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{{short description|Twelver Shīʿa ruling dynasty of Iran (1501–1736)}}
{{Infobox Former Country
{{Distinguish|Saffarid dynasty}}
|native_name = {{lang|fa|امپراطوری صفوی}}<br/>''Dövlət-i Səfəviyyə''
{{pp-protect|small=yes}}
|conventional_long_name = Safavid Dynasty
{{Infobox royal house
|common_name = Safavid Empire|
|image=Safavid Flag.svg
|continent = Eurasia
|image_caption=Safavid flag after 1576
|region = Middle East
|surname=Safavid dynasty
|country =Dövlət-i Səffəviyyə (modern Azerbaijan)<ref name = "gBooks">{{Cite journal | title = Safavid Persia | publisher = Google | series = Books | url = https://books.google.com/books?q=%22Safavid+Persia%22}}</ref>
|native_name=دودمان صفوی,
|era = <!--- Use: "Napoleonic Wars", "Cold War", etc. --->
|coat of arms=
|status = Empire<!--- Listed as Empire in List of largest empires --->
|country=]
|status_text = <!--- A free text to describe status the top of the infobox. Use sparingly. --->
|founding year=22 December 1501
|empire = <!--- The empire or country to which the entity was in a state of dependency --->
|founder=] (1501–1524)
|government_type = ] ]
|dissolution={{C.|1736}}
|
|final ruler=] (1732–1736)
|<!--- Rise and fall, events, years and dates --->
|traditions=]
|<!-- only fill in the start/end event entry if a specific article exists. Don't just say "abolition" or "declaration"-->
|titles=]anshah of ]
|
|year_start = 1501
|year_end = 1736
|
|year_exile_start = <!--- (If dealing with exiled government - status="Exile") --->
|year_exile_end = <!--- Year of end of exile (leave blank if still in exile) --->
|
|event_start = <!--- Default: "Established" --->
|date_start = <!--- Optional: Date of establishment, enter dates in this format 1 January 1801--->
|event_end = <!--- Default: "Disestablished" --->
|date_end = March
|
|event1 = ] Invasion
|date_event1 = 1722
|event2 = Reconquest under ]
|date_event2 = 1726&ndash;29
|event3 =
|date_event3 =
|event4 =
|date_event4 =
|
|event_pre = Establishment of the ] by ]
|date_pre = 1301
|event_post = ] crowned
|date_post = 1 October 1736
|
|<!--- Flag navigation: Preceding and succeeding entities p1 to p5 and s1 to s5 --->
|p1 = Timurid Empire
|flag_p1 = Timurid.svg
|image_p1 =
|p2 = Ak Koyunlu
|p3 = Marashiyan
|flag_p3 = Marashiyan government 1359-1582 AD.png
|p4 = Paduspanids
|flag_p4 = PaduspanidsMapHistoryofIran.png
|p5 = Mihrabanids
|p6 = Afrasiab dynasty
|p7 = Kia'i dynasty
|p8 = Kingdom of Ormus
|flag_p5 = Mihrabanids 1236–Mid-16th century.png
|s1 = Hotaki dynasty
|flag_s1 = Black flag.svg
|image_s1 =
|s2 = Afsharid dynasty
|flag_s2 = Nader Shah Flag.svg
|s3 = Ottoman Empire
|flag_s3 = Ottoman flag.svg
|
|image_flag = Safavid Flag.svg
|flag = Flag of Iran
|flag_type = Flag<ref>''...the Order of the Lion and the Sun, a device which, since the 17 century at least, appeared on the national flag of the Safavids the lion representing 'Ali and the sun the glory of the Shi'i faith'', Mikhail Borisovich Piotrovskiĭ, J. M. Rogers, Hermitage Rooms at Somerset House, Courtauld Institute of Art, ''Heaven on earth: Art from Islamic Lands : Works from the State Hermitage Museum and the Khalili Collection'', Prestel, 2004, p. 178.</ref>
|
|image_coat = Lion and Sun Emblem of Persia.svg
|symbol = Emblem of Safavid
|symbol_type = Emblem<ref name="Flaskerud2010">{{cite book|author=Ingvild Flaskerud|title=Visualizing Belief and Piety in Iranian Shiism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fH1pvM0AdNIC&pg=PA182|accessdate=24 July 2011|date=26 November 2010|publisher=Continuum International Publishing Group|isbn=978-1-4411-4907-7|pages=182–183}}</ref>
|
|image_map = The maximum extent of the Safavid Empire under Shah Abbas I.png
|image_map_caption = The Safavid Empire under ] the Great
|
|image_map2 = <!-- If second map is needed - does not appear by default -->
|image_map2_caption =
|
|Official_Names_of_country = Safavid Empire<ref name="AlirezaShahbazi"/>
<ref name="IIMP"/>
|
|capital = ]<br/><small>(1501–1555)</small><br/>]<br/><small>(1555–1598)</small><br/>]<br/><small>(1598–1736)</small>
|capital_exile = <!-- If status="Exile" -->
|latd= |latm= |latNS= |longd= |longm= |longEW=
|
|national_motto =
|national_anthem =
|common_languages = *] (offical, court, (until Isfahan became capital)<ref name="Cyril Glassé 2003, pg 392"/> religious dignitaries, military)<ref name="mazzaoui" /><ref name="savory07"/><ref name="cambridgesafa" /><ref name="price">{{Cite book
| last = Price
| first = Massoume
| authorlink =
| year = 2005
| title = Iran's Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook
| publisher= ABC-CLIO
| isbn = 978-1-57607-993-5
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=gzpdq679oJwC&pg=PA66
| page = 66
| quote = ''The Shah was a native Turkic speaker and wrote poetry in the Azerbaijani language.''}}</ref>
] (<ref name="Roemer 189" /> coinage,<ref name="MatheeIranica">Rudi Matthee, "" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', accessed on April 4, 2010. "The Persian focus is also reflected in the fact that theological works also began to be composed in the Persian language and in that Persian verses replaced Arabic on the coins." "The political system that emerged under them had overlapping political and religious boundaries and a core language, Persian, which served as the literary tongue, and even began to replace Arabic as the vehicle for theological discourse".</ref><ref>Ronald W Ferrier, ''The Arts of Persia''. Yale University Press. 1989, p. 9.</ref> civil administration,<ref name = "Perry">John R Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', January 24, 2006: "...written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content"</ref> court (since Isfahan became capital),<ref name="Cyril Glassé 2003, pg 392"/> high literature,<ref name="Perry"/> literary,<ref name="MatheeIranica" /><ref>Arnold J. Toynbee, ''A Study of History'', V, pp. 514-15. excerpt: "in the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of ''literae humaniores'' by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers"</ref> theological discourse,<ref name="MatheeIranica"/> diplomatic correspondence, belles-lettres (adab), historiography,<ref name="mazzaoui" /> court-based religious posts<ref>Ruda Jurdi Abisaab. "Iran and Pre-Independence Lebanon" in Houchang Esfandiar Chehabi, ''Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years'', IB Tauris 2006, p. 76: "Although the Arabic language was still the medium for religious scholastic expression, it was precisely under the Safavids that hadith complications and doctrinal works of all sorts were being translated to Persian. The 'Amili (Lebanese scholars of Shi'i faith) operating through the Court-based religious posts, were forced to master the Persian language; their students translated their instructions into Persian. Persianization went hand in hand with the popularization of 'mainstream' Shi'i belief."</ref>)
|religion = ] ]<sup>a</sup>
|currency = Tuman, Abbasi, Shahi.<ref>Ferrier, RW, ''A Journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire'', p. ix.</ref>
*1 Tuman = 50 Abbasi.
*1 Tuman = 50 French Livre.
*1 Tuman = £3 6s 8d.
|
|<!--- Titles and names of the first and last leaders and their deputies --->
|leader1 = ] <small>(first)</small>
|leader2 = ] <small>(last)</small>
|year_leader1 = 1501–1524
|year_leader2 = 1732–1736
|title_leader = ]
|title_deputy = ]
|deputy1 = ] <small>(first)</small>
|year_deputy1 = 1501–?
|deputy2 = ] <small>(last)</small>
|year_deputy2 = 1729–1736
|legislature = ]
|
|<!--- Area and population of a given year --->
|stat_year1 = <!--- year of the statistic, specify either area, population or both --->
|stat_area1 = 2850000
|stat_pop1 = <!--- population (w/o commas or spaces), population density is calculated if area is also given --->
|stat_year2 =
|stat_area2 =
|stat_pop2 =
|stat_year3 =
|stat_area3 =
|stat_pop3 =
|stat_year4 =
|stat_area4 =
|stat_pop4 =
|stat_year5 =
|stat_area5 =
|stat_pop5 =
|footnotes = <sup>a</sup> State religion.<ref>''The New Encyclopedia of Islam'', Ed. Cyril Glassé, (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2008), 449.</ref>
|today = {{Collapsible list |titlestyle=font-weight:normal; background:transparent; text-align:left;|title=Countries today|
{{flag|Afghanistan}}|{{flag|Armenia}}|{{flag|Azerbaijan}}|{{flag|Bahrain}}|{{flag|Georgia}}|{{flag|Iran}}|{{flag|Iraq}}|{{flag|Kuwait}}|{{flag|Nagorno-Karabakh}} (''de facto'')|{{flag|Pakistan}}|{{flag|Russia}}|{{flag|South Ossetia}} (''de facto'')|{{flag|Syria}}|{{flag|Turkey}}|{{flag|Turkmenistan}}|{{flag|Uzbekistan}}|
}} }}
}}
{{History of Azerbaijan}}
{{History of Iran}}
The '''Safavid Dynasty''' ({{IPAc-en|s|ɑː|ˈ|f|ɑː|w|iː|d}} {{lang-az|Səfəvilər Sülaləsi}} ; {{lang-fa|سلسله صفوی}}) was one of the most significant ruling empires of ] after the fall of the ] - following the in the seventh century A.D., and "is often considered the beginning of modern Azerbaijan history".<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |last= |first= | title= SAFAVID DYNASTY | encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Iranica |url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids}}</ref> The Safavid shahs ruled over one of the so-called ],<ref>Streusand, Douglas E., ''Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals'' (Boulder, Col : Westview Press, 2011) ("Streusand"), p. 135.</ref> and they ruled one of the greatest Azerbaijani empires after the <ref>Helen Chapin Metz. ''Iran, a Country study''. 1989. University of Michigan, p. 313.</ref><ref>Emory C. Bogle. ''Islam: Origin and Belief''. University of Texas Press. 1989, p. 145.</ref><ref>Stanford Jay Shaw. History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge University Press. 1977, p. 77.</ref><ref>Andrew J. Newman, ''Safavid Iran: Rebirth of a Persian Empire'', IB Tauris (March 30, 2006).</ref> and established the ] school of ]<ref name="savoryeiref">RM Savory, ''Safavids'', '']'', 2nd ed.</ref> as the official ] of their empire, marking one of the most important turning points in ].


The '''Safavid dynasty''' ({{IPAc-en|'|s|æ|f|ə|v|ɪ|d|,_|ˈ|s|ɑː|-}}; {{langx|fa|دودمان صفوی|Dudmâne Safavi}},<ref>*{{cite book|last1=Afšār|first1=ta·līf-i Iskandar Baig Turkmān. Zīr-i naẓar bā tanẓīm-i fihristhā wa muqaddama-i Īraǧ|title=Tārīkh-i ʻʻālamārā-yi ʻʻAbbāsī|date=2003|publisher=Mu·assasa-i Intišārāt-i Amīr Kabīr|location=Tihrān|isbn=978-964-00-0818-8|pages=17, 18, 19, 79|edition=Čāp-i 3.|language=fa}}
The Safavid dynasty had its origin in the ] ], which was established in the city of ] in the ] region. It was of mixed ancestry (]<ref name="R.M."> ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref> and ],<ref name="fryeiranica"> ''Encyclopædia Iranica''. RN Frye.</ref> which included intermarriages with ],<ref>Aptin Khanbaghi (2006) ''The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early''. London & New York. IB Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-056-0, pp. 130-1</ref> ],{{sfn|Yarshater|2001|p=493}}{{sfn|Khanbaghi|2006|p=130}} and ]<ref name="Anthony Bryer 1975">Anthony Bryer. "Greeks and Türkmens: The Pontic Exception", ''Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 29'' (1975), Appendix II "Genealogy of the Muslim Marriages of the Princesses of Trebizond"</ref> dignitaries). From their base in ], the Safavids established control over parts of ] and reasserted the ] of the region,<ref>''Why is there such confusion about the origins of this important dynasty, which reasserted Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state after eight and a half centuries of rule by foreign dynasties?'' RM Savory, ''Iran under the Safavids'' (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980), p. 3.</ref> thus becoming the first native dynasty since the ] to establish a unified Iranian state.<ref name="AlirezaShahbazi">Alireza Shapur Shahbazi (2005), "The History of the Idea of Iran", in Vesta Curtis ed., Birth of the Persian Empire, IB Tauris, London, p. 108: "Similarly the collapse of Sassanian Eranshahr in AD 650 did not end Iranians' national idea. The name "Iran" disappeared from official records of the Saffarids, Samanids, Buyids, Saljuqs and their successor. But one unofficially used the name Iran, Eranshahr, and similar national designations, particularly Mamalek-e Iran or "Iranian lands", which exactly translated the old Avestan term Ariyanam Daihunam. On the other hand, when the Safavids (not Reza Shah, as is popularly assumed) revived a national state officially known as Iran, bureaucratic usage in the Ottoman empire and even Iran itself could still refer to it by other descriptive and traditional appellations".</ref>
* p. 17: dudmān-i safavīa
* p. 18: khāndān-i safavīa
* p. 19: sīlsīla-i safavīa
* p. 79: sīlsīla-i alīa-i safavīa</ref> {{IPA|fa|d̪uːd̪ˈmɒːne sæfæˈviː|pron}}) was one of ]'s most significant ruling dynasties reigning from ].<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|title=SAFAVID DYNASTY|encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Iranica |url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids}}</ref> Their rule is often considered the beginning of ],<ref name="Iranica">{{cite encyclopedia |author-last=Matthee |author-first=Rudi |author-link=Rudi Matthee |title=SAFAVID DYNASTY |url=https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids |encyclopedia=] |publisher=] |location=] |date=13 June 2017 |orig-year=28 July 2008 |doi=10.1163/2330-4804_EIRO_COM_509 |doi-access=free |issn=2330-4804 |access-date=23 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220525211301/https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids |archive-date=25 May 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref> as well as one of the ].<ref>Streusand, Douglas E., ''Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals'' (Boulder, Col : Westview Press, 2011) ("Streusand"), p. 135.</ref> The Safavid ] ] established the ] denomination of ] as the ], marking one of the most important turning points in the ].<ref name="savoryeiref">{{cite encyclopedia |author-last=Savory |author-first=Roger |author-link=Roger Savory |year=2012 |origyear=1995 |title=Ṣafawids |editor1-last=Bosworth |editor1-first=C. E. |editor1-link=Clifford Edmund Bosworth |editor2-last=van Donzel |editor2-first=E. J. |editor2-link=Emeri Johannes van Donzel |editor3-last=Heinrichs |editor3-first=W. P. |editor3-link=Wolfhart Heinrichs |editor4-last=Lewis |editor4-first=B. |editor5-last=Pellat |editor5-first=Ch. |editor5-link=Charles Pellat |editor6-last=Schacht |editor6-first=J. |editor6-link=Joseph Schacht |encyclopedia=] |location=] and ] |publisher=] |volume=8 |doi=10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_0964 |isbn=978-90-04-16121-4}}</ref> The Safavid dynasty had its origin in the ] of ], which was established in the city of ] in the ] region.<ref name="Matthee 2021">{{cite book |author-last=Baltacıoğlu-Brammer |author-first=Ayşe |year=2021 |chapter=The emergence of the Safavids as a mystical order and their subsequent rise to power in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gWBCEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |editor-first=Rudi |editor-last=Matthee |title=The Safavid World |location=] and ] |publisher=] |edition=1st |series=Routledge Worlds |pages=15–36 |doi=10.4324/9781003170822 |isbn=978-1-003-17082-2|s2cid=236371308 }}</ref> It was an Iranian dynasty of ] origin,<ref>
* Matthee, Rudi. (2005). ''The Pursuit of Pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants in Iranian History, 1500-1900''. Princeton University Press. p. 18; "The Safavids, as Iranians of Kurdish ancestry and of nontribal background (...)".
* Savory, Roger. (2008). "EBN BAZZĀZ". ''Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 1''. p. 8. "''This official version contains textual changes designed to obscure the Kurdish origins of the Safavid family and to vindicate their claim to descent from the Imams."''
* Amoretti, Biancamaria Scarcia; Matthee, Rudi. (2009). "Ṣafavid Dynasty". In Esposito, John L. (ed.) ''The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World''. Oxford University Press. "Of Kurdish ancestry, the Ṣafavids started as a Sunnī mystical order (...)"</ref> but during their rule they intermarried with ],<ref>
* Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period" in Jackson, Peter; Lockhart, Laurence. ''The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 214, 229
* Blow, David (2009). ''Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend''. I.B.Tauris. p. 3
* Savory, Roger M.; Karamustafa, Ahmet T. (1998) "ESMĀʿĪL I ṢAFAWĪ". ''Encyclopaedia Iranica'' Vol. VIII, Fasc. 6, pp. 628-636
* Ghereghlou, Kioumars (2016). "ḤAYDAR ṢAFAVI". ''Encyclopaedia Iranica''</ref> ],<ref>Aptin Khanbaghi (2006) ''The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early''. London & New York. IB Tauris. {{ISBN|1-84511-056-0}}, pp. 130–1</ref> ],{{sfn|Yarshater|2001|p=493}}{{sfn|Khanbaghi|2006|p=130}} and ]<ref name="Anthony Bryer 1975">Anthony Bryer. "Greeks and Türkmens: The Pontic Exception", ''Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 29'' (1975), Appendix II "Genealogy of the Muslim Marriages of the Princesses of Trebizond"</ref> dignitaries, nevertheless, for practical purposes, they were Turkish-speaking and ].<ref>{{iranica|iran-ii2-islamic-period-page-4}}, "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified."</ref> From their base in Ardabil, the Safavids established control over parts of ] and reasserted the ] of the region,<ref>"Why is there such confusion about the origins of this important dynasty, which reasserted Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state after eight and a half centuries of rule by foreign dynasties?" RM Savory, ''Iran Under the Safavids'' (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980), p. 3.</ref> thus becoming the first native dynasty since the ] to establish a national state officially known as Iran.<ref>Alireza Shapur Shahbazi (2005), "The History of the Idea of Iran", in Vesta Curtis ed., Birth of the Persian Empire, IB Tauris, London, p. 108: "Similarly the collapse of Sassanian Eranshahr in AD 650 did not end Iranians' national idea. The name "Iran" disappeared from official records of the Saffarids, Samanids, Buyids, Saljuqs and their successor. But one unofficially used the name Iran, Eranshahr, and similar national designations, particularly Mamalek-e Iran or "Iranian lands", which exactly translated the old Avestan term Ariyanam Daihunam. On the other hand, when the Safavids (not Reza Shah, as is popularly assumed) revived a national state officially known as Iran, bureaucratic usage in the Ottoman empire and even Iran itself could still refer to it by other descriptive and traditional appellations".</ref>


The Safavids ruled from 1501 to 1722 (experiencing a brief restoration from 1729 to 1736) and, at their height, they controlled all of modern ], ], ] and ], most of ], the ], ], ] and ], as well as parts of ], ], ], ] and ]. The Safavids ruled from 1501 to 1722 (experiencing a brief restoration from 1729 to 1736 and 1750 to 1773) and, at their height, controlled all of what is now ], ], ], ], eastern ], parts of the ] including ], ], ], and ], as well as parts of ], ], ], ], and ].
Despite their demise in 1736, the legacy that they left behind was the revival of Iran as an economic stronghold between East and ], the establishment of an efficient state and ] based upon "]", their ], and ].<ref name="Iranica"/> The Safavids have also left their mark down to the present era by ], as well as spreading Shīʿa Islam in major parts of the ], ], ], ], the ], and ].<ref name="Iranica"/><ref name="savoryeiref"/>


==Genealogy and identity==
Despite their demise in 1736, the legacy that they left behind was the revival of Safaviyya as an economic stronghold between East and ], the establishment of an efficient state and ] based upon "]", their architectural innovations and their patronage for fine arts. The Safavids have also left their mark down to the present era by ] in ], as well as major parts of the ], ], and ].
{{See also|Safavid dynasty family tree|Safavid order|Safvat as-safa|Silsilat-al-nasab-i Safaviya|Firuz-Shah Zarrin-Kolah|List of the mothers of the Safavid Shahs}}


{{anchor|Genealogy}}The Safavid Kings themselves claimed to be ]s,<ref>In the pre-Safavid written work Safvat as-Safa (oldest manuscripts from 1485 and 1491), the origin of the Safavids is tracted to Piruz Shah Zarin Kolah who is called a Kurd from Sanjan, while in the post-Safavid manuscripts, this portion has been excised and Piruz Shah Zarin Kollah is made a descendant of the Imams. R Savory, "Ebn Bazzaz" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica''). In the Silsilat an-nasab-i Safawiya (composed during the reign of Shah Suleiman, 1667–94), by Hussayn ibn Abdal Zahedi, the ancestry of the Safavid was purported to be tracing back to Hijaz and the first Shiʻi Imam as follows: Shaykh Safi al-din Abul Fatah Eshaq ibn (son of) Shaykh Amin al-Din Jabrail ibn Qutb al-din ibn Salih ibn Muhammad al-Hafez ibn Awad ibn Firuz Shah Zarin Kulah ibn Majd ibn Sharafshah ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Seyyed Ja'afar ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Isma'il ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Ahmad 'Arabi ibn Seyyed Qasim ibn Seyyed Abul Qasim Hamzah ibn Musa al-Kazim ibn Ja'far As-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Imam Zayn ul-'Abedin ibn ] ibn ] Alayha as-Salam. There are differences between this and the oldest manuscript of Safwat as-Safa. Seyyeds have been added from Piruz Shah Zarin Kulah up to the first Shiʻi Imam and the nisba "Al-Kurdi" has been excised. The title/name "Abu Bakr" (also the name of the first Caliph and highly regarded by Sunnis) is deleted from Qutb ad-Din's name. ُSource: Husayn ibn Abdāl Zāhedī, 17th cent. Silsilat al-nasab-i Safavīyah, nasabnāmah-'i pādishāhān bā ʻuzmat-i Safavī, ta'līf-i Shaykh Husayn pisar-i Shaykh Abdāl Pīrzādah Zāhedī dar 'ahd-i Shāh-i Sulaymnān-i Safavī. Berlīn, Chāpkhānah-'i Īrānshahr, 1343 (1924), 116 pp. Original Persian: شیخ صفی الدین ابو الفتح اسحق ابن شیخ امین الدین جبرائیل بن قطب الدین ابن صالح ابن محمد الحافظ ابن عوض ابن فیروزشاه زرین کلاه ابن محمد ابن شرفشاه ابن محمد ابن حسن ابن سید محمد ابن ابراهیم ابن سید جعفر بن سید محمد ابن سید اسمعیل بن سید محمد بن سید احمد اعرابی بن سید قاسم بن سید ابو القاسم حمزه بن موسی الکاظم ابن جعفر الصادق ابن محمد الباقر ابن امام زین العابدین بن حسین ابن علی ابن ابی طالب علیه السلام.</ref> family descendants of the Islamic prophet ], although many scholars have cast doubt on this claim.<ref>R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, ''The Cambridge History of Islam'', Cambridge University Press, 1977. p. 394: "They (Safavids after the establishment of the Safavid state) fabricated evidence to prove that the Safavids were Sayyids."</ref> There seems now to be a consensus among scholars that the Safavid family hailed from ],<ref name="savoryeiref"/> and later moved to ], finally settling in the 11th century CE at ]. Traditional pre-1501 Safavid manuscripts trace the lineage of the Safavids to the ] dignitary, ].<ref name="R.M."> ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref><ref>F. Daftary, "Intellectual Traditions in Islam", I.B. Tauris, 2001. p. 147: "But the origins of the family of Shaykh Safi al-Din go back not to Hijaz but to Kurdistan, from where, seven generations before him, Firuz Shah Zarin-kulah had migrated to Adharbayjan"</ref>
==Genealogy—The ancestors of the Safavids and its multi-cultural identity==
{{See also|Safavid dynasty family tree|Safaviyya|Safvat as-safa|Silsilat-al-nasab-i Safaviya|Firuz Shah Zarin-Kolah|List of the mothers of the Safavid Shahs}}


