}} | |||
*{{Citation|last=Bastin|first=Rohan|title=The Domain of Constant Excess: Plural Worship at the Munnesvaram Temples in Sri Lanka|publisher=Berghahn Books|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SMRJDhDxu38C&q=The%20Domain%20of%20Constant%20Excess%3A%20Plural%20Worship%20at%20the%20Munnesvaram%20Temples%20in%20Sri%20Lanka&pg=PR7|date=December 2002|isbn=978-1-57181-252-0|oclc=50028737 }} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Bopearachchi|first=Osmund|chapter=Ancient Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu|editor1-last=Chevillard|editor1-first=Jean-Luc|editor2-last=Wilden|editor2-first=Eva|title=South-Indian Horizons: Felicitation Volume for François Gros on the occasion of his 70th birthday|year=2004|publisher=Institut Français de Pondichéry / École Française d'Extrême-Orient|place=Pondicherry|series=Publications du Département d'Indologie – 94|isbn=978-2-85539-630-9|issn=0073-8352|pages=546–549}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=de Silva|first=C. R.|title=Sri Lanka – A History|publisher=Vikas Publishing House|date=1997|edition=2nd|location=New Delhi|isbn=978-81-259-0461-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=de Silva|first=K. M.|title=A History of Sri Lanka|publisher=Vijitha Yapa|year=2005|location=Colombo|isbn=978-955-8095-92-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Gair|first=James|title=Studies in South Asian Linguistics|publisher=]|year=1998|location=New York|isbn=978-0-19-509521-0}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Gunasingam|first=Murugar|title=Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: A Study of its Origins|publisher=MV publications|year=1999|location=Sydney|isbn=978-0-646-38106-0}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Hudson|first=Dennis|title=Arumuga Navalar and Hindu Renaissance amongst the Tamils (Religious Controversy in British India: Dialogues in South Asian Languages)|publisher=]|date=January 1992|isbn=978-0-7914-0827-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Indrapala|first=K.|author-link=K. Indrapala|title=The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity: The Tamils in Sri Lanka C. 300 BCE to C. 1200 CE|publisher=Vijitha Yapa|year=2007|location=Colombo|isbn=978-955-1266-72-1}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Knox|first=Robert|author-link=Robert Knox (sailor)|title=An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon|publisher=Robert Chiswell|year=1681|location=London|id=2596825|isbn=978-1-4069-1141-1|title-link=An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon}} | |||
*{{Cite book|last=Mahadevan|first=Iravatham|author-link=Iravatham Mahadevan|title=Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D.|series=] vol. 62|publisher=Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, ]|place=Cambridge, Mass|year=2003|isbn=978-0-674-01227-1}} | |||
*{{cite journal|last=Mahadevan|first=Iravatham|author-link=Iravatham Mahadevan|date=March 2000|title=Ancient Tamil Coins from Sri Lanka|journal=Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies|volume=XVII|issue=2|pages=147–156}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Manogaran|first=Chelvadurai|title=The Untold Story of the Ancient Tamils of Sri Lanka|publisher=Kumaran|year=2000|location=Chennai}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Manogaran|first=Chelvadurai|title=Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka | |||
|publisher=]|year=1987|location=Hawaii|isbn=978-0-8248-1116-7}} | |||
* Mendis, G.C. (1957, 3rd ed. 1995). ''Ceylon Today and Yesterday'', Colombo, Lake House. {{ISBN|955-552-096-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Mortensen|first=Viggo|title=Theology and the Religions: A Dialogue|publisher=Wm.B. Eerdman's Publishing|year=2004|location=Copenhagen|isbn=978-0-8028-2674-9}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Nadarajan|first=Vasantha|title=History of Ceylon Tamils|publisher=Vasantham|year=1999|location=Toronto}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Pfaffenberg|first=Brian|title=The Sri Lankan Tamils|publisher=]|year=1994|isbn=978-0-8133-8845-8}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Ponnambalam|first=Satchi|title= Sri Lanka: the National Question and the Tamil Liberation Struggle|year=1983 | |||
|location=London|publisher=Zed Books|isbn=978-0-86232-198-7|author-link=Satchi Ponnambalam}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Pujangga|first=Putra|title=A Requiem for Jaffna|publisher=Anantham Books|year=1997|location=London|isbn=978-1-902098-00-5}} | |||
*{{Cite book|last=Rajakrishnan|first=P.|chapter=Social Change and Group Identity among the Sri Lankan Tamils|editor1=Sandhu, Kernial Singh |editor2=Mani, A.|title=Indian Communities in Southeast Asia|publisher=Times Academic Press|location=Singapore|year=1993|isbn=978-981-210-017-7}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Ross|first=Russell|title=Sri Lanka: A Country Study|publisher=]|year= 1988|location=USA|isbn=978-0-16-024055-3}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Sivathamby|first=K.|author-link=Karthigesu Sivathamby|title=Sri Lankan Tamil Society and Politics|publisher=New Century Book House|year=1995|isbn =978-81-234-0395-3}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Smith|first=V. A.|title=The Oxford History of India|publisher=]|year=1958|location=Oxford|isbn=978-0-19-561297-4|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordhistoryofi00smit}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Spencer|first=Jonathan|title=Sri Lanka: History and the Roots of Conflict|publisher=]|year=1990|isbn=978-0-415-04461-5}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Subramaniam|first=Suganthy|title=Folk Traditions and Songs of Batticaloa District|publisher=Kumaran Publishing|year= 2006|language=ta|isbn =978-0-9549440-5-6}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Thambiah|first=H. W.|author-link=H. W. Thambiah|title=Laws and Customs of Tamils of Jaffna|publisher=Women's Education & Research Centre|year=2001|location=Colombo|isbn=978-955-9261-16-2|edition=revised}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last =Wenzlhuemer|first =Roalnd|year =2008|title =From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History|publisher =Brill}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Wilson|first=A. Jeyaratnam|author-link=A. Jeyaratnam Wilson|year=2000|title=Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-85065-338-7}} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Yalman|first=N|year=1967|title=Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship, and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon|publisher=]}} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
== External links == | |||
==Social structure== | |||
{{Prone to spam|date=July 2013}} | |||
<!-- {{No more links}} | |||
Please be cautious adding more external links. | |||
With the new problems as Sri Lankan Tamils are facing as Tamils and because they are Tamils, there is no | |||
doubt an increasing emphasis on the Tamil identity than on the “ intra” identities. When one takes into | |||
count the fact that many of the youth are out of the country as refugees, and a large number of families have | |||
migrated or are migrating, the question is how does the social organization among the Tamils stand today? | |||
Misplaced Pages is not a collection of links and should not be used for advertising. | |||
At this point the problem has got to be viewed in an all Tamil perspective for we will find that all the | |||
Tamils virtually share the same concepts relating to “ family”. | |||
Excessive or inappropriate links will be removed. | |||
The Tamil word for “ family” is “ KUTUMPAM” and it does not, even today, refer only to the “ nuclear” | |||
family. It is the “ extended family” that is always referred to. There may be so many bickerings (and there | |||
are many) within “ Kutumpam” but it is the unit of social existence when it comes to matters relating to | |||
marriages and deaths. The extended family would definitely include the parents. brothers and sisters and | |||
their children. It is at this point a “ Kutumpam” becomes a PAKUTI (making “ a section, division”) a | |||
Caste group really consists of such Pakutis. The pedigree of the family, the moral values of a family are all | |||
judged in terms of the pakuti’s standing in those matters. This is so because marriage in this situation is | |||
largely a question of forging relationships with other situation is largely a question of forging relationships | |||
with “ other” families to form not only new solidarities, but also to establish the internal unity of the family | |||
that seeks or accepts the marriage proposals. | |||
See ] and ] for details. | |||
Marriage in such a situation becomes an important social arrangement which has got to be carefully | |||
“ negotiated”. The choices have got to be made very carefully, because on it would depend the future | |||
position of that “ sons” or “ daughter” in the family, his/her usefulness to the younger siblings and the | |||
maintenance of that family relationship with the other members of the Kutumpam. | |||
If there are already suitable links, propose additions or replacements on | |||
It is true that love marriages do pose problems for this type of family-oriented organizations. And the | |||
the article's talk page, or submit your link to the relevant category at | |||
experience so far has been that love marriages ultimately end up with the parents’ families also getting | |||
the Open Directory Project (dmoz.org) and link there using {{Dmoz}}. | |||
together or the couple being absorbed into one of the families, either that of the husband or that of the wife. | |||
--> | |||
Marriage of a sister therefore becomes the responsibility of a brother. The social norm yet is that the brother | |||
* {{commons category-inline|Sri Lankan Tamil people}} | |||
helps enable the sister married comfortably so that the standing of that family goes up in relation to the | |||
pakuti. | |||
{{Sri Lankan Tamil people}} | |||
One could say that the individual in among the Sri Lankan Tamil is, if we understand that term in its | |||
{{Ethnic groups in Sri Lanka}} | |||
original meaning – “ that which cannot be divided furthur into substantive figures” - it is the family that is | |||
{{Portalbar|Sri Lanka|Tamils}} | |||
the unit of existence, not the single person. | |||
{{Good article}} | |||
The traditional property law among the Tamils yet envisages such a social organization in which the | |||
“ Kutumpam” is taken as the unit of social existance. This is very much so in the Tecavalamai (lit: the | |||
usages of the country) the law relating to the Property rights of the Tamils of Jaffna. 1989 | |||
{{DEFAULTSORT:Sri Lankan Tamil People}} | |||
Further reading | |||
] | |||
] | |||
*Byran Pfaffenberger - Caste in Tamil culture. Syracuse USA- 1982 Banks, Micheal - Caste in Jaffna: an aspect of caste in South India, Ceylon and North West Pakistan (Ed.) Learn: Cambridge 1960. | |||
] | |||
David Kenneth - Hierarchy and Equivalences in Jaffna North Ceylon - Normative code as mediators in the New Wind | |||
] | |||
- changing identities in South Asia. (ed.) - K..David - Hague - 1976. | |||
*J.P.Lewis. The manual of Vanni. | |||
DIVINE PRESENCE AND/OR SOCIAL PROMINENCE An inquiry into the Social role of the places of worship in Jaffna Tamil Society | |||
==The concept of worship == | |||
The concept of worship in the social discourse in Tamil Hindu tradition is expressed by two terms: | |||
1. Kumpitutal like in cami katavul kumpitutal, worship of the lord god and 2. valipatu like in | |||
katavulal valipatutal, following the god. | |||
Anyone interested in a study of religiosity among the Tamils should be aware of the distinction between | |||
“ worship” and “ prayer”. Whereas “ to pray” means “ to make devout supplication to”, and beseech | |||
earnestly, “ worship” (the verb) means “ adore as divine”, “ pay religious homage to”, “ idolize”, and regard | |||
with adoration.. The Tamil word kumpitu comes from a combination of kumpu and itu, “ to join hands | |||
(in worship)”. This form of establishing a relationship with the deity one worships, arises out of the bhakti | |||
concept in which there is an emotional relationship established with the deity in a highly personalized | |||
manner. | |||
The literal meaning of the first word is “ worship” (not “ prayer”) and that of the second term is | |||
“ proceeding on the way, following”. This attitude towards god in which one adores god and not makes | |||
just petitional prayers is implicit in the concept of bhakti. It is well reflected in the Tamil proverb | |||
kulantalyum teyvamuin kontatum itattil, “ a child and the god are ‘seen’ best when (or where) you | |||
‘celebrate’ them”. The more you are near Him (or Her) play, with Him (or Her) speak to Him (or Her), the | |||
more He (or She) gets attached to you and thus a permanent relationship is established. This would imply | |||
that one should have more places of worship, where one could ‘befriend’ Hin (or Her). | |||
This concept of kumpitutal and valipatutal thus takes us on to the concept of cannityam, (Skt sam- | |||
nidhya, from sam-nidhi,) “ the being near”, “ nearness”, “ vicinity”, “ presence”, “ attendance”. When one | |||
worships, there is the presence of god and when there is a presence of the god one worships. Therefore the | |||
place where one worships should be kept in such a manner as to enable His (or Her) presence. Such places | |||
of worship could range from the camiarai, the room for keeping the pictures of the deities, to the koyil or | |||
kovil (temple) proper, from the personal to the public place of worship. The Tamil word for temple is koyil | |||
or kovil. It is a compound of ko, “ king” and il, “ abode, residence”. In Tamil tradition both the palace and | |||
the temple are referred to by this term. “ Palace” is always referred to by another word also - aranmanai, | |||
“ fortified house”. This concept of palace-temple continuum arises from the concept of the state since the | |||
Pallavas (ca 600-900) and gained its popularity during the Cola rule (900-1230) of Tamilnadu. | |||
And given the enduring concepts like kulateiyvarn “ family”, “ clan”, “ caste-deity”, urkkavalteyvam, | |||
“ the deity that guards the village”, a common place of worship for the group becomes sine qua non. | |||
Besides, a special place is also predicated by the need of kontatutal ‘celebration’ of Him (or Her), to | |||
demonstrate to Him (or Her) how we adore Him (or Her). It is only then we would find a full presence of | |||
His (or Her) divine qualities. | |||
Thus the need for a place of worship emerges from the very concept of god or deity and of the relationship | |||
established with Him (or Her). | |||
Within this psychology lies intertwined the social relevance of not only the worshipped deity but also | |||
questions relating to the place where this worshipping is to be done, the sanctified form in which the place | |||
has to be kept, the things essential for it (this would range from the design of the building to the things | |||
that are to be done to demonstrate our feelings toward Him (or Her)), the persons who would be coming to | |||
the place, what are the things one should do to enable them perform those things for which they have come, | |||
etc.. An answer to anyone of these questions would find ourselves dealing with some place (locus) of and | |||
for worship. | |||
Siting Places of worship first, let us see the places of worship in terms of those who constitute the groups that are expected to worship at a particular place. It could be the family (by this it is the extended family that is always referred to), or the clan lineage (pakuti) or the entire caste group. In terms of the deity concerned, this would be the kulateyvam. Or it could be the place of worship for the entire village itself. The place of worship of one group does not necessarily mean that worship in the former place of worship is specially reserved for that group only. Anybody could go to it and worship at that place, according to the social traditions of worship assigned to Him (or Her) within that community. | |||
There could be three or more important centers of worship for a village. The size of the village, the | |||
constituent groups of the village, their relative importance within the village are important factors in this | |||
