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{{Short description|Political philosophy emphasising social ownership of production}} | |||
{{About|the economic system and political philosophy}} | |||
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{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2012}} | |||
{{Use British English|date=December 2019}} | |||
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{{Socialism sidebar}} | {{Socialism sidebar}} | ||
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'''Socialism''' is an ] and ] encompassing diverse ] and ]s<ref>{{harvp|Busky|2000|p=2}}: "Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism."</ref> characterised by ] of the ],<ref> | |||
'''Socialism''' is a social and economic system characterised by ] of the ] and co-operative management of the economy,<ref>{{cite book |author1= Bertrand Badie |author2= Dirk Berg-Schlosser |author3= Leonardo Morlino |title= International Encyclopedia of Political Science |publisher= SAGE Publications, Inc |year= 2011|isbn= 978-1412959636|page = 2456|quote=Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources.}}</ref><ref> Britannica ACADEMIC EDITION. Retrieved 19 January 2012.</ref> as well as a political theory and movement that aims at the establishment of such a system.<ref>"2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) any of various social or political theories or movements in which the common welfare is to be achieved through the establishment of a socialist economic system" </ref><ref name="ReferenceC">"The origins of socialism as a political movement lie in the Industrial Revolution." ] Online]</ref> "Social ownership" may refer to ] enterprises, ], ], citizen ownership of equity, or any combination of these.<ref>{{cite book |last= O'Hara|first= Phillip |title= Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2 |publisher= ]|date=September 2003|isbn= 0-415-24187-1|page = 71|quote=In order of increasing decentralisation (at least) three forms of socialised ownership can be distinguished: state-owned firms, employee-owned (or socially) owned firms, and citizen ownership of equity.}}</ref> There are many varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them.<ref>Peter Lamb, J. C. Docherty. ''Historical dictionary of socialism''. Lanham, Maryland, UK; Oxford, England, UK: Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2006. p. 1.</ref> They differ in the type of social ownership they advocate, the degree to which they rely on ] or ], how management is to be organised within productive institutions, and the role of the state in constructing socialism.<ref>{{cite web|last=Nove|first=Alec|title=Socialism|work=New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, Second Edition (2008)|url= http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_S000173}}</ref> | |||
* {{harvp|Busky|2000|p=2}}: "Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism." | |||
* {{harvp|Arnold|1994|pp=–8}}: "What else does a socialist economic system involve? Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system." | |||
* {{harvp|Horvat|2000|pp=1515–1516}}: "Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend ... Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society — i.e. every individual equally — owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs." | |||
* {{harvp|Rosser|Barkley|2003|p=53}}: "Socialism is an economic system characterised by state or collective ownership of the means of production, land, and capital."; | |||
* {{harvp|Badie|Berg-Schlosser|Morlino|2011|p=2456}}: "Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources." | |||
* {{harvp|Zimbalist|Sherman|Brown|1988|p=7}}: "Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups." | |||
* {{harvp|Brus|2015|p=87}}: "This alteration in the relationship between economy and politics is evident in the very definition of a socialist economic system. The basic characteristic of such a system is generally reckoned to be the predominance of the social ownership of the means of production." | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Hastings |first1=Adrian |last2=Mason |first2=Alistair |last3=Pyper |first3=Hugh |title=The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought |publisher=] |year=2000 |isbn=978-0198600244 |page= |quote=Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one ... Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hast/page/677}}</ref> as opposed to ].{{sfnp|Horvat|2000|pp=1515–1516}}{{sfnp|Arnold|1994|pp=7–8}}<ref name="oxfordcomp">{{cite book |last1=Hastings |first1=Adrian |last2=Mason |first2=Alistair |last3=Pyper |first3=Hugh |title=The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought |publisher=] |year=2000 |isbn=978-0198600244 |page= |quote=Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one ... Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.|url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hast/page/677}}</ref> It describes the ], ], and ] theories and ] associated with the implementation of such systems.<ref name="Socialism at The Free dictionary">{{cite web |url=http://www.thefreedictionary.com/socialism |title=Socialism |website=The Free Dictionary |quote=2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) any of various social or political theories or movements in which the common welfare is to be achieved through the establishment of a socialist economic system. |access-date=27 January 2020}}</ref> Social ownership can take various forms, including ], ], ], ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Sherman |first1=Howard J.