According to historians,<ref>Tamara Sonn. ''A Brief History of Islam'', Blackwell Publishing, 2004, p. 83, {{ISBN|1-4051-0900-9}}</ref><ref name="csatoetal">É. Á. Csató, B. Isaksson, C Jahani. ''Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic'', Routledge, 2004, p. 228, {{ISBN|0-415-30804-6}}.</ref> including ]<ref>{{Cite book|last=Minorsky|first=V|contribution=Adgharbaydjan (Azarbaydjan)|title=Encyclopedia of Islam|edition=2nd|editor1-first=P|editor1-last=Berman|editor2-first=Th|editor2-last=Bianquis|editor3-first=CE|editor3-last=Bosworth|editor4-first=E|editor4-last=van Donzel|editor5-first=WP|editor5-last=Henrichs|publisher=Brill|url=http://www.encislam.brill.nl/|archive-url=https://archive.today/20120728190604/http://www.encislam.brill.nl/|url-status=dead|archive-date=2012-07-28|place=NL|year=2009|quote=After 907/1502, Adharbayjan became the chief bulwark and rallying ground of the Safawids, themselves natives of Ardabil and originally speaking the local Iranian dialect}}</ref> and ], the Safavids were Turkish speakers of Iranian origin:<ref>Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, ]: ''History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century'', Taylor & Francis. 1999, p. 259.</ref>
The Safavid Kings themselves claimed to be ]s,<ref>In the pre-Safavid written work Safvat as-Safa (oldest manuscripts from 1485 and 1491), the origin of the Safavids is tracted to Piruz Shah Zarin Kolah who is called a Kurd from Sanjan, while in the post-Safavid manuscripts, this portion has been excised and Piruz Shah Zarin Kollah is made a descendant of the Imams. R Savory, "Ebn Bazzaz" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica''). In the Silsilat an-nasab-i Safawiya (composed during the reign of Shah Suleiman, 1667–94), by Hussayn ibn Abdal Zahedi, the ancestry of the Safavid was purported to be tracing back to Hijaz and the first Shi'i Imam as follows: Shaykh Safi al-din Abul Fatah Eshaq ibn (son of) Shaykh Amin al-Din Jabrail ibn Qutb al-din ibn Salih ibn Muhammad al-Hafez ibn Awad ibn Firuz Shah Zarin Kulah ibn Majd ibn Sharafshah ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Seyyed Ja'afar ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Isma'il ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Ahmad 'Arabi ibn Seyyed Qasim ibn Seyyed Abul Qasim Hamzah ibn Musa al-Kazim ibn Ja'far As-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Imam Zayn ul-'Abedin ibn Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Taleb Alayha as-Salam. There are differences between this and the oldest manuscript of Safwat as-Safa. Seyyeds have been added from Piruz Shah Zarin Kulah up to the first Shi'i Imam and the nisba "Al-Kurdi" has been excised. The title/name "Abu Bakr" (also the name of the first Caliph and highly regarded by Sunnis) is deleted from Qutb ad-Din's name. ُSource: Husayn ibn Abdāl Zāhedī, 17th cent. Silsilat al-nasab-i Safavīyah, nasabnāmah-'i pādishāhān bā ʻuzmat-i Safavī, ta'līf-i Shaykh Husayn pisar-i Shaykh Abdāl Pīrzādah Zāhedī dar 'ahd-i Shāh-i Sulaymnān-i Safavī. Berlīn, Chāpkhānah-'i Īrānshahr, 1343 (1924), 116 pp. Original Persian: شیخ صفی الدین ابو الفتح اسحق ابن شیخ امین الدین جبرائیل بن قطب الدین ابن صالح ابن محمد الحافظ ابن عوض ابن فیروزشاه زرین کلاه ابن محمد ابن شرفشاه ابن محمد ابن حسن ابن سید محمد ابن ابراهیم ابن سید جعفر بن سید محمد ابن سید اسمعیل بن سید محمد بن سید احمد اعرابی بن سید قاسم بن سید ابو القاسم حمزه بن موسی الکاظم ابن جعفر الصادق ابن محمد الباقر ابن امام زین العابدین بن حسین ابن علی ابن ابی طالب علیه السلام.</ref> family descendants of the Islamic prophet ], although many scholars have cast doubt on this claim.<ref>R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, ''The Cambridge History of Islam'', Cambridge University Press, 1977. p. 394: "They (Safavids after the establishment of the Safavid state) fabricated evidence to prove that the Safavids were Sayyids."</ref> There seems now to be a consensus among scholars that the Safavid family hailed from Persian Kurdistan,<ref name="savoryeiref"/> and later moved to Azerbaijan, finally settling in the 11th century CE at ]. Traditional pre-1501 Safavid manuscripts trace the lineage of the Safavids to the ] dignitary, ].<ref name="R.M."/><ref>F. Daftary, "Intellectual Traditions in Islam", I.B.Tauris, 2001. p. 147: "But the origins of the family of Shaykh Safi al-Din go back not to Hijaz but to Kurdistan, from where, seven generations before him, Firuz Shah Zarin-kulah had migrated to Adharbayjan"</ref>


{{quote|From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigenous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century.}}
According to some historians,<ref name="sonn">Tamara Sonn. ''A Brief History of Islam'', Blackwell Publishing, 2004, p. 83, ISBN 1-4051-0900-9</ref><ref name = "csatoetal">É. Á. Csató, B. Isaksson, C Jahani. ''Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic'', Routledge, 2004, p. 228, ISBN 0-415-30804-6.</ref> including ], the Safavids were of Turkicized Iranian origin:<ref name="fryeiranica"/>


By the time of the establishment of the Safavid empire, the members of the family were Turkicized and Turkish-speaking,<ref>{{iranica|iran-ii2-islamic-period-page-4}}, "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified."</ref> and some of the Shahs composed poems in their then-native Turkish language. Concurrently, the Shahs themselves also supported Persian literature, poetry and art projects including the grand ],<ref>John L. Esposito, ''The Oxford History of Islam'', Oxford University Press US, 1999. pp 364: "To support their legitimacy, the Safavid dynasty of Iran (1501–1732) devoted a cultural policy to establish their regime as the reconstruction of the historic Iranian monarchy. To the end, they commissioned elaborate copies of the ''Shahnameh'', the Iranian national epic, such as this one made for Tahmasp in the 1520s."</ref><ref>Ira Marvin Lapidus, ''A history of Islamic Societies'', Cambridge University Press, 2002, 2nd ed., p. 445: To bolster the prestige of the state, the Safavid dynasty sponsored an Iran-Islamic style of culture concentrating on court poetry, painting, and monumental architecture that symbolized not only the Islamic credentials of the state but also the glory of the ancient Persian traditions."</ref> while members of the family and some Shahs composed Persian poetry as well.<ref>Colin P. Mitchell, "Ṭahmāsp I" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica''. "Shah Ṭahmāsp's own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. Sām Mirzā himself was an ardent poet, writing 8,000 verses and a Šāh-nāma dedicated to his brother, Ṭahmāsp (see Sām Mirzā, ed. Homāyun-Farroḵ, 1969)."</ref><ref>See: Willem Floor, Hasan Javadi (2009), ''The Heavenly Rose-Garden: A History of Shirvan & Daghestan'' by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009. (see Sections on Safavids quoting poems of Shah Tahmasp I)</ref>
{{quote|The Turkish speakers of Azerbaijan are mainly descended from the earlier Iranian speakers, several pockets of whom still exist in the region. A massive migration of Oghuz Turks in the 11th and 12th centuries not only Turkified Azerbaijan but also Anatolia. The Azeri Turks are Shiʿites and were founders of the Safavid dynasty.}}


The authority of the Safavids was religiously based, and their claim to legitimacy was founded on being direct male descendants of Ali,<ref>], ''Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran'', Cambridge, Massachusetts; London : Harvard University Press, 2002. p. 143: "It is true that during their revolutionary phase (1447–1501), Safavi guides had played on their descent from the family of the Prophet. The hagiography of the founder of the Safavi order, Shaykh Safi al-Din Safvat al-Safa written by Ibn Bazzaz in 1350-was tampered with during this very phase. An initial stage of revisions saw the transformation of Safavi identity as Sunni Kurds into Arab blood descendants of Muhammad."</ref> the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, and regarded by the Shiʻa as the first Imam.
Other historians, such as ]<ref name="Minorsky 2009">{{Cite book|last=Minorsky|first=V|contribution=Adgharbaydjan (Azarbaydjan)|title=Encyclopedia of Islam|edition=2nd|editor1-first=P|editor1-last=Berman|editor2-first=Th|editor2-last=Bianquis|editor3-first=CE|editor3-last=Bosworth|editor4-first=E|editor4-last=van Donzel|editor5-first=WP|editor5-last=Henrichs|publisher=Brill|url=http://www.encislam.brill.nl/|place=NL|year=2009|quote=After 907/1502, Adharbayjan became the chielf bulwark and rallying ground of the Safawids, themselves natives of Ardabil and originally speaking the local Iranian dialect}}</ref> and ], support this idea:<ref name="Roger M. Savory 1999, p. 259">Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, ]: ''History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century'', Taylor & Francis. 1999, p. 259.</ref>


Furthermore, the dynasty was from the very start thoroughly intermarried with both ] as well as ] lines.<ref>From Maternal side: Chatrina daughter of Theodora daughter of ] son of Alexios IV of Trebizond son of Manuel III of Trebizond son of Alexios III of Trebizond son of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond. From Paternal side: ] son of Khadijeh Khatoon daughter of Ali Beyg son of Qara Yuluk Osman son of Maria daughter of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond.</ref> In addition, from the official establishment of the dynasty in 1501, the dynasty would continue to have many intermarriages with both ] as well as again Georgian dignitaries, especially with the accession of ].{{sfn|Yarshater|2001|p=493}}{{sfn|Khanbaghi|2006|p=130}}
{{quote |From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigineous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century.}}


==Safavid Shahs of Iran==
By the time of the establishment of the Safavid empire, the members of the family were native Turkish-speaking and Turkicized,<ref name="savory07">{{Cite book
{{see also|List of Safavid monarchs}}
| last = Savory
]
| first = Roger
*] 1501–1524
| authorlink =
*] 1524–1576
| year = 2007
*] 1576–1578
| title = Iran Under the Safavids
*] 1578–1587
| publisher= Cambridge University Press
*] 1587–1629
| isbn = 978-0-521-04251-2
*] 1629–1642
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=v4Yr4foWFFgC&pg=PA213
*] 1642–1666
| page = 213
*] 1666–1694
| quote = ''qizilbash normally spoke Azari brand of Turkish at court, as did the Safavid shahs themselves; lack of familiarity with the Persian language may have contributed to the decline from the pure classical standards of former times''
*] 1694–1722
}}</ref><ref>E. Yarshater, "Iran", . ''Encyclopædia Iranica''. "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified. "</ref> and some of the Shahs composed poems in their native Turkish language. Concurrently, the Shahs themselves also supported Persian literature, poetry and art projects including the grand '']'' of ],<ref>John L. Esposito, ''The Oxford History of Islam'', Oxford University Press US, 1999. pp 364: "To support their legitimacy, the Safavid dynasty of Iran (1501-1732) devoted a cultural policy to establish their regime as the reconstruction of the historic Iranian monarchy. To the end, they commissioned elaborate copies of the ''Shahnameh'', the Iranian national epic, such as this one made for Tahmasp in the 1520s."</ref><ref name="Ira2">Ira Marvin Lapidus, ''A history of Islamic Societies'', Cambridge University Press, 2002, 2nd edition. pg 445: To bolster the prestige of the state, the Safavid dynasty sponsored an Iran-Islamic style of culture concentrating on court poetry, painting, and monumental architecture that symbolized not only the Islamic credentials of the state but also the glory of the ancient Persian traditions."</ref> while members of the family and some Shahs composed Persian poetry as well.<ref>Colin P. Mitchell, "Ṭahmāsp I" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica''. "Shah Ṭahmāsp's own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. Sām Mirzā himself was an ardent poet, writing 8,000 verses and a Šāh-nāma dedicated to his brother, Ṭahmāsp (see Sām Mirzā, ed. Homāyun-Farroḵ, 1969)."</ref><ref>See: Willem Floor, Hasan Javadi(2009), ''The Heavenly Rose-Garden: A History of Shirvan & Daghestan'' by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009. (see Sections on Safavids quoting poems of Shah Tahmasp I)</ref> The authority of the Safavids was religiously based, and their claim to legitimacy was founded on being direct male descendants of the Ali,<ref>Kathryn Babayan, ''Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran'', Cambridge, Massachusetts ; London : Harvard University Press, 2002. p. 143: "It is true that during their revolutionary phase (1447-1501), Safavi guides had played on their descent from the family of the Prophet. The hagiography of the founder of the Safavi order, Shaykh Safi al-Din Safvat al-Safa written by Ibn Bazzaz in 1350-was tampered with during this very phase. An initial stage of revisions saw the transformation of Safavi identity as Sunni Kurds into Arab blood descendants of Muhammad."</ref> the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, and regarded by ]s as the first Imam.
*] 1722–1732
*] 1732–1736


==Mothers of Safavid Shahs==
Furthermore, the dynasty was from the very start thoroughly intermarried with both ] as well as ] lines.<ref>From Maternal side: Chatrina daughter of Theodora daughter of ] son of Alexios IV of Trebizond son of Manuel III of Trebizond son of Alexios III of Trebizond son of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond. From Paternal side: ] son of Khadijeh Khatoon daughter of Ali Beyg son of Qara Yuluk Osman son of Maria daughter of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond.</ref> In addition, from the official establishment of the dynasty in 1501, the dynasty would continue to have many intermarriages with both ] as well as again Georgian dignitaries, especially with the advent of king ].{{sfn|Yarshater|2001|p=493}}{{sfn|Khanbaghi|2006|p=130}}
{{Main|List of the mothers of the Safavid Shahs}}

==Background—The Safavid Sufi Order==
{{Main|Safaviyya|Safi al-Din Ardabili|Ideology of Safavids}}

Safavid history begins with the establishment of the ] by its eponymous founder ] (1252–1334). In 700/1301, Safi al-Din assumed the leadership of the ], a significant ] order in Gilan, from his spiritual master and father-in-law ]. Due to the great spiritual charisma of Safi al-Din, the order was later known as the Safaviyya. The Safavid order soon gained great influence in the city of Ardabil and Hamdullah Mustaufi noted that most of the people of Ardabil were followers of Safi al-Din.

Extant religious poetry from him, written in the ]<ref name=Yar> E. Yarshater, ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref><ref name=Safi>], '']'', .</ref>—a now-extinct ]—and accompanied by a paraphrase in Persian which helps their understanding, has survived to this day and has linguistic importance.<ref name=Yar/>

After Safī al-Dīn, the leadership of the Safaviyya passed onto ] († 794/1391–92). The order at this time was transformed into a religious movement which conducted religious propaganda throughout Persia, Syria and Asia Minor, and most likely had maintained its Sunni Shafi’ite origin at that time. The leadership of the order passed on from Sadr ud-Dīn Mūsā to his son Khwādja Ali († 1429) and in turn to his son Ibrāhīm († 1429–47).

When ], the son of Ibrāhim, assumed the leadership of the Safaviyya in 1447, the history of the Safavid movement was radically changed. According to R.M. Savory, "'Sheikh Junayd was not content with spiritual authority and he sought material power'". At that time, the most powerful dynasty in Persia was that of the ], the "Black Sheep", whose ruler ] ordered Junāyd to leave ] or else he would bring destruction and ruin upon the city.<ref name="savoryeiref" /> Junayd sought refuge with the rival of Kara Koyunlu ], the ] ] ], and cemented his relationship by marrying Uzun Hassan's sister, Khadija Begum. Junayd was killed during an incursion into the territories of the ] and was succeeded by his son ].
] soldier, showing characteristic red cap (], Teheran).]]

Haydar married Martha 'Alamshah Begom,<ref name="Anthony Bryer 1975"/> ]'s daughter, who gave birth to ], founder of the Safavid dynasty. Martha's mother Theodora—better known as ]<ref>Peter Charanis. "Review of Emile Janssens' ''Trébizonde en Colchide''", ''Speculum'', Vol. 45, No. 3 (July 1970), p. 476.</ref>—was a ] princess, the daughter of the Grand ] ]. She had been married to Uzun Hassan<ref>Anthony Bryer, ''open citation'', p. 136.</ref> in exchange for protection of the Grand Komnenos from the Ottomans.

After Uzun Hassan's death, his son Ya'qub felt threatened by the growing Safavid religious influence. Ya'qub allied himself with the Shirvanshah and killed Haydar in 1488. By this time, the bulk of the Safaviyya were ] clans from Asia Minor and ] and were known as ] "Red Heads" because of their distinct red headgear. The Qizilbash were warriors, spiritual followers of Haydar, and a source of the Safavid military and political power.

After the death of Haydar, the Safaviyya gathered around his son ], who was also pursued and subsequently killed by Ya'qub. According to official Safavid history, before passing away, Ali had designated his young brother Ismail as the spiritual leader of the Safaviyya.<ref name="savoryeiref"/>

==History==

===Founding of the dynasty by Shāh Ismāil I (''r.'' 1501–24)===
{{Main|Ismail I}}

====Persia prior to Ismāil's rule====
After the decline of the ] (1370–1506), Persia was politically splintered, giving rise to a number of religious movements. The demise of Tamerlane's political authority created a space in which several religious communities, particularly Shi’i ones, could now come to the fore and gain prominence. Among these were a number of Sufi brotherhoods, the ], ] and ]. Of these various movements, the Safawid Qizilbash was the most politically resilient, and it was on account of its success that Shah Isma’il I gained political prominence in 1501 CE.<ref>Virani, Shafique N. ''The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, A Search for Salvation'' (New York: Oxford University Press), 2007, p.113.</ref>
There were many local states prior to the Iranian state established by Ismāil.<ref>The writer Ṛūmlu documented the most important of them in his history.</ref> The most important local rulers about 1500 were:

* ], the ] ruler of ]
* Alwand Mīrzā, the ] ] of ]
* Murad Beg, ] ruler of Irāq al-Ajam
* ], the ]
* Badi Alzamān Mīrzā, local ruler of ]
* Huṣayn Kīā Chalavī, the local ruler of ]
* Murād Beg Bayandar, local ruler of ]
* ], ruler of ]
* Several local rulers of ] such as: Bisotun II, Ashraf ibn Taj al-Dawla, Mirza Ali, and Kia Husayn.

Ismāil was able to unite all these lands under the Iranian Empire he created.