regard. Or, it could even be a temple for the entire region. There are temples, which, because of their | |||
sanctity become the centers of worship for a region. The significance may be district level or area level; by | |||
the former is meant places like Nallur Murukan temple, Mavittapurani temple etc, and temples like | |||
Celvacanniti (Tontamannaru) would be having significance within a region like Vatamaracci. It is | |||
important to mention at this stage that a place of worship which had started as a cult centre for a kin group | |||
located in their area of residence, could, due to its importance in terms of the manifestation of divine | |||
presence, or the significance of its tirttam, ‘(holy) - waterspot’ could become a centre of worship for all. | |||
Siting of a temple is, it is said, based on the concept of murttl, talam, tirttam (Tamilised Sanskrit | |||
terms). Murtti refers to the manifestation of that particular deity fully bringing out His (or Her) | |||
characteristics; talam refers to the significance of the place of worship (it might be the place where certain | |||
divine manifestations had taken place) tirttam refers to the main water source of the temple, pond, well | |||
or/river which would have holy power. | |||
==Temples - common categories and average structural patterns == | |||
The places of worship could vary in terms of the object of worship and how it is housed. At best it could | |||
be in the form of an agamic koyil, constructed according to the akamam (Sanskrit ]), which is a set | |||
of scriptures regulating the temple cult. By an agamic temple is meant a temple replete with a mulattanam | |||
“ rootplace”, (Sanskrit ] “ womb house”., which is the innermost room. There is also a | |||
kotittaampam from koti “ flag” and tanipam “ pillar”, which indicates the god or goddess. You also find | |||
the eluntaruli, the room on the eastern end of northern side of the inner pirakaram, “ precincts” (of the | |||
temple), in which the icons, which are taken out on the round inside and outside the temple are kept. | |||
There is also a vasantamantapam, (lit. the spring hall) referring to the spacious hall within the temple. | |||
Within the inner pirakaram there will also be the various micro-size structures within which the other | |||
deities worshipped in that temple are enshrined. There is always an ulviti, “ inner pathway”, within the | |||
walled inner temple area used for circumambulating the icon when they are taken on their ritual rounds and | |||
the veliviti “ outer path way”. This is really the open space around the four sides of the temple. People | |||
congregate here and the icons are also brought out here along this pathway during the festivals. | |||
There is also the keni, “ (square or oblong walled) tank”, which is the built water pond, and the | |||
nantavanam, “ flower garden”. | |||
These types of big temples are bound to have an elaborate entrance. It could be a kopuram, “ tower (of a | |||
gateway at the entrance of a town or a temple)” or an elevated mukappu, “ frontage”, which is the outer face | |||
of the temple. The “ belfry” tower would be an important construction and would have a bell which is rung | |||
just prior to and during the time of the pucai hours. In temples of this type there would be six pucais a | |||
day (the first one around 5 am, the second one around 7 am, the third one by 9.30-10 am, the fourth one | |||
around 5 pm and the last one around 8 pm). | |||
This type of temple is more the exception than the rule. Very often the temples are not that replete, the | |||
barest essential would be the ulviti and the veliviti and the important shrines being housed alongside the | |||
ulviti. There will be the mulattanam and the eluntaruli. Kopuram (skt. Gopura) is not always there. | |||
Normally there would only be three pucais (one in the morning 7.30 am, one in the noon around 12 or | |||
12.30. and one at nightfall 6.30 or 7 pm). This would be the general pattern in a mahotsava koyil, | |||
“ temple for the great festivals”, that is, a temple which has annual festivals. This would be the typical | |||
village level temple. The area level, or district level temples would be the ones mentioned earlier, i.e. | |||
those which have all the six pucais. Even at some of the area level or regular level temples three pucais a | |||
day might be the order on all non-auspicious days. | |||
During the period of ethnic crisis during times of night curfew the pucai hours are shortened, and all the | |||
pucais would be over at least an hour before the curfew begins. During times of day curfew no pucais are | |||
held. The conducting or not doing so is known by the sound of the kopuram bell or the absence of it. | |||
In both these types of temples there would be a resident kurukkal or aiyar. An aiyar is always a ]; | |||
a kurukkal would refer to one from the Caiva-kurukkal tradition also. These are priestly families which | |||
have arisen out of the vellalar caste but observe all the ritual purities that are essential for those who | |||
officiate at the pucais (Skt. Puja). It is said that a Caiva-kurukkal does not chant the ] texts. They chant all the mantrams that are essential for the conduct of the pucais. The word kurukkal consists of kuru (Sanskrit guru) plus kal, which is a Tamil suffix now used to denote the honorific plural. It also refers to a person who has, through a process of atiyayanam, “ education”, achieved the status of a kurukkal. It is those who have attained that status who could perform the rituals for the annual festivals. Thus even a Brahmin priest could also be referred to as a kurukkal. Caiva-kurukkal is also a caste name of a Brahmin. | |||
In temples of the descriptions mentioned above the kurukkal’s family is always given a residence. It could | |||
be alongside the matam, “ rest place” (house like structure close to the temple which is used as a resting | |||
place). The temple matam is a building close to the temple, in which people congregate during festivals. It | |||
is also the place where people are fed on occasion of annatanam, “ food-offering” this is done as a votive | |||
offering and is usually meant to feed the poor and needy, but there will be a good number of the relatives of | |||
the one who gives this annatanam there on invitation by the host. | |||
In the area-level or regional level temple there would be more than one matam. The largest number of | |||
matams in a single temple in Jaffna are seen at the Celvacanniti temple, Tontamannaru, where the | |||
characteristic votive offering is the feeding of the needy. Celvacanniti incidentally has kurukkals who are | |||
neither brahmins nor Caiva-kurukkals but who are from the karaiyar, (fishermen) families. Those who | |||
perform pucais observe strict vegetarianism. | |||
In terms of the overall number of the places of worship in the Jaffna district these village-level temples | |||
would be only a small proportion. Among those with permanent stone-cult structures there is a category of | |||
places of worship which would have just one building built in the traditional Dutch architecture having | |||
only one small room inside (or some times without a room) to house the icon of the deity. In such | |||
temples, which are clan or caste levels ones, there will be no daily pucais. Some one from the caste-group | |||
would light the coconut oil lamp every evening and that too if he is ritually clean. The pucai would be | |||
only on Friday noons or fore-noon. It may be done by a professional priest, usually a Caivakurukkal, not | |||
a brahmin. These are also referred to as koyilkal, “ temples”. | |||
Special pucai is normally held at these places on the Tai Ponkal “ (rice) cooking in (the month of) Tai”, | |||
(January 14 or 15), and the Varucappirappu, the New Year, (April 14 or 15). At all these places of | |||
worship, normally pucai is done by an elder in the family at these places of worship. The professional | |||
priests come only during special occasions. | |||
In terms of the number of “ temples” in Jaffna district this category would be the largest. Any village unit | |||
would have about at least 100-150 of such places. Most of these places of worship do not have icons | |||
proper. They would have a culam, “ trident” if the worship is of Kali or Vairavar, and a stone. | |||
There is another category of worship-spots. These are under trees usually big, spreading ones, often | |||
alamaram, “ banyan tree”, araca maram “king-tree” (ficus religiosa, “ bo-tree”), naval, “ blackberry-tree” | |||
or pulia maram, “ tamarind tree”, or even puvaraca maram, “ king trees with flowers”. This is the Portia | |||
tree (Thespecia populnea) and is found in large numbers in Jaffna. | |||
There will be a few stones placed at the trunk of the tree with a culam, “ trident” stuck in. Invariably the | |||
offering would be done by an elder of the family. On Fridays a coconut oil lamp would be lit. There will be | |||
a special ponkal, “ (rice) cooking” done annually or there would be a ponkal done on the tai ponkal day | |||
(January 14/15) and/or the New Year Day (April 14/15). | |||
It needs mention that in the two types of worship-spots (cult-centres) mentioned above, special votive | |||
offerings are given on the auspicious days of the year (tai ponkal, putu varucapponkal, (ponkal on the | |||
New Year day), vaikasi full moon-day (] ] (April / May) etc, or on any Friday in case of any emergency within the family. The emergency would arise because of the illness of some one in the family or some severe stress period someone in the family undergoes. During such times the blessing of these | |||
“ deities” are quite often invoked. | |||
It should be mentioned here that during times of stress, offerings are paid or worshipping is done at all | |||
levels. Thus there would be pucais done or a trip undertaken to the temple of regional importance, there | |||
would be special pucais done at the village level temple, and also at the clan/family level cult spot. It is at | |||
time like this the concept of kutumpatteyvam kulateyvam, “ deity of the family/caste” is seen in full | |||
action. These family deities are very often worshipped within the compound in which the house stands. | |||
This would be the vituteyvam, “ deity of the household”. I know of the worshipping of such deities at the | |||
trunk of trees or in specially constructed small buildings, within the compound of a house. In lands which | |||
have come under housing settlement lately, say since the 1930s, there would be no cult spot of this type. | |||
These cult spots are seen in compounds of households with a long history. It is said that these types of a | |||
vituteyvam worship came into existence during the period of Dutch rule when public worship was | |||
forbidden. | |||
Sometimes the tree itself is the object of worship. The belief is that a particular “ deity” resides in the tree. | |||
Quite often an icon of the deity or an insignia is then placed under the tree, later a small structure is built | |||
over it and from then on, it becomes an important cult-centre. Then it emerges as a “ temple” proper, the | |||
priest of the cult spot, changes from a family elder to a caste elder and from that to a Caiva-kurukkal and | |||
finally to a brahmin. | |||
The deities thus worshipped could range from Annamar, Vairavar, Kali to Pillaiyar and Murukan. The | |||
following is an incomplete list of such deities. | |||
1. Annamar is a caste god of the castes nalavar, toddy collections, and pallar, a low servant caste. | |||
2. Mutalikal is possibly a caste deity. The example I know of it is that of the karaiyar. | |||
3. Periyatampiran, “ the great master”, a caste god of the washermen. | |||
4. ] (Skt. Sasta). | |||
5. Virumar is possibly a caste god of the smiths. | |||
6. Kattavarayan (the Saviour hero). | |||
7. Naccimar, “ the ladies” - now quite often given in the form Ampal, the Mother Goddess. | |||
8. Sapta Kanniyar, “ seven virgins”. | |||
9. Naka tampiran, “ snake master” | |||
10. Vairavar (skt.Bhairava). 11. Kali, “ black goddess”. | |||
It is interesting to note that the identities of some of the lesser known deities are getting lost and most of | |||
them are now identified as Vairavar and Kali. Both are worshipped in the form of culams, “ tridents”.. | |||
12. Pillayar, the child God referring to Ganapati or Ganesa. | |||
13. Murukaiya or Murukan. This deity is often referred to at the dialectal level as Murukaiya | |||
(Skt. Skanda). | |||
14. ], the mother goddess. There are various forms of amman worship, important of | |||
which are Mariamman, the goddess of rain, ] amman which is Kannakai, the chaste | |||
goddess. | |||
15. Civan, (Skt ]). Civan is never worshipped at this level. The number of temples dedicated | |||
to Civan arc few. In agamic tradition distinction is made between temples based on the nature of the rituals performed, the buildings available in the temple, the icons that are installed for worship etc... At the popular level categorisation is done normally on the following basis: | |||
a) Those temples which have annual festivals. | |||
b) Those which have only an annual cankapicekam. canku is a “ shell” and apicekam is “ sprinkling”, i.e. | |||
“ consecration” after an elaborate pucai. | |||
c) Those with an annual ponkal or kulutti. The first would be agamaic in nature, the last one would not be. But in all this cases the pucais would be performed by a professional priest-brahmin or Caiva kurukkal. | |||
Children arc given the names of gods, especially the ones that are perceived as dear and near to the parents. | |||
Such a god is called istateyvam, "the god chosen., "favourite god.. | |||
At the village level temples, it is the Pillaiyar temples that are the largest in number. Pillaiyar worship is | |||
very much associated with the farmers. | |||
The temple significant at the village level will be the focus of study in this paper. | |||
==The Pancankam== | |||
Before we get on to an analysis of the pivotal role the village temple plays in the social organization of the | |||
Jaffna village, it is important to state the usefulness of the pancankam “ almanac of the five things”, which | |||
are the lunar days, solar days, periods of the asterisks, junction of the planets and the zodiac, as an | |||
important source for the study of the socio-religio-cultural life of the Hindu Tamils. Literally the word | |||
means “ five limbs (units)”; they arc varam, “ day” titi, “ lunar phase”, karanam, “ division”, | |||
nakshatram, “ asterisk” and yokam, “ junction” - all these are divisions of time. One should not fail to | |||
mention that even the non-Hindu Tamils, the Christians- both Catholics and non-Catholics, resort to it. | |||
The Pancankam provides the astrological almanac for the Tamil year (April 14/15 to March 13/14) on the | |||
basis of the Tamil months. The Tamil year consists of the months cittirai (April / May), vaikaci | |||
(May/June), ani (June/July), ati (July/August), avani (August / September), purattaci | |||
(September/October), aippaci (October/November), kartikai (November/ December), markali | |||
(December/January), maci (February / March), and pankuni (March/April). | |||
Pancankams arc prepared on the basis of two differing traditions - the vakiya and the kanita ones. The | |||
former means “ spoken tradition” and the latter means “ astronomical calculation”. The two traditions can | |||
be traced back to very ancient times. It is the vakya tradition that is most popular in Jaffna although the | |||
adherents of the latter often argue that the kanita pancankam is astronomically the more correct one. | |||
It is claimed that the first vakya pancankam is in use from 1666 AD. | |||
The pancankam gives the auspicious days and inauspicious days for all the social educational and economic | |||
activities ranging from wedding to admitting children to school, to harvesting and to the dates of all the | |||
important annual seasonal festivals, days of fasting ete, along with the dates of the annual festivals of the | |||
different temples. | |||
It is an important handy reference book used in almost every literate household. It provides a clue to a | |||
socio-religious study of the Hindu Tamil community of Ilankai. Its price (Rs.60) is within the range of an | |||
average literate family in Jaffna. | |||
==The temple in society - its place, its role, and the manner it is managed== | |||