|last2=Zimbalist |first2=Andrew |title=Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach |publisher=Harcourt College Pub |date=1988 |isbn=978-0-15-512403-5 |page= |quote=Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups. |url=https://archive.org/details/comparingeconomi0000zimb_q8i6/page/7}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rosser |first1=Mariana V. |last2=Rosser |first2=J. Barkley |title=Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy |url=https://archive.org/details/comparativeecono00jrjb |url-access=limited |publisher=] |date=2003 |isbn=978-0-262-18234-8 |page=|quote=Socialism is an economic system characterised by state or collective ownership of the means of production, land, and capital.}}</ref><ref>{{harvp|Badie|Berg-Schlosser|Morlino|2011|p=2456}}: "Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources."</ref> or ].<ref name="Horvat 2000">{{harvp|Horvat|2000|pp=}}: "Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend ... Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society — i.e. every individual equally — owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs."</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=O'Hara |first=Phillip |title=Encyclopedia of Political Economy |volume=2 |publisher=] |date=2003 |isbn=978-0415241878 |page=71 |quote=In order of increasing decentralisation (at least) three forms of socialised ownership can be distinguished: state-owned firms, employee-owned (or socially) owned firms, and citizen ownership of equity.}}</ref> As one of the main ideologies on the ], socialism is considered as the standard ] ideology in most countries.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |date=15 April 2009 |title=Left |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/left |access-date=22 May 2022 |encyclopedia=] |quote=Socialism is the standard leftist ideology in most countries of the world; ... .}}</ref> Types of socialism vary based on the role of markets and planning in resource allocation, and the structure of management in organizations.<ref name="Nove">{{cite web |last=Nove |first=Alec |author-link=Alec Nove |title=Socialism |website=New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics |edition=Second |date=2008 |publisher=] |url=http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_S000173 |quote=A society may be defined as socialist if the major part of the means of production of goods and services is in some sense socially owned and operated, by state, socialised or cooperative enterprises. The practical issues of socialism comprise the relationships between management and workforce within the enterprise, the interrelationships between production units (plan versus markets), and, if the state owns and operates any part of the economy, who controls it and how.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Docherty |editor1-first=James C. |editor2-last=Lamb |editor2-first=Peter |date=2006 |title=Historical Dictionary of Socialism |edition=2nd |series=Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements |volume=73 |location=Lanham, Maryland |publisher=] |pages=1–3 |isbn=978-0810855601}}</ref> | |||
Socialist systems divide into ] and ] forms.<ref name="Kolb">{{cite book |last=Kolb |first=Robert |title=Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society|edition=1st |publisher=], Inc |date=2007 |isbn=978-1412916523 |page=1345 |quote=There are many forms of socialism, all of which eliminate private ownership of capital and replace it with collective ownership. These many forms, all focused on advancing distributive justice for long-term social welfare, can be divided into two broad types of socialism: nonmarket and market.}}</ref><ref>{{harvp|Bockman|2011|p=20}}: "socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money."; {{harvp|Steele|1999|pp=175–177}}: "Especially before the 1930s, many socialists and anti-socialists implicitly accepted some form of the following for the incompatibility of state-owned industry and factor markets. A market transaction is an exchange of property titles between two independent transactors. Thus internal market exchanges cease when all of industry is brought into the ownership of a single entity, whether the state or some other organization, ... the discussion applies equally to any form of social or community ownership, where the owning entity is conceived as a single organization or administration."; {{harvp|Arneson|1992}}: "Marxian socialism is often identified with the call to organize economic activity on a nonmarket basis."; {{harvp|Schweickart|Lawler|Ticktin|Ollman|1998|pp=61–63}}: "More fundamentally, a socialist society must be one in which the economy is run on the principle of the direct satisfaction of human needs. ... Exchange-value, prices and so money are goals in themselves in a capitalist society or in any market. There is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital or sums of money and human welfare. Under conditions of backwardness, the spur of money and the accumulation of wealth has led to a massive growth in industry and technology. ... It seems an odd argument to say that a capitalist will only be efficient in producing use-value of a good quality when trying to make more money than the next capitalist. It would seem easier to rely on the planning of use-values in a rational way, which because there is no duplication, would be produced more cheaply and be of a higher quality."