====Rise of Shāh Ismāil I====
]
The Safavid dynasty was founded about 1501 by ]<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica">"Ismail Safavi" ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref> Shah Ismail's background is disputed: the language he used is not identical with that of his "race" or "nationality" and he was bilingual from birth.<ref name="Mino">V. Minorsky, "The Poetry of Shāh Ismā‘īl I", ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies'', University of London 10/4 (1942): 1006–53.</ref> Some scholars argue that Ismāil was of mixed ], ], and ] descent,<ref name="fryeiranica"/> although others argue that he was non-Azeri<ref name="Mino"/> and was a direct descendant of ] mystic ]. As such, he was the last in the line of hereditary Grand Masters of the Safaviyeh order, prior to its ascent to a ruling dynasty. Ismāil was known as a brave and charismatic youth, zealous with regards to his ] faith, and believed himself to be of divine descent—practically worshipped by his ] followers. In 1500, Ismāil invaded neighboring ] to avenge the death of his father, Sheik Haydar, who had been murdered in 1488 by the ruling Shirvanshah, Farrukh Yassar. Afterwards, Ismail went on a conquest campaign, capturing ] in July 1501, where he enthroned himself the Shāh of ],<ref>Richard Tapper. "Shahsevan in Safavid Persia", ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies'', University of London, Vol. 37, No. 3, 1974, p. 324.</ref><ref>Lawrence Davidson, Arthur Goldschmid, ''A Concise History of the Middle East'', Westview Press, 2006, p. 153.</ref><ref>. "Safavid Dynasty", Online Edition 2007.</ref> proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran<ref>George Lenczowski, "Iran under the Pahlavis", Hoover Institution Press, 1978, p. 79: "Ismail Safavi, descendant of the pious Shaykh Ishaq Safi al-Din (d. 1334), seized Tabriz assuming the title of Shahanshah-e-Iran".</ref><ref>Stefan Sperl, C. Shackle, Nicholas Awde, "Qasida poetry in Islamic Asia and Africa", Brill Academic Pub; Set Only edition (February 1996), p. 193: "Like Shah Ni'mat Allah-i Vali he hosted distinguished visitors among them Ismail Safavi, who had proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran in 1501 after having taken Tabriz, the symbolic and political capital of Iran".</ref><ref>Heinz Halm, Janet Watson, Marian Hill, ''Shi'ism'', translated by Janet Watson, Marian Hill, Edition: 2, illustrated, published by Columbia University Press, 2004, p. 80: "...he was able to make his triumphal entry into Alvand's capital Tabriz. Here he assumed the ancient Iranian title of King of Kings (Shahanshah) and setup up Shi'i as the ruling faith"</ref> and minted coins in his name, proclaiming Shi’ism the official religion of his domain.<ref name="savoryeiref" /> The establishment of Shi’ism as the state religion led to various Sufi orders openly declaring their Shi’i position, and others, to promptly assume Shi’ism. Among these, the founder of one of the most successful Sufi orders, ] (d. 1431) traced his descent from the ] ] ], as evidenced in a poem as well as another unpublished literary composition. Though Nimatullah was apparently Sunni, the Ni’matullahi order soon declared his order to be Shi’i after the rise of the Safavid dynasty.<ref>Virani, Shafique N. ''The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, A Search for Salvation'' (New York: Oxford University Press), 2007, 113.</ref>

]
Although Ismail I initially gained mastery over Azerbaijan alone, the Safavids ultimately won the struggle for power in all of Persia which had been going on for nearly a century between various dynasties and political forces. A year after his victory in Tabriz, Ismāil claimed most of Persia as part of his territory,<ref name="savoryeiref"/> and within 10 years established a complete control over all of it. Ismail followed the line of Iranian and Turkmen rulers prior to him by assumption of the title "Padishah-i-Iran", previously held by Uzun Hasan and many other Iranian kings.<ref>H.R. Roemer, The Safavid Period, in Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Cambridge University Press 1986, p. 339: "Further evidence of a desire to follow in the line of Turkmen rulers is Ismail's assumption of the title "Padishah-i-Iran"</ref> The Ottoman sultans addressed him as ''the king of Persian lands and the heir to ] and ]''.<ref name="IIMP">"Iranian identity iii. Medieval Islamic period" in : "The Safavid kings called themselves, among other appellations, the "heart of the shrine of ʿAli" (''kalb-e āstān-e ʿAli''), while assuming the title of ''Šāhanšāh'' (the king of kings) of ]/]". Quote 2: "Even Ottoman sultans, when addressing the Āq Quyunlu and Safavid kings, used such titles as the "king of Iranian lands" or the "sultan of the lands of Iran" or "the king of kings of Iran, the lord of the Persians" or the "holders of the glory of Jamšid and the vision of Faridun and the wisdom of Dārā." They addressed Shah Esmaʿil as: "the king of Persian lands and the heir to Jamšid and Kay-ḵosrow" (Navāʾi, pp. 578, 700–2, 707). During Shah ʿAbbās's reign the transformation is complete and Shiʿite Iran comes to face the two adjacent Sunni powers: the Ottoman Empire to the west and the Kingdom of Uzbeks to the east."</ref> Having started with just the possession of Azerbaijan, ], southern ] (with its important city of ]), and ] in 1501,<ref>Steven R. Ward. pp 43. Georgetown University Press, 8 jan. 2014 ISBN 1626160325</ref> ] and ] fell into his power in 1502,<ref> p 289</ref> ] in 1503, ] and ] in 1504, ], ], and ] in 1507, ] in 1508, ] in 1509, and ], as well as other parts of ], in 1510. In 1503, the kingdoms of ] and ] were made his vassals as well.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.nl/books?id=PxQpmg_JIpwC&pg=PA165&lpg=PA165&dq=shah+ismail+conquers+armenia&source=bl&ots=2wTC8D_n0o&sig=r0bkSV6_zxzbOWKK5gKnbeD6lkQ&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=OJaOVLG4KJKVasSUgaAE&ved=0CFEQ6AEwBg#v=onepage&q=shah%20ismail%20conquers%20armenia&f=false|title=Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia|accessdate=15 December 2014}}</ref> By 1511, the ] in the north-east, led by their Khan ], were driven far to the north, across the ] where they continued to attack the Safavids. Ismail's decisive victory over the Uzbeks, who had occupied most of Khorasan, ensured Iran's eastern borders, and the Uzbeks never since expanded beyond the ]. Although the Uzbeks continued to make occasional raids to Khorasan, the Safavid empire was able to keep them at bay throughout its reign.

====Start of clashes with the Ottomans====
{{Main|Battle of Chaldiran|Qizilbash}}
]
More problematic for the Safavids was the powerful neighboring ]. The Ottomans, a ] dynasty, considered the active recruitment of Turkmen tribes of ] for the Safavid cause as a major threat. To counter the rising Safavid power, in 1502, ] forcefully deported many Shi'as from Anatolia to other parts of the ] realm. In 1511, there was a ] directed against the Ottoman Empire from within the empire.<ref>{{cite book|author1=Christine Woodhead|title=The Ottoman World|date=15 Dec 2011|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781136498947|page=94|accessdate=21 December 2014}}</ref> Furthermore, by the early 1510s Ismail's expansionistic policies had pushed the Safavid borders in ] even more westwards. The Ottomans reacted soon, when a large-scale incursion into Eastern Anatolia by Safavid ] under Nūr-ʿAlī Ḵalīfa coincided with the accession of Sultan ], ]'s son, in 1512 to the Ottoman throne, and was the ] which led to Selim's decision to invade neighbouring Safavid Iran two years later.<ref> Retrieved July 2015</ref> In 1514, Sultan Selim I marched through Anatolia and reached the plain of Chaldiran near the city of ], and a decisive battle was fought there (]). Most sources agree that the Ottoman army was at least double the size of that of ];<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica" /> however, what gave the Ottomans the advantage was the artillery which the Safavid army lacked. According to R. M. Savory, ''"Salim's plan was to winter at Tabriz and complete the conquest of Persia the following spring. However, a mutiny among his officers who refused to spend the winter at Tabriz forced him to withdraw across territory laid waste by the Safavid forces, eight days later"''.<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica"/> Although Ismāil was defeated and his capital was captured, the Safavid empire survived. The war between the two powers continued under Ismāil's son, ], and the Ottoman Sultan ], until Shāh Abbās retook the area lost to the Ottomans by 1602.
]

The consequences of the defeat at Chaldiran were also psychological for Ismāil: the defeat destroyed Ismāil's belief in his invincibility, based on his claimed divine status.<ref name="savoryeiref"/> His relationships with his Qizilbāsh followers were also fundamentally altered. The tribal rivalries between the Qizilbāsh, which temporarily ceased before the defeat at Chaldiran, resurfaced in intense form immediately after the death of Ismāil, and led to ten years of civil war (930-40/1524-33) until Shāh Tahmāsp regained control of the affairs of the state. For most of the last decade of Ismail's reign, the domestic affairs of the empire were overseen by the Tajik vizier ] until his assassination in 1523.<ref name="Streu 146"/> The Chaldiran battle furthermore holds even more historical significance as it marked the start ] of frequent and harsh warfare fuelled by geo-politics and ideological differences between the Ottomans and the Iranian Safavids (as well as successive Iranian states) mainly regarding territories in Eastern Anatolia, the ], and ].

Early Safavid power in Iran was based on the military power of the Qizilbāsh. Ismāil exploited the first element to seize power in Iran. But eschewing politics after his defeat in Chaldiran, he left the affairs of the government to the office of the ''wakīl'' (chief administrator, ''vakīl'' in Turkish). Ismāil's successors, and most manifestly Shāh Abbās I successfully diminished the Qizilbāsh's influence on the affairs of the state.

===Shāh Tahmāsp (''r.'' 1524–76)===
{{Main|Shah Tahmasp}}
] Palace]]

====Civil Strife during Tahmāsp's Early Reign====

Shāh Tahmāsp, the young titular governor of ],<ref>Colin P. Mitchell, ''Encyclopædia Iranica'' (July 15, 2009).</ref> succeeded his father Ismāil in 1524, when he was ten years and three months old. The succession was evidently undisputed.<ref name="Streu 146">Streusand, p. 146.</ref> Tahmāsp was the ] of the powerful Qizilbash ''amir'' Ali Beg Rūmlū (titled ''"]"'') who saw himself as the ''de facto'' ruler of the state. Rūmlū and Kopek Sultān Ustajlu (who had been Ismail's last ''wakīl'') established themselves as co-regents of the young shah.<ref name="Streu 146"/> The Qizilbāsh, which still suffered under the legacy of the battle of Chaldiran, was engulfed in internal rivalries. The first two years of Tahmāsp's reign was consumed with Div Sultān’s efforts to eliminate Ustajlu from power.<ref name="Streu 146"/> This court intrigue lead directly to tribal conflict. Beginning in 1526 periodic battles broke out, beginning in northwest Persia but soon involving all of Khorasan.<ref>H.R. Roemer, "The Safavid Period" in ''The Timurid and Safavid Periods'' ed. by Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhart, volume 6 of ''The Cambridge History of Iran'' (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1968-1991) ("Roemer"), p. 233-34.</ref> In the absence of a charismatic, messianic rallying figure like the young Ismail, the tribal leaders reclaimed their traditional prerogative and threatened to return to the time of local warlords. For nearly 10 years rival Qizilbāsh factions fought each other. Af first, Kopek Sultān's Ustajlu tribe suffered the heaviest, and he himself was killed in a battle.

Thus Div Soltān emerged victorious in the first palace struggle, bit he fell victim to Chuha Sultān of the Takkalu, who turned Tahmāsp against his first mentor. In 1527 Tahmāsp demonstrated his desire by shooting an arrow at Div Soltān before the assembled court. The Takkalu replaced the Rumlu as the dominant tribe. They in turn would be replaced by the Shamlu, whose amir, Husain Khan, became the chief adviser. This latest leader would only last until 1534, when he was deposed and executed.<ref>Roemer, p. 234.</ref>

At the downfall of Husain Khan, Tahmāsp asserted his rule. Rather than rely on another Turkmen tribe, he appointed a Persian ''wakīl''. From 1553 for forty years the shah was able to avoid being ensnared in tribal treacheries. But the decade of civil war had exposed the empire to foreign danger and Tahmāsp had to turn his attention to the repeated raids by the Uzbeks.<ref>Romer, pp. 234-37.</ref>

====Foreign Threats to the Empire====
{{main|Ottoman-Safavid War (1532-1555)|Peace of Amasya}}
The Uzbeks, during the reign of Tahmāsp, attacked the ] five times and the Ottomans under ] invaded Persia four times.<ref>Savory, R, Iran under the Safavids, pp. 60–4.</ref> Decentralized control over Uzbek forces was largely responsible for the inability of the Uzbeks to make territorial inroads into Khorasan.<ref>Streusand, pp. 146-47.</ref> Putting aside internal dissension, the Safavid nobles responded to a threat to Herat in 1528 by riding eastward with Tahmāsp (then 17) and soundly defeating the numerical superior forces of the Uzbeks at Jām.<ref>Colin P. Mitchell, ''The Practice of Politics in Safavid Iran: Power, Religion and Rhetoric'' (London: I.B. Tauris, 2000), p. 59.</ref> The victory resulted at least in part from Safavid use of firearms, which they had been acquiring and drilling with since Chaldiran.<ref>Streusand, p 147.</ref>

Notwithstanding the success with firearms at Jām, Tahmāsp still lacked the confidence to engage their arch rivals the Ottomans, choosing instead to cede territory, often using ] tactics in the process.<ref>Mikheil Svanidze, "The Amasya Peace Treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Iran (June 1, 1555) and Georgia," ''Bulletin of the Georgian National Academy of Sciences'', Vol. 3, pp. 191-97 (2009) ("Svanidze"), p. 191.</ref> The Ottomans' goals in the 1534 and 1548-1549 campaigns during the ] was to install Tahmāsp's brothers (Sam Mirza and Alqas Mirza, respectively) as shah in order to make Persia a vassal state. Although in those campaigns (and in 1554) the Ottomans captured ], they lacked a communications line sufficient to occupy it for long.<ref>Streusand, p. 147.</ref> Nevertheless, given the insecurity in Iraq and its northwest territory, Tahmāsp moved his court from Tabriz to ].

In the gravest crisis of Tahmāsp's reign Ottoman forces in 1553-54 captured ], ] and ] and destroyed palaces, villas and gardens and threatened ]. During these operations an agent of the Samlu (now supporting Sam Mizra's pretentions) attempt to poison the shah. Tahmāsp resolved to end hostilities and sent his ambassador to Soleymān's winter quarters in ] in September 1554 to sue for peace.<ref>Svanidze, p. 192</ref> Temporary terms were followed by the ] in June 1555, ending the war with the Ottomans for the next two decades. The treaty was the first formal diplomatic recognition of the Safavid Empire by the Ottomans.<ref>Streusand, p. 50.</ref> Under the Peace, the Ottomans agreed to restore Yerevan, Karabakh and Nakhjuwan to the Safavids and in turn would retain Mesopotamia (Iraq) and eastern Anatolia. Soleymān agreed to permit Safavid Shi’a pilgrims to make pilgrimages to Mecca and Medina as well as tombs of imams in Iraq and Arabia on condition that the shah abolished the ''taburru,'' the cursing of the first three Rashidun caliphs.<ref>Max Scherberger, “The Confrontation between Sunni and Shi’i Empires: Ottoman-Safavid Relations between the Fourteenth and the Seventeenth Centuries” in ''The Sunna and Shi'a in History: Division and Ecumenism in the Muslim Middle East'' ed. by Ofra Bengio & Meir Litvak (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) (“Scherberger”), p. 60.</ref> It was a heavy price in terms of territory and prestige lost, but it allowed the empire to last, something that seemed improbable during the first years of Tahmāsp's reign.

====Royal refugees: Bayezid and Humayun====
]

Almost simultaneously with the emergence of the Safavid Empire, another Muslim polity was developing only now in South-Asia. The ], which would rule a largely ] population and adhere (for the most part) to a tolerant Sunni Islam, was recently founded by the ] heir ]. Babur's son ] was ousted from his territories and threatened by his half-brother and rival, who had inherited the northern part of Babur's territories.<ref name = "Richards 11">], ''The Mughal Empire'' (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, c. 1995), p. 11.</ref> Having to flee from city to city, Humayun eventually sought refuge at the court of Tahmāsp. Tahmāsp received Humayun at his court in Qazvin in 1543 as the true emperor of the Mughal dynasty, despite the fact that Humayun had been living in exile for more than fifteen years.<ref name = "Richards 11" /><ref>Riazul Islam; ''Indo-Persian Relations: A Study of the Political and Diplomatic Relations between the Mughal Empire and Iran'' (Tehran: Iranian Cultural Foundation, 1970), pp. 22–47.</ref> After Humayun converted to Shia Islam (under extreme duress),<ref name = "Richards 11"/> Tahmāsp offered him military assistance to regain his territories in return for ], which controlled the overland trade route between central Persia and the Ganges. In 1545 a combined Persian-Mughal force managed to seize Kandahar and occupy Kabul.<ref>Savory, R, Iran under the Safavids, p. 66.</ref> Humayun handed over Kandahar, but Tahmāsp was forced to retake it in 1558, when Humayun seized it on the death of the Safavid governor.

Humayun was not the only royal figure to seek refuge at Tahmasp's court. A dispute arose in the Ottoman Empire over who was to succeed the aged ]. Suleiman's favourite wife, ], was eager for her son, ], to become the next sultan. But Selim was an alcoholic and Hürrem's other son, ], had shown far greater military ability. The two princes quarrelled and eventually Bayezid rebelled against his father. His letter of remorse never reached Suleiman and he was forced to flee abroad to avoid execution. In 1559 Bayezid arrived in Iran where Tahmasp gave him a warm welcome. Suleiman was eager to negotiate his son's return, but Tahmasp rejected his promises and threats until, in 1561 Suleiman compromised with him. In September of that year, Tahmasp and Bayezid were enjoying a banquet at Tabriz when Tahmasp suddenly pretended he had received news that the Ottoman prince was engaged in a plot against his life. An angry mob gathered and Tahmasp had Bayezid put into custody, alleging it was for his own safety. Tahmasp then handed the prince over to the Ottoman ambassador. Shortly afterwards, Bayezid was killed by agents sent by his own father.<ref>Nahavandi and Bomati pp. 284–286</ref>

====Legacy of Shah Tahmasp====
When the young Shah Tahmāsp took the throne, Persia was in a dire state. But in spite of a weak economy, a civil war and foreign wars on two fronts, Tahmāsp managed to retain his crown and maintain the territorial integrity of the empire (although much reduced from Ismail's time). During the first 30 years of his long reign, he was able to suppress the internal divisions by exerting control over a strengthened central military force. In the war against the Uzbeks he showed that the Safavids had become a ]. His tactics in dealing with the ] threat eventually allowed for a treaty which preserved peace for twenty years.

In cultural matters, Tahmāsp presided the revival of the fine arts, which flourished under his patronage. Safavid culture is often admired for the large-scale city planning and architecture, achievements made during the reign of later shahs, but the arts of ], ] and ], in fact, never received as much attention as they did during his time.<ref>Savory, pp. 129-31.</ref>

Tahmāsp also planted the seeds that would, unintentionally, produce change much later. During his reign he had realized while both looking to his own empire and that of the neighboring Ottomans, that there were dangerous rivalling factions and internal family rivalries that were a threat to the heads of state. Not taken care of accordingly, these were a serious threat to the ruler, or worse, could bring the fall of the former or could lead to unnecessary court intrigues. According to '']'', for Tahmāsp, the problem circled around the military tribal elite of the empire, the ], who believed that physical proximity to and control of a member of the immediate Safavid family guaranteed spiritual advantages, political fortune, and material advancement.<ref name="Tahmāsp I">{{cite web|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/tahmasp-i|title=Tahmāsp I|accessdate=12 May 2015}}</ref> Despite that Tahmāsp could nullify and neglect some of his consternations regarding potential issues related to his family by having his close direct male relatives such as his brothers and sons routinely transferred around to various governorships in the empire, he understood and realized that any long-term solutions would mainly involve minimizing the political and military presence of the Qezelbāš as a whole. According to ''Encyclopedia Iranica'', his father and founder of the Empire, Ismail I, had begun this process on a bureaucratic level as he appointed a number of prominent Persians in powerful bureaucratic positions, and one can see this continued in Tahmāsp’s lengthy and close relationship with the ], Qāżi Jahān of Qazvin, after 1535.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> While Persians continued to fill their historical role as administrators and clerical elites under Tahmāsp, little had been done so far to minimize the military role of the Qezelbāš.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Therefore, in 1540, Shah Tahmāsp started the first of a series of invasions of the ] region, both ment as a training and drilling for his soldiers, as well as mainly bringing back massive numbers of ] ] and ] slaves, who would form the basis of a military slave system,<ref name="Streusand, p. 148">Streusand, p. 148.</ref> alike to the ] of the neighbouring Ottoman Empire,<ref name="iranicaonline.org">{{cite web|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/barda-v|title=BARDA and BARDA-DĀRI v. Military slavery in Islamic Iran|accessdate=15 April 2014}}</ref> as well as at the same time forming a new layer in Iranian society composed of ethnic ].
At the fourth invasion in 1553, it was now clear that Tahmāsp followed a policy of annexation and resettlement as he gained control over ] (Tiflis) and the region of ] while physically transplanting more than 30,000 people to the central Iranian heartlands.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> According to ''Encyclopedia Iranica'', this would be the starting point for the corps of the ''ḡolāmān-e ḵāṣṣa-ye-e šarifa'', or ''royal slaves'', who would dominate the Safavid military for most of the empire's length. As non-Turcoman converts to Islam, these Circassian and Georgian ] (also written as ''ghulams'') were completely unrestrained by clan loyalties and kinship obligations, which was an attractive feature for a ruler like Tahmāsp whose childhood and upbringing had been deeply affected by Qezelbāš tribal politics.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> In turn, many of these transplanted women became wives and concubines of Tahmāsp, and the Safavid harem emerged as a competitive, and sometimes lethal, arena of ethnic politics as cliques of Turkmen, Circassian, and Georgian women and courtiers vied with each other for the shah’s attention.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/>

Although the first slave soldiers would not be organized until the reign of Abbas I, during Tahmāsp's time Caucasians would already become important members of the royal household, ] and in the civil and military administration,<ref name="Manz">{{cite web|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/carkas-cherkes-term-used-in-persian-arabic-and-turkic-for-the-circassian-people-of-the-northwest-caucasus-who-call-thems|title=Čarkas|work=Encyclopedia Iranica|last=Manz|first=Beatrice|accessdate=1 April 2014}}</ref><ref name="books.google.nl">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qcPZ1k65pqkC&pg=PA494&lpg=PA494&dq=circassians+civil+administration+persia&source=bl&ots=YGuQw9r_xd&sig=VfIYffgoZjAqHkJ4jbeSdbQ1zQw&hl=nl&sa=X&ei=IgI7U_WkHuaSywOirIC4Cw&ved=0CGkQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=circassians%20civil%20administration%20persia&f=false|title=''Islamic Societies to the Nineteenth Century: A Global History''|accessdate=1 April 2014}}</ref> and by that becoming their way of eventually becoming an integral part of the society. One of Tahmāsp's sisters married a Circassian, who would use his court office to team up with Tahmāsp's daughter, ] to assert themselves in succession matters after Tahmāsp's death.

After the ], Tasmāsp underwent what he called a "sincere repentance." Tasmāsp at the same time removed his son Ismail from his Qizilbash followers and imprisoned him at Qahqaha. Moreover, he began to strengthen Shia practice by such things as forbidding in the new capital of Qazvin poetry and music which did not esteem Ali and the Twelve Imams. He also reduced the taxes of districts that were traditionally Shia, regulated services in mosques and engaged Shia propagandists and spies. Extortion, intimidation and harassment were practiced against Sunnis.<ref>Rosemary Stanfield Johnson, "Sunni Survival in Safavid Iran: Anti-Sunni Activities during the Reign of Tahmasp I," ''Iranian Studies,'' vol. 27, pp. 123-33 (1994), pp. 125-26, 128-31</ref>

When Tahmāsp died in 984/1576, Persia was calm domestically, with secure borders and no imminent threat from either the Uzbeks or the Ottomans. What remained unchanged, however, was the constant threat of local disaffection with the weak central authority. That condition would not change (and in fact it would worsen) until Tahmāsp's grandson, Abbas I, assumed the throne.

=== Chaos under Tahmasp’s sons===

On Tahmāsp’s death support for a successor coalesced around two of his nine sons; the support divided on ethnic lines—] was supported by most of the Turkmen tribes as well as his sister ], her Circassian uncle as well as the rest of the Circassians, while Haydar was mostly supported by the Georgians at court although he also had support from the Turkmen Ustajlu.<ref>Roemer. pp. 250-51.</ref> Ismail had been imprisoned at Qahqaha since 1556 by his father on charges of plotting a coup, but his selection was ensured when 30,000 Qizilbash supporters demonstrated outside the prison.<ref>Kaveh Farrokh, ‘‘Iran at War: 1500-1988'' (Long Island City, NY: Osprey Publishing, 2011), in “Tahmasp’s Legacy and the ephemeral reign of Ismail II” section.</ref> Shortly after the installation of Ismail II on August 22, 1576, Haydar was beheaded.