The village-level temple is one of the most important institutions of the village. It reflects the hierarchy, | |||
the power-balance between the groups living within the village, and is an indicator to the type of social | |||
mobility that is taking place within that society. An analysis of the working of the temple would reveal the | |||
internal dynamism of that society that takes that temple as the religio-cultural focal point of their living. | |||
The social ranking a man has within that society could be judged from the place he occupies in the temple | |||
affairs. | |||
The temple may belong to a particular family or may belong to the traditional “ congregation” of the | |||
temple. The latter is a term that is quite often used in contemporary courts of law to describe those | |||
permanent residents of the area to whom that particular temple is the one where all their important religious | |||
needs are catered for. They have a claim on it and have known to be associated with it for generations. | |||
Where the temple is a property of a family (by this it is the extended family that is meant) they could also | |||
be, in rare cases, the officiating priests as is the case at Canniti temple. Tontamannaru and the Atulu | |||
kannakaiamman temple, Karaveddi. That is more the rare exception than the rule. If the temple belongs to a | |||
particular family, then the koyil maniyam, the lay Superintendent of the temple, is nominated by them. | |||
There have been instances of family feuds over the proprietorship of the temples and when such litigation | |||
goes to the courts, the courts have in general terms, provided for better participation by the congregation in | |||
the running of the temple. | |||
In case of those temples where the temples are of great significance to the people and have been well | |||
managed, the proprietor-superintendent is referred to respectfully as the ecaman, Sanskrit Yajaman, | |||
“ sacrificer”, who is the owner and master. Such reference is made to the superintendents of the Nallur | |||
Kantacami temple and the Valvettiturai Civan temple. But this is a very rare phenomenon. Even in such | |||
cases he could only “ govern”, not “ rule”, because much depends on the people of the area, who really are | |||
the ones who matter. The “ ecaman” is bound to consult them, in some form or other. | |||
This is perhaps the appropriate stage to mention the role a particular kind of temple devotees in the affairs | |||
of the temple. These are people who “ serve” the temple on their own accord. Such a service is undertaken | |||
because of the special liking one has for the temple. They would be helping the administrators in all the | |||
Koyilkariyam, “ affairs of the temple”. It would range from cleaning the temple premises to getting ready | |||
for the conduct of the Pucai, or the maintenance of the nantavanam or the carrying of the icons during | |||
festivals etc. Their opinion in matters connected with the day today affairs of the temple is important. They | |||
would be normally elderly people of both sexes: occasionally there would be younger persons too; the | |||
younger persons are generally males. | |||
The management of a non-private temple is normally in the hands of a committee of office-bearers. They are | |||
normally elected to their offices. The electorate is the “ congregation”. Legally speaking “ the congregation” | |||
could consist of (a) all those adults (usually males) who consider that temple as their chief temple (this | |||
would refer to a geographically defined area) those people living temporarily away are also members; | |||
marriage in certain case entitles membership to the congregation, sometimes not (it is normally decided by | |||
the congregation in one of its meetings) or (b) those who conduct festivals and pucais on important days | |||
and those who have made some substantial donations of buildings, jewellery, vakanams, “ Vehicle” (refers | |||
to the wooden structures made like the animals on which the deities are supposed to ride), pucai | |||
accessories, or had constructed the ter “ (temple) car” etc. In most cases the arrangement is on the basis of a | |||
decree of a court of law. The question of the administration of almost all the important and the | |||
influential temples in Jaffna have been canvassed in a court of law and the current system of administration | |||
is invariably based on the judgment given or agreement arrived at. | |||
The temple committee would generally consist of the President, the Vice President, the Treasurer, the | |||
Secretary and committee members. The officials have an important place because they are entitled to the | |||
kalancis from the priest on important occasions. Kalanci, “ betel holder” contains betel and plantain fruits | |||
and is handed over by the officiating priest himself before the piracatam of the pucai consisting of holy ash, | |||
tirttam etc is given to those who are present. This is considered a great honour. The piracatam, “ favour” is | |||
in the form of boiled rice handed over at first to the person who had contributed to the conduct the pucai. | |||
The priest himself hands it over with due respect. The chief lay executive of the temple who superintends | |||
like a working director is referred to as the koyil maniyam. | |||
The position of the priest should now be explained. The priests in Jaffna temples are either brahmins or | |||
Caiva kurukkals (except in very exceptional cases like the Celvacanniti temple at Tontamannaru); even | |||
there once they are the priests they keep themselves ritually clean like the brahmins or Caiva kurukkals. | |||
The priest in charge is expected to have got the kurutitcai, Sktguru-diksa, “ consecration as a teacher”, | |||
qualified to perform all the rituals, and is married. Unmarried or widower priests cannot perform any of the | |||
auspicious ceremonies, they also cannot conduct the tiruvila-utcava-pucaikal which are the pucais at the | |||
occasion of the holy festival festivity. In Jaffna the brahmins and Caiva kurukkals are generally not the | |||
proprietors of temples. A major exception is the Mavittapuram koyil. Atcuveli Pillaiyar koyil is also one. | |||
It had been decreed as belonging to the priest only after long and arduous legal battle. But the priest - cum | |||
- owner is expected to consult the “ congregation” in the running of the temple. In such case where the | |||
priest runs the temple, he is always assisted by a lay congregation, which may or may not have legal basis. | |||
Generally speaking, the priest is an employee. He might have inherited the position from his forbears or | |||
would have been appointed by the temple committee. There is a clear-cut understanding as to what he is | |||
entitled to. Usually the money given for ariccanai, “ honouring (of the gods)” is taken by the priest. | |||
ariccanai is the Tamil form of Sanskrit arcana meaning “ honouring” “ praising”, “ pay homage (to deities | |||
and superiors)”. This actually constitutes the act of worship. But since in the agamaic Hindu tradition the | |||
average lay devotee of the cariyai order cannot do this on his own, and also because he cannot enter the | |||
sanctum sanctorum, the priest who is considered qualified to be near the “ deity”, is called upon to the | |||
“ honouring”, “ praising” on behalf of the devotee. The arcaka-priest in the course of doing this praising and | |||
honouring, states that is being done on behalf of, for the benefit of so-and-so, born under such-and-such | |||
naksatra, “ star”. | |||
==] school of thought== | |||
Caiva Cittanta (Sanskrit ]), the school of Hindu thought which is the governing, | |||
religious ideology of the upper castes from Jaffna, divides human beings into four categories in terms of | |||
their “ spiritual maturity”. | |||
1. Those at cariyai level which is, the first stage. They need representation of god in iconic form and temples are important for them. | |||
2. Those at the kiriyai level are second of the fourfold means attaining salvation, which consists in worshipping Civan with rites and ceremonies prescribed in the akamas. In this case this worshipping | |||
is done by the person himself. | |||
3. Those at yokam level, i.e.the path of yoga which consists in the mental worship of Civan in his subtler form. | |||
4. Those at the nanam level. This is the path of wisdom which consists in the realization of God as transcending form and formlessness. | |||
Of the other things offered (the coconut, the betel, the fruits etc.,) half is taken by the priest and the other | |||
half is given back to the devotee. What is returned is considered holy and is never allowed to be polluted. | |||
ariccanai money given during important, heavily attended occasions like the tiruvila days, “ holy festival | |||
days” or important pucai days is shared between the priest and the management. The vital aspect of the | |||
office of the temple priest at the village level is that it entitles him to do the purokitam, “household | |||
ceremony” for the village or the congregation. This includes the conducting of the ceremonies at weddings, | |||
on cirattam days - these are the days on which dead members of the family are remembered and oblations | |||
done - and performing the house warming ceremonies or performing the canti rituals which clear the | |||
household of evil things. Funerary rites will not be performed by the temple priest. He is called upon to fix | |||
the days of auspicious function. All these entitle him to payments in cash and kind. If he is of amiable, at | |||
the same time, venerable character, his income would really be good. | |||
In recent times when the army, after arresting the young men of the village was prepared to release them to | |||
the priests on the latter’s assurance, some of the village level temple priests had a very trying time. Unlike | |||
the Christian priests, these priests are not used to these social roles. In spite of such handicaps, some | |||
priests played useful role in going to army camps. Generally speaking this is not the type work the | |||
congregation would expect from a priest He is expected to be somewhat “ other worldly” in his approach, in | |||
personality terms, a “ splendid man”. The term used in polinta manitan, “ man who is endowed with a | |||
gait of splendour” and it includes his personality, his marital life, his knowledge of men and matters, his | |||
ability in human management and above all his knowledge of the sastras. | |||
There could be occasions when the management and the priest do not see eye to eye on matters relating to | |||
the running of the temple. In such circumstances the standing the priest has in the community is very | |||
crucial. If he is a respected man, the committee will find it very difficult to go against him. | |||
In busy temples, the priest is expected to have assistants to help him in his work. He could employ them | |||
or the committee could appoint them. | |||
The temple revenue comes from the earnings of the immovable properties of the temple, the donations it | |||
receives from the devotees, and from the payments devotees make for the performance of certain rituals/ | |||
offerings. That is, a portion of the payment is set apart for the day to day running of the temple. | |||
There is a strong tradition of making endowments of lands to temples. This could be by the original | |||
founders of the temple or staunch devotees. Sometimes rich old men, without children, when they do not | |||
have eligible relatives to transfer the properties bequeath their properties to the temple. | |||
Under the ] law, which is the customary law that governs property rights among the Tamils of | |||
Jaffna, codified by the Dutch in 1707 under the heading “ The Malabar Laws and Customs”, not all | |||
property could be given away. A person could give away only the tetiatettam, i.e. property acquired by | |||
either husband during the period after married life and or the priests acquiring from such properties. Even of | |||
the tetiatettam property, the husband cannot alienate the whole property; the wife is entitled to half of it. | |||
Those properties inherited from the parents cannot be given away according to ones own wish. There are | |||
also cases of old ladies who do not have any children gifting their properties to the temple. | |||
The cash revenue for running day to day affairs of the temple comes from moneys given for that purpose | |||
and from those put into the untiyal petti, “ alms box”, which is the. temple-till. | |||
Some big temples have ticket system for ariccanai. These are printed cards with the amount of money paid | |||
printed. The type of pucai offered by the brahmin on behalf of the devotee will depend on the amount paid. | |||
Bigger amounts have to be paid for elaborate pucais. The normal ariccanai would be for two rupees. This | |||
system does not apply to the village level temple. | |||
The efficiency of the committee of management or the manlyams is judged in the way they are able to run | |||
the temple on the lean days. They are expected to see that none of the essential services to the deity are | |||
given up. Any work in the temple involving large scale labour would be done as a sramadana, “ gift of | |||
toil”, unpaid, voluntary labour. | |||
The temple staff in normal circumstances would consist of the priest, his assistants for the preparation of the | |||
piracatam, "favour. the food offerings to the deities, and another lay assistant to do the odd job. The social | |||
standing of the last named employee is very low. | |||
It is enjoined by tradition that during times of pucai, there should be accompaniment of music. In the | |||
average temple, music consists of the conch-shell and the muracu. There is also the playing of the | |||
nadaswaram and the tavil played by the professional musicians. In fact, they constitute a separate caste | |||
known as nattuva or melakkara caste. The more important temples have their own melakkara families | |||
maintained for the services in the temple. The average village temple would not have is own | |||
tavil and nadaswaram players. The services of the professional melakkarar would be obtained only for | |||
the annual tiruvila and for important occasions. | |||
The success of the management depends on how it motivates its congregation in the affairs of the temple | |||
and particularly in the way it handles the annual festival-the tiruvila. | |||
Any festival in a temple would be referred to as the tiruvila, “ holy festivity/festival”. But it is the annual | |||
tiruvila that is the most important. It runs for ten or fifteen days. There are some temples which have more | |||
number of days, e.g.Nallur koyil in Jaffna, but in the case of the village level temple it is mostly either 10 | |||
or 15 days. | |||
The power balance of a village is seen in the manner it assigns the festivals. The ranking a family or a | |||
group has in the village is seen from the festival it runs. All festivals are, no doubt, important, but some, | |||
like the koti erram, “ flag hoisting (day)” done on the first day, the ter “ car (festival)” and the tirttam | |||
“ consecrated water” ,which is used to sprinkle the idol, and is the finale, are more important. | |||
Within a village some of the festivals are run by families. These would have been important well to do | |||
families at the time the festival was assigned to them. Sometimes the fortunes of a family might change and | |||
would find at another time difficult to run the festival. However they consider it below their dignity to hand | |||
it over to others. In such circumstances, someone who is a “ newcomer” to the family, i.e. who has come | |||
into the family through marriage, might begin exerting influence and take it over. These festivals are | |||
expected to go patrilineally. Therefore someone taking it over through his wife (if she is not the only child) | |||
would be unusual. But there are instances of such take-overs. Yet the festival would remain within the | |||
family. | |||
Some of the festivals would be on a group basis, the smallest of such groups would be pakuti, lineage | |||
group, and the largest would be the entire caste group. In a purely] dominated village level temple | |||
the koviyar, the servants of the vellalar, and the karaiyar, the fishermen, would each be given on the caste | |||
basis. Such caste groups make their own arrangement to run the festival. The usual way is to divide the | |||