</ref> A non-market socialist system seeks to eliminate the perceived ], and ] that socialists traditionally associate with ] and the ] system.<ref>{{harvp|Nove|1991|p=13}}: "Under socialism, by definition, it (private property and factor markets) would be eliminated. There would then be something like 'scientific management', 'the science of socially organized production', but it would not be economics."; {{harvp|Kotz|2006}}: "This understanding of socialism was held not just by revolutionary Marxist socialists but also by evolutionary socialists, Christian socialists, and even anarchists. At that time, there was also wide agreement about the basic institutions of the future socialist system: public ownership instead of private ownership of the means of production, economic planning instead of market forces, production for use instead of for profit."; {{harvp|Weisskopf|1992}}: "Socialism has historically been committed to the improvement of people's material standards of living. Indeed, in earlier days many socialists saw the promotion of improving material living standards as the primary basis for socialism's claim to superiority over capitalism, for socialism was to overcome the irrationality and inefficiency seen as endemic to a capitalist system of economic organization."; {{harvp|Prychitko|2002|p=12}}: "Socialism is a system based upon de facto public or social ownership of the means of production, the abolition of a hierarchical division of labor in the enterprise, a consciously organized social division of labor. Under socialism, money, competitive pricing, and profit-loss accounting would be destroyed."</ref> ] retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets and sometimes the ].<ref name="Social Dividend versus Basic Income Guarantee in Market Socialism, 2004">{{cite journal |last=Marangos |first=John |date=2004 |title=Social Dividend versus Basic Income Guarantee in Market Socialism |journal=] |publisher=] |volume=34 |issue=3 |pages=20–40 |doi=10.1080/08911916.2004.11042930 |jstor=40470892 |s2cid=153267388 |issn = 0891-1916}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=O'Hara |first=Phillip |title=Encyclopedia of Political Economy |volume=2 |publisher=] |date=2000 |isbn=978-0415241878 |page=71 |quote=Market socialism is the general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilized to distribute economic output, to organize production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Pierson |first=Christopher |title=Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism |publisher=] |date=1995 |isbn=978-0271-014784 |page=96 |quote=At the heart of the market socialist model is the abolition of the large-scale private ownership of capital and its replacement by some form of 'social ownership'. Even the most conservative accounts of market socialism insist that this abolition of large-scale holdings of private capital is essential. This requirement is fully consistent with the market socialists' general claim that the vices of market capitalism lie not with the institutions of the market but with (the consequences of) the private ownership of capital ... .}}</ref> As a political force, ] and ideas exercise varying degrees of power and influence, heading national governments in several countries. Socialist politics have been ] and ]; organised through political parties and opposed to party politics; at times overlapping with trade unions and other times independent and critical of them, and present in industrialised and developing nations.<ref>{{harvp|Newman|2005|p=2}}: "In fact, socialism has been both centralist and local; organized from above and built from below; visionary and pragmatic; revolutionary and reformist; anti-state and statist; internationalist and nationalist; harnessed to political parties and shunning them; an outgrowth of trade unionism and independent of it; a feature of rich industrialized countries and poor peasant-based communities."</ref> ] originated within the socialist movement,<ref>{{cite book |last=Ely |first=Richard T. |author-link=Richard T. Ely |date=1883 |title=French and German Socialism in Modern Times |location=New York |publisher=Harper and Brothers |pages=204–205 |quote=Social democrats forms the extreme wing of the socialists ... inclined to lay so much stress on equality of enjoyment, regardless of the value of one's labor, that they might, perhaps, more properly be called communists. ... They have two distinguishing characteristics. The vast majority of them are laborers, and, as a rule, they expect the violent overthrow of existing institutions by revolution to precede the introduction of the socialistic state. I would not, by any means, say that they are all revolutionists, but the most of them undoubtedly are. ... The most general demands of the social democrats are the following: The state should exist exclusively for the laborers; land and capital must become collective property, and production be carried on unitedly. Private competition, in the ordinary sense of the term, is to cease.