====Ismail II (''r.'' 1576–77)====
{{Main|Ismail II}}

Ismail’s 14-month reign was notable for two things: continual bloodletting of his relatives and others (including his own supporters) and his reversal on religion. He had all his relatives killed except for his older brother, Muhammad Khudabanda, who, being nearly blind, was not a real candidate for the throne, and Muhammad’s three sons, Hamza Mirza, Abbas Mirza and Abu Talib Mirza.<ref>Streusand, p. 149.</ref> While the murderous actions of Ismail might be explained by political prudence (Ottoman sultans occasionally purged the bloodline to prevent succession rivals<ref>Roemer, p. 251.</ref>), his actions against Shi’a suggest retaliation against his father, who saw himself as a pious practitioner. Ismail sought to reintroduce Sunni orthodoxy. But even here there may have been practical political considerations; namely, “concern about the excessively powerful position of Shi‘i dignitaries, which would have been undermined by a reintroduction of the Sunna.”<ref>Roemer, p. 252.</ref> His conduct might also be explained by his drug use. In any event, he was ultimately killed (according to some accounts) by his Circassian half-sister, ], who championed him over Haydar. She is said to have poisoned his opium.<ref>Savory, p. 70.</ref>

====Mohammad Khodabanda (''r.'' 1578–87)====
{{Main|Mohammad Khodabanda}}

On the death of Ismail II there were three candidates for succession: Shāh Shujā', the infant son of Ismail (only a few weeks old), Ismail's brother, Muhammad Khudabanda; and Muhammad’s son, Sultan Hamza Mirza, 11 years old at the time. Pari Khān Khānum, sister of Ismail and Muhammad, hoped to act as regent for any of the three (including her older brother, who was nearly blind). Muhammad was selected and received the crown on February 11, 1579.<ref>Roemer, p. 253.</ref> Muhammad would rule for 10 years, and his sister at first dominated the court, but she fell in the first of many intrigues which continued even though the Uzbeks and Ottomans again used the opportunity to threaten Safavid territory.

]Muhammad allowed others to direct the affairs of state, but none of them had either the prestige, skill or ruthlessness of either Tahmāsp or Ismail II to rein in the ethnic or palace factions, and each of his rulers met grim ends. Muhammad's younger sister, who had a hand in elevating and deposing Ismail II and thus had considerable influence among the Qizilbash, was the first. She did not last much longer than Muhammad's installation at Qazvin, where she was murdered.<ref name = "Roem 255">Roemer, p. 255.</ref> She was done in by intrigues by the vizier Mirza Salman (who was a holdover from Ismail II's reign) and Muhammad's chief wife ], known as Mahd-i ‘Ulyā. There is some indication that Mirza Salman was the chief conspirator.<ref>Roemer, p. 354</ref> ] could master strong support among the Qizilbash, and her uncle was a prominent ] who held a high official position.<ref>Streusand, P. 149.</ref> Mirza Salman left the capital before Pari Khān Khānum closed the gates and was able to meet Muhammad Khudabanda and his wife in Shiraz, to whom he offered his services.<ref>Abolala Soudavar, "The Patronage of Vizier Mirza Salman," ''Muqarmas.'' Vol. 30, pp. 213-34 (2013), p.216.</ref> He may have believed that he would rule once their enemy was disposed of, but Mahd-i ‘Ulyā proved the stronger of the two.

<blockquote> She was by no means content to exercise a more or less indirect influence on affairs of state: instead, she openly carried out all essential functions herself, including the appointment of the chief officers of the realm. In place of the usual royal audience, these high dignitaries had to assemble each morning at the entrance to the women’s apartments in order to receive the Begum’s orders. On these occasions the royal edicts were drawn up and sealed.<ref name="Roem 255" /></blockquote>

The amirs demanded that she will be removed, and Mahd-i Ulya was strangled in the harem in July 1579 on the ground of an alleged affair with the brother of the ], Adil Giray,<ref name="Roem 255" /> who was captured during the 1578-1590 Ottoman war and held captive in the capital, Qazvin.{{sfn|Sicker|2001|pp=2-3}} None of the perpetrators were brought to justice, although the shah lectured the assembled amirs on how they departed from the old ways when the shah was master to his Sufi disciples. The shah used that occasion to proclaim the 11-year-old Sultan Hamza Mirza (Mahd-i ‘Ulyā's favorite) crown-prince.<ref>Roemer, p. 256.</ref>

The palace intrigues reflected ethnic unrest which would soon erupt into open warfare. Persia's neighbors improved upon the opportunity to attack Persia. The Uzbeks struck in the Spring of 1578 but were repelled by Murtaza Quli Sultan, governor of Mashhad.<ref>Roemer, p. 257.</ref> More seriously the Ottomans ended the ] and commenced ] by invading Iran's territories of ] and ]. While the initial attacks were repelled, the Ottomans continued and grabbed considerable territory in ], ], Kurdistan and ] and in 993/1585 they even took ].<ref>Roemer, pp. 257-58.</ref>

In the midst of these foreign perils, rebellion broke out in Khorasan fomented by (or on behalf of) Muhammad's son, Abbas. Ali Quli Khan Shamlu, the ] of Abbas and Ismail II's man in Herat proclaimed Abbas shah there April 1581.<ref>Roemer, p. 259.</ref> The following year the loyal Qizilbash forces (the Turkmen and Takkalu who controlled Qazvin), with vizier Mirza Salam and crown prince Sultan Hamza Mirza at their head to confront the rebelling Ustajlu-Shamlu coalition which had assumed control of Khorasan under the nominal rule of young Abbas.<ref>Streusand, p. 150</ref> The Ustajlu chief, Murshid Quli Khan, immediately acquiesced and received a royal pardon. Shumlu leader, Ali Quli Khan, however, holed himself inside Herat with Abbas. The vizier thought that the royal forces failed to prosecute the siege sufficiently and accused the forces of sedition. The loyal Qizibash recoiled at their treatment by Mirza Salam, who they resented for a number of reasons (not least of which was the fact that a Tajik was given military command over them), and demanded that he be turned over to them. The crown prince (the vizier's son-in-law) meekly turned him over, and the Qizilbash executed him and confiscated his property.<ref>Savory, p. 74.</ref> The siege of Herat thus ended in 1583 without Ali Quli Khan backing down and Khorasan was in a state of open rebellion.

In 1585 two events occurred that would combine to break the impasse among the Qizilbash. First, in the west, the Ottomans, seeing the disarray of the warriors, pressed deep into Safavid territory and occupied the old capital of Tabriz. Crown prince Hamza Mirza, now 21 years and director of Safavid affairs, led a force to confront the Ottomans, but in 1586 was murdered under mysterious circumstances. In the east Murshid Quli Khan, of the Ustajlu tribe, managed to snatch Abbas away from the Shamlus. Two years later in 1587, the massive invasion of Khorasan by the Uzbeks proved the occasion whereby Murshid Quli Khan would make a play for supremacy in ]. When he reached the capital with Abbas a public demonstration in the boy's favor decided the issue, and Shah Muhammad voluntarily handed over the insignia of kingship to his son, who was crowned Abbas I on October 1, 1588. The moment was grave for the empire, with the Ottomans deep in Persian territory in the west and north and the Uzbeks in possession of half of Khorasan in the east.<ref>Savory, pp. 74-76.</ref>

===Shah Abbas (''r.'' 1588–1629)===
{{Main|Abbas I of Persia}}
], ''Atrium heroicum Caesarum'' (1600–2).]]
The 16-year-old Abbas I was installed as nominal shah in 1588, but the real power was intended to remain in the hands of his "mentor," Murshid Quli Kan, who reorganized court offices and principal governorships among the Qizilbash<ref>Streusand, p. 151</ref> and took the title of ''wakīl'' for himself.<ref>Savory, p. 77.</ref> Abbas' own position seemed even more dependent on Qizilbash approval than even Muhammad Khodabanda's was. The dependence of Abbas on the Qizilbash (which provided the only military force) was further reinforced by the precarious situation of the empire, in the vice of Ottoman and Uzbek territorial plunder. Yet over the course of ten years Abbas was able, using cautiously-timed but nonetheless decisive steps, to affect a profound transformation of Safavid administration and military, throw back the foreign invaders, and preside over a flourishing of Persian art.

====Restoration of central authority====

Whether Abbas had fully formed his strategy at the onset, at least in retrospect his method of restoring the shah's authority involved three phases: (1) restoration of internal security and law and order; (2) recovery of the eastern territories from the Uzbek's; and (3) recovery of the western territories from the Ottomans.<ref>Savory, p. 76.</ref> Before he could begin to embark on the first stage, he needed relief from the most serious threat to the empire—the military pressure from the Ottomans. He did so by taking the humiliating step of coming to peace terms with the Ottomans by making, for now, permanent their territorial gains in Iraq and the territories in the north, including Azerbaijan, ], ], eastern ] (comprising the ] and ]), ], and Kurdistan.<ref>Savory, p. 177</ref><ref>Streusand, pp. 151-52.</ref> At the same time, he took steps to ensure that the ] did not mistake this apparent show of weakness as a signal for more tribal rivalry at the court. Although no one could have bristled more at the power grab of his "mentor" Murshid Quli Khan, he rounded up the leaders of a plot to assassinate the ''wakīl'' and had them executed. Then, having made the point that he would not encourage rivalries even purporting to favor his interests, he felt secure enough to have Murshid Quli Khan assassinated on his own orders in July 1589.<ref>Savory, pp. 82-83.</ref> It was clear that the style of leadership would be entirely different than Muhammad Khodabanda's leadership.

]
Abbas was able to begin gradually transforming the empire from a tribal confederation to a modern imperial government by transferring provinces from ''mamalik'' (provincial) rule governed by a Qizilbash chief and the revenue of which mostly supported local Qizilbash administration and forces to ''khass'' (central) rule presided over by a court appointee and the revenue of which reverted to the court. Particularly important in this regard were the ] and ] provinces, which produced Persia's single most important export; silk. With the substantial new revenue, Abbas was able to build up a central, standing army, loyal only to him. This freed him of his dependence on Qizilbash warriors loyal to local tribal chiefs.<ref>Streusand, p. 152.</ref>

]
What effectively fully severed Abbas's dependence on the Qizilbash, however, was how he constituted this new army. In order not to favor one Turkic tribe over another and to avoid inflaming the Turk-Persian enmity, he recruited his army from the "third force", a policy that had been implemented in its ''baby-steps'' since the reign of Tahmasp I—the ], ] and to a lesser extent Armenian '']'' (غلام) (slaves) which (after conversion to Islam) were trained for the military or some branch of the civil or military administration. The standing army created by Abbas consisted of: (1) 10,000-15,000 cavalry ''ghulām'' regiments solely composed of ethnic ], armed with muskets in addition to the usual weapons; (2) a corps of musketeers, ''tufangchiyān'' (تفگنچى), mainly Iranians, originally foot soldiers but eventually mounted, and (3) a corps of artillerymen, ''tūpchiyān'' (توپچى). Both corps of musketeers and artillerymen totaled 12,000 men. In addition the shah's personal bodyguard, made up exclusively from ''ghulāms'', was increased to 3,000.<ref>Savory, pp. 78-79.</ref> This force of well-trained Caucasian ghulams under Abbas amounted to a total of near 40,000 soldiers paid for and beholden to the Shah.<ref name="Savory 1980 79">{{harvnb|Savory|1980|p=79}}</ref><ref name=BN142>{{harvnb|Bomati|Nahavandi|1998|pp=141–142}}</ref>

Abbas also moved the capital to ], deeper into central Iran. Abbas I built a new city next to the ancient Persian one. From this time the state began to take on a more Persian character. The Safavids ultimately succeeded in establishing a new Persian national monarchy.

] pavilion.]]

====Recovery of territory from the Uzbeks and the Ottomans====
{{see also|Ottoman–Safavid War (1603–18)}}
Abbas I first fought the Uzbeks, recapturing ] and Mashhad in 1598. Then he turned against Persia's arch rival, the ], recapturing ], eastern ] and the ] provinces by 1616, all through the 1603-1618, marking the first grand Safavid pitched victory over the Ottomans. He also used his new force to dislodge the Portuguese from ] (1602) and, with English help, from ] (1622), in the ] (a vital link in Portuguese trade with India). He expanded commercial links with the ] and the ]. Thus Abbas was able to break the dependence on the Qizilbash for military might indefinitely and therefore was able to centralize control, for the first time since fully the foundation of the Safavid state.

The ] and Safavids fought over the fertile plains of Iraq for more than 150 years. The capture of Baghdad by Ismail I in 1509 was only followed by its loss to the Ottoman Sultan ] in 1534. After subsequent campaigns, the Safavids ] during the ] yet lost it again to ] in 1638 after Abbas had died. Henceforth a treaty, signed in ] known as the ] was established delineating a border between Iran and Turkey in 1639, a border which still stands in northwest Iran/southeast Turkey. The 150-year tug-of-war accentuated the Sunni and Shi'a rift in ].

====Quelling the Georgian uprising====
] (also known as ''Rustam Khan''), viceroy of ], eastern ], from 1633-1658.]]
{{see also|Capture of Tbilisi and Gökçe war}}
In 1614–16 during the ], Abbas suppressed a rebellion led by his formerly most loyal ] subjects ] and ] (also known as ''Tahmuras Khan'') in the ]. Several years earlier, in 1613, Abbas had appointed these trusted Georgian ''gholams'' of his on the puppet thrones of ] and ], the Iranian Safavid ruled areas of Georgia. Later that year, when the shah summoned them to join him on a hunting expedition in ], they didn't show up due to the fear they would be either imprisoned or killed.<ref name="Colin P. Mitchell p 69">Colin P. Mitchell. Taylor & Francis, 3 mrt. 2011 ISBN 1136991948 p 69.</ref> Ultimately forming an alliance, the two sought refuge with the Ottoman forces in Ottoman ruled ]. This defection of two of the shah's most trusted subjects and ''gholams'' infuriated the shah, as reported by the Safavid court historian ].<ref name="Colin P. Mitchell p 69"/> The following spring in 1614, Abbas I appointed a grandson of ] to the throne of Kartli, ] also known as "Isā Khān".<ref name="Colin P. Mitchell p 69"/> Raised up at the court in ] and a ], he was fully loyal to the shah. Subsequently, the shah marched upon ], the capital of Imereti, and punished its peoples for harbouring his defected subjects. He returned to Kartli, and in two punitive campaigns he ], killed 60–70,000 Kakheti Georgian peasants, and deported between 130,000-200,000 ] captives to mainland Iran.<ref>{{harvnb|Khanbaghi|2006|p=131}}</ref><ref>Malekšāh Ḥosayn, p. 509{{Incomplete short citation|date=September 2014}}</ref> After having fully secured the region, he executed the rebellious ] and later had the Georgian queen ], who had been sent to the shah as negotiator, tortured to death when she refused to renounce Christianity, in an act of revenge for the recalcitrance of Teimuraz.<ref>Suny p. 50{{Incomplete short citation|date=September 2014}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Asat'iani|Bendianachvili|1997|p=188}}</ref> ] lost two-thirds of its population in these years by Abbas' punitive campaign due to being either deported to Iran like the majority were, or to a lesser extent being slaughtered.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://farig.org/images/stories/pdfs/research-alaverdi-part1.pdf|title=Alaverdy Eparchy|accessdate=12 May 2015}}</ref>
Teimuraz did return to eastern Georgia in 1615 and defeated there a Safavid force. However it was just a setback, as Abbas had already been making long-term plans for such a thing never to happen again, for he was (eventually successfully) making the eastern Georgian territories an integral part of the Safavid provinces; in 1619 he appointed the loyal ] (or ''Semayun Khan'') on the symbolic throne of Kakheti, while placing a series of his own governors to rule of districts where rebellious inhabitants were mostly located.<ref name="Colin P. Mitchell p 69"/> Moreover, he planned to deport all nobles of Kartli.

After the events which ended in 1616, Iranian rule had been fully restored over eastern Georgia, but the Georgian territories would continue to produce resistance to Safavid enroachments from 1624 until Abbas' death.<ref>Colin P. Mitchell. Taylor & Francis, 3 mrt. 2011 ISBN 1136991948 p 70.</ref>

====Suppressing the Kurdish rebellion====
In 1609–10, a war broke out between ] tribes and the Safavid Empire. After a long and bloody siege led by the Safavid grand vizier ], which lasted from November 1609 to the summer of 1610, the ]. Shah Abbas ordered a general massacre in Beradost and Mukriyan (], reported by Eskandar Beg Monshi, Safavid Historian (1557–1642), in "Alam Ara Abbasi") and resettled the ] ] in the region while deporting many ] tribes to ].<ref> {{wayback|url=http://www.iranica.com/articles/v7/v7f4/v7f446.html |date=20050312234058 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book | isbn = 0-89158-296-7 | first = O Dzh | last = Dzhalilov | language = Russian|title= Kurdski geroicheski epos Zlatoruki Khan (The Kurdish heroic epic Gold-hand Khan)|place=Moscow|year=1967 }}</ref> Nowadays, there is a community of nearly 1.7 million people who are descendants of the tribes deported from Kurdistan to Khorasan (Northeastern Iran) by the Safavids.<ref>{{Cite journal | publisher = University of Texas | title = Islamic Groups | format = ] | url = http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/commonwealth/commonwealth_islamic_groups.jpg}}</ref>

====Contacts with Europe during Abbas' reign====
].]]
Abbas' tolerance towards Christians was part of his policy of establishing diplomatic links with European powers to try to enlist their help in the fight against their common enemy, the Ottoman Empire. The idea of such an anti-Ottoman alliance was not a new one—over a century before, ], then ruler of part of Iran, had asked the ] for military aid—but none of the Safavids had made diplomatic overtures to Europe. Shah Ismail I was the first of the Safavids that tried to establish once again an alliance against the common Ottoman enemy through the earlier stages of the ], but this also proved to be largely unfruitful during his reign.<ref name="Vehse">''Memoirs of the court, aristocracy, and diplomacy of Austria'' Carl Eduard Vehse p.71 </ref> Abbas' attitude however was in marked contrast to that of his grandfather, Tahmasp I, who had expelled the English traveller ] from his court on hearing he was a Christian.<ref>Laurence Lockhart in ''The Legacy of Persia'' ed. A. J. Arberry (], 1953), p. 347.</ref> For his part, Abbas declared that he "preferred the dust from the shoe soles of the lowest Christian to the highest Ottoman personage."<ref>Nahavandi and Bomati p. 114.</ref> Abbas would take active and all measures needed in order to get the alliances done.

] in ] depicting ] receiving the Persian Ambassadors, 1599]]
In 1599, Abbas sent his ]. The group crossed the ] and spent the winter in Moscow, before proceeding through Norway, Germany (where it was received by ]) to Rome where ] gave the travellers a long audience. They finally arrived at the court of ] in 1602. Although the expedition never managed to return to Iran, being shipwrecked on the journey around Africa, it marked an important new step in contacts between Iran and Europe. The Europeans began to be fascinated by the Iranians and their culture—Shakespeare's 1601–2 '']'', for example, makes two references (at II.5 and III.4) to 'the Sophy', then the English term for the Shahs of Iran.<ref>{{Cite journal | publisher = Google | series = Books | first = William | last = Shakespeare | place = Eng., UK | url = https://books.google.com/?id=DNKKsveMfhQC&pg=PA177&lpg=PA177&dq=the+sophy+twelfth+night#v=onepage&q=the%20sophy%20twelfth%20night&f=false | title = Twelfth Night | isbn = 978-0-7426-5294-1 | date = April 2001}}</ref><ref>: Twelfth Night and Shakespeare's Eastern Promise, ''Shakespeare'', Volume 6, Issue 2 June 2010, pp. 209–26.</ref> Henceforward, the number of diplomatic missions to and fro greatly increased.<ref>Nahavandi, Bomati pp. 128–30.</ref>
] being honoured by the Trumpets of Fame, together with the ], in '']'', by ], 1628.]]
The shah had set great store on an alliance with Spain, the chief opponent of the Ottomans in Europe. Abbas offered trading rights and the chance to preach Christianity in Iran in return for help against the Ottomans. But the stumbling block of Hormuz remained, a vassal kingdom which had fallen into ]' hands when the King of Spain inherited the throne of Portugal in 1580. The Spanish demanded Abbas break off relations with the English before they would consider relinquishing the town. Abbas was unable to comply. Eventually Abbas became frustrated with Spain, as he did with the ], which wanted him to make his over 400,000 ] subjects swear allegiance to the Pope but did not trouble to inform the shah when the ] signed a peace treaty with the Ottomans. Contacts with the Pope, Poland and ] were no more fruitful.<ref>Nahavandi, Bomati, pp. 130–7.</ref>

More came of Abbas' contacts with the English, although England had little interest in fighting against the Ottomans. The Sherley brothers arrived in 1598 and helped reorganize the Iranian army, which proved to be crucial in the ], which resulted in Ottoman defeats in all stages of the war and the first clear pitched Safavid victory of their arch rivals. One of the Shirley brothers, ], would lead Abbas' ] from 1609-1615.<ref></ref> The English at sea, represented by the English East India Company, also began to take an interest in Iran and in 1622 four of its ships helped Abbas retake Hormuz from the Portuguese in the ]. It was the beginning of the East India Company's long-running interest in Iran.<ref>Nahavandi, Bomati, pp. 161–2.</ref>

====Succession and legacy of Abbas I====
Due to his obsessive fear of assassination, Shah Abbas either put to death or blinded any member of his family who aroused his suspicion. One of his sons, his oldest son and the crown prince ], was executed following a court intrigue in which several Circassians were involved, while two others were blinded. Since two other sons had predeceased him, the result was a personal tragedy for Shah Abbas. When he died on 19 January 1629, he had no son capable of succeeding him.<ref>'']'', "Abbas I the Great", p. 75.</ref>

The beginning of the 17th century saw the power of the Qizilbash drastically diminish, the original militia that had helped Ismail I capture Tabriz and which had gained many administrative powers over the centuries. Power was fully shifting to the new class of ] deportees and imports, many of the hundreds of thousands ethnic ], ], and ]. This new society layer would continue to play a vital role in Iranian history up to including the fall of the ], some 300 years after Abbas' death.

At its zenith, during the long reign of Shah Abbas I the empire's reach comprised ], ], ], ], ], ], ], ], and parts of ], ], ], ], and ].

===Decline of the Safavid state===
{{Main|Hotaki dynasty|Afsharid dynasty|Treaty of Constantinople (1724)}}

] holding a banquet for foreign dignitaries. Detail from a ceiling fresco at the ] in Isfahan.]]
In addition to fighting its perennial enemies, their arch rival the Ottomans and the Uzbeks as the 17th century progressed, Iran had to contend with the rise of new neighbors. Russian ] in the previous century had deposed two western Asian khanates of the ] and expanded its influence into Europe, the Caucasus Mountains and Central Asia. ] came under Russian rule, nearing the Safavid possessions in ]. In the far eastern territories, the ] of India had expanded into ] (now ]) at the expense of Iranian control, briefly taking ].