caste group into the major lineages that constitute the group in that village, appoint an influential person | |||
from the lineage, and collect the dues, the amount being decided at a meeting of the entire caste group. | |||
The committee of such influential men would elect one or two of them to be coordinators with the temple | |||
management. In normal circumstances, it would be the chief coordinator who would take the ritual | |||
responsibility for running the day’s activities. The ritual expression of this is seen in the tarppaipotutal, | |||
wearing the (sacrificial) grass to perform the festival. The man who performs that is considered primus inter | |||
pares for that day. | |||
These groups mentioned above are castes which have no problem in being inside the temple and do all the | |||
ritual obligations. It is significant that even castes which have no right to enter the temple are also given | |||
the right to conduct festivals. Thus nalavar, toddy tappers, pallar, low-caste servants, traditionally | |||
agricultural slaves but now tappers and also cobblers, and even ampattar, barbers, are assigned festivals: | |||
In case of such festivals one of the members of the management committee or someone assigned by the | |||
rnaniyam would perform the rituals on their behalf. The washer men though considered low are allowed to | |||
enter the temple. They are also allotted a festival. Thus the entire village is represented in the annual | |||
tiruvilas. | |||
But society changes and families and groups rise and fall. An arrangement worked at one time cannot | |||
continue throughout. Families which had a marginal existence in the last decade would have now become | |||
rich through employment openings in the Middle East or because of some success in business or through | |||
some young man in the family getting a good post in the public or private sector. Such families are keen to | |||
establish their new found social position. The temple as the status marker has got to respond. In such cases | |||
effort is made to draw them into those other major rituals other than the annual tiruvila. | |||
Those are the kantacatti, “ fast (in reverence of the god) Kantan”, which is a six day observance in the | |||
seventh month called Aippaci, and the navarattiri, nine nights of strict fasting, chiefly to Durga, in the | |||
ninth month called Karttikai. When these are also full up new rituals are taken into the temple calendar. | |||
The celebration of the annual festival in an important occasion and the family/group that runs it would like | |||
to demonstrate its social importance by making the festival a grand one. Traditionally rich families do not | |||
spend much on the festival but the group run festivals arc generally celebrated in a grand manner. They | |||
would spend much money on cattupati, “ beautifying” the icon with flowers, vestments etc, on the | |||
structure that is used to take the icon round, which is called capparam, “ portable car” or tantikai, | |||
“ palanquin”, on fireworks, and, above all, on hiring the best musicians available. | |||
Those who run the festivals on the different days (these people are referred to by the term upayakarar | |||
explained as those who make the offerings) engage the services of the lesser known players, and the | |||
grandeur of a festival is always judged by the grandiose manner the festival has been conducted. There is | |||
always competition between the different upayakarars to conduct the festival in a grand manner. It should | |||
be added that such a feeling exists only at the level of the non-vellala groups. Quite often the entire | |||
earnings of some of the lower groups are siphoned off by the annual festival expenses. | |||
Most of the temples now publish an annual handbill giving the temple calendar and the details of who | |||
contributes for which. | |||
It should not be forgotten that the temple was also the major centre of religious arts of the community. | |||
This does not mean that all the folk arts also found a place; some did, some did not. | |||
==Movement for the temple entry== | |||
The village temple thus becomes the status marker in the Jaffna society, and given the sudra character of the | |||
dominant caste itself, it is no wonder that the temple entry movement has been a persistent one in Jaffna. | |||
With all the secular benefits being assured at least nominally by the concepts of rule of law and | |||
representative government, refusal to enter the temple has been a problem of constant social embarrassment | |||
to those who come from the hierarchically low placed groups especially after they have been able to | |||
overcome the barriers through the acquisition of education. It should be noted that the social management | |||
of the state administration done by the grassroots level administrators (the headmen, the maniyakaran - a | |||
district level official, and also quite often the police official) was carried out in such a manner as not to | |||
upset the social hierarchy of the Yalppanam (] society. Thus these officers devised ways and means of keeping the castes apart. There were separate schools established, wherever needed, for the lower castes and it was also scrupulously seen to that those finish their schooling from those schools do not get into the schools meant for the higher castes, especially into the English school, which was run mostly on denominational lines. So any of the students from the lower groups whenever they wanted to go for further education had to get out of the village. Outside the village, in the town, it was possible to obtain English education in a Christian school. Thus in a way it was within the village that caste discrimination was at its worst. Thus the demand for entry into the temple was to offset these manifest social inequalities. The movement for temple entry was spearheaded by the Left movement. There was also the impact of Gandhism and the social reforms that flowed out of the Indian Independence Movement. | |||
It must be admitted that the movement for temple entry was not a success. It remained a symbolic one, the | |||
expression of the social willingness to demonstrate the sense of egalitarianism of those belonging to the | |||
higher groups. Even where temple entry had been done, there was no consequent change in the power | |||
balance of the village to allow those admitted to have equal say in the running of the temple. Temple entry | |||
in the context should have also included a demand for effective participation of the oppressed groups in the | |||
running of the temple. This has not taken place. The demand was for entry into the temple for worshipping | |||
only, and when it was found that it was no more socially prudent not to disallow it. The groups that | |||
clamoured for it were ceremonially allowed inside the temple. One days tamaca, “ show”, “ pomp”, | |||
“ spectacle” to demonstrate equality was not going to alter the existing social relationship in the village. I | |||
had the chance of discussing the aftermath of the temple entry with the treasurer of one of the leading | |||
temples in Vataramaracci in 1971 and asked him what the committee proposed to do as follow-up after the | |||
temple entry. He said that all what has to be done is done and the matter ended there. | |||
Formal temple entry was done at all area-level or regional level temples, even though it had led to certain | |||
problems as in the case of Mavittapuram koyil. The case of the Mavittapuram koyil is an interesting one. It | |||
is one of the very few brahmin owned temples. It is significant that those who came forward to physically | |||
stop the entry were the koviyar, an intermediate caste. Even among those who wanted to enter, most of | |||
them were from other villages. It was part of the political action of the Shanmugathasan-led Communist | |||
Party (the Peking wing), and it was accused that the other Communist Party (the Moscow wing), which | |||
had within its local leadership M.C.Subramaniyam, a depressed caste leader, did not want to throw its full | |||
weight behind the Mavittapuram struggle. Mavittapuram became a symbol. | |||
The other leading area-level and region level temples which were being managed by the vellalars did not | |||
want their temples dragged into the politics of temple entry. Thus very nominal and extremely formal entry | |||
was performed. By and large the village temples were not affected by this. Most of them went through it as | |||
a political exercise so that the Sinhalese will not be given a chance to make political capital out of this. It | |||
was an embarrassment which the Federal Party wanted to avoid. | |||
The social lesson that emerged out of the Temple Entry Movement was that if one wants equal | |||
participation then one should have his own temple. The tendency had been for the left-out group, even if it | |||
is of equal rank, to develop its own temple, in which it could establish and demonstratively exercise, its | |||
social power. The history of many Hindu temples, particularly among those that were founded in the late | |||
19th and early 20th century, would show that they were developed because the owners or the managers of | |||
the leading temple of the area did not extend the social courtesies befitting their new found social status of | |||
those who ultimately went to the new temple. Tiruvil Civacuppiramaniyacuvami temple, which has known | |||
literary works in praise on it, was developed by Arulampala Mutaliyar because of some feuds he had with | |||
the other leading family of the village Utupitti. Taiyalpakar who built Citampara College, Valvettiturai, | |||
built a Civan temple, though small in size, because he had problems with the owners of the Valvettiturai | |||
Civan temple. The large number of litigations in the various district courts of Jaffna, and the appeals made | |||
to the Supreme Court against the decisions would show how important are the village-level temples in the | |||
exercise of social authority and power within the village. | |||
==Developing their own temples == | |||
It was therefore nothing unusual when those of the depressed castes, especially the more educated among | |||
them, began to develop their own temples and to run them themselves. There are a number of such temples | |||
in Jaffna. The Murukaiyan temple at Kalikai, Tunnalai, and the Puvarkkarai Pillaiyar Temple at Alvai are | |||
two such temples. The former is temple of those of the Nalavar caste and the latter is the temple run by the | |||
Pallar caste. People of higher castes normally do not go to such temples. In the case of such temples the | |||
main problem would be the recruitment of the priests who are qualified to perform all the rituals. At the | |||
start the priest will be from their own ranks. Later in the case of some temples in Vatamaracci it was | |||
possible to obtain the services of a sub-group of brahmins living in Tunnalai. These brahmins are ranked | |||
very low in the brahmin hierarchy and the brahmins who officiate in the temples of the higher groups will | |||
have nothing to do with them. As in the case of the other temples, here the priest of the temple is called | |||
upon to officiate the domestic rituals like the sraddha, and also the weddings. | |||
This type of temple faces another problem too. Professional musicians-the nadaswaram-tavil players -who | |||
have a role to play in the rituals during the festival days would not accept to perform in these temples of the | |||
lower groups. There was a movement to take steps to overcome this handicap and to get the leading | |||
professionals to perform at all temples. As things of this type are done more on the sly, one cannot say that | |||
the movement had been very successful. | |||
The trend of the new rich developing their places of worship to attain village level significance is becoming | |||
a more pronounced socio-cultural feature. Those concerned, while maintaining their relationship with the | |||
already established temple (these relations would be rather marginal), are developing their own temples. | |||
We do not come across the founding of absolutely new temples. What is taking place is development of | |||
some existing cult-centre into a formal agamic temple. An inevitable process in the promotional transition | |||
from non-agamic to agamic worship is the construction of the temple in such a manner that the agamic | |||
rituals could be performed. This would mean the installation of the worship of more deities and the | |||
provision of those infra-structures for the conduct of more elaborate rituals. On the completion of such a | |||
construction program, then the kumpapicekam ceremony is held. This word means consecration from a | |||
jar and refers to the consecration of an idol by pouring water from a sacrificial jar with appropriate | |||
ceremonies. A number of such new temples have come into existence in Yalppanam. This is really a | |||
process of ], as Srinivas would define it. | |||
Another process of upgrading a temple is by conducting the annual tiruvila holy festival. Prior to that | |||
there would have been only an annual cankapicekam, which is only a one day ceremony. Cankapicekam | |||
can be explained as a ceremonial bath of an idol with chanks filled with water. It refers to the ritual act of | |||
invoking the deity for its full blessings. In the case of those temples which are not ready in terms of the | |||
necessary construction, an effort will be made to get the name of this temple included in the pancankam so | |||
that others could know that this is a temple of some importance. These are striking demonstrations of the | |||
process of Sanskritization. | |||
In this process of ] arising out of the modernization of hitherto less privileged groups, some | |||
of the non-agamic deities which have been worshipped in those cult-centres are losing their original identity | |||
and are being worshipped or taken as deities of the Sanskritic pantheon. Thus one would come across | |||
references in the pancankam to Rajarajeswari Amman known/referred to as Kannakai amman. | |||
There are at least two temples in Jaffna where the transition to the Sanskritic pantheon is yet taking place - | |||
one at east Punkutivu and the other at east Putur. In some of the temples this transition has already taken | |||
place, e.g., the current “ official” name of the Naccimar amman temple (close to the University of Jaffna) is | |||
Puvaneswari amman temple. The upward social mobility of the congregation is well mirrored in such | |||
transformations. | |||
Because of the social significance of these temple activities there is a great media interest in the temple | |||
rituals. There has been for the last two to three decades media interest in the area-level and region-level | |||
temples. The national Tamil dailies would carry special supplements on the day of the ter festival and the | |||
State radio would be relaying alive the ter and the tirttam festivals from the temples. This practice started | |||
with the Nallur Kantacuvami temple, Jaffna, was later extended to Tiruketiccaram, Mannar, and now | |||
includes Tirukkoneccaram, Trincomalee, Mantur Mamankapilliyar koyil, Batticalo, Mavittapuram and | |||
other region-level and area level temples. | |||
The village level temples, of course, cannot be given that type of media coverage. The authorities of the | |||
village level temple, with the assistance of those from their village and are devotees of the temple who are | |||
in positions of authority and influence in both the public and the private sectors, would take steps to see | |||
that those verses sung on the temple by some local pandits (this, again is one of the status markers of | |||
village level temples - they should have some poetic composition in praise of the deity) are included in the | |||
daily broadcasts and that the news about the temple and its festivals appears in the dailies. Now with the | |||
publication of local dailies in Jaffna, paid for supplements appear on the day of the ter or the tirttam. In the | |||
case of temples celebrating the kumpapicekam a special supplement in crown/octavo size is published | |||
with articles written by the leading scholars of the area. | |||
All these indicate in unambiguous terms the social significance of the village level temple to its | |||
congregation. | |||
==Temple as centre of socialization == | |||