}}</ref> supporting ] and ] to promote ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Merkel |first1=Wolfgang |last2=Petring |first2=Alexander |last3=Henkes |first3=Christian |last4=Egle |first4=Christoph |date=2008 |title=Social Democracy in Power: The Capacity to Reform |series=Routledge Research in Comparative Politics |location=London |publisher=] |isbn=978-0415438209}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Heywood |first=Andrew |year=2012 |title=Political Ideologies: An Introduction |edition=5th |location=Basingstoke, England |publisher=] |isbn=978-0230367258 |page=128 |quote=Social democracy is an ideological stance that supports a broad balance between market capitalism, on the one hand, and state intervention, on the other hand. Being based on a compromise between the market and the state, social democracy lacks a systematic underlying theory and is, arguably, inherently vague. It is nevertheless associated with the following views: (1) capitalism is the only reliable means of generating wealth, but it is a morally defective means of distributing wealth because of its tendency towards poverty and inequality; (2) the defects of the capitalist system can be rectified through economic and social intervention, the state being the custodian of the public interest ... .}}</ref> While retaining socialism as a long-term goal,<ref>{{harvp|Roemer|1994|pp=25–27}}: "The long term and the short term."; {{harvp|Berman|1998|p=57}}: "Over the long term, however, democratizing Sweden's political system was seen to be important not merely as a means but also as an end in itself. Achieving democracy was crucial not only because it would increase the power of the SAP in the Swedish political system but also because it was the form socialism would take once it arrived. Political, economic, and social equality went hand in hand, according to the SAP, and were all equally important characteristics of the future socialist society."; {{harvp|Busky|2000|pp=7–8}}; {{harvp|Bailey|2009|p=77}}: "... Giorgio Napolitano launched a medium-term programme, 'which tended to justify the governmental deflationary policies, and asked for the understanding of the workers, since any economic recovery would be linked with the ''long-term'' goal of an advance towards democratic socialism'"; {{harvp|Lamb|2015|p=415}}</ref> in the post-war period social democracy embraced a ] based on ] within a predominantly developed capitalist ] and ] polity that expands state intervention to include ], ], and a ].<ref>{{harvp|Badie|Berg-Schlosser|Morlino|2011|p=2423}}: "Social democracy refers to a political tendency resting on three fundamental features: (1) democracy (e.g., equal rights to vote and form parties), (2) an economy partly regulated by the state (e.g., through Keynesianism), and (3) a welfare state offering social support to those in need (e.g., equal rights to education, health service, employment and pensions)."</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Smith |first=J. W. |date=2005 |title=Economic Democracy: The Political Struggle for the 21st century |location=Radford |publisher=] |isbn=1933567015}}</ref> | |||
A socialist economy is based on the principle of ], to directly satisfy economic demand and human needs, and objects are valued by their ], as opposed to the principle of production for profit and ].<ref>{{cite web|title=Socialism and Capitalism: Are They Qualitatively Different Socioeconomic Systems?|last= Kotz|first=David M.|accessdate=February 19, 2011|work=University of Massachusetts|url=http://people.umass.edu/dmkotz/Soc_and_Cap_Diff_Syst_06_12.pdf|format=PDF}} "This understanding of socialism was held not just by revolutionary Marxist socialists but also by evolutionary socialists, Christian socialists, and even anarchists. At that time, there was also wide agreement about the basic institutions of the future socialist system: public ownership instead of private ownership of the means of production, economic planning instead of market forces, production for use instead of for profit."</ref> | |||
In the traditional conception of a socialist economy, coordination, accounting and valuation are performed ] (using physical quantities), by a common physical magnitude, or by a direct measure of labour-time in place of financial calculation.<ref>''Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists'', by Schweickart, David; Lawler, James; Ticktin, Hillel; Ollman, Bertell. 1998. From "The Difference Between Marxism and Market Socialism" (pp. 61–63): "More fundamentally, a socialist society must be one in which the economy is run on the principle of the direct satisfaction of human needs...Exchange-value, prices and so money are goals in themselves in a capitalist society or in any market. There is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital or sums of money and human welfare. Under conditions of backwardness, the spur of money and the accumulation of wealth has led to a massive growth in industry and technology ... It seems an odd argument to say that a capitalist will only be efficient in producing use-value of a good quality when trying to make more money than the next capitalist. It would seem easier to rely on the planning of use-values in a rational way, which because there is no duplication, would be produced more cheaply and be of a higher quality."</ref><ref>{{cite book |last= Bockman|first= Johanna |title= Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism|publisher= Stanford University Press|year= 2011|isbn= 978-0-8047-7566-3}}</ref> For distributing output, two alternative principles have been proposed: '']'' and '']''. The advisability, feasibility and exact way of allocating and valuing resources are the subjects of the ]. | |||