].]]
In 1659, the ] rose up against the Safavid Iranian rule due to a change of policy that included the mass settling of ] Turkic tribes in the region in order to repopulate the province, after Shah Abbas' ] mass deportations of between 130,000<ref>{{harvnb|Munshī|1978|p=1116}}</ref> - 200,000<ref>{{harvnb|Sīstānī||p=509}}{{Full citation needed|date=May 2015}}</ref> ] subjects to Iran's mainland and massacre of another thousand in 1616 virtually left the province without any even remotely substantial amount of population. This ] was successfully defeated under personal direction of Shah ] himself. However, strategically it remained inconclusive.<ref>{{harvnb|Javakhishvili|1970}}{{page needed|date=May 2015}}</ref> The Iranian authority was restored in Kakheti, but the Qizilbash Turkics were prevented from settling in Kakheti, which undermined the planned Iranian policies in the respective province.

More importantly, the Dutch East India company and later English/British used their superior means of maritime violence to control trade routes in the western Indian ocean. As a result, Iran was cut off from overseas links to East Africa, the Arabian peninsula, and South Asia.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Subrahmanyam|first1=Sanjay|year=1988|title=Persians, pilgrims, and Portuguese: The travails of Masulipatnam shipping in the western Indian ocean, 1590-1665|journal=Modern Asian Studies|volume=22|issue=3|pages=503–530|doi=10.1017/S0026749X00009653}}</ref> Overland trade grew notably however, as Iran was able to further develop its overland trade with North and Central Europe during the second half of the seventeenth century.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kotilaine|first1=Jarmo T.|title=Russia's foreign trade and economic expansion in the seventeenth century: Windows on the world|year=2005|location=Leiden|pages=330–360, 450–485}}</ref> In the late seventeenth century, Iranian merchants established a permanent presence as far north as Narva on the Baltic sea, in what now is Estonia.<ref>{{Cite thesis|degree=Ph.D.|title=Cultural exchange, imperialist violence, and pious missions: Local perspectives from Tanjavur and Lenape country, 1720-1760|url=http://search.proquest.com/docview/902171220|last=Utz|first=Axel|year=2011|publisher=Pennsylvania State University|pages=84–85, 93-94}}</ref>

The Dutch and English were still able to drain the Iranian government of much of its precious metal supplies. Except for Shah ], the Safavid rulers after Abbas I were therefore rendered ineffectual, and the Iranian government declined and finally collapsed when a serious military threat emerged on its eastern border in the early eighteenth century.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Floor|first1=Willem|last2=Clawson|first2=Patrick|year=2000|title=Safavid Iran's search for silver and gold|journal=International Journal of Middle East Studies|volume=32|issue=3|pages=345–368|doi=10.1017/S0020743800021139}}</ref> The end of the reign of ], 1666, thus marked the beginning of the end of the Safavid dynasty. Despite falling revenues and military threats, later shahs had lavish lifestyles. ] (1694–1722) in particular was known for his love of wine and disinterest in governance.<ref>Mottahedeh, Roy, ''The Mantle of the Prophet: Religion and Politics in Iran'', One World, Oxford, 1985, 2000, p. 204.</ref>

]

The country was repeatedly raided on its frontiers—Kerman by ] in 1698, Khorasan by the ] in 1717, ] and northern ] by the ] in 1721, constantly in ] by Sunni peninsula Arabs. Sultan Hosein tried to forcibly convert his Afghan subjects in Qandahar from Sunni to the Shi'a sect of Islam. In response, a ] ] chieftain named ] revolted and killed ], the Safavid governor of the region, along with his army. In 1722, an Afghan army led by Mir Wais' son ] advanced on the heart of the empire and defeated the government forces at the ]. He then ] the capital of Isfahan, until Shah Sultan Husayn ] and acknowledged him as the new king of Persia.<ref>Axworthy pp.39-55</ref>{{full|date=June 2015}} At the same time, the ] led by ] attacked and conquered swaths of Safavid Iran's ], ]n, and northern mainland territories through the ]. The Safavids' arch rivals, the neighbouring ], invaded western and northwestern Safavid Iran and took swaths of territory there, including the city of Baghdad. Together with the Russians, they agreed to divide and keep the conquered Iranian territories for themselves as confirmed in the ].<ref name=martin>{{cite book |title=Uralic And Altaic Series |last=Martin |first=Samuel Elmo |year=1997 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=0-7007-0380-2 |pages=47 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UWYdLuA34OQC&pg=PA49&dq=%2B1724+%2Btreaty+%2Bottoman+%2Brussia&as_brr=3&sig=RCQz1SyXQfwl3QxvSpHrsomBKqI#PPA47,M1 }}</ref>

].]]
The tribal Afghans rode roughshod over their conquered territory for seven years but were prevented from making further gains by ], a former slave who had risen to military leadership within the ] in Khorasan, a vassal state of the Safavids. Quickly making name as a military genius both feared and respected amongst its friends and enemies (including Persia's arch rival the Ottoman Empire, and Russia; both empires Nader would deal with soon afterwards), Nader Shah easily defeated the Ghilzai Hotaki forces in the 1729 ]. He had removed them from power and banished them out of Persia by 1729. In 1732 by the ] and in 1735 ], he negotiated an agreement with the government of Empress ] for them to cede back the recently annexed Iranian territories, making most of the ] fall back into Iranian hands, while establishing an ] alliance against the common neighbouring Ottoman enemy.<ref>{{cite book|last=Mikaberidze|first=Alexander|title=Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia|year=2011|location=ABC-CLIO|isbn=1598843362|page=329|editor=Mikaberidze, Alexander|chapter=Treaty of Ganja (1735)}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Tucker|first=Ernest|title=Nāder Shah|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/nader-shah|work=Encyclopædia Iranica Online|accessdate=5 January 2014|year=2006}}</ref> In the ], he retook all territories lost by the Ottoman invasion of the 1720s, as well as beyond. With the Safavid state and its territories secured, in 1738 Nader conquered the Hotaki's last stronghold in Qandahar; in the same year, in need of fortune to aid his military careers against his Ottoman and Russian imperial rivals, he started his invasion of the wealthy but weak Mughal Empire accompanied by his Georgian subject ],<ref>David Marshall Lang. Columbia University Press, 1957 (digitalised March 2009, originally from the ]) p 142</ref> occupying ], ], ], and ], in India, when he completely humiliated and looted the military inferior Mughals. These cities were later inherited by his ] Afghan military commander, ]. Nadir had effective control under Shah ] and then ruled as regent of the infant ] until 1736 when he had himself crowned shah.

] in general. Emanuel Bowen, 1744–52.]]
Immediately after Nader Shah's assassination in 1747 and the disintegration of his short-lived empire, the Safavids were re-appointed as shahs of Iran in order to lend legitimacy to the nascent ]. However the brief puppet regime of ] ended in 1760 when ] felt strong enough to take nominal power of the country as well and officially end the Safavid dynasty.

==Shia Islam as the state religion==
{{Main|Safavid conversion of Iran from Sunnism to Shiism}}
], and is kept at The ] Institute of Oriental Studies in Russia, ever since it was acquired by ]. Note the two ] figures with their names at the top left.]]

Even though the Safavids were not the first Shia rulers in Iran, they played a crucial role in making Shia Islam the official religion in the whole of Iran, as well as what is nowadays the ].<ref name="books.google.com.au"></ref> There were large Shia communities in some cities like ] and ] as early as the 8th century. In the 10th and 11th centuries the ]s, who were of the ] branch of Shia, ruled in ], ] and ]. As a result of the Mongol conquest and the relative religious tolerance of the ], Shia dynasties were re-established in Iran, ] in ] being the most important. The Ilkhanid ruler ] converted to Twelver Shiism in the 13th century.

Following his conquest of ] and Azerbaijan, Ismail I made conversion mandatory for the largely ] population. The Sunni ] or clergy were either killed or exiled. Ismail I, brought in mainstream ] Shi'a religious leaders and granted them land and money in return for loyalty. Later, during the Safavid and especially ] period, the Shia Ulema's power increased and they were able to exercise a role, independent of or compatible with the government.

Iran became a feudal theocracy: the Shah was held to be the divinely ordained head of state and religion. In the following centuries, this religious stance cemented both Iran's internal cohesion and national feelings and provoked attacks by its ] neighbors, most notably its neighbouring rival, the ].

==Military and the role of Qizilbash==
{{Main|Qizilbash}}
]

The Qizilbash were a wide variety of ] ('']'') and mostly ] militant groups who helped found the Safavid Empire. Their military power was essential during the reign of the Shahs Ismail and Tahmasp. The Qizilbash tribes were essential to the military of Iran until the rule of ]- their leaders were able to exercise enormous influence and participate in court intrigues (assassinating Shah ] for example).

A major problem faced by ] after the establishment of the Safavid state was how to bridge the gap between the two major ethnic groups in that state: the ] ("Redhead") Turcomans, the "men of sword" of classical Islamic society whose military prowess had brought him to power, and the ]n elements, the "men of the pen", who filled the ranks of the bureaucracy and the religious establishment in the Safavid state as they had done for centuries under previous rulers of Persia, be they ], ], or ]s. As ] put it, friction between these two groups was inevitable, because the Qizilbash "were no party to the national Persian tradition".

Between 1508 and 1524, the year of Ismail's death, the shah appointed five successive Persians to the office of ''vakil''. When the second Persian vakil was placed in command of a Safavid army in ], the Qizilbash, considering it a dishonor to be obliged to serve under him, deserted him on the battlefield with the result that he was slain. The fourth vakil was murdered by the Qizilbash, and the fifth was put to death by them.<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica" />

===Reforms in the military===
]
Shah Abbas realized that in order to retain absolute control over his empire without antagonizing the Qizilbash, he needed to create reforms that reduced the dependency that the shah had on their military support. Part of these reforms was the creation of ] within the aristocracy and all other functions within the empire, but even more important in undermining the authority of the Qizilbash was the introduction of the Royal Corps into the military. This military force would serve the shah only and eventually consisted of four separate branches:<ref>Blow, David; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, pp. 37–8.</ref>

* Shahsevans: these were 12,000 strong and built up from the small group of ''qurchis'' that Shah Abbas had inherited from his predecessor. The ]s, or "Friends of the King", were Qizilbash tribesmen who had forsaken their tribal allegiance for allegiance to the shah alone.<ref name="Shahsavans">, Dr P. Shahsavand, Professor of Sociology at Islamic Azad University—''Events'' Magazine, Cultural, Economical and General Events of Iran (retrieved 4 Sep 2007).</ref>
* Ghulams: Tahmasp had started introducing huge amounts of ], ] and ] slaves and deportees from the ], of whom a sizeable amount would become part of the future ghulam system. Shah Abbas expanded this program significantly and fully implemented it, and eventually created a force of 15,000 ghulam cavalrymen and 3,000 ghulam royal bodyguards. Under Abbas, this force amounted to a total of near 40,000 soldiers paid for and beholden to the Shah.<ref name="Savory 1980 79"/><ref name="BN142"/><ref name=RE265>{{harvnb|Roemer|1986|p=265}}</ref> They would become the elite soldiers of the Safavid armies (like the Ottoman ]).<ref name="iranicaonline.org"/>
* Musketers: realizing the advantages that the Ottomans had because of their firearms, Shah Abbas was at pains to equip both the qurchi and the ghulam soldiers with up-to-date weaponry. More importantly, for the first time in Iranian history, a substantial infantry corps of musketeers (''tofang-chis''), numbering 12 000, was created.
* Artillery Corps: with the help of Westerners, he also formed an artillery corps of 12 000 men, although this was the weakest element in his army. According to ], who accompanied the British embassy to Persia in 1628, the Persians relied heavily on support from the Europeans in manufacturing cannons.<ref name = "Blow 38">Blow, p. 38.</ref> It wasn't until a century later, when ] became the Commander in Chief of the military that sufficient effort was put into modernizing the artillery corps and the Persians managed to excel and become self-sufficient in the manufacturing of firearms.

Despite the reforms, the Qizilbash would remain the strongest and most effective element within the military, accounting for more than half of its total strength.<ref name = "Blow 38" /> But the creation of this large standing army, that, for the first time in Safavid history, was serving directly under the Shah, significantly reduced their influence, and perhaps any possibilities for the type of civil unrest that had caused havoc during the reign of the previous shahs.

==Society==
A proper term for the Safavid society is what we today can call a '']'', meaning a society in which officials were appointed on the basis of worth and merit, and not on the basis of birth. It was certainly not an ], nor was it an ]. Sons of nobles were considered for the succession of their fathers as a mark of respect, but they had to prove themselves worthy of the position. This system avoided an entrenched aristocracy or a cast society.<ref>Savory, Roger, Iran under the Safavids, p. 183.</ref> There even are numerous recorded accounts of laymen that rose to high official posts, as a result of their merits.<ref>Sir E. Denison Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventure, pp. 219–20.</ref>

Nevertheless, the Iranian society during the Safavids was that of a hierarchy, with the Shah at the apex of the hierarchical pyramid, the common people, merchants and peasants at the base, and the aristocrats in between. The term ''dowlat'', which in modern Persian means "government", was then an abstract term meaning "bliss" or "felicity", and it began to be used as concrete sense of the Safavid state, reflecting the view that the people had of their ruler, as someone elevated above humanity.<ref name = "Savory 177">Savory, R, Iran under the Safavids, p. 77.</ref>

Also among the aristocracy, in the middle of the hierarchical pyramid, were the religious officials, who, mindful of the historic role of the religious classes as a buffer between the ruler and his subjects, usually did their best to shield the ordinary people from oppressive governments.<ref name = "Savory 177" />

===The customs and culture of the people===
] devoted a whole chapter in his book to describing the Persian character, which apparently fascinated him greatly. As he spent a large bulk of his life in Persia, he involved himself in, and took part in, their everyday rituals and habits, and eventually acquired intimate knowledge of their culture, customs and character. He admired their consideration towards foreigners, but he also stumbled upon characteristics that he found challenging. His descriptions of the public appearance, clothes and customs are corroborated by the miniatures, drawings and paintings from that time which have survived. As he describes them:<ref name = "Ferrier 110">Ferrier, RW, ''A journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's portrait of a seventeenth-century empire'', p. 110.</ref>

{{quote |Their imagination is animated, quick and fruitful. Their memory is free and prolific. They are very favorably drawn to the sciences, the liberal and mechanical arts. Their temperament is open and leans towards sensual pleasure and self-indulgence, which makes them pay little attention to economy or business.}}

He then goes on:<ref name = "Ferrier 110" />

{{quote |They are very philosophical over the good and bad things in life and about expectations for the future. They are little tainted with avarice, desiring only to acquire in order to spend. They love to enjoy what is to hand and they refuse nothing which contributes to it, having no anxiety about the future which they leave to providence and fate.}}

But as he also experienced:<ref>Ferrier, p. 111.</ref>
{{quote |...the Persians are dissembling, shamelessly deceitful and the greatest flatterers in the world, using great deception and insolence. They lack good faith in business dealings, in which they cheat so adeptly that one is always taken in. Hypocrisy is the usual disguise in which they proceed. They say their prayers and perform their rituals in the most devout manner. They hold the wisest and most pious conversation of which they are capable. And although they are naturally inclined to humanity, hospitality, mercy and other worldly goods, nevertheless, they do not cease feigning in order to give the semblance of being much better than they really are.}}

====Character====
] and ] (''pictured in 1622'') helped modernize the Persian Army.]]
It is however no question, from reading Chardin's descriptions of their manners, that he considered them to be a well educated and well behaved people, who certainly knew the strict etiquettes of social intercourse. As he describes them,<ref>Ferrier; p. 111-113.</ref>
{{cquote| The Persians are the most civilized of the peoples of the East, and what the French are to Europe, they are to the Orient... Their bearing and countenance is the best-composed, mild, serious, impressive, genial and welcoming as far as possible. They never fail to perform at once the appropriate gestures of politeness when meeting each other... They are the most wheedling people in the world, with the most engaging manners, the most supple spirits and a language that is gentle and flattering, and devoid of unpleasant terms but rather full of circumlocutions.}}

Unlike Europeans, they much disliked physical activity, and were not in favor of exercise for its own sake, preferring the leisure of repose and luxuries that life could offer. Travelling was valued only for the specific purpose of getting from one place to another, not interesting them self in seeing new places and experiencing different cultures. It was perhaps this sort of attitude towards the rest of the world that accounted for the ignorance of Persians regarding other countries of the world. The exercises that they took part in were for keeping the body supple and sturdy and to acquire skills in handling of arms. ] took first place. Second place was held by ], where the wrist had to be firm but flexible and movements agile. Thirdly there was horsemanship. A very strenuous form of exercise which the Persians greatly enjoyed was hunting.<ref>Ferrier; p. 114-115.</ref>

====Entertainment====
] depicting a polo-match]]
Since pre-Islamic times, the sport of ] had been an integral part of the Iranian identity, and the professional wrestlers, who performed in ]s, were considered important members of the society. Each town had their own troop of wrestlers, called ]s. Their sport also provided the masses with entertainment and spectacle. Chardin described one such event:<ref>Ferrier; p. 116.</ref>
{{cquote| The two wrestlers were covered in grease. They are present on the level ground, and a small drum is always playing during the contest for excitement. They swear to a good fight and shake hands. That done, they slap their thighs, buttocks and hips to the rhythm of the drum. That is for the women and to get themselves in good form. After that they join together in uttering a great cry and trying to overthrow each other.}}

As well as wrestling, what gathered the masses was fencing, tightrope dancers, puppet-players and acrobats, performing in large squares, such as the ]. A leisurely form of amusement was to be found in the ]s, particularly in certain districts, like those near the mausoleum of Harun-e Velayat. People met there to drink liqueurs or coffee, to smoke tobacco or opium, and to chat or listen to poetry.<ref>Ferrier; p. 117- 118.</ref>

====Clothes and Appearances====
]
]

As noted before, a key aspect of the Persian character was its love of luxury, particularly on keeping up appearances. They would adorn their clothes, wearing stones and decorate the harness of their horses. Men wore many rings on their fingers, almost as many as their wives. They also placed jewels on their arms, such as on daggers and swords. Daggers were worn at the waist. In describing the lady's clothing, he noted that Persian dress revealed more of the figure than did the European, but that women appeared differently depending on whether they were at home in the presence of friends and family, or if they were in the public. In private they usually wore a veil that only covered the hair and the back, but upon leaving the home, they put on '']'', large cloaks that concealed their whole bodies except their faces. They often dyed their feet and hands with ]. Their hairstyle was simple, the hair gathered back in tresses, often adorned at the ends with pearls and clusters of jewels. Women with slender waists were regarded as more attractive than those with larger figures. Women from the provinces and slaves pierced their left nostrils with rings, but well-born Persian women would not do this.<ref>Ferrier; pp. 120- 124.</ref>

The most precious accessory for men was the ]. Although they lasted a long time it was necessary to have changes for different occasions like weddings and the ], while men of status never wore the same turban two days running. Clothes that became soiled in any way were changed immediately.<ref>Ferrier; p. 124.</ref>

===Turks and Tajiks===
Although the Safavid rulers and citizens were of native stock and continuously reasserted their Iranian identity, the power structure of the Safavid state was mainly divided into two groups: the Turkic-speaking military/ruling elite—whose job was to maintain the territorial integrity and continuity of the Iranian empire through their leadership—and the Persian-speaking administrative/governing elite—whose job was to oversee the operation and development of the nation and its identity through their high positions. Thus came the term "Turk and Tajik", which was used by native Iranians for many generations to describe the ], or ], nature of many dynasties which ruled over Greater Iran between the 12th and 20th centuries, in that these dynasties promoted and helped continue the dominant Persian linguistic and cultural identity of their states, although the dynasties themselves were of non-Persian (e.g. Turkic) linguistic origins. The relationship between the Turkic-speaking 'Turks' and Persian-speaking 'Tajiks' was symbiotic, yet some form of rivalry did exist between the two. As the former represented the "''people of the sword''" and the latter, "''the people of the pen''", high-level official posts would naturally be reserved for the Persians. Indeed, this had been the situation throughout Persian history, even before the Safavids, ever since the Arab conquest.<ref>]; ''History of Iran'' (2010).</ref> Shah Tahmasp introduced a change to this, when he, and the other Safavid rulers who succeeded him, sought to blur the formerly defined lines between the two linguistic groups, by taking the sons of Turkic-speaking officers into the royal household for their education in the Persian language. Consequently, they were slowly able to take on administrative jobs in areas which had hitherto been the exclusive preserve of the ethnic Persians.<ref>Savory; 184-5.</ref>

===The third force: Caucasians===
], military commander, ] and the governor of ] and ] from 1625 to 1630.]]
{{see also|Iranian Georgians|Iranian Circassians}}
From 1540 and onwards, Shah Tahmasp initiated a gradual transformation of the Iranian society by slowly constructing a new branch and layer solely composed of ethnic ], which would be completed, significantly widened and fully implemented by ].
According to '']'', for Tahmāsp, the background of this initiation and eventual composition that would be only finalized under Shah ], circled around the military tribal elite of the empire, the Qezelbāš, who believed that physical proximity to and control of a member of the immediate Safavid family guaranteed spiritual advantages, political fortune, and material advancement.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> This was a huge impedance for the authority of the Shah, and furthermore, it undermined any developments without the agreeing or shared profit of the Qezelbāš. As Tahmāsp understood and realized that any long-term solutions would mainly involve minimizing the political and military presence of the Qezelbāš as a whole, it would require them to be replaced by a whole new layer in society, that would question and battle the authority of the Qezelbāš on every possible level, and minimize any of their influences. This layer would be solely composed of hundreds of thousands of deported, imported, and to a lesser extent voluntarily migrated ethnic ], Georgians, and Armenians. This layer would become the "third force" in Iranian society.