There are some more aspects of the temple as a centre for socialization and as organ of social control. | |||
The temple has been traditionally an important place for socialization. That continues in Jaffna even to this | |||
day, especially during festival time. It is the holiday season in the village. Earlier there had been a ban on | |||
any travelling during the festival time. It is difficult to observe it these days, but every one takes effort to | |||
see that he/she is in the village during festival time and once there not to undertake trips outside the area. | |||
Special effort is taken not to miss the main pucai referred to as the tiruvilappucai, worship at the holy | |||
festival. There is sense of participation arising out of the fact that many observe fasting during these days. | |||
These fasts are not rigorous like the kantacatti fast of six days in Aipparai during which one takes only one | |||
meal or one glass of tirttam or sometimes even less for a day. In fact, during the annual festival days all the | |||
households ensure they are well-stocked for preparation of wholesome, hearty, vegetarian meals. | |||
Attendance at the festivals becomes a social event and adequate notice is taken of who wears what (sarees | |||
and jewellery). Those without enough jewellery would prefer not to go to the festival rather than go with an | |||
empty neck. Some borrow jewellery, some redeem the pawned jewellery in time to wear them for this | |||
occasion, some of the generous pawnbrokers would loan the pawned article for use during festival time and | |||
return. | |||
The annual festival time affords an opportunity for concerned people to meet and discuss problems | |||
connected with the village and the community. This is also the time for exploring possibilities of marriage, | |||
but no wedding ceremony will take place during the annual festival time. The general belief is that when he | |||
temple flag is up there should be no other festive ceremony. | |||
The temple as an agent of indirect social control is seen best in the case of the lower groups. The | |||
conducting of the festival often drains them of the surplus earnings they have had in the previous year, | |||
because of the heavy expenses they incur in the way they conduct the festival. Their belief is that if they | |||
have a grand festival there are chances for better earning in the ensuing year. There is also a puritanistic | |||
trend that discourages expenditure of this type. The puritan school would like to spend money for arranging | |||
lectures by the learned. | |||
==The present situation == | |||
From about the beginning of 1984 to July 29, 1987 when the accord with the Indian government was | |||
signed, many temples were damaged and rendered non-functional. Even amidst those calamities people | |||
were keen to continue the day to day observances in the temple, for they feared that if those rituals were also | |||
disrupted they would suffer worst. Wherever possible effort was taken to continue in highly shortened form | |||
the festivals with the permission from the military authorities. With the accord, every village was keen to | |||
revive the normalcy in the temple. Permission is now obtained to run the temple without interruptions. | |||
Permission is essential because of the continuance of the curfew (generally from 5 am to 9 pm). There is | |||
much less expense on festivals now, even lesser are the expenses on those demonstrative acts relating to | |||
affluence. It is import to note that attendance at temple functions have increased because it provides a | |||
temporary release from the stresses and strains that have now become part of the existence. | |||
What has been the impact of the crisis of temple entry at the village level temples? During the Operation | |||
Liberation at Vatamaracci (May 30- June 7 1987) undertaken by the Sri Lankan army, the army ordered that | |||
people gather at certain temples to avoid arrest and escape from the dangers of aerial bombing. People | |||
flocked at these temples. Almost all the temples opened their doors to all, except Taccan-toppu Pillaiyar | |||
koyil, Karavetti, because, the committee of management claimed, the annual festival was drawing near and | |||
there should be no defilement. | |||
It is very difficult to change a Jaffna village. Amidst all the changes that are taking place, there is also | |||
within the village a silent but a conscientious struggle going on not to change. | |||
March 1990 | |||
Reading list | |||
Banks M, “ Caste in Jaffna”. Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North West Pakistan. Ed. | |||
E R Leach. Cambridge 1960. | |||
Casie chitty S, The Castes, Customs, Manners and Literature of the Tamils. Colombo: Ceylon | |||
Printers, 1934. | |||
Kanapathipillai K, Iattu valavum valamum. Madras: Pan Nilayam, 1962. | |||
Kenneth D, “ And Never the Twain Shall meet? - Mediating the Structural Approaches to caste ranking”. | |||
Structural Approachcs to South India Studies. Ed. H M Buek, G L Yocum. Wilson Books, 1974. | |||
Kenneth D, “ Spatial Organization and Normative Schemes in Jaffna, Northern Sri Lanka”. Modern Ceylon | |||
Studies. Vol 4, No 172 (1973), pp. | |||
Marthyn J S, Notes on Jaffna. Tellipillai: 1923 | |||
Murukan J (Rev), Hinduism in Ceylon., Colombo: Gunasena, 1957. Navaratnam C S, A Short History | |||
of | |||
Hinduism in Ceylon and Three Essays on the Tamils. Jaffna: 1964. | |||
Pfaffenberger B, Caste in Tamil Culture. The Religious Foundations of Sudra Domination in Tamil | |||
Sri Lanka. New Delhi: Vikas, 1982. | |||
Raghavan M D, Tamil Culture In Ceylon. A General Introduction. Colombo: 1971. | |||
Sivathamby K, IattilTamnilllakklyam. 2nd Ed. Madras: | |||
New Century Book House, 1987. | |||
Tambiah H W, Laws and Customs of the Tamils of Jaffna. Colombo: 1951. | |||
Vithiananthan S, Vithiananthan. Collection of Articles Written by Professor S Vithiananthan. Jaffna: | |||
1984. | |||
Holmes R, Jaffna(Sri Lanka) 1980. Vadukkoddai: Jaffna College, 1980. | |||
Kanapathipillal Memorial Seminar on Sri Lankan Tamil Folklore. Collected Papers. Ed. K | |||
Sivathamby. Jaffna: University of Jaffna, 1980. | |||
Kenneth D, "Hierarchy and Equivalence in Jaffna, North Ceylon: Normative Codes as Mediators. The New | |||
Wind. Changing Identities in South Asia. Ed K David. The Hague: Mouton, 1976. | |||
Raghavan M D, The Karava of Ceylon. History, Society and Culture. Colombo: 1961. | |||
Raghavan M D, Malabar Inhabitanats of Jaffna. Paul E Peirs Feliciatajon Volume. Colombo 1956. | |||
Report of the Special Committee on Hindu Temporalities. Sessional Paper V. Pts 122. Colombo: | |||
Ceylon Government Press, 1951. | |||
Sivathamby K, “ Inledning till de lankesiska tamilernas etnografi”. Lanka 2 (1989). | |||
Sivathamby K, “ Niraivurai”. Arrankaraiyan. Ed. A. Shanmugada. 1989. Sivathamby K, “ Some Aspects | |||
of the Social Organization of the tamils in Sri Lanka”. Ethnicity and Social Change in Sri Lanka. | |||
Colombo: Social Scientists Association, 1984. | |||
Sivathamby K, 2Towards an Understanding of the Culture and Ideology of the Tamils of Jaffna”. | |||
Commerorative Souvenir of the Public Library, Jaffna. Jaffna: 1984. |
Latest revision as of 23:11, 19 December 2024
South Asian ethnic groupNot to be confused with Indian Tamils of Sri Lanka.
Ethnic group
ஈழத்தமிழர் இலங்கை தமிழர் | |
---|---|
A postcard image of a Sri Lankan Tamil woman, 1910 | |
Total population | |
~ 3.0 million (estimated; excluding Moors and Indian Tamils) | |
Regions with significant populations | |
Sri Lanka | 2,270,924 (2012) |
Canada | ~300,000 |
United Kingdom | ~120,000 (2006) |
India | ~100,000 (2005) |
Germany | ~60,000 (2008) |
France | ~50,000 (2008) |
Switzerland | ~50,000 (2022) |
Singapore | ~30,000 (1985) |
Australia | ~30,000 |
United States | ~25,000 (2010) |
Italy | ~25,000 |
Malaysia | ~24,436 (1970) |
Netherlands | ~20,000 |
Norway | ~10,000 (2000) |
Denmark | ~9,000 (2003) |
Languages | |
Tamil (Sri Lankan dialects) | |
Religion | |
Majority
Buddhism | |
Related ethnic groups | |
Sri Lankan Tamils (Tamil: இலங்கை தமிழர், ilankai tamiḻar or ஈழத் தமிழர், īḻat tamiḻar), also known as Ceylon Tamils or Eelam Tamils, are Tamils native to the South Asian island state of Sri Lanka. Today, they constitute a majority in the Northern Province, form the plurality in the Eastern Province and are in the minority throughout the rest of the country. 70% of Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka live in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
Modern Sri Lankan Tamils descend from residents of the Jaffna Kingdom, a former kingdom in the north of Sri Lanka and Vannimai chieftaincies from the east. According to the anthropological and archaeological evidence, Sri Lankan Tamils have a very long history in Sri Lanka and have lived on the island since at least around the 2nd century BCE.
The Sri Lankan Tamils are mostly Hindus with a significant Christian population. Sri Lankan Tamil literature on topics including religion and the sciences flourished during the medieval period in the court of the Jaffna Kingdom. Since the beginning of the Sri Lankan Civil War in the 1980s, it is distinguished by an emphasis on themes relating to the conflict. Sri Lankan Tamil dialects are noted for their archaism and retention of words not in everyday use in Southern India. The cultures of the Sri Lankan Tamils are also very distinctive and unique, even though the cultural influence of modern South India has grown and become prevalent since the 19th century.
Since Sri Lanka gained independence from Britain in 1948, relations between the majority Sinhalese and minority Tamil communities have been strained. Rising ethnic and political tensions following the Sinhala Only Act, along with ethnic pogroms carried out by Sinhalese mobs in 1956, 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983, led to the formation and strengthening of militant groups advocating independence for Tamils. The ensuing civil war resulted in the deaths of more than 100,000 people and the forced disappearance and rape of thousands of others. The civil war ended in 2009 but there are continuing allegations of atrocities being committed by the Sri Lankan military. A United Nations panel found that as many as 40,000 Tamil civilians may have been killed in the final months of the civil war. In January 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that the estimated 20,000+ disappeared Sri Lankan Tamils were dead. The end of the civil war has not fully improved conditions in Sri Lanka, with press freedom not being restored and the judiciary coming under political control.
One-third of Sri Lankan Tamils now live outside Sri Lanka. While there was significant migration during the British colonial era to Singapore and Malaysia, the civil war led to more than 800,000 Tamils leaving Sri Lanka, and many have left the country for destinations such as Canada, United Kingdom, Germany and India as refugees or emigrants. According to the pro-rebel TamilNet, the persecution and discrimination that Sri Lankan Tamils faced has resulted in some Tamils today not identifying themselves as Sri Lankans but instead identifying themselves as either Eelam Tamils, Ceylon Tamils, or simply Tamils. Many still support the idea of Tamil Eelam, a proposed independent state that Sri Lankan Tamils aspired to create in the North-East of Sri Lanka. Inspired by the Tamil Eelam flag, the tiger also used by the LTTE, has become a symbol of Tamil nationalism for some Tamils in Sri Lanka and the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora.
History
Part of a series on |
Sri Lankan Tamils |
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Ancient era |
Middle Ages |
Colonial |
Post independence |
Civil war |
There is little scholarly consensus over the presence of the Sri Lankan Tamil people in Sri Lanka, also known as Eelam in Sangam literature. One older theory states that there were no large Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka until the 10th century CE. According to the anthropological and archaeological evidence, Sri Lankan Tamils have a very long history in Sri Lanka and have lived on the island since at least around the 2nd century BCE.
Prehistoric period
Megalithic burial urns or jar found in Pomparippu, North Western, Sri Lanka dated to at least five to two centuries BCE. These are similar to Megalithic burial jars found in South India and the Deccan during the similar time frame.South Indian type black and red ware pot sherds found in Sri Lanka and dated to 1st to 2nd century CE. Displayed at the National Museum of Colombo.The Indigenous Veddas are ethnically related to people in South India and early populations of Southeast Asia. It is not possible to ascertain what languages that they originally spoke as Vedda language is considered diverged from its original source (due to Sinhalese language influence).
According to K. Indrapala, cultural diffusion, rather than migration of people, spread the Prakrit and Tamil languages from peninsular India into an existing mesolithic population, centuries before the common era. Tamil Brahmi and Tamil-Prakrit scripts were used to write the Tamil language during this period on the island.
During the protohistoric period (1000–500 BCE) Sri Lanka was culturally united with Southern India, and shared the same megalithic burials, pottery, iron technology, farming techniques and megalithic graffiti. This cultural complex spread from southern India along with Dravidian clans such as the Velir, prior to the migration of Prakrit speakers.
Settlements of culturally similar early populations of ancient Sri Lanka and ancient Tamil Nadu in India were excavated at megalithic burial sites at Pomparippu on the west coast and in Kathiraveli on the east coast of the island. Bearing a remarkable resemblance to burials in the Early Pandyan Kingdom, these sites were established between the 5th century BCE and 2nd century CE.
Excavated ceramic sequences similar to that of Arikamedu were found in Kandarodai (Kadiramalai) on the north coast, dated to 1300 BCE. Cultural similarities in burial practices in South India and Sri Lanka were dated by archaeologists to 10th century BCE. However, Indian history and archaeology have pushed the date back to 15th century BCE. In Sri Lanka, there is radiometric evidence from Anuradhapura that the non-Brahmi symbol-bearing black and red ware occur in the 10th century BCE.
The skeletal remains of an Early Iron Age chief were excavated in Anaikoddai, Jaffna District. The name Ko Veta is engraved in Brahmi script on a seal buried with the skeleton and is assigned by the excavators to the 3rd century BCE. Ko, meaning "King" in Tamil, is comparable to such names as Ko Atan, Ko Putivira and Ko Ra-pumaan occurring in contemporary Tamil Brahmi inscriptions of ancient South India and Egypt.
Historic period
See also: Tamil inscriptions in Sri LankaPotsherds with early Tamil writing from the 2nd century BCE have been found from the north in Poonagari, Kilinochchi District to the south in Tissamaharama. They bore several inscriptions, including a clan name—veḷ, a name related to velir from ancient Tamil country.
Once Prakrit speakers had attained dominance on the island, the Mahavamsa further recounts the later migration of royal brides and service castes from the Tamil Pandya Kingdom to the Anuradhapura Kingdom in the early historic period.
Epigraphic evidence shows people identifying themselves as Damelas or Damedas (the Prakrit word for Tamil people) in Anuradhapura, the capital city of Rajarata the middle kingdom, and other areas of Sri Lanka as early as the 2nd century BCE. Excavations in the area of Tissamaharama in southern Sri Lanka have unearthed locally issued coins, produced between the 2nd century BCE and the 2nd century CE, some of which carry local Tamil personal names written in early Tamil characters, which suggest that local Tamil merchants were present and actively involved in trade along the southern coast of Sri Lanka by the late classical period.
Other ancient inscriptions from the period reference a Tamil merchant, the Tamil householder residing in Iḷabharata and a Tamil sailor named Karava. Two of the six ancient inscriptions referring to the Damedas (Tamils) are in Periya Pullyakulam in the Vavuniya District, one is in Seruvavila in Trincomalee District, one is in Kuduvil in Ampara District, one is in Anuradhapura and one is in Matale District.