The socialist ] includes political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for the ] that socialists associated with capitalism.{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|p=1}} By the late 19th century, after the work of ] and his collaborator ], socialism had come to signify ] and advocacy for a ] system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production.<ref>{{cite book |last=Gasper |first=Phillip |title=The Communist Manifesto: A Road Map to History's Most Important Political Document |publisher=] |year=2005 |isbn=978-1931859257 |page=24 |quote=As the nineteenth century progressed, 'socialist' came to signify not only concern with the social question, but opposition to capitalism and support for some form of social ownership.}}</ref><ref name="Anthony Giddens 1994, p. 71">{{cite book |author-link=Anthony Giddens |first=Anthony |last=Giddens |title=Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics |edition=1998 |location=Cambridge, England, UK |publisher=] |orig-date=1994 |date=1998 |pages=71}}</ref> By the early 1920s, ] and social democracy had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement,<ref>{{harvp|Newman|2005|p=5}}: "Chapter 1 looks at the foundations of the doctrine by examining the contribution made by various traditions of socialism in the period between the early 19th century and the aftermath of the First World War. The two forms that emerged as dominant by the early 1920s were social democracy and communism."</ref> with socialism itself becoming the most influential secular movement of the 20th century.<ref>{{cite book |editor-last=Kurian |editor-first=George Thomas |date=2011 |title=The Encyclopedia of Political Science |location=Washington, D.C. |publisher=CQ Press |pages=1554}}</ref> Many socialists also adopted the causes of other social movements, such as ], ], and ].<ref>{{cite book |first=Garrett Ward |last=Sheldon |title=Encyclopedia of Political Thought |publisher=] |date=2001 |pages=280}}</ref> | |||
The socialist ] includes a diverse array of political philosophies. Core dichotomies include ] ''versus'' ], and ] ''versus'' ]. State socialism calls for the ] of the ] as a strategy for implementing socialism, while libertarian socialism calls for ] means of ] such as ], citizens' assemblies, trade unions, and ]s<ref name="Rocker 2004 65">{{cite book | last=Rocker | first=Rudolf | title=Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice | page=65 | year=2004 | publisher=] | isbn=978-1-902593-92-0 }}</ref> coming from a general ] stance.<ref>"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explred in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."</ref><ref name="iaf-ifa.org">"The ] fights for : the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual."]"]</ref><ref name="auto">"Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations." ]. "What it Really Stands for Anarchy" in '']''.</ref><ref name="Individual Liberty.">Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left, — follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism...Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." ]. </ref><ref name="Ward 1966">{{cite web |url=http://www.panarchy.org/ward/organization.1966.html|last=Ward|first=Colin|year=1966|title=Anarchism as a Theory of Organization|accessdate=1 March 2010| archiveurl= http://web.archive.org/web/20100325081119/http://www.panarchy.org/ward/organization.1966.html| archivedate= 25 March 2010<!--Added by DASHBot-->}}</ref><ref>Anarchist historian ] report of ]'s anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (pg. 9)...Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Berne Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."</ref><ref name="Brown 2002 106">{{cite book |last=Brown |first=L. Susan |chapter=Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism |title=The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism |publisher=Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing |year= 2002 |page=106}}</ref> ] highlights the central role of democratic processes and ]s and is usually contrasted with non-democratic political movements that advocate socialism.<ref>Often, this definition is invoked to distinguish democratic socialism from authoritarian socialism as in Malcolm Hamilton ''Democratic Socialism in Britain and ]'' (St Martin's Press 1989),in Donald F. Busky, Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey Greenwood Publishing, 2000, See pp.7-8., Jim Tomlinson's ''Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945-1951'', Norman Thomas ''Democratic Socialism: a new appraisal'' or ]'s ''Choose Freedom: The Future of Democratic Socialism''</ref> Some socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements, such as ], ] and ].<ref>Garrett Ward Sheldon. Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Fact on File. Inc. 2001. pg. 280</ref> | |||