The series of campaigns that Tahmāsp subsequently waged after realising this in the wider ] between 1540 and 1554 were meant to uphold the morale and the fighting efficiency of the Qezelbāš military,<ref>Savory; Iran under the Safavids; p. 65</ref> but they brought home large numbers (over 70,000)<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2BMVnw9JQh8C&printsec=frontcover&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false|title=Slaves of the Shah:New Elites of Safavid Iran|year=2004|accessdate=1 April 2014}}</ref> of Christian ], Circassian and Armenian slaves as its main objective, and would be the basis of this third force; the new (Caucasian) layer in society.<ref name="Streusand, p. 148"/> According to ''Encyclopedia Iranica'', this would be as well the starting point for the corps of the ''ḡolāmān-e ḵāṣṣa-ye-e šarifa'', or ''royal slaves'', who would dominate the Safavid military for most of the empire's length, and would form a crucial part of the ''third force''. As non-Turcoman converts to Islam, these Circassian and Georgian ] (also written as ''ghulams'') were completely unrestrained by clan loyalties and kinship obligations, which was an attractive feature for a ruler like Tahmāsp whose childhood and upbringing had been deeply affected by Qezelbāš tribal politics.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Their formation, implementation, and usage was very much alike to the ] of the neighbouring Ottoman Empire.<ref name="iranicaonline.org"/> In turn, many of these transplanted women became wives and concubines of Tahmāsp, and the Safavid harem emerged as a competitive, and sometimes lethal, arena of ethnic politics as cliques of Turkmen, Circassian, and Georgian women and courtiers vied with each other for the king's attention.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Although the first slave soldiers would not be organized until the reign of Abbas I, during Tahmāsp's time Caucasians would already become important members of the royal household, ] and in the civil and military administration,<ref name="Manz"/><ref name="books.google.nl"/> and by that becoming their way of eventually becoming an integral part of the society. His successor ] brought another 30,000 Circassians and Georgians to Iran of which many joined the ghulam force.<ref>Oberling, Pierre, ''Georgians and Circassians in Iran'', The Hague, 1963; pp.127-143</ref>

Following the full implementation of this policy by Abbas I, the women (only Circassian and Georgian) now very often came to occupy prominent positions in the harems of the Safavid elite, while the men who became part of the ghulam "class" as part of the powerful third force were given special training on completion of which they were either enrolled in one of the newly created '']'' regiments, or employed in the royal household.<ref name="Blow, D. p. 9">Blow, D; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, p. 9.</ref> The rest of the masses of deportees and importees, a significant portion numbering many hundreds of thousands, were settled in various regions of mainland Iran, and were given all kinds of roles as part of society, such as craftsmen, farmers, cattle breeders, traders, soldiers, generals, governors, woodcutters, etc., all also part of the newly established layer in Iranian society.<ref>Matthee, Rudolph P. (1999), ''.</ref>

Shah Abbas, who significantly enlargened and completed this program and under whom the creation of this new layer in society may be mentioned as fully "finalized", completed the ghulam system as well. As part of its completion, he as well greatly expanded the ghulam military corps from just a few hundred during Tahmāsp's era, to 15,000 highly trained cavalrymen,<ref>Blow; p. 37.</ref> as part of a whole army division of 40,000 ] ghulams. He then went on to completely reduce the number of Qizilbash provincial governorships and systematically moved qizilbash governors to other districts, thus disrupting their ties with the local community, and reducing their power. Most were replaced by a ghulam, and within short time, Georgians, Circassians, and to a lesser extent Armenians had been appointed to many of the highest offices of state, and were employed within all other possible sections of society. By 1595, ], a Georgian, became one of the most powerful men in the Safavid state, when he was appointed the Governor-General of ], one of the richest provinces in Persia. And his power reached its peak in 1598, when he became the commander-in-chief of the armed forces.<ref>Savory; p. 82.</ref> Thus, starting from the reign of Tahmāsp I but only fully implemented and completed by Shah Abbas, this new group solely composed of ethnic ] eventually came to constitute a powerful "third force" within the state as a new layer in society, alongside the Persians and the Qizilbash Turks, and it only goes to prove the meritocratic society of the Safavids.

It is estimated that during Abbas' reign alone some 130,000-200,000 Georgians,<ref>Eskandar Beg, pp. 900-901, tr. Savory, II, p. 1116</ref><ref>Malekšāh Ḥosayn, p. 509</ref> tens of thousands of ], and around 300,000 ]<ref>Ibp Inc, Armenia Country Study Guide Volume 1 Strategic Information and Developments</ref> had been deported and imported from the Caucasus to mainland Iran, all obtaining functions and roles as part of the newly created layer in society, such as within the highest positions of the state, or as farmers, soldiers, craftspeople, as part of the Royal harem, the Court, and peasantry, amongst others.

===Emergence of a clerical aristocracy===
An important feature of the Safavid society was the alliance that emerged between the ] (the religious class) and the ] community. The latter included merchants trading in the bazaars, the trade and artisan guilds (''asnāf'') and members of the quasi-religious organizations run by ]es (''futuvva''). Because of the relative insecurity of property ownership in Persia, many private landowners secured their lands by donating them to the clergy as so called ''vaqf''. They would thus retain the official ownership and secure their land from being confiscated by royal commissioners or local governors, as long as a percentage of the revenues from the land went to the ulama. Increasingly, members of the religious class, particularly the ]s and the ]s, gained full ownership of these lands, and, according to contemporary historian ], Persia started to witness the emergence of a new and significant group of landowners.<ref>Savory, pp. 185–6.</ref>

===Akhbaris versus Usulis===
The Akhbari movement "crystalized" as a "separate movement" with the writings of ] (died 1627 AD). It rejected the use of reasoning in deriving verdicts and believed that only the Quran, hadith, (prophetic sayings and recorded opinions of the ]) and consensus should be used as sources to derive verdicts ('']''). Unlike ]s, Akhbari did and do not follow '']s'' who practice '']''.<ref name="Nasr">{{Cite book
| last =Nasr
| first =Vali
| author-link =
| last2 =
| first2 =
| author2-link =
| publication-date =2006
| year =2006
| title =The Shia revival : how conflicts within Islam will shape the future
| edition =
| volume =
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| publication-place =New York
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| publisher =Norton
| pages =
| page =69
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| isbn =978-0-393-06211-3
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It achieved its greatest influence in the late Safavid and early post-Safavid era, when it dominated Twelver Shia Islam.<ref name="momen127">{{Cite book
| last =Momen
| first =Moojan
| author-link =
| last2 =
| first2 =
| author2-link =
| publication-date =
| year =1985
| title =An introduction to Shi'i Islam : the history and doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism
| edition =
| volume =
| series =
| publication-place =Oxford
| place =
| publisher =G. Ronald
| pages =
| page =127
| id =
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}}</ref> However, shortly thereafter ] (died 1792), along with other Usuli mujtahids, crushed the Akhbari movement.<ref name="momen222">{{Cite book
| last =Momen
| first =Moojan
| author-link =
| last2 =
| first2 =
| author2-link =
| publication-date =
| year =1985
| title =An introduction to Shi'i Islam : the history and doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism
| edition =
| volume =
| series =
| publication-place =Oxford
| place =
| publisher =G. Ronald
| pages =
| page =222
| id =
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}}</ref> It remains only a small minority in the Shia Muslim world. One result of the resolution of this conflict was the rise in importance of the concept of ijtihad and the position of the mujtahid (as opposed to other ulama) in the 18th and early 19th centuries. It was from this time that the division of the Shia world into mujtahid (those who could follow their own independent judgment) and '']'' (those who had to follow the rulings of a mujtahid) took place. According to author Moojan Momen, "up to the middle of the 19th century there were very few mujtahids (three or four) anywhere at any one time," but "several hundred existed by the end of the 19th century."<ref name="momen204">{{Cite book
| last =Momen
| first =Moojan
| author-link =
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| publication-date =
| year =1985
| title =An introduction to Shi'i Islam : the history and doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism
| edition =
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| series =
| publication-place =Oxford
| place =
| publisher =G. Ronald
| pages =
| page =204
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}}</ref>

===Allamah Majlisi===
], commonly referenced to using the title ], was a highly influential scholar during the 17th century (Safavid era). Majlisi's works emphasized his desire to purge Twelver Shi'ism of the influences of mysticism and philosophy, and to propagate an ideal of strict adherence to the Islamic law (sharia).<ref name="momen115">{{Cite book
| last =Momen
| first =Moojan
| author-link =
| last2 =
| first2 =
| author2-link =
| publication-date =
| year =1985
| title =An introduction to Shi'i Islam : the history and doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism
| edition =
| volume =
| series =
| publication-place =Oxford
| place =
| publisher =G. Ronald
| pages =
| page =115
| id =
| isbn =0-85398-201-5
| doi =
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}}</ref> Majlisi promoted specifically Shia rituals such as mourning for Hussein ibn Ali and visitation ('']'') of the tombs of the Imams and Imamzadas, stressing "the concept of the Imams as mediators and intercessors for man with God."<ref name="momen116">{{Cite book
| last =Momen
| first =Moojan
| author-link =
| last2 =
| first2 =
| author2-link =
| publication-date =
| year =1985
| title =An introduction to Shi'i Islam : the history and doctrines of Twelver Shi'ism
| edition =
| volume =
| series =
| publication-place =Oxford
| place =
| publisher =G. Ronald
| pages =
| page =116
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}}</ref>

==State and government==
The Safavid state was one of checks and balance, both within the government and on a local level. At the apex of this system was the Shah, with total power over the state, legitimized by his bloodline as a ], or descendant of ]. So absolute was his power, that the French merchant, and later ambassador to Persia, ] thought the Safavid Shahs ruled their land with an iron fist and often in a despotic manner.<ref>Ferrier, R. W.; A Journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire; pp 71-71.</ref> To ensure transparency and avoid decisions being made that circumvented the Shah, a complex system of bureaucracy and departmental procedures had been put in place that prevented fraud. Every office had a deputy or superintendent, whose job was to keep records of all actions of the state officials and report directly to the Shah. The Shah himself exercised his own measures for keeping his ministers under control by fostering an atmosphere of rivalry and competitive surveillance. And since the Safavid society was meritocratic, and successions seldom were made on the basis of heritage, this meant that government offices constantly felt the pressure of being under surveillance and had to make sure they governed in the best interest of their leader, and not merely their own.

===The Government===
] (''Rustam Khan''), viceroy of ] from 1633-1658.]]
There probably did not exist any ], as we know them today. But the Portuguese ambassador to the Safavids, ], still mentions the '']''<ref>Blow, p. 173.</ref> in his records, which perhaps was a term for governmental gatherings of the time.

The highest level in the government was that of the Prime Minister, or ] (''Etemad-e Dowlat''), who was always chosen from among doctors of law. He enjoyed tremendous power and control over national affairs as he was the immediate deputy of the Shah. No act of the Shah was valid without the counter seal of the Prime Minister. But even he stood accountable to a deputy (''vak’anevis''), who kept records of his decision-makings and notified the Shah. Second to the Prime Minister post were the General of the Revenues (''mostoufi-ye mamalek''), or finance minister,<ref name = "Blow 165">Blow, David. Shah Abbas: the ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, p. 165.</ref> and the ''Divanbegi'', Minister of Justice. The latter was the final appeal in civil and criminal cases, and his office stood next to the main entrance to the ] palace. In earlier times, the Shah had been closely involved in judicial proceedings, but this part of the royal duty was neglected by ] and the later kings.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82">Ferrier, pp. 80–2.</ref>

Next in authority were the generals: the General of the Royal Troops (the ''Shahsevans''), General of the Musketeers, General of the Ghulams and The Master of Artillery. A separate official, the Commander-in-Chief, was appointed to be the head of these officials.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82"/>

===The Royal Court===
]

As for the royal household, the highest post was that of the ''Nazir'', Court Minister. He was perhaps the closest advisor to the Shah, and, as such, functioned as his eyes and ears within the Court. His primary job was to appoint and supervise all the officials of the household and to be their contact with the Shah. But his responsibilities also included that of being the treasurer of the Shahs properties. This meant that even the Prime Minister, who held the highest office in the state, had to work in association with the Nazir when it came to managing those transactions that directly related to the Shah.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82"/>

The second most senior appointment was the Grand Steward (''Ichik Agasi bashi''), who would always accompany the Shah and was easily recognizable because of the great baton that he carried with him. He was responsible for introducing all guests, receiving petitions presented to the Shah and reading them if required. Next in line were the Master of the Royal Stables (''Mirakor bashi'') and the Master of the Hunt (''Mirshekar bashi''). The Shah had stables in all the principal towns, and Shah Abbas was said to have about 30,000 horses in studs around the country.<ref>Blow, p. 170.</ref> In addition to these, there were separate officials appointed for the caretaking of royal banquets and for entertainment.

Chardin specifically noticed the rank of doctors and astrologers and the respect that the Shahs had for them. The Shah had a dozen of each in his service and would usually be accompanied by three doctors and three astrologers, who were authorized to sit by his side on various occasions.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82"/> The Chief Physician (''Hakim-bashi'') was a highly considered member of the Royal court,<ref name = "Savory 221">Savory, Roger, Iran under the Safavids, p. 221.</ref> and the most revered astrologer of the court was given the title ''Munajjim-bashi'' (Chief Astrologer).<ref>Blow, p. 175.</ref>

During the first century of the dynasty, the primary court language remained ],<ref name = "Blow 165" /> although this increasingly changed after the capital was moved to Isfahan.<ref name = "Cyril Glassé 2003, pg 392">Cyril Glassé (ed.), ''The New Encyclopedia of Islam'', Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, revised ed., 2003, ISBN 0-7591-0190-6, p. 392: "Shah Abbas moved his capital from ] to ]. His reigned marked the peak of Safavid dynasty's achievement in art, diplomacy, and commerce. It was probably around this time that the court, which originally spoke a Turkic language, began to use Persian"</ref>

===Local governments===
], 1671.]]
On a local level, the government was divided into public land and royal possessions. The public land was under the rule of local governors, or ''Khans''. Since the earliest days of the Safavid dynasty, the ] generals had been appointed to most of these posts. They ruled their provinces like petty shahs and spent all their revenues on their own province, only presenting the Shah with the balance. In return, they had to keep ready a standing army at all times and provide the Shah with military assistance upon his request. It was also requested from them that they appoint a lawyer (''vakil'') to the Court who would inform them on matters pertaining to the provincial affairs.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 85-89">Ferrier; pp. 85-89.</ref> ] intended to decrease the power of the Qizilbash by bringing some of these provinces into his direct control, creating so called ''Crown Provinces'' (''Khassa''). But it was ], under influence by his Prime Minister, ], that initiated the program of trying to increase the royal revenues by buying land from the governors and putting in place local commissioners.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 85-89"/> In time, this proved to become a burden to the people that were under the direct rule of the Shah, as these commissioners, unlike the former governors, had little knowledge about the local communities that they controlled and were primarily interested in increasing the income of the Shah. And, while it was in the governors’ own interest to increase the productivity and prosperity of their provinces, the commissioners received their income directly from the royal treasury and, as such, did not care so much about investing in agriculture and local industries. Thus, the majority of the people suffered from rapacity and corruption carried out in the name of the Shah.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 85-89"/>

===Democratic institutions in a totalitarian society===
In 16th and 17th century Iran, there existed a considerable number of local democratic institutions. Examples of such were the trade and artisan guilds, which had started to appear in Persia from the 1500s. Also, there were the quazi-religious fraternities called ''futuvva'', which were run by local ]es. Another official selected by the consensus of the local community was the ''kadkhoda'', who functioned as a common law administrator.<ref>Malcolm; vol II, p. 456.</ref> The local sheriff (''kalantar''), who was not elected by the people but directly appointed by the Shah, and whose function was to protect the people against injustices on the part of the local governors, supervised the kadkhoda.<ref>Savory; p. 182.</ref>

==Legal system==
]

In Safavid Persia there was little distinction between theology and jurisprudence, or between divine justice and human justice, and it all went under ''Islamic jurisprudence'' (]). The legal system was built up of two branches: ], which had its roots in ], ''received wisdom'', and ], meaning ''traditional experience'' and very similar to the Western form of ]. While the imams and judges of law applied civil law in their practice, urf was primarily exercised by the local commissioners, who inspected the villages on behalf of the Shah, and by the Minister of Justice (''Divanbegi''). The latter were all secular functionaries working on behalf of the Shah.<ref name = "Ferrier 90-4">Ferrier, RW, A journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire, pp. 90–4.</ref>

The highest level in the legal system was the Minister of Justice, and the law officers were divided into senior appointments, such as the magistrate (''darughah''), inspector (''visir''), and recorder (''vak’anevis''). The lesser officials were the ], corresponding a civil lieutenant, who ranked under the local governors and functioned as judges in the provinces.

According to ]:<ref name="Ferrier; p. 91">Ferrier p. 91.</ref>
{{quote |There were no particular place assigned for the administration of justice. Each magistrate executes justice in his own house in a large room opening on to a courtyard or a garden which is raised two or three feet above the ground. The Judge is seated at one end of the room having a writer and a man of law by his side.}}

Chardin also noted that bringing cases into court in Persia was easier than in the West. The judge (qazi) was informed of relevant points involved and would decide whether or not to take up the case. Having agreed to do so, a sergeant would investigate and summon the defendant, who was then obliged to pay the fee of the sergeant. The two parties with their witnesses pleaded their respective cases, usually without any counsel, and the judge would pass his judgment after the first or second hearing.<ref name="Ferrier; p. 91"/>

] was entirely separate from civil law and was judged upon ''common law'' administered through the Minister of Justice, local governors and the Court minister (the ''Nazir''). Despite being based on ''urf'', it relied upon certain sets of legal principles. Murder was punishable by death, and the penalty for bodily injuries was invariably the ]. Robbers had their right wrists amputated the first time, and sentenced to death on any subsequent occasion. State criminals were subjected to the ''karkan'', a triangular wooden collar placed around the neck. On extraordinary occasions when the Shah took justice into his own hand, he would dress himself up in red for the importance of the event, according to ancient tradition.<ref name = "Ferrier 90-4" />

==Economy==
What fueled the growth of Safavid economy was Iran's position between the burgeoning civilizations of Europe to its west and India and Islamic ] to its east and north. The ] which led through northern Iran was revived in the 16th century. Abbas I also supported direct trade with Europe, particularly England and The Netherlands which sought ], silk and textiles. Other exports were horses, goat hair, pearls and an inedible bitter almond hadam-talka used as a spice in India. The main imports were spice, textiles (woolens from Europe, cottons from Gujarat), metals, coffee, and sugar.

]

===Agriculture===
According to the historian ], the twin bases of the domestic economy were ] and agriculture. And, just as the higher levels of the social hierarchy was divided between the Turkish "men of the sword" and the Persian "men of the pen"; so were the lower level divided between the Turcoman tribes, who were cattle breeders and lived apart from the surrounding population, and the Persians, who were peasants and settled agriculturalists.<ref>Savory, R.; Iran under the Safavids; pp. 186-7.</ref>

The Safavid economy was to a large extent based on agriculture and taxation of agricultural products. According to the French jeweller ], the variety in agricultural products in Persia was unrivaled in Europe and consisted of fruits and vegetables never even heard of in Europe. Chardin was present at some feasts in Isfahan were there were more than fifty different kinds of fruit. He thought that there was nothing like it in France or Italy:<ref>Ferrier, R. W.; ''A journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's portrait of a seventeenth-century Empire''; p. 24.</ref>

{{cquote| Tobacco grew all over the country and was as strong as that grown in Brazil. Saffron was the best in the world... Melons were regarded as excellent fruit, and there were more than 50 different sorts, the finest of which came from ]. And in spite of being transported for more than thirty days, they were fresh when they reached Isfahan... After melons the finest fruits were grapes and dates, and the best dates were grown in ]. }}

Despite this, he was disappointed when travelling the country and witnessing the abundance of land that was not irrigated, or the fertile plains that were not cultivated, something he thought was in stark contrast to Europe. He blamed this on misgovernment, the sparse population of the country, and lack of appreciation of agriculture amongst the Persians.<ref>Ferrier; p. 23.</ref>

In the period prior to Shah Abbas I, most of the land was assigned to officials (civil, military and religious). From the time of Shah Abbas onwards, more land was brought under the direct control of the shah. And since agriculture accounted to the{{By whom|date=May 2015}} by far largest share of tax revenue, he took measures to expand it. What remained unchanged, was the "''crop-sharing agreement''" between whom ever was the landlord, and the peasant. This agreement concisted of five elements: land, water, plough-animals, seed and labour. Each element constituted 20 percent of the crop production, and if, for instance, the peasant provided the labour force and the animals, he would be entitled to 40 percent of the earnings.<ref>Savory; p.187.</ref><ref>Blow, D.; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend; p. 211.</ref> According to contemporary historians, though, the landlord always had the worst of the bargain with the peasant in the crop-sharing agreements. In general, the peasants lived in comfort, and they were well paid and wore good clothes, although it was also noted that they were subject to forced labour and lived under heavy demands.<ref>Lambton, A. K. S.; ''Landlord and Peasant in Persia'' (Oxford 1953); p 127-8.</ref>

===Travel and Caravanserais===
], was a luxury resort meant for the wealthiest merchants and selected guests of the shah. Today it is a luxury hotel and goes under the name of Hotel Abassi.]]

Horses were the most important of all the domestic animals, and the best were brought in from Arabia and Central-Asia. They were costly because of the widespread trade in them, including to Turkey and India. The next most important mount, when traveling through Persia, was the mule. Also, the camel was a good investment for the merchant, as they cost nearly nothing to feed, carried a lot weight and could travel almost anywhere.<ref>Ferrier; pp. 25-6.</ref>

Under the governance of the strong shahs, especially during the first half of the 17th century, traveling through Persia was easy because of good roads and the ]s, that were strategically placed along the route. ] and ] commented that the Persian caravanserais were better built and cleaner than their Turkish counterparts.<ref>Savory; p.190.</ref> According to Chardin, they were also more abundant than in the Mughal or Ottoman Empires, where they were less frequent but larger.<ref>Ferrier; p. 31.</ref> Caravanserais were designed especially to benefit poorer travelers, as they could stay there for as long as they wished, without payment for lodging. During the reign of Shah Abbas I, as he tried to upgrade the ] to improve the commercial prosperity of the Empire, an abundance of caravanserais, bridges, bazaars and roads were built, and this strategy was followed by wealthy merchants who also profited from the increase in trade. To uphold the standard, another source of revenue was needed, and road toll, that were collected by guards (''rah-dars''), were stationed along the trading routes. They in turn provided for the safety of the travelers, and both Thevenot and Tavernier stressed the safety of traveling in 17th century Persia, and the courtesy and refinement of the policing guards.<ref>Savory; p. 191.</ref> The Italian traveler ] was impressed by an encounter with one of these road guards:<ref>Blow; p. 210.</ref>

{{cquote| He examined our baggage, but in the most obliging manner possible, not opening our trunks or packages, and was satisfied with a small tax, which was his due...}}

===Foreign trade and the Silk Route===
] Palace in Isfahan was where the Shah would meet foreign dignitaries and embassies. It is famous for the frescoes that cover its walls.]]

The ] and the discovery of the trading route around the ] in 1487 not only hit a death blow to ] as a trading nation, but it also hurt the trade that was going on along the ] and especially the ]. They correctly identified the three key points to control all seaborne trade between Asia and Europe: The ], The Persian Gulf and the ] by cutting off and controlling these strategic locations with high taxation.<ref>Savory, R; Iran under the Safavids; pp. 193–95.</ref> In 1602, Shah Abbas I drove the Portuguese out of ], but he needed naval assistance from the newly arrived British ] to finally expel them from the ] and regain control of this trading route.<ref>Blow, D; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend; pp. 113–131.</ref> He convinced the British to assist him by allowing them to open factories in Shiraz, Isfahan and Jask.<ref>Blow; chapter: "English adventurers at the servise of Shah Abbas."</ref><ref>Savory; p. 195.</ref> With the later end of the Portuguese Empire, the British, Dutch and French in particular gained easier access to Persian seaborne trade, although they, unlike the Portuguese, did not arrive as colonisers, but as merchant adventurers. The terms of trade were not imposed on the Safavid shahs, but rather negotiated.