Literary sources make references about Tamil rulers bringing horses to the island in water crafts in the second century BCE, most likely arriving at Kudiramalai. Historical records establish that Tamil kingdoms in modern India were closely involved in the island's affairs from about the 2nd century BCE. Kudiramalai, Kandarodai and Vallipuram served as great northern Tamil capitals and emporiums of trade with these kingdoms and the Romans from the 6th–2nd centuries BCE. The archaeological discoveries in these towns and the Manimekhalai, a historical poem, detail how Nāka-Tivu of Nāka-Nadu on the Jaffna Peninsula was a lucrative international market for pearl and conch trading for the Tamil fishermen.
In Mahavamsa, a historical poem, ethnic Tamil adventurers such as Ellalan invaded the island around 145 BCE. Early Chola king Karikalan, son of Eelamcetcenni utilised superior Chola naval power to conquer Ceylon in the first century CE. Hindu Saivism, Tamil Buddhism and Jainism were popular amongst the Tamils at this time, as was the proliferation of village deity worship.
The Amaravati school was influential in the region when the Satavahana dynasty established the Andhra empire and its 17th monarch Hāla (20–24 CE) married a princess from the island. Ancient Vanniars settled in the east of the island in the first few centuries of the common era to cultivate and maintain the area. The Vanni region flourished.
In the 6th century CE, a special coastal route by boat was established from the Jaffna peninsula southwards to Saivite religious centres in Trincomalee (Koneswaram) and further south to Batticaloa (Thirukkovil), passed a few small Tamil trading settlements in Mullaitivu on the north coast.
The conquests and rule of the island by Pallava king Narasimhavarman I (630–668 CE) and his grandfather King Simhavishnu (537–590 CE) saw the erection and structural development of several Kovils around the island, particularly in the north-east—these Pallava Dravidian rock temples remained a popular and highly influential style of architecture in the region over the next few centuries. Tamil soldiers from what is now South India were brought to Anuradhapura between the 7th and 11th centuries CE in such large numbers that local chiefs and kings trying to establish legitimacy came to rely on them. By the 8th century CE Tamil villages were collectively known as Demel-kaballa (Tamil allotment), Demelat-valademin (Tamil villages), and Demel-gam-bim (Tamil villages and lands).
Medieval period
The Jaffna royal family, first from the right is Cankili I, who held off the Portuguese Empire.Coylot Wanees Contrey (Coylot Vanni country), Malabar country in the northeast of the island on a 1681 CE map by Robert Knox as published in his book.In the 9th and 10th centuries CE, Pandya and Chola incursions into Sri Lanka culminated in the Chola annexation of the island, which lasted until the latter half of the 11th century CE. Raja Raja Chola I renamed the northern throne Mummudi Chola Mandalam after his conquest of the northeast country to protect Tamil traders being looted, imprisoned and killed for years on the island. Rajadhiraja Chola's conquest of the island led to the fall of four kings there, one of whom, Madavarajah, the king of Jaffna, was a usurper from the Rashtrakuta Dynasty. These dynasties oversaw the development of several kovils that administered services to communities of land assigned to the temples through royal grants. Their rule also saw the benefaction of other faiths. Recent excavations have led to the discovery of a limestone Kovil of Raja Raja Chola I's era on Delft island, found with Chola coins from this period. The decline of Chola power in Sri Lanka was followed by the restoration of the Polonnaruwa kingdom in the late 11th century CE.
In 1215, following Pandya invasions, the Tamil-dominant Arya Chakaravarthi dynasty established an independent Jaffna kingdom on the Jaffna peninsula and other parts of the north. The Arya Chakaravarthi expansion into the south was halted by Alagakkonara, a man descended from a family of merchants from Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu. He was the chief minister of the Sinhalese king Parakramabahu V (1344–59 CE). Vira Alakeshwara, a descendant of Alagakkonara, later became king of the Sinhalese, but he was overthrown by the Ming admiral Zheng He in 1409 CE. The next year, the Chinese admiral Zheng He erected a trilingual stone tablet in Galle in the south of the island, written in Chinese, Persian and Tamil that recorded offerings he made to Buddha, Allah and the God of Tamils Tenavarai Nayanar. The admiral invoked the blessings of Hindu deities at Temple of Perimpanayagam Tenavaram, Tevanthurai for a peaceful world built on trade.
The 1502 map Cantino represents three Tamil cities on the east coast of the island - Mullaitivu, Trincomalee and Panama, where the residents grow cinnamon and other spices, fish for pearls and seed pearls and worship idols, trading heavily with Kozhikode of Kerala. The Arya Chakaravarthi dynasty ruled large parts of northeast Sri Lanka until the Portuguese conquest of the Jaffna kingdom in 1619 CE. The coastal areas of the island were conquered by the Dutch and then became part of the British Empire in 1796 CE.
The Sinhalese Nampota dated in its present form to the 14th or 15th century CE suggests that the whole of the Tamil Kingdom, including parts of the modern Trincomalee District, was recognised as a Tamil region by the name Demala-pattana (Tamil city). In this work, a number of villages that are now situated in the Jaffna, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee districts are mentioned as places in Demala-pattana.
The English sailor Robert Knox described walking into the island's Tamil country in the publication An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon, referencing some aspects of their royal, rural and economic life and annotating some kingdoms within it on a map in 1681 CE. Upon arrival of European powers from the 17th century CE, the Tamils' separate nation was described in their areas of habitation in the northeast of the island.
The caste structure of the majority Sinhalese has also accommodated Tamil and Kerala immigrants from South India since the 13th century CE. This led to the emergence of three new Sinhalese caste groups: the Salagama, the Durava and the Karava. The Tamil migration and assimilation continued until the 18th century CE.
Society
Main article: Sri Lankan society See also: Caste system in Sri Lanka § Sri Lankan TamilsDemographics
According to the 2012 census there were 2,270,924 Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka, 11.2% of the population. Sri Lankan Tamils constitute an overwhelming majority of the population in the Northern Province and are the largest ethnic group in the Eastern Province. They are minority in other provinces. 70% of Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka live in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
Year | Pop. | ±% |
---|---|---|
1911 | 528,000 | — |
1921 | 517,300 | −2.0% |
1931 | 598,900 | +15.8% |
1946 | 733,700 | +22.5% |
1953 | 884,700 | +20.6% |
1963 | 1,164,700 | +31.6% |
1971 | 1,424,000 | +22.3% |
1981 | 1,886,900 | +32.5% |
1989 | 2,124,000 | +12.6% |
2012 | 2,270,924 | +6.9% |
Source: |
Province | Sri Lankan Tamils |
% Province |
% Sri Lankan Tamils |
---|---|---|---|
Central | 128,263 | 5.0% | 5.7% |
Eastern | 609,584 | 39.3% | 26.8% |
Northern | 987,692 | 93.3% | 43.5% |
North Central | 12,421 | 1.0% | 0.6% |
North Western | 66,286 | 2.8% | 2.9% |
Sabaragamuwa | 74,908 | 3.9% | 3.3% |
Southern | 25,901 | 1.1% | 1.1% |
Uva | 30,118 | 2.4% | 1.3% |
Western | 335,751 | 5.8% | 14.8% |
Total | 2,270,924 | 11.2% | 100.0% |
There are no accurate figures for the number of Sri Lankan Tamils living in the diaspora. Estimates range from 450,000 to one million.
Other Tamil-speaking communities
Main articles: Sri Lankan Moors and Indian Tamils of Sri LankaThe two groups of Tamils located in Sri Lanka are the Sri Lankan Tamils and the Indian Tamils. There also exists a significant population in Sri Lanka who are native speakers of Tamil language and are of Islamic faith. Though a significant amount of evidence points towards these Muslims being ethnic Tamils, they are controversially listed as a separate ethnic group by the Sri Lankan government.
Sri Lankan Tamils (also called Ceylon Tamils) are descendants of the Tamils of the old Jaffna Kingdom and east coast chieftaincies called Vannimais. The Indian Tamils (or Hill Country Tamils) are descendants of bonded labourers sent from Tamil Nadu to Sri Lanka in the 19th century to work on tea plantations.
Most Sri Lankan Tamils live in the Northern and Eastern provinces and in the capital Colombo, and most Indian Tamils live in the central highlands. Historically, both groups have seen themselves as separate communities, although there has been a greater sense of unity since the 1980s. In 1948, the United National Party government stripped the Indian Tamils of their citizenship. Under the terms of an agreement reached between the Sri Lankan and Indian governments in the 1960s, about forty percent of the Indian Tamils were granted Sri Lankan citizenship, and most of the remainder were repatriated to India. By the 1990s, most Indian Tamils had received Sri Lankan citizenship.
Regional groups
Sri Lankan Tamils are categorised into three subgroups based on regional distribution, dialects, and culture: Negombo Tamils from the western part of the island, Eastern Tamils from the eastern part, and Jaffna or Northern Tamils from the north.
Eastern Tamils
See also: History of Eastern TamilsEastern Tamils inhabit a region that spans the Trincomalee, Batticaloa, and Ampara districts. Their history and traditions are inspired by local legends, native literature, and colonial documents.
In the 16th century the area came under the nominal control of the Kingdom of Kandy, but there was scattered leadership under Vannimai chiefs in Batticaloa District who came with Magha's army in 1215. From that time on, Eastern Tamil social development diverged from that of the Northern Tamils.
Eastern Tamils are an agrarian-based society. They follow a caste system similar to the South Indian or Dravidian kinship system. The Eastern Tamil caste hierarchy is dominated by the Mukkuvar, Vellalar and Karaiyar. The main feature of their society is the kudi system. Although the Tamil word kudi means a house or settlement, in eastern Sri Lanka it is related to matrimonial alliances. It refers to the exogamous matrilineal clans and is found amongst most caste groups. Men or women remain members of the kudi of their birth and be brother or sister by relation. No man can marry in the same kudi because woman is always become sister to him. But, a man can only marry in one of his sampantha kudis not in the sakothara kudis. By custom, children born in a family belong to mother's kudi. Kudi also collectively own places of worship such as Hindu temples. Each caste contains a number of kudis, with varying names. Aside from castes with an internal kudi system, there are seventeen caste groups, called Ciraikudis, or imprisoned kudis, whose members were considered to be in captivity, confined to specific services such as washing, weaving, and toddy tapping. However, such restrictions no longer apply.
The Tamils of the Trincomalee district have different social customs from their southern neighbours due to the influence of the Jaffna kingdom to the north. The indigenous Veddha people of the east coast also speak Tamil and have become assimilated into the Eastern Tamil caste structure. Most Eastern Tamils follow customary laws called Mukkuva laws codified during the Dutch colonial period.
Northern Tamils
Jaffna's history of being an independent kingdom lends legitimacy to the political claims of the Sri Lankan Tamils, and has provided a focus for their constitutional demands. Northern Tamil society is generally categorised into two groups: those who are from the Jaffna peninsula in the north, and those who are residents of the Vanni to the immediate south. The Jaffna society is separated by castes. Historically, the Sri Lankan Vellalar were in northern region dominant and were traditionally husbandman involved in agriculture and cattle cultivation. They constitute half of the population and enjoyed dominance under Dutch rule, from which community the colonial political elites also were drawn from. The maritime communities existed outside the agriculture-based caste system and is dominated by the Karaiyars. The dominant castes (e.g. the Vellalar or Karaiyar) traditionally use the service of those collectively known as Kudimakkal. The Panchamars, who serve as Kudimakkal, consists of the Nalavar, Pallar, Parayar, Vannar and Ambattar. The castes of temple priests known as the Kurukkals and the Iyers are also held in high esteem. The artisans who are known as Kammalar also serve as Kudimakkal, and consists of the Kannar (brass-workers), Kollar (blacksmiths), Tattar (goldsmiths), Tatchar (carpenters) and Kartatchar (sculptor). The Kudimakkal were domestic servants who also gave ritual importance to the dominant castes.
People in the Vanni districts considered themselves separate from Tamils of the Jaffna peninsula but the two groups did intermarry. Most of these married couples moved into the Vanni districts where land was available. Vanni consists of a number of highland settlements within forested lands using irrigation tank-based cultivation. An 1890 census listed 711 such tanks in this area. Hunting and raising livestock such as water buffalo and cattle is a necessary adjunct to the agriculture. The Tamil-inhabited Vanni consists of the Vavuniya, Mullaitivu, and eastern Mannar districts. Historically, the Vanni area has been in contact with what is now South India, including during the medieval period and was ruled by the Vanniar Chieftains. Northern Tamils follow customary laws called Thesavalamai, codified during the Dutch colonial period.
Western Tamils
Main article: Negombo TamilsWestern Tamils, also known as Negombo Tamils or Puttalam Tamils, are native Sri Lankan Tamils who live in the western Gampaha and Puttalam districts. The term does not apply to Tamil immigrants in these areas. They are distinguished from other Tamils by their dialects, one of which is known as the Negombo Tamil dialect, and by aspects of their culture such as customary laws. Most Negombo Tamils have assimilated into the Sinhalese ethnic group through a process known as Sinhalisation. Sinhalisation has been facilitated by caste myths and legends. The Western Tamils caste hierarchy is principally dominated by the maritime Karaiyars, along with other dominant groups such as the Paravars.
In Gampaha District, Tamils have historically inhabited the coastal region. In the Puttalam District, there was a substantial ethnic Tamil population until the first two decades of the 20th century. Most of those who identify as ethnic Tamils live in villages such as Udappu and Maradankulam. The coastal strip from Jaffna to Chilaw is also known as the "Catholic belt". The Tamil Christians, chiefly Roman Catholics, have preserved their heritage in the major cities such as Negombo, Chilaw, Puttalam, and also in villages such as Mampuri.
Some residents of these two districts, especially the Karaiyars, are bilingual, ensuring that the Tamil language survives as a lingua franca among migrating maritime communities across the island. Negombo Tamil dialect is spoken by about 50,000 people. This number does not include others, outside of Negombo city, who speak local varieties of the Tamil language. The bilingual catholic Karavas are also found in the western coastal regions, who trace their origins to the Tamil Karaiyar however identify themselves as Sinhalese.
Negombo Tamil indicates that the Karavas immigrated to Sri Lanka much later than Tamils immigrated to Jaffna. This would suggest that the Negombo dialect continued to evolve in the Coromandel Coast before it arrived in Sri Lanka and began to get influenced by Sinhala. So, in some ways, the dialect is closer to those spoken in Tamil Nadu than to Jaffna Tamil.
Some Tamil place names have been retained in these districts. Outside the Tamil-dominated northeast, the Puttalam District has the highest percentage of place names of Tamil origin in Sri Lanka. Composite or hybrid place names are also present in these districts.
Genetic affinities
Main article: Genetic studies on Sri Lankan TamilsAlthough Sri Lankan Tamils are culturally and linguistically distinct, genetic studies indicate that they are closely related to other ethnic groups in the island while being related to the Indian Tamils from South India as well. There are various studies that indicate varying degrees of connections between Sri Lankan Tamils, Sinhalese, and Indian ethnic groups.
A study conducted by Kshatriya in 1995 found that both ethnolinguistic groups of Sri Lanka, including the Tamils, were closest to the Tamil population of India and also the Muslim population of South India. They were found to be the most distant group from the Veddahs, and quite distant from both North-West Indians (Punjabis and Gujratis) and North-East Indians (Bengalis). In comparison to Indian Tamils, the Tamils of Sri Lanka had a higher admixture with the Sinhalese, though the Sinhalese themselves share a 69.86% (+/- 0.61) genetic admixture with the Indian Tamils. The study stated that any admixture from migrations several thousand years ago must have been erased through millennia of admixture among geographically local peoples.
Religion
See also: Hinduism in Sri Lanka, Christianity in Sri Lanka, and Village deities of Tamils of Sri LankaIn 1981, about eighty percent of Sri Lankan Tamils were Hindus who followed the Shaiva sect. The rest were mostly Roman Catholics who converted after the Portuguese conquest of Jaffna Kingdom. There is also a small minority of Protestants due to missionary efforts in the 18th century by organisations such as the American Ceylon Mission. Most Tamils who inhabit the Western Province are Roman Catholics, while those of the Northern and Eastern Provinces are mainly Hindu. Pentecostal and other churches, such as Jehovah's Witnesses, are active among the internally displaced and refugee populations. The 2012 Sri Lanka Census revealed a Buddhist population of 22,254 amongst Sri Lankan Tamils, i.e. roughly 1% of all Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka.
The Hindu elite, especially the Vellalar, follow the religious ideology of Shaiva Siddhanta (Shaiva school) while the masses practice folk Hinduism, upholding their faith in local village deities not found in formal Hindu scriptures. The place of worship depends on the object of worship and how it is housed. It could be a proper Hindu temple known as a Koyil, constructed according to the Agamic scripts (a set of scriptures regulating the temple cult). More often, however, the temple is not completed in accordance with Agamic scriptures but consists of the barest essential structure housing a local deity. These temples observe daily Puja (prayers) hours and are attended by locals. Both types of temples have a resident ritualist or priest known as a Kurukkal. A Kurukkal may belong to someone from a prominent local lineage like Pandaram or Iyer community. In the Eastern Province, a Kurukkal usually belongs to Lingayat sect. Other places of worship do not have icons for their deities. The sanctum could house a trident (culam), a stone, or a large tree. Temples of this type are common in the Northern and Eastern Provinces; a typical village has up to 150 such structures. The offering would be done by an elder of the family who owns the site. A coconut oil lamp would be lit on Fridays, and a special rice dish known as pongal would be cooked either on a day considered auspicious by the family or on the Thai Pongal day, and possibly on Tamil New Year Day.
There are several worshipped deities: Ayyanar, Annamar, Vairavar, Kali, Pillaiyar, Murukan, Kannaki Amman and Mariamman. Villages have more Pillaiyar temples, which are patronised by local farmers. Kannaki Amman is mostly patronised by maritime communities. Tamil Roman Catholics, along with members of other faiths, worship at the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu. Hindus have several temples with historic importance such as those at Ketheeswaram, Koneswaram, Naguleswaram, Munneswaram, Tondeswaram, and Nallur Kandaswamy. Kataragama temple and Adam's Peak are attended by all religious communities.
Language
Main article: Sri Lankan Tamil dialects See also: Languages of Sri Lanka, Loan words in Sri Lankan Tamil, and Sinhala words of Tamil originSri Lankan Tamils predominantly speak Tamil and its Sri Lankan dialects which are more conservative than the dialects spoken in India. These dialects preserve features of Old and Medieval Tamil which have been lost in their Indian counterparts. In spite of this, both Sri Lankan and Indian Tamil dialects retain a degree of mutual intelligibility. Sri Lankan Tamil dialects are classified into three major subgroups: the Jaffna Tamil, the Batticaloa Tamil, and the Negombo Tamil dialects. These dialects are also used by ethnic groups other than Tamils such as the Sinhalese, Moors and Veddhas. Tamil loan words in Sinhala also follow the characteristics of Sri Lankan Tamil dialects. Sri Lankan Tamils, depending on where they live in Sri Lanka, may also additionally speak Sinhala and or English. According to the 2012 Census 32.8% or 614,169 Sri Lankan Tamils also spoke Sinhala and 20.9% or 390,676 Sri Lankan Tamils also spoke English.
The Negombo Tamil dialect is used by bilingual fishermen in the Negombo area, who otherwise identify themselves as Sinhalese. This dialect has undergone considerable convergence with spoken Sinhala. The Batticaloa Tamil dialect is shared between Tamils, Muslims, Veddhas and Portuguese Burghers in the Eastern Province. Batticaloa Tamil dialect is the most literary of all the spoken dialects of Tamil. It has preserved several ancient features, remaining more consistent with the literary norm, while at the same time developing a few innovations. It also has its own distinctive vocabulary and retains words that are unique to present-day Malayalam, a Dravidian language from Kerala that originated as a dialect of old Tamil around 9th century CE. The Tamil dialect used by residents of the Trincomalee District has many similarities with the Jaffna Tamil dialect.
The long physical isolation of the Tamils of Jaffna has enabled their dialect to preserve ancient features of old Tamil that predate Tolkappiyam, the grammatical treatise on Tamil dated from 3rd century BCE to 10th century CE. Also, a significant component of settlers were from Kerala, which contributed to the distinctiveness of the dialect from the Tamil Nadu dialects. Conservational Jaffna Tamil dialect and Indian Tamil dialects are to an extent not mutually intelligible, and the former is frequently mistaken for Malayalam by native Indian Tamil speakers. There are also Prakrit loan words that are unique to Jaffna Tamil.
Education
Sri Lankan Tamil society values education highly, for its own sake as well as for the opportunities it provides. The kings of the Aryacakravarti dynasty were historically patrons of literature and education. Temple schools and traditional gurukulam classes on verandahs (known as Thinnai Pallikoodam in Tamil) spread basic education in religion and in languages such as Tamil and Sanskrit to the upper classes. The Portuguese introduced western-style education after their conquest of the Jaffna kingdom in 1619. The Jesuits opened churches and seminaries, but the Dutch destroyed them and opened their own schools attached to Dutch Reformed churches when they took over Tamil-speaking regions of Sri Lanka.
The primary impetus for educational opportunity came with the establishment of the American Ceylon Mission in Jaffna District, which started with the arrival in 1813 of missionaries sponsored by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The critical period of the missionaries' impact was from the 1820s to the early 20th century. During this time, they created Tamil translations of English texts, engaged in printing and publishing, established primary, secondary, and college-level schools, and provided health care for residents of the Jaffna Peninsula. American activities in Jaffna also had unintended consequences. The concentration of efficient Protestant mission schools in Jaffna produced a revival movement among local Hindus led by Arumuga Navalar, who responded by building many more schools within the Jaffna peninsula. Local Catholics also started their own schools in reaction, and the state had its share of primary and secondary schools. Tamil literacy greatly increased as a result of these changes. This prompted the British colonial government to hire Tamils as government servants in British-held Ceylon, India, Malaysia, and Singapore.
By the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, about sixty percent of government jobs were held by Tamils, who formed barely fifteen percent of the population. The elected Sinhalese leaders of the country saw this as the result of a British stratagem to control the majority Sinhalese, and deemed it a situation that needed correction by implementation of the Policy of standardization.
Literature
Main article: Sri Lankan Tamil literatureAccording to legends, the origin of Sri Lankan Tamil literature dates back to the Sangam period (3rd century BCE–6th century CE). These legends indicate that the Tamil poet Eelattu Poothanthevanar (Poothanthevanar from Sri Lanka) lived during this period.
Medieval period Tamil literature on the subjects of medicine, mathematics and history was produced in the courts of the Jaffna Kingdom. During Singai Pararasasekaran's rule, an academy for the propagation of the Tamil language, modelled on those of ancient Tamil Sangam, was established in Nallur. This academy collected manuscripts of ancient works and preserved them in the Saraswathy Mahal library.
During the Portuguese and Dutch colonial periods (1619–1796), Muttukumara Kavirajar is the earliest known author who used literature to respond to Christian missionary activities. He was followed by Arumuga Navalar, who wrote and published a number of books. The period of joint missionary activities by the Anglican, American Ceylon, and Methodist Missions also saw the spread of modern education and the expansion of translation activities.
The modern period of Tamil literature began in the 1960s with the establishment of modern universities and a free education system in post-independence Sri Lanka. The 1960s also saw a social revolt against the caste system in Jaffna, which impacted Tamil literature: Dominic Jeeva, Senkai aazhiyaan, Thamizhmani Ahalangan are the products of this period.
After the start of the civil war in 1983, a number of poets and fiction writers became active, focusing on subjects such as death, destruction, and rape. Such writings have no parallels in any previous Tamil literature. The war produced displaced Tamil writers around the globe who recorded their longing for their lost homes and the need for integration with mainstream communities in Europe and North America.
The Jaffna Public Library which contained over 97,000 books and manuscripts was one of the biggest libraries in Asia, and through the Burning of the Jaffna Public Library much of Sri Lankan Tamil literature has been obliterated.
Cuisine
Puttu, with sea food at a shop in Jaffna.String hoppers, known as Idiyappam in Tamil, is a popular breakfast and dinner dish. See also: Tamil cuisine and Sri Lankan cuisineThe cuisine of Sri Lankan Tamils draws influence from that of India, as well as from colonialists and foreign traders. Rice is usually consumed daily and can be found at any special occasion, while spicy curries are favourite dishes for lunch and dinner. Rice and curry is the name for a range of Sri Lankan Tamil dishes distinct from Indian Tamil cuisine, with regional variations between the island's northern and eastern areas. While rice with curries is the most popular lunch menu, combinations such as curd, tangy mango, and tomato rice are also commonly served.
String hoppers, which are made of rice flour and look like knitted vermicelli neatly laid out in circular pieces about 12 centimetres (4.7 in) in diameter, are frequently combined with tomato sothi (a soup) and curries for breakfast and dinner. Another common item is puttu, a granular, dry, but soft steamed rice powder cooked in a bamboo cylinder with the base wrapped in cloth so that the bamboo flute can be set upright over a clay pot of boiling water. This can be transformed into varieties such as ragi, spinach, and tapioca puttu. There are also sweet and savoury puttus. Another popular breakfast or dinner dish is Appam, a thin crusty pancake made with rice flour, with a round soft crust in the middle. It has variations such as egg or milk Appam.
Jaffna, as a peninsula, has an abundance of seafood such as crab, shark, fish, prawn, and squid. Meat dishes such as mutton, chicken and pork also have their own niche. Vegetable curries use ingredients primarily from the home garden such as pumpkin, yam, jackfruit seed, hibiscus flower, and various green leaves. Coconut milk and hot chilli powder are also frequently used. Appetizers can consist of a range of achars (pickles) and vadahams. Snacks and sweets are generally of the homemade "rustic" variety, relying on jaggery, sesame seed, coconut, and gingelly oil, to give them their distinct regional flavour. A popular alcoholic drink in rural areas is palm wine (toddy), made from palmyra tree sap. Snacks, savouries, sweets and porridge produced from the palmyra form a separate but unique category of foods; from the fan-shaped leaves to the root, the palmyra palm forms an intrinsic part of the life and cuisine of northern region.
Politics
See also: Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, Origins of the Sri Lankan civil war, Sri Lankan Civil War, and Tamil EelamSri Lanka became an independent nation in 1948. Since independence, the political relationship between the Sinhalese and Sri Lankan Tamil communities has been strained. Sri Lanka has been unable to contain its ethnic violence as it escalated from sporadic terrorism to mob violence, and finally to civil war. The Sri Lankan Civil War has several underlying causes: the ways in which modern ethnic identities have been made and remade since the colonial period, rhetorical wars over archaeological sites and place name etymologies, and the political use of the national past. The civil war resulted in the death of at least 100,000 people and, according to human rights groups such as Human Rights Watch, the forced disappearance of thousands of others (see White van abductions in Sri Lanka). Since 1983, Sri Lanka has also witnessed massive civilian displacements of more than a million people, with eighty percent of them being Sri Lankan Tamils.
Before independence
The arrival of Protestant missionaries on a large scale beginning in 1814 was a primary contributor to the development of political awareness among Sri Lankan Tamils. Activities by missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions and Methodist and Anglican churches led to a revival among Hindu Tamils who created their own social groups, built their own schools and temples, and published their own literature to counter the missionary activities. The success of this effort led to a new confidence for the Tamils, encouraging them to think of themselves as a community, and it paved the way for their emergence as a cultural, religious, and linguistic society in the mid-19th century.
Britain, which conquered the whole island by 1815, established a legislative council in 1833. During the 1833 Colebrooke-Cameron reforms the British centralised control to Colombo and amalgamated all administrative territories including the Tamil areas which had previously been administered separately. A form of modern central government was established for the first time in the island, followed by gradual decline of local form of feudalism including Rajakariya, which was abolished soon after.
In the legislative council the British assigned three European seats and one seat each for Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers. This council's primary function was to act as advisor to the Governor, and the seats eventually became elected positions. There was initially little tension between the Sinhalese and the Tamils, when in 1913 Ponnambalam Arunachalam, a Tamil, was elected representative of the Sinhalese as well as of the Tamils in the national legislative council. British Governor William Manning, who was appointed in 1918 however, actively encouraged the concept of "communal representation". Subsequently, the Donoughmore Commission in 1931 rejected communal representation and brought in universal franchise. This decision was opposed by the Tamil political leadership, who realised that they would be reduced to a minority in parliament according to their proportion of the overall population. In 1944, G. G. Ponnambalam, a leader of the Tamil community, suggested to the Soulbury Commission that a roughly equal number of seats be assigned to Sinhalese and minorities in an independent Ceylon (50:50)—a proposal that was rejected. But under section 29(2) of the constitution formulated by the commissioner, additional protection was provided to minority groups, such requiring a two-thirds majority for any amendments and a scheme of representation that provided more weight to the ethnic minorities.
After independence
Shortly after independence in 1948, G.G. Ponnambalam and his All Ceylon Tamil Congress joined D.S. Senanayake's moderate, western-oriented United National Party led government which led to a split in the Tamil Congress. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, the leader of the splinter Federal Party (FP or Illankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi), contested the Ceylon Citizenship Act, which denied citizenship to Tamils of recent Indian origin, before the Supreme Court, and then in the Privy council in England, but failed to overturn it. The FP eventually became the dominant Tamil political party. In response to the Sinhala Only Act in 1956, which made Sinhala the sole official language, Federal Party Members of Parliament staged a nonviolent sit-in (satyagraha) protest, but it was violently broken up by a mob. The FP was blamed and briefly banned after the riots of May–June 1958 targeting Tamils, in which many were killed and thousands forced to flee their homes. Another point of conflict between the communities was state sponsored colonisation schemes that effectively changed the demographic balance in the Eastern Province, an area Tamil nationalists considered to be their traditional homeland, in favour of the majority Sinhalese.
In 1972, a newly formulated constitution removed section 29(2) of the 1947 Soulbury constitution that was formulated to protect the interests of minorities. Also, in 1973, the Policy of standardization was implemented by the Sri Lankan government, supposedly to rectify disparities in university enrolment created under British colonial rule. The resultant benefits enjoyed by Sinhalese students also meant a significant decrease in the number of Tamil students within the Sri Lankan university student population.
Shortly thereafter, in 1973, the Federal Party decided to demand a separate Tamil state. In 1976 they merged with the other Tamil political parties to become the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). By 1977 most Tamils seemed to support the move for independence by electing the Tamil United Liberation Front overwhelmingly. The elections were followed by the 1977 riots, in which around 300 Tamils were killed. There was further violence in 1981 when an organised Sinhalese mob went on a rampage during the nights of 31 May to 2 June, burning down the Jaffna public library—at the time one of the largest libraries in Asia—containing more than 97,000 books and manuscripts.
Rise of militancy
Main article: Sri Lankan Tamil militant groupsSee also: Human rights in Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka and state terrorism, and List of attacks attributed to the LTTESince 1948, successive governments have adopted policies that had the net effect of assisting the Sinhalese community in such areas as education and public employment. These policies made it difficult for middle class Tamil youth to enter university or secure employment.
The individuals belonging to this younger generation, often referred to by other Tamils as "the boys" (Podiyangal in Tamil), formed many militant organisations. The most important contributor to the strength of the militant groups was the Black July massacre, in which between 1,000 and 3,000 Tamils were killed, prompting many youths to choose the path of armed resistance.
By the end of 1987, the militant youth groups had fought not only the Sri Lankan security forces and the Indian Peace Keeping Force also among each other, with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) eventually eliminating most of the others. Except for the LTTE, many of the remaining organisations transformed into either minor political parties within the Tamil National Alliance or standalone political parties. Some also function as paramilitary groups within the Sri Lankan military.
Human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as the United States Department of State and the European Union, have expressed concern about the state of human rights in Sri Lanka, and both the government of Sri Lanka and the rebel LTTE have been accused of human rights violations. Although Amnesty International in 2003 found considerable improvement in the human rights situation, attributed to a ceasefire and peace talks between the government and the LTTE, by 2007 they reported an escalation in political killings, child recruitment, abductions, and armed clashes, which created a climate of fear in the north and east of the country.
End of the civil war
On May 18, 2009, the civil war ended with total victory for the government forces. During the last phase of the war, many Tamil civilians and combatants were killed. The government estimated that over 22,000 LTTE cadres had died. The civilian death toll is estimated to be as high as 40,000 or more. This is in addition to the 70,000 Sri Lankans killed up to the beginning of the last phase of the civil war. Over 300,000 internally displaced Tamil civilians were interred in special camps and eventually released. As of 2011, there were still a few thousand alleged combatants in state prisons awaiting trials. The Sri Lankan government has released over 11,000 rehabilitated former LTTE cadres.
Bishop of Mannar (a northwestern town) Rayappu Joseph said that 146,679 people seemed to be unaccounted between 2008 October and at the end of the civil war.
The Tamil presence in Sri Lankan politics and society is facing a revival. In 2015 elections the Tamil national alliance got the third largest number of seats in the Parliament and as the largest parties UNP and SLFP created a unity government TNA leader R. Sampanthan was appointed as the opposition leader. K. Sripavan became the 44th Chief justice and the second Tamil to hold the position.
Migrations
Main article: Sri Lankan Tamil diasporaSee also: Tamil Canadian and British TamilPre-independence
The earliest Tamil speakers from Sri Lanka known to have travelled to foreign lands were members of a merchant guild called Tenilankai Valanciyar (Valanciyar from Lanka of the South). They left behind inscriptions in South India dated to the 13th century. In the late 19th century, educated Tamils from the Jaffna peninsula migrated to the British colonies of Malaya (Malaysia and Singapore) and India to assist the colonial bureaucracy. They worked in almost every branch of public administration, as well as on plantations and in industrial sectors. Prominent Sri Lankan Tamils in the Forbes list of billionaire include: Ananda Krishnan, Raj Rajaratnam, and G. Gnanalingam, and Singapore's former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, S. Rajaratnam, are of Sri Lankan Tamil descent. C. W. Thamotharampillai, an Indian-based Tamil language revivalist, was born in the Jaffna peninsula. Before the Sri Lankan civil war, Sri Lankan Tamil communities were well established in Malaysia, Singapore, India and the UK.
Post civil war
After the start of the conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, there was a mass migration of Tamils trying to escape the hardships and perils of war. Initially, it was middle class professionals, such as doctors and engineers, who emigrated; they were followed by the poorer segments of the community. The fighting drove more than 800,000 Tamils from their homes to other places within Sri Lanka as internally displaced persons and also overseas, prompting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to identify them in 2004 as the largest asylum-seeking group.
The country with the largest share of displaced Tamils is Canada, with more than 200,000 legal residents, found mostly within the Greater Toronto Area. and there are a number of prominent Canadians of Sri Lankan Tamil descent, such as author Shyam Selvadurai, and Indira Samarasekera, former president of the University of Alberta.
Sri Lankan Tamils in India are mostly refugees of about over 100,000 in special camps and another 50,000 outside of the camps. In western European countries, the refugees and immigrants have integrated themselves into society where permitted. Tamil British singer M.I.A (born Mathangi Arulpragasam) and BBC journalist George Alagiah are, among others, notable people of Sri Lankan Tamil descent. Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus have built a number of prominent Hindu temples across North America and Europe, notably in Canada, France, Germany, Denmark, and the UK.
Sri Lankan Tamils continue to seek refuge in countries like Canada and Australia. The International Organization for Migration and the Australian government has declared some Sri Lankans including Tamils as economic migrants. A Canadian government survey found that over 70% of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have gone back to Sri Lanka for holidays raising concerns over the legitimacy of their refugee claims. However, the inability of Tamils to settle in their own lands indicate the ongoing hostilities and differential treatment of Tamils even after the end of armed war in May 2009.
See also
- List of Sri Lankan Tamils
- Sri Lankan Tamils in Indian cinema
- Tamil inscriptions in Sri Lanka
- Tamil genocide
Notes
- Dameda vanija gahapati Vishaka.
- Iḷa bharatahi Dameda Samane karite Dameda gahapathikana.
- Dameda navika karava.
- Upon arrival in June 1799, Sir Hugh Cleghorn, the island's first British colonial secretary wrote to the British government of the traits and antiquity of the Tamil nation on the island in the Cleghorn Minute: "Two different nations from a very ancient period have divided between them the possession of the island. First the Sinhalese, inhabiting the interior in its Southern and Western parts, and secondly the Malabars who possess the Northern and Eastern districts. These two nations differ entirely in their religion, language, and manners". McConnell, D., 2008; Ponnambalam, S. 1983
- Data is based on Sri Lankan Government census except 1989 which is an estimate.
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As Kearney puts it, the influence of the early Malabar migrations, as well as long residence in Ceylon and interaction with the Sinhalese, left the Ceylon Tamils as a unique group of Tamil-speaking people, differentiated in customs, speech, and social organization from the Tamils of South India.
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One of the most interesting processes in Mampuri is the one of Sinhalisation. Whilst most of the Sinhala fishermen used to speak Tamil and/or still do so, there is a trend towards the use of Sinhala, manifesting itself in most children being educated in Sinhala and the increased use of Sinhala in church. Even some of the long-established Tamils, despite having been one of the most powerful local groups in the past, due to their long local history as well as caste status, have adapted to this trend. The process reflects the political domination of Sinhala people in the Government controlled areas of the country.
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Further reading
- Ambihaipahar, R (11 November 1998). Scientific Pioneer: Dr. Samuel Fisk Green. Colombo: Dhulasi Publications. ISBN 978-955-8193-00-6.
- Bastin, Rohan (December 2002), The Domain of Constant Excess: Plural Worship at the Munnesvaram Temples in Sri Lanka, Berghahn Books, ISBN 978-1-57181-252-0, OCLC 50028737
- Bopearachchi, Osmund (2004). "Ancient Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu". In Chevillard, Jean-Luc; Wilden, Eva (eds.). South-Indian Horizons: Felicitation Volume for François Gros on the occasion of his 70th birthday. Publications du Département d'Indologie – 94. Pondicherry: Institut Français de Pondichéry / École Française d'Extrême-Orient. pp. 546–549. ISBN 978-2-85539-630-9. ISSN 0073-8352.
- de Silva, C. R. (1997). Sri Lanka – A History (2nd ed.). New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. ISBN 978-81-259-0461-8.
- de Silva, K. M. (2005). A History of Sri Lanka. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa. ISBN 978-955-8095-92-8.
- Gair, James (1998). Studies in South Asian Linguistics. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-509521-0.
- Gunasingam, Murugar (1999). Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: A Study of its Origins. Sydney: MV publications. ISBN 978-0-646-38106-0.
- Hudson, Dennis (January 1992). Arumuga Navalar and Hindu Renaissance amongst the Tamils (Religious Controversy in British India: Dialogues in South Asian Languages). State University of New York. ISBN 978-0-7914-0827-8.
- Indrapala, K. (2007). The Evolution of an Ethnic Identity: The Tamils in Sri Lanka C. 300 BCE to C. 1200 CE. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa. ISBN 978-955-1266-72-1.
- Knox, Robert (1681). An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon. London: Robert Chiswell. ISBN 978-1-4069-1141-1. 2596825.
- Mahadevan, Iravatham (2003). Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D. Harvard Oriental Series vol. 62. Cambridge, Mass: Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University. ISBN 978-0-674-01227-1.
- Mahadevan, Iravatham (March 2000). "Ancient Tamil Coins from Sri Lanka". Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies. XVII (2): 147–156.
- Manogaran, Chelvadurai (2000). The Untold Story of the Ancient Tamils of Sri Lanka. Chennai: Kumaran.
- Manogaran, Chelvadurai (1987). Ethnic Conflict and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-1116-7.
- Mendis, G.C. (1957, 3rd ed. 1995). Ceylon Today and Yesterday, Colombo, Lake House. ISBN 955-552-096-8
- Mortensen, Viggo (2004). Theology and the Religions: A Dialogue. Copenhagen: Wm.B. Eerdman's Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8028-2674-9.
- Nadarajan, Vasantha (1999). History of Ceylon Tamils. Toronto: Vasantham.
- Pfaffenberg, Brian (1994). The Sri Lankan Tamils. Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-8845-8.
- Ponnambalam, Satchi (1983). Sri Lanka: the National Question and the Tamil Liberation Struggle. London: Zed Books. ISBN 978-0-86232-198-7.
- Pujangga, Putra (1997). A Requiem for Jaffna. London: Anantham Books. ISBN 978-1-902098-00-5.
- Rajakrishnan, P. (1993). "Social Change and Group Identity among the Sri Lankan Tamils". In Sandhu, Kernial Singh; Mani, A. (eds.). Indian Communities in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Times Academic Press. ISBN 978-981-210-017-7.
- Ross, Russell (1988). Sri Lanka: A Country Study. USA: Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-16-024055-3.
- Sivathamby, K. (1995). Sri Lankan Tamil Society and Politics. New Century Book House. ISBN 978-81-234-0395-3.
- Smith, V. A. (1958). The Oxford History of India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-561297-4.
- Spencer, Jonathan (1990). Sri Lanka: History and the Roots of Conflict. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-04461-5.
- Subramaniam, Suganthy (2006). Folk Traditions and Songs of Batticaloa District (in Tamil). Kumaran Publishing. ISBN 978-0-9549440-5-6.
- Thambiah, H. W. (2001). Laws and Customs of Tamils of Jaffna (revised ed.). Colombo: Women's Education & Research Centre. ISBN 978-955-9261-16-2.
- Wenzlhuemer, Roalnd (2008). From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History. Brill.
- Wilson, A. Jeyaratnam (2000). Sri Lankan Tamil Nationalism: Its Origins and Development in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-338-7.
- Yalman, N (1967). Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste, Kinship, and Marriage in the Interior of Ceylon. University of California Press.
External links
- Media related to Sri Lankan Tamil people at Wikimedia Commons
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