While the emergence of the ] as the world's first nominally ] led to socialism's widespread association with the ], academics have noted that some Western European countries have been governed by socialist parties or have ], that are sometimes called "]".<ref>{{harvp|Barrett|1978}}: "If we were to extend the definition of socialism to include ] Britain or socialist Sweden, there would be no difficulty in refuting the connection between capitalism and democracy."; {{harvp|Heilbroner|1991|pp=96–110}}; {{harvp|Kendall|2011|pp=125–127}}: "Sweden, Great Britain, and France have mixed economies, sometimes referred to as democratic socialism — an economic and political system that combines private ownership of some of the means of production, governmental distribution of some essential goods and services, and free elections. For example, government ownership in Sweden is limited primarily to railroads, mineral resources, a public bank, and liquor and tobacco operations."; {{harvp|Li|2015|pp=60–69}}: "The scholars in camp of democratic socialism believe that China should draw on the Sweden experience, which is suitable not only for the West but also for China. In the post-Mao China, the Chinese intellectuals are confronted with a variety of models. The liberals favor the American model and share the view that the Soviet model has become archaic and should be totally abandoned. Meanwhile, democratic socialism in Sweden provided an alternative model. Its sustained economic development and extensive welfare programs fascinated many. Numerous scholars within the democratic socialist camp argue that China should model itself politically and economically on Sweden, which is viewed as more genuinely socialist than China. There is a growing consensus among them that in the Nordic countries the welfare state has been extraordinarily successful in eliminating poverty."</ref><ref>{{harvp|Sanandaji|2021}}: "Nordic nations—and especially Sweden—did embrace socialism between around 1970 and 1990. During the past 30 years, however, both conservative and social democratic-led governments have moved toward the center."</ref> Following the ], many of these countries moved away from socialism as a ] consensus replaced the social democratic consensus in the advanced capitalist world,<ref>{{harvp|Sanandaji|2021}}; {{harvp|Caulcutt|2022}}; {{harvp|Krause-Jackson|2019}}; {{harvp|Best|Kahn|Nocella II|McLaren|2011|p=xviii}}</ref> while many former socialist politicians and political parties embraced "]" politics, remaining committed to equality and welfare while abandoning public ownership and class-based politics.<ref name=":1">{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism |title=socialism |website=] |date=29 May 2023}}</ref> Socialism experienced a resurgence in popularity in the 2010s, most prominently in the form of democratic socialism.<ref name=":3">{{Cite web |last=Judis |first=John B. |date=2019-11-20 |title=The Socialist Revival |url=https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2019/11/the-socialist-revival/ |access-date=2023-06-26 |website=American Affairs Journal |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite magazine |last=Cassidy |first=John |date=2019-06-18 |title=Why Socialism Is Back |language=en-US |magazine=The New Yorker |url=https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/why-socialism-is-back |access-date=2023-06-26 |issn=0028-792X}}</ref> | |||
Modern socialism originated from an 18th-century intellectual and working-class political movement that criticised the effects of industrialisation and ] on ]. The revival of ] in the ] of 1776 and the ] values introduced by the ] of 1789 gave rise to socialism as a distinct political movement. In the early 19th century, "socialism" referred to any concern for the social problems of capitalism regardless of the solutions to those problems. However, by the late 19th century, "socialism" had come to signify opposition to capitalism and advocacy for an alternative ] system based on some form of social ownership.<ref>{{cite book |last= Gasper|first= Phillip |title= The Communist Manifesto: a road map to history's most important political document |publisher=Haymarket Books|date=October 2005|isbn= 1-931859-25-6|page = 24|quote=As the nineteenth century progressed, "socialist" came to signify not only concern with the social question, but opposition to capitalism and support for some form of social ownership.}}</ref> During this time, ] ] and his collaborator ] published works criticising the ] aspects of contemporary socialist trends, and applied a ] understanding of socialism as a ] which will come about through ] instigated by escalating and conflicting class relationships within capitalism.<ref name="Anthony Giddens 1994, p. 71">Anthony Giddens. ''Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics''. 1998 edition. Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press, 1994, 1998. p. 71.</ref> Alongside this appeared other tendencies such as ], ], ], ] and ] as well as the confluence of socialism with ] and ] struggles around the world. Socialism became the most influential worldwide movement and political-economic world view of the 20th century.<ref>"Socialism was the most influential secular movement of the twentieth century, worldwide. It was a political ideology (or world view), a wide and divided political movement..." George Thomas Kurian (ed). ''The Encyclopedia of Political Science'' CQ Press. Washington D.c. 2011. Pgs. 1554</ref> Today, ] and ideas remain a political force with varying degrees of power and influence in all continents, leading national governments in many countries. | |||
{{TOC limit|3}} | |||
==Etymology== | == Etymology == | ||
According to Andrew Vincent, "he word 'socialism' finds its root in the Latin {{lang|la|sociare}}, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and then medieval law was {{lang|la|societas}}. This latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen".<ref>{{cite book |first=Andrew |last=Vincent |date=2010 |title=Modern Political Ideologies |publisher=] |isbn=978-1405154956 |page=83}}</ref> | |||
For Andrew Vincent "