]
In the long term, however, the seaborne trade route was of less significance to the Persians than was the traditional Silk Route. Lack of investment in ship building and the navy provided the Europeans with the opportunity to monopolize this trading route. The land-borne trade would thus continue to provide the bulk of revenues to the Persian state. Much of the cash revenue came not so much from what could be sold abroad, as from the custom charges and transit dues levied on goods passing through the country.<ref>Blow; p. 212.</ref> Shah Abbas was determined to greatly expand this trade, but faced the problem of having to deal with the Ottomans, who controlled the two most vital routes: the route across Arabia to the Mediterranean ports, and the route through ] and Istanbul. A third route was therefore devised which circumvented Ottoman territory. By travelling across the ] to the north, they would reach Russia. And with the assistance of the ] they could cross over to Moscow, reaching Europe via Poland. This trading route proved to be of vital importance, especially during times of war with the Ottomans.<ref>Savory; p. 196.</ref>

By the end of the 17th century, the Dutch had become dominant in the trade that went via the Persian Gulf, having won most trade agreements, and managed to strike deals before the British or French were able to. They particularly established monopoly of the spice trade between the East Indies and Iran.<ref>Savory; pp. 199–200.</ref>

===The Armenian merchants and the trade of silk===
]. The Armenians moved into the ] of Isfahan and were free to build their prayer houses, eventually becoming an integral part of the society.]]
The one valuable item, sought for in Europe, which Iran possessed and which could bring in silver in sufficient quantities was silk, which was produced in the northern provinces, along the Caspian coastline. The trade of this product was done by Turks and Persians to begin with, but during the 17th century the Christian ] became increasingly vital in the trade of this merchandise, as middlemen.<ref name="Blow; p. 213">Blow; p. 213.</ref>

Whereas domestic trade was largely in the hands of Persian and Jewish merchants, by the late 17th century, almost all foreign trade was controlled by the ].<ref>Savory; p. 195-8</ref> They were even hired by wealthy Persian merchants to travel to Europe when they wanted to create commercial bases there, and the Armenians eventually established themselves in cities like ], ], Venice, Livorno, Marseilles and Amsterdam.<ref name="Blow; p. 213"/> Realizing this, Shah Abbas resettled large numbers of Armenians from the ] to his capital city and provided them with loans.<ref name="Blow; p. 213"/> And as the shah realized the importance of doing trade with the Europeans, he assured that the Safavid society was one with religious tolerance. The Christian Armenians thus became a commercial elite in the Safavid society and managed to survive in the tough atmosphere of business being fought over by the British, Dutch, French, Indians and Persians, by always having large capital readily available and by managing to strike harder bargains ensuring cheaper prices than what, for instance, their British rivals ever were able to.<ref>Savory; p. 202.</ref>


==Culture== ==Culture==
The Safavid family was a literate family from its early origin. There are extant Tati and Persian poetry from Shaykh Safi ad-din Ardabili as well as extant Persian poetry from Shaykh Sadr ad-din. Most of the extant poetry of Shah Ismail I is in ] pen-name of Khatai.<ref name="Mino">V. Minorsky, "The Poetry of Shāh Ismā‘īl I", ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies'', University of London 10/4 (1942): 1006–53.</ref> Sam Mirza, the son of Shah Ismail as well as some later authors assert that Ismail composed poems both in Turkish and Persian but only a few specimens of his Persian verse have survived.<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica">"Ismail Safavi" ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref> A collection of his poems in Azeri were published as a Divan. Shah Tahmasp who has composed poetry in Persian was also a painter, while Shah Abbas II was known as a poet, writing Azerbaijani verses.<ref>E. Yarshater, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090120154543/http://www.iranica.com/newsite/search/searchpdf.isc?ReqStrPDFPath=%2Fhome1%2Firanica%2Farticles%2Fv3_articles%2Fazerbaijan%2Flanguage_azerbaijan&OptStrLogFile=%2Fhome%2Firanica%2Fpublic_html%2Flogs%2Fpdfdownload.html |date=2009-01-20 }}, vii., Persian language of Azerbaijan", '']'', v, pp. 238–45, Online edition.</ref> Sam Mirza, the son of Ismail I was himself a poet and composed his poetry in Persian. He also compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.<ref>Emeri "van" Donzel, ''Islamic Desk Reference'', Brill Academic Publishers, 1994, p. 393.</ref>
{{See also|Safavid art}}
{{Persian arts}}


<gallery heights="170px" mode="packed-hover" style="margin-top:3em;" caption="Safavid dynasty art">
]'' in Isfahan is the epitome of 16th-century ].]]
Safavid Dynasty, Horse and Groom, by Haydar Ali, early 16th century.jpg

Safavid Dynasty, Woman with a Spray of Flowers, circa 1575 AD.jpg
===Culture within the Safavid family===
Safavid Dynasty, Joseph Enthroned from a Falnama (Book of Omens), circa 1550 AD.jpg
The Safavid family was a literate family from its early origin. There are extant Tati and Persian poetry from Shaykh Safi ad-din Ardabili as well as extant Persian poetry from Shaykh Sadr ad-din. Most of the extant poetry of Shah Ismail I is in ] pen-name of Khatai.<ref name="Mino"/> Sam Mirza, the son of Shah Esmail as well as some later authors assert that Ismail composed poems both in Turkish and Persian but only a few specimens of his Persian verse have survived.<ref name = "ismailsafaviiranica" /> A collection of his poems in Azeri were published as a Divan. Shah Tahmasp who has composed poetry in Persian was also a painter, while Shah Abbas II was known as a poet, writing Azerbaijani verses.<ref name="Iranica">E. Yarshater, , vii., Persian language of Azerbaijan", '']'', v, pp. 238–45, Online edition.</ref> Sam Mirza, the son of Ismail I was himself a poet and composed his poetry in Persian. He also compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.<ref>Emeri "van" Donzel, ''Islamic Desk Reference'', Brill Academic Publishers, 1994, p. 393.</ref>
Shirin bathing, being approached by Khusraw, Safavid miniature painting, Iran.jpg

</gallery>
===Culture within the empire===
Shah Abbas I recognized the commercial benefit of promoting the arts—artisan products provided much of Iran's foreign trade. In this period, handicrafts such as tile making, pottery and textiles developed and great advances were made in miniature painting, bookbinding, decoration and calligraphy. In the 16th century, carpet weaving evolved from a nomadic and peasant craft to a well-executed industry with specialization of design and manufacturing. ] was the center of this industry. The ] were commissioned to commemorate the Safavid dynasty. The elegantly baroque yet famously ] were made in Iran during the 17th century.

] in Isfahan]]

Using traditional forms and materials, ] (1565&ndash;1635) introduced new subjects to Persian painting—semi-nude women, youth, lovers. His painting and calligraphic style influenced Iranian artists for much of the Safavid period, which came to be known as the Isfahan school. Increased contact with distant cultures in the 17th century, especially Europe, provided a boost of inspiration to Iranian artists who adopted modeling, foreshortening, spatial recession, and the medium of oil painting (Shah Abbas II sent ] to study in Rome). The epic '']'' ("Book of Kings"), a stellar example of manuscript illumination and calligraphy, was made during Shah Tahmasp's reign. (This book was written by Ferdousi in 1000 AD for Sultan Mahmood Ghaznawi) Another manuscript is the ] by ] executed 1539-43 by ] and his school in Isfahan.

] bears the most prominent samples of the Safavid architecture, all constructed in the years after Shah Abbas I permanently moved the capital there in 1598: the Imperial Mosque, ], completed in 1630, the ] (Masjid-e Imami) the ] and the Royal Palace.

], the khan of the Uzbeks.]]
According to William Cleveland and Martin Bunton,<ref>William L. Cleveland and Martin P. Bunton, ''A History of the Modern Middle East'' (Westview Press, 2000), 2nd ed., pp. 56-57.</ref> the establishment of ] as the Great capital of Persia and the material splendor of the city attracted intellecutal's from all corners of the world, which contributed to the cities rich cultural life. The impressive achievements of its 400,000 residents prompted the inhabitants to coin their famous boast, "Isfahan is half the world".

Poetry stagnated under the Safavids; the great medieval ] form languished in over-the-top lyricism. Poetry lacked the royal patronage of other arts and was hemmed in by religious prescriptions.

The arguably most renowned historian from this time was ]. His ''History of Shah Abbas the Great'' written a few years after its subject's death, achieved a nuanced depth of history and character.

===The Isfahan School—Islamic philosophy revived===
{{See also|School of Isfahan|Mulla Sadra|Mir Damad|Mir Fendereski|Shaykh Bahai|Mohsen Fayz Kashani}}
Islamic philosophy<ref>Dabashi, H. (1996) 'Mir Damad and the Founding of the School of Isfahan', in SH Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 34, 597–634.</ref> flourished in the Safavid era in what scholars commonly refer to the School of Isfahan. ] is considered the founder of this school. Among luminaries of this school of philosophy, the names of Iranian philosophers such as ], ], ] and ] standout. The school reached its apogee with that of the Iranian philosopher ] who is arguably the most significant Islamic philosopher after Avicenna. ] has become the dominant philosopher of the Islamic East, and his approach to the nature of philosophy has been exceptionally influential up to this day.<ref name="Rizvi">{{Cite book | last = Rizvi | first = Sajjad | contribution = Mulla Sadra | title = The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy | date = Summer 2009 | editor-first = Edward N | editor-last = Zalta | url = http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2009/entries/mulla-sadra/}}</ref> He wrote the ''] ("The Transcendent Philosophy of the Four Journeys of the Intellect"),<ref>], '''Sadr al-Din Shirazi and his Transcendent Theosophy, Background, Life and Works''', 2nd ed., Tehran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies.</ref> a meditation on what he called 'meta philosophy' which brought to a synthesis the philosophical mysticism of Sufism, the theology of ], and the ] and ] philosophies of ] and ].

According to the ] ]:<ref>RN Frye, ''The Golden Age of Persia'', Phoenix Press, 2000, p. 234</ref>
{{quote |They were the continuers of the classical tradition of Islamic thought, which after Averroes died in the Arab west. The Persians schools of thought were the true heirs of the great Islamic thinkers of the golden age of Islam, whereas in the Ottoman empire there was an intellectual stagnation, as far as the traditions of Islamic philosophy were concerned''.}}

===Medicine===
] copy of ''The Canon of Medicine'', dated 1484, located at the P.I. Nixon Medical Historical Library of The ], USA.]]

The status of physicians during the Safavids stood as high as ever. Whereas neither the ] nor the ] accorded high social status to their doctors, Iranians had from ancient times honored their physicians, who were often appointed counselors of the Shahs. This would not change with the ], and it was primarily the Persians that took upon them the works of ], logic, medicine, mathematics, ], ], music and ].<ref>Savory, Roger: Iran under the Safavids, pp. 220–5.</ref>

By the sixteenth century, ], which to a large extent meant ], was resting on its laurels. The works of ] (865-92) (known to the West as Razes) were still used in European universities as standard textbooks of alchemy, ] and ]. ] by ] (c. 980–1037) was still regarded as one of the primary textbooks in medicine throughout most of the civilized world.<ref>Savory, pp. 220.</ref> As such, the status of medicine in the Safavid period did not change much, and relied as much on these works as ever before. ] was still based on the four humours of ancient and mediaeval medicine, and bleeding and purging were still the principal forms of therapy by surgeons, something even ] experienced during his visit to Persia.<ref name = "Savory 221" />

The only field within medicine where some progress were made was pharmacology, with the compilement of the "Tibb-e Shifa’i" in 1556. This book was translated into French in 1681 by ], under the name "Pharmacopoea Persica".<ref>Savory, p. 222.</ref>

== Architecture ==
{{See also|Persian architecture}}
], visiting Persia in 1841 (from ''Monuments modernes de la Perse''). In the Safavid era the ] flourished again and saw many new monuments, such as the ], part of ] which is the biggest historic plaza in the world.]]
]

A new age in ] began with the rise of the Safavid dynasty. Economically robust and politically stable, this period saw a flourishing growth of theological sciences. Traditional architecture evolved in its patterns and methods leaving its impact on the architecture of the following periods.

Indeed, one of the greatest legacies of the Safavids is the architecture. In 1598, when Shah Abbas decided to move the capital of his Persian empire from the north-western city of ] to the central city of ], he initiated what would become one of the greatest programmes in Persian history; the complete remaking of the city. By choosing the central city of Isfahan, fertilized by the ] ("The ''life-giving river''"), lying as an oasis of intense cultivation in the midst of a vast area of arid landscape, he both distanced his capital from any future assaults by the ] and the ], and at the same time gained more control over the ], which had recently become an important trading route for the Dutch and British ].<ref>Savory, Roger; ''Iran under the Safavids'', p. 155.</ref>

]
The Chief architect of this colossal task of urban planning was ] (Baha' ad-Din al-`Amili), who focused the programme on two key features of Shah Abbas's master plan: the ] avenue, flanked at either side by all the prominent institutions of the city, such as the residences of all foreign dignitaries. And the ] ("''Examplar of the World''").<ref>Sir Roger Stevens; ''The Land of the Great Sophy'', p. 172.</ref> Prior to the Shah's ascent to power, Persia had a decentralized power-structure, in which different institutions battled for power, including both the military (the ]) and governors of the different provinces making up the empire. Shah Abbas wanted to undermine this political structure, and the recreation of Isfahan, as a Grand capital of Persia, was an important step in centralizing the power.<ref>Savory; chpt: ''The Safavid empire at the height of its power under Shāh Abbas the Great (1588-1629)''</ref> The ingenuity of the square, or ''Maidān'', was that, by building it, Shah Abbas would gather the three main components of power in Persia in his own backyard; the power of the clergy, represented by the ], the power of the merchants, represented by the Imperial Bazaar, and of course, the power of the Shah himself, residing in the ] Palace.

Distinctive monuments like the ] (1618), ] (Eight Paradise Palace) (1469) and the ](1714) appeared in Isfahan and other cities. This extensive development of architecture was rooted in Persian culture and took form in the design of schools, baths, houses, caravanserai and other urban spaces such as bazaars and squares. It continued until the end of the Qajar reign.<ref>Jodidio, Philip, ''Iran: Architecture For Changing Societies'':Umberto Allemandi (August 2, 2006).</ref>

==The languages of the court, military, administration and culture==
The Safavids by the time of their rise were ]-speaking although they also used ] as a second language.
The language chiefly used by the Safavid court and military establishment was ].<ref name="mazzaoui">{{Cite book
| last = Mazzaoui
| first = Michel B
| authorlink =
|author2=Canfield, Robert
| year = 2002
| title = Turko-Persia in Historical Perspective
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
| chapter = Islamic Culture and Literature in Iran and Central Asia in the early modern period
| isbn = 978-0-521-52291-5
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=qwwoozMU0LMC&pg=PA86#PPA87,M1
| pages = 86–7
| quote = Safavid power with its distinctive Persian-Shi'i culture, however, remained a middle ground between its two mighty Turkish neighbors. The Safavid state, which lasted at least until 1722, was essentially a "Turkish" dynasty, with Azeri Turkish (Azerbaijan being the family's home base) as the language of the rulers and the court as well as the Qizilbash military establishment. Shah Ismail wrote poetry in Turkish. The administration nevertheless was Persian, and the Persian language was the vehicle of diplomatic correspondence (insha'), of belles-lettres (adab), and of history (tarikh).}}</ref><ref name="cambridgesafa"/> But the official<ref name="Roemer 189">Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period". ''The Cambridge History of Iran'', Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 189–350. ISBN 0-521-20094-6, p. 331: "Depressing though the condition in the country may have been at the time of the fall of Safavids, they cannot be allowed to overshadow the achievements of the dynasty, which was in many respects to prove essential factors in the development of Persia in modern times. These include the maintenance of Persian as the official language and of the present-day boundaries of the country, adherence to the Twelever Shi'i, the monarchical system, the planning and architectural features of the urban centers, the centralised administration of the state, the alliance of the Shi'i Ulama with the merchant bazaars, and the symbiosis of the Persian-speaking population with important non-Persian, especially Turkish speaking minorities".</ref> language of the empire as well as the administrative language, language of correspondence, literature and historiography was Persian.<ref name="mazzaoui" /> The inscriptions on Safavid currency were also in Persian.<ref>Ronald W. Ferrier, ''The Arts of Persia'', Yale University Press, 1989, p. 199.</ref>

]'s '']'', by Habibulla Meshedi (1600).]]

Safavids also used ] as a cultural and administrative language throughout the empire and were bilingual in Persian.<ref name="Mino"/> According to Arnold J. Toynbee,<ref>Arnold J. Toynbee, ''A Study of History'', V, pp. 514-15.</ref>

{{quote |In the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of litterae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers}}

According to John R. Perry,<ref>John R. Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", '']'', January 24, 2006.</ref>

{{quote |In the 16th century, the Turcophone Safavid family of Ardabil in Azerbaijan, probably of Turkicized Iranian, origin, conquered Iran and established Turkic, the language of the court and the military, as a high-status vernacular and a widespread contact language, influencing spoken Persian, while written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content.}}

According to Zabiollah Safa,<ref name="cambridgesafa">Zabiollah Safa (1986), "Persian Literature in the Safavid Period", ''The Cambridge History of Iran'', vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-20094-6, pp. 948–65. P. 950: "In day-to-day affairs, the language chiefly used at the Safavid court and by the great military and political officers, as well as the religious dignitaries, was Turkish, not Persian; and the last class of persons wrote their religious works mainly in Arabic. Those who wrote in Persian were either lacking in proper tuition in this tongue, or wrote outside Iran and hence at a distance from centers where Persian was the accepted vernacular, endued with that vitality and susceptibility to skill in its use which a language can have only in places where it truly belongs."</ref>

{{quote |In day-to-day affairs, the language chiefly used at the Safavid court and by the great military and political officers, as well as the religious dignitaries, was Turkish, not Persian; and the last class of persons wrote their religious works mainly in Arabic. Those who wrote in Persian were either lacking in proper tuition in this tongue, or wrote outside Iran and hence at a distance from centers where Persian was the accepted vernacular, endued with that vitality and susceptibility to skill in its use which a language can have only in places where it truly belongs.}}

]'' by ] (1620)]]

According to É. Á. Csató et al.,<ref name = "csatoetal" />
{{quote |A specific Turkic language was attested in Safavid Persia during the 16th and 17th centuries, a language that Europeans often called Persian Turkish ("Turc Agemi", "lingua turcica agemica"), which was a favourite language at the court and in the army because of the Turkic origins of the Safavid dynasty. The original name was just turki, and so a convenient name might be Turki-yi Acemi. This variety of Persian Turkish must have been also spoken in the Caucasian and Transcaucasian regions, which during the 16th century belonged to both the Ottomans and the Safavids, and were not fully integrated into the Safavid empire until 1606. Though that language might generally be identified as Middle Azerbaijanian, it is not yet possible to define exactly the limits of this language, both in linguistic and territorial respects. It was certainly not homogenous—maybe it was an Azerbaijanian-Ottoman mixed language, as Beltadze (1967:161) states for a translation of the gospels in Georgian script from the 18th century.}}

According to Rula Jurdi Abisaab,<ref>Ruda Jurdi Abisaab. "Iran and Pre-Independence Lebanon" in Houchang Esfandiar Chehabi, ''Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years'', I.B. Tauris (2006), p. 76.</ref>

{{quote |Although the Arabic language was still the medium for religious scholastic expression, it was precisely under the Safavids that hadith complications and doctrinal works of all sorts were being translated to Persian. The ] (Lebanese scholars of Shi'i faith) operating through the Court-based religious posts, were forced to master the Persian language; their students translated their instructions into Persian. Persianization went hand in hand with the popularization of 'mainstream' Shi'i belief.}}

According to Cornelis Versteegh,<ref>Cornelis Henricus Maria Versteegh, ''The Arabic Language'', Columbia University Press, 1997, p. 71.</ref>

{{quote |The Safavid dynasty under Shah Ismail (961/1501) adopted Persian and the Shi'ite form of Islam as the national language and religion.}}

==Legacy==
It was the Safavids who made Iran the spiritual bastion of Shi’ism, and the repository of Persian cultural traditions and self-awareness of Iranianhood, acting as a bridge to modern Iran. The founder of the dynasty, Shah Isma'il, adopted the title of "Persian Emperor" ''Pādišah-ī Īrān'', with its implicit notion of an Iranian state stretching from ] as far as ], and from the ] to the southern Territories of the ].<ref>Hillenbrand R., ''Islamic Art and Architecture'', London (1999), ISBN 0-500-20305-9, p. 228.</ref> According to Professor ]:<ref>{{Cite journal | first = RM | last = Savory | contribution = Rise of a Shi'i State in Iran and New Orientation in Islamic Thought and Culture | title = 'UNESCO: History of Humanity | volume = 5: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century | place = London, New York | publisher = Routledge | page = 263 | url = http://www.unesco.org/culture/humanity/html_eng/volume5.htm}}</ref><ref>Mujtahid: A ''mujtahid'' in Arabic means a person who qualified to engange in ''ijtihad'', or interpretation of religious texts. ''Ithna 'ashari'' is the number twelve in Arabic, signifying Twelver Imami Shi'i Islam. Ulama: Arabic for religious scholars.</ref>

{{quote |In a number of ways the Safavids affected the development of the modern Iranian state: first, they ensured the continuance of various ancient and traditional Persian institutions, and transmitted these in a strengthened, or more 'national', form; second, by imposing Ithna 'Ashari ] on Iran as the official religion of the Safavid state, they enhanced the power of ]. The Safavids thus set in train a struggle for power between the turban and the crown that is to say, between the proponents of secular government and the proponents of a theocratic government; third, they laid the foundation of alliance between the religious classes ('Ulama') and the bazaar which played an important role both in the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1906, and again in the Islamic Revolution of 1979; fourth the policies introduced by Shah Abbas I conduced to a more centralized administrative system.}}

The empire presided over by the Safavids was not a revival of the ] or the ], and it more resembled the ] and ] empires than the ]. Nor was it a direct precursor to the modern Iranian state. According to Donald Struesand, "lthough the Safavid unification of the eastern and western halves of the Iranian plateau and imposition of Twelver Shii Islam on the region created a recognizable precursor of modern Iran, the Safavid polity itself was neither distinctively Iranian nor national."<ref>Streusand, p. 137.</ref> Rudolph Matthee concluded that "hough not a nation-state, Safavid Iran contained the elements that would later spawn one by generating many enduring bureaucratic features and by initiating a polity of overlapping religious and territorial boundaries."<ref>Rudolph P. Matthee, ''The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600-1730'' (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 231.</ref>

==Safavid Shahs of Iran==
]
*] 1501&ndash;1524
*] 1524&ndash;1576
*] 1576&ndash;1578
*] 1578&ndash;1587
*] 1587&ndash;1629
*] 1629&ndash;1642
*] 1642&ndash;1666
*] 1666&ndash;1694
*] 1694&ndash;1722
*] 1722&ndash;1732
*] 1732&ndash;1736


==See also== ==See also==
*]
*]
*] *]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*] *]
*]
*]
{{Clear}} {{Clear}}


==References and notes== ==References==
{{Reflist|2}} {{Reflist|2}}


==Sources== ==Bibliography==
* {{cite book | last = Khanbaghi | first = Aptin | title = The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early Modern Iran | publisher = I.B. Tauris | year = 2006 | isbn = 978-1845110567 | ref = harv}} *{{cite book|last1=Blow|first1=David|title=Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend|date=2009|publisher=I.B. Tauris|isbn=978-0857716767}}
* {{cite book | last = Savory | first = Roger | title = Iran under the Safavids | publisher = ] | year = 2007 | isbn = 978-0521042512 | ref = harv}} *{{cite book|url=http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/history/middle-east-history/cambridge-history-iran-volume-6?format=HB|title=The Timurid and Safavid Periods|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1986|isbn=978-0521200943|editor-last=Jackson|editor-first=Peter|series=The Cambridge History of Iran|volume=6|location=Cambridge|editor-last2=Lockhart|editor-first2=Laurence}}
* {{cite book | last = Sicker | first = Martin | title = The Islamic World in Decline: From the Treaty of Karlowitz to the Disintegration of the Ottoman Empire | publisher = Greenwood Publishing Group | year = 2001 | isbn = 978-0275968915 | ref = harv}} *{{cite book|last=Khanbaghi|first=Aptin|title=The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early Modern Iran|publisher=I.B. Tauris|year=2006|isbn=978-1845110567}}
*{{cite book|last1=Mikaberidze|first1=Alexander|author-link1=Alexander Mikaberidze|title=Historical Dictionary of Georgia|date=2015|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|isbn=978-1442241466|edition=2|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JNNQCgAAQBAJ&q=sakhltukhutsesi}}
* {{cite book | last = Yarshater | first = Ehsan | title = Encylopedia Iranica | publisher = Routledge & Kegan Paul | year = 2001 | isbn = 0933273568 | ref = harv}}
*{{cite book|last=Savory|first=Roger|title=Iran under the Safavids|publisher=]|year=2007|isbn=978-0521042512}}
*{{cite book|last=Sicker|first=Martin|title=The Islamic World in Decline: From the Treaty of Karlowitz to the Disintegration of the Ottoman Empire|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=2001|isbn=978-0275968915}}
*{{cite book|last=Yarshater|first=Ehsan|title=Encyclopædia Iranica|publisher=Routledge & Kegan Paul|year=2001|isbn=978-0933273566}}


== Further reading == ==Further reading==
* M.I. Marcinkowski (tr.),''Persian Historiography and Geography: Bertold Spuler on Major Works Produced in Iran, the Caucasus, Central Asia, India and Early Ottoman Turkey'', M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Singapore: Pustaka Nasional, 2003, ISBN 9971-77-488-7. * Christoph Marcinkowski (tr.), ''Persian Historiography and Geography: Bertold Spuler on Major Works Produced in Iran, the Caucasus, Central Asia, India and Early Ottoman Turkey'', Singapore: Pustaka Nasional, 2003, {{ISBN|9971-77-488-7}}.
* M.I. Marcinkowski (tr., ed.),''Mirza Rafi‘a's Dastur al-Muluk: A Manual of Later Safavid Administration. Annotated English Translation, Comments on the Offices and Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian Manuscript'', M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Kuala Lumpur, ISTAC, 2002, ISBN 983-9379-26-7. * Christoph Marcinkowski (tr., ed.), ''Mirza Rafi‘a's ]: A Manual of Later Safavid Administration. Annotated English Translation, Comments on the Offices and Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian Manuscript'', Kuala Lumpur, ISTAC, 2002, {{ISBN|983-9379-26-7}}.
* M.I. Marcinkowski,''From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Contacts between Iran and Siam in the 17th Century'', M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Singapore, Pustaka Nasional, 2005, ISBN 9971-77-491-7. * Christoph Marcinkowski, ''From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Contacts between Iran and Siam in the 17th Century'', Singapore, Pustaka Nasional, 2005, {{ISBN|9971-77-491-7}}.
* , Adam Olearius, translated by John Davies (1662), * , Adam Olearius, translated by John Davies (1662),


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*, ''Encyclopædia Iranica'' *, ''Encyclopædia Iranica''
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* (Iran Chamber Society) * (Iran Chamber Society)
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*, ''Encyclopædia Iranica'' by Hamid Algar *, ''Encyclopædia Iranica'' by Hamid Algar


{{Empires}} {{Safavids}}
{{Safavid Rulers}}
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Latest revision as of 00:12, 22 December 2024

Twelver Shīʿa ruling dynasty of Iran (1501–1736) Not to be confused with Saffarid dynasty.

Safavid dynasty
دودمان صفوی,
Safavid flag after 1576
CountrySafavid Iran
Founded22 December 1501
FounderIsmail I (1501–1524)
Final rulerAbbas III (1732–1736)
TitlesShahanshah of Iran
TraditionsTwelver Shi'ism
Dissolutionc. 1736

The Safavid dynasty (/ˈsæfəvɪd, ˈsɑː-/; Persian: دودمان صفوی, romanizedDudmâne Safavi, pronounced [d̪uːd̪ˈmɒːne sæfæˈviː]) was one of Iran's most significant ruling dynasties reigning from 1501 to 1736. Their rule is often considered the beginning of modern Iranian history, as well as one of the gunpowder empires. The Safavid Shāh Ismā'īl I established the Twelver denomination of Shīʿa Islam as the official religion of the Persian Empire, marking one of the most important turning points in the history of Islam. The Safavid dynasty had its origin in the Safavid order of Sufism, which was established in the city of Ardabil in the Iranian Azerbaijan region. It was an Iranian dynasty of Kurdish origin, but during their rule they intermarried with Turkoman, Georgian, Circassian, and Pontic Greek dignitaries, nevertheless, for practical purposes, they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified. From their base in Ardabil, the Safavids established control over parts of Greater Iran and reasserted the Iranian identity of the region, thus becoming the first native dynasty since the Sasanian Empire to establish a national state officially known as Iran.

The Safavids ruled from 1501 to 1722 (experiencing a brief restoration from 1729 to 1736 and 1750 to 1773) and, at their height, controlled all of what is now Iran, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Armenia, eastern Georgia, parts of the North Caucasus including Russia, Iraq, Kuwait, and Afghanistan, as well as parts of Turkey, Syria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

Despite their demise in 1736, the legacy that they left behind was the revival of Iran as an economic stronghold between East and West, the establishment of an efficient state and bureaucracy based upon "checks and balances", their architectural innovations, and patronage for fine arts. The Safavids have also left their mark down to the present era by establishing Twelver Shīʿīsm as the state religion of Iran, as well as spreading Shīʿa Islam in major parts of the Middle East, Central Asia, Caucasus, Anatolia, the Persian Gulf, and Mesopotamia.

Genealogy and identity

See also: Safavid dynasty family tree, Safavid order, Safvat as-safa, Silsilat-al-nasab-i Safaviya, Firuz-Shah Zarrin-Kolah, and List of the mothers of the Safavid Shahs

The Safavid Kings themselves claimed to be sayyids, family descendants of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, although many scholars have cast doubt on this claim. There seems now to be a consensus among scholars that the Safavid family hailed from Iranian Kurdistan, and later moved to Iranian Azerbaijan, finally settling in the 11th century CE at Ardabil. Traditional pre-1501 Safavid manuscripts trace the lineage of the Safavids to the Kurdish dignitary, Firuz-Shah Zarrin-Kolah.

According to historians, including Vladimir Minorsky and Roger Savory, the Safavids were Turkish speakers of Iranian origin:

From the evidence available at the present time, it is certain that the Safavid family was of indigenous Iranian stock, and not of Turkish ancestry as it is sometimes claimed. It is probable that the family originated in Persian Kurdistan, and later moved to Azerbaijan, where they adopted the Azari form of Turkish spoken there, and eventually settled in the small town of Ardabil sometimes during the eleventh century.

By the time of the establishment of the Safavid empire, the members of the family were Turkicized and Turkish-speaking, and some of the Shahs composed poems in their then-native Turkish language. Concurrently, the Shahs themselves also supported Persian literature, poetry and art projects including the grand Shahnameh of Shah Tahmasp, while members of the family and some Shahs composed Persian poetry as well.

The authority of the Safavids was religiously based, and their claim to legitimacy was founded on being direct male descendants of Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, and regarded by the Shiʻa as the first Imam.

Furthermore, the dynasty was from the very start thoroughly intermarried with both Pontic Greek as well as Georgian lines. In addition, from the official establishment of the dynasty in 1501, the dynasty would continue to have many intermarriages with both Circassian as well as again Georgian dignitaries, especially with the accession of Tahmasp I.

Safavid Shahs of Iran

See also: List of Safavid monarchs
Safavid dynasty timeline

Mothers of Safavid Shahs

Main article: List of the mothers of the Safavid Shahs

Culture

The Safavid family was a literate family from its early origin. There are extant Tati and Persian poetry from Shaykh Safi ad-din Ardabili as well as extant Persian poetry from Shaykh Sadr ad-din. Most of the extant poetry of Shah Ismail I is in Azerbaijani pen-name of Khatai. Sam Mirza, the son of Shah Ismail as well as some later authors assert that Ismail composed poems both in Turkish and Persian but only a few specimens of his Persian verse have survived. A collection of his poems in Azeri were published as a Divan. Shah Tahmasp who has composed poetry in Persian was also a painter, while Shah Abbas II was known as a poet, writing Azerbaijani verses. Sam Mirza, the son of Ismail I was himself a poet and composed his poetry in Persian. He also compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.

  • Safavid dynasty art

See also

References

  1. *Afšār, ta·līf-i Iskandar Baig Turkmān. Zīr-i naẓar bā tanẓīm-i fihristhā wa muqaddama-i Īraǧ (2003). Tārīkh-i ʻʻālamārā-yi ʻʻAbbāsī (in Persian) (Čāp-i 3. ed.). Tihrān: Mu·assasa-i Intišārāt-i Amīr Kabīr. pp. 17, 18, 19, 79. ISBN 978-964-00-0818-8.
    • p. 17: dudmān-i safavīa
    • p. 18: khāndān-i safavīa
    • p. 19: sīlsīla-i safavīa
    • p. 79: sīlsīla-i alīa-i safavīa
  2. "SAFAVID DYNASTY". Encyclopædia Iranica.
  3. ^ Matthee, Rudi (13 June 2017) . "SAFAVID DYNASTY". Encyclopædia Iranica. New York: Columbia University. doi:10.1163/2330-4804_EIRO_COM_509. ISSN 2330-4804. Archived from the original on 25 May 2022. Retrieved 23 June 2022.
  4. Streusand, Douglas E., Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals (Boulder, Col : Westview Press, 2011) ("Streusand"), p. 135.
  5. ^ Savory, Roger (2012) . "Ṣafawids". In Bosworth, C. E.; van Donzel, E. J.; Heinrichs, W. P.; Lewis, B.; Pellat, Ch.; Schacht, J. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Vol. 8. Leiden and Boston: Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_0964. ISBN 978-90-04-16121-4.
  6. Baltacıoğlu-Brammer, Ayşe (2021). "The emergence of the Safavids as a mystical order and their subsequent rise to power in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries". In Matthee, Rudi (ed.). The Safavid World. Routledge Worlds (1st ed.). New York and London: Routledge. pp. 15–36. doi:10.4324/9781003170822. ISBN 978-1-003-17082-2. S2CID 236371308.
    • Matthee, Rudi. (2005). The Pursuit of Pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants in Iranian History, 1500-1900. Princeton University Press. p. 18; "The Safavids, as Iranians of Kurdish ancestry and of nontribal background (...)".
    • Savory, Roger. (2008). "EBN BAZZĀZ". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 1. p. 8. "This official version contains textual changes designed to obscure the Kurdish origins of the Safavid family and to vindicate their claim to descent from the Imams."
    • Amoretti, Biancamaria Scarcia; Matthee, Rudi. (2009). "Ṣafavid Dynasty". In Esposito, John L. (ed.) The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. Oxford University Press. "Of Kurdish ancestry, the Ṣafavids started as a Sunnī mystical order (...)"
    • Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period" in Jackson, Peter; Lockhart, Laurence. The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge University Press. pp. 214, 229
    • Blow, David (2009). Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend. I.B.Tauris. p. 3
    • Savory, Roger M.; Karamustafa, Ahmet T. (1998) "ESMĀʿĪL I ṢAFAWĪ". Encyclopaedia Iranica Vol. VIII, Fasc. 6, pp. 628-636
    • Ghereghlou, Kioumars (2016). "ḤAYDAR ṢAFAVI". Encyclopaedia Iranica
  7. Aptin Khanbaghi (2006) The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early. London & New York. IB Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-056-0, pp. 130–1
  8. ^ Yarshater 2001, p. 493.
  9. ^ Khanbaghi 2006, p. 130.
  10. Anthony Bryer. "Greeks and Türkmens: The Pontic Exception", Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 29 (1975), Appendix II "Genealogy of the Muslim Marriages of the Princesses of Trebizond"
  11. "Safavid dynasty" at Encyclopædia Iranica, "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified."
  12. "Why is there such confusion about the origins of this important dynasty, which reasserted Iranian identity and established an independent Iranian state after eight and a half centuries of rule by foreign dynasties?" RM Savory, Iran Under the Safavids (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1980), p. 3.
  13. Alireza Shapur Shahbazi (2005), "The History of the Idea of Iran", in Vesta Curtis ed., Birth of the Persian Empire, IB Tauris, London, p. 108: "Similarly the collapse of Sassanian Eranshahr in AD 650 did not end Iranians' national idea. The name "Iran" disappeared from official records of the Saffarids, Samanids, Buyids, Saljuqs and their successor. But one unofficially used the name Iran, Eranshahr, and similar national designations, particularly Mamalek-e Iran or "Iranian lands", which exactly translated the old Avestan term Ariyanam Daihunam. On the other hand, when the Safavids (not Reza Shah, as is popularly assumed) revived a national state officially known as Iran, bureaucratic usage in the Ottoman empire and even Iran itself could still refer to it by other descriptive and traditional appellations".
  14. In the pre-Safavid written work Safvat as-Safa (oldest manuscripts from 1485 and 1491), the origin of the Safavids is tracted to Piruz Shah Zarin Kolah who is called a Kurd from Sanjan, while in the post-Safavid manuscripts, this portion has been excised and Piruz Shah Zarin Kollah is made a descendant of the Imams. R Savory, "Ebn Bazzaz" in Encyclopædia Iranica). In the Silsilat an-nasab-i Safawiya (composed during the reign of Shah Suleiman, 1667–94), by Hussayn ibn Abdal Zahedi, the ancestry of the Safavid was purported to be tracing back to Hijaz and the first Shiʻi Imam as follows: Shaykh Safi al-din Abul Fatah Eshaq ibn (son of) Shaykh Amin al-Din Jabrail ibn Qutb al-din ibn Salih ibn Muhammad al-Hafez ibn Awad ibn Firuz Shah Zarin Kulah ibn Majd ibn Sharafshah ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Ibrahim ibn Seyyed Ja'afar ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Isma'il ibn Seyyed Muhammad ibn Seyyed Ahmad 'Arabi ibn Seyyed Qasim ibn Seyyed Abul Qasim Hamzah ibn Musa al-Kazim ibn Ja'far As-Sadiq ibn Muhammad al-Baqir ibn Imam Zayn ul-'Abedin ibn Hussein ibn Ali ibn Abi Taleb Alayha as-Salam. There are differences between this and the oldest manuscript of Safwat as-Safa. Seyyeds have been added from Piruz Shah Zarin Kulah up to the first Shiʻi Imam and the nisba "Al-Kurdi" has been excised. The title/name "Abu Bakr" (also the name of the first Caliph and highly regarded by Sunnis) is deleted from Qutb ad-Din's name. ُSource: Husayn ibn Abdāl Zāhedī, 17th cent. Silsilat al-nasab-i Safavīyah, nasabnāmah-'i pādishāhān bā ʻuzmat-i Safavī, ta'līf-i Shaykh Husayn pisar-i Shaykh Abdāl Pīrzādah Zāhedī dar 'ahd-i Shāh-i Sulaymnān-i Safavī. Berlīn, Chāpkhānah-'i Īrānshahr, 1343 (1924), 116 pp. Original Persian: شیخ صفی الدین ابو الفتح اسحق ابن شیخ امین الدین جبرائیل بن قطب الدین ابن صالح ابن محمد الحافظ ابن عوض ابن فیروزشاه زرین کلاه ابن محمد ابن شرفشاه ابن محمد ابن حسن ابن سید محمد ابن ابراهیم ابن سید جعفر بن سید محمد ابن سید اسمعیل بن سید محمد بن سید احمد اعرابی بن سید قاسم بن سید ابو القاسم حمزه بن موسی الکاظم ابن جعفر الصادق ابن محمد الباقر ابن امام زین العابدین بن حسین ابن علی ابن ابی طالب علیه السلام.
  15. R.M. Savory, "Safavid Persia" in: Ann Katherine Swynford Lambton, Peter Malcolm Holt, Bernard Lewis, The Cambridge History of Islam, Cambridge University Press, 1977. p. 394: "They (Safavids after the establishment of the Safavid state) fabricated evidence to prove that the Safavids were Sayyids."
  16. RM Savory. Ebn Bazzaz. Encyclopædia Iranica
  17. F. Daftary, "Intellectual Traditions in Islam", I.B. Tauris, 2001. p. 147: "But the origins of the family of Shaykh Safi al-Din go back not to Hijaz but to Kurdistan, from where, seven generations before him, Firuz Shah Zarin-kulah had migrated to Adharbayjan"
  18. Tamara Sonn. A Brief History of Islam, Blackwell Publishing, 2004, p. 83, ISBN 1-4051-0900-9
  19. É. Á. Csató, B. Isaksson, C Jahani. Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic, Routledge, 2004, p. 228, ISBN 0-415-30804-6.
  20. Minorsky, V (2009). "Adgharbaydjan (Azarbaydjan)". In Berman, P; Bianquis, Th; Bosworth, CE; van Donzel, E; Henrichs, WP (eds.). Encyclopedia of Islam (2nd ed.). NL: Brill. Archived from the original on 2012-07-28. After 907/1502, Adharbayjan became the chief bulwark and rallying ground of the Safawids, themselves natives of Ardabil and originally speaking the local Iranian dialect
  21. Roger M. Savory. "Safavids" in Peter Burke, Irfan Habib, Halil İnalcık: History of Humanity-Scientific and Cultural Development: From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, Taylor & Francis. 1999, p. 259.
  22. "Safavid dynasty" at Encyclopædia Iranica, "The origins of the Safavids are clouded in obscurity. They may have been of Kurdish origin (see R. Savory, Iran Under the Safavids, 1980, p. 2; R. Matthee, "Safavid Dynasty" at iranica.com), but for all practical purposes they were Turkish-speaking and Turkified."
  23. John L. Esposito, The Oxford History of Islam, Oxford University Press US, 1999. pp 364: "To support their legitimacy, the Safavid dynasty of Iran (1501–1732) devoted a cultural policy to establish their regime as the reconstruction of the historic Iranian monarchy. To the end, they commissioned elaborate copies of the Shahnameh, the Iranian national epic, such as this one made for Tahmasp in the 1520s."
  24. Ira Marvin Lapidus, A history of Islamic Societies, Cambridge University Press, 2002, 2nd ed., p. 445: To bolster the prestige of the state, the Safavid dynasty sponsored an Iran-Islamic style of culture concentrating on court poetry, painting, and monumental architecture that symbolized not only the Islamic credentials of the state but also the glory of the ancient Persian traditions."
  25. Colin P. Mitchell, "Ṭahmāsp I" in Encyclopædia Iranica. "Shah Ṭahmāsp's own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. Sām Mirzā himself was an ardent poet, writing 8,000 verses and a Šāh-nāma dedicated to his brother, Ṭahmāsp (see Sām Mirzā, ed. Homāyun-Farroḵ, 1969)."
  26. See: Willem Floor, Hasan Javadi (2009), The Heavenly Rose-Garden: A History of Shirvan & Daghestan by Abbas Qoli Aqa Bakikhanov, Mage Publishers, 2009. (see Sections on Safavids quoting poems of Shah Tahmasp I)
  27. Kathryn Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran, Cambridge, Massachusetts; London : Harvard University Press, 2002. p. 143: "It is true that during their revolutionary phase (1447–1501), Safavi guides had played on their descent from the family of the Prophet. The hagiography of the founder of the Safavi order, Shaykh Safi al-Din Safvat al-Safa written by Ibn Bazzaz in 1350-was tampered with during this very phase. An initial stage of revisions saw the transformation of Safavi identity as Sunni Kurds into Arab blood descendants of Muhammad."
  28. From Maternal side: Chatrina daughter of Theodora daughter of John IV of Trebizond son of Alexios IV of Trebizond son of Manuel III of Trebizond son of Alexios III of Trebizond son of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond. From Paternal side: Shaykh Haydar son of Khadijeh Khatoon daughter of Ali Beyg son of Qara Yuluk Osman son of Maria daughter of Irene Palaiologina of Trebizond.
  29. V. Minorsky, "The Poetry of Shāh Ismā‘īl I", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 10/4 (1942): 1006–53.
  30. "Ismail Safavi" Encyclopædia Iranica
  31. E. Yarshater, Language of Azerbaijan Archived 2009-01-20 at the Wayback Machine, vii., Persian language of Azerbaijan", Encyclopædia Iranica, v, pp. 238–45, Online edition.
  32. Emeri "van" Donzel, Islamic Desk Reference, Brill Academic Publishers, 1994, p. 393.

Bibliography

Further reading

  • Christoph Marcinkowski (tr.), Persian Historiography and Geography: Bertold Spuler on Major Works Produced in Iran, the Caucasus, Central Asia, India and Early Ottoman Turkey, Singapore: Pustaka Nasional, 2003, ISBN 9971-77-488-7.
  • Christoph Marcinkowski (tr., ed.), Mirza Rafi‘a's Dastur al-Muluk: A Manual of Later Safavid Administration. Annotated English Translation, Comments on the Offices and Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian Manuscript, Kuala Lumpur, ISTAC, 2002, ISBN 983-9379-26-7.
  • Christoph Marcinkowski, From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Contacts between Iran and Siam in the 17th Century, Singapore, Pustaka Nasional, 2005, ISBN 9971-77-491-7.
  • "The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors", Adam Olearius, translated by John Davies (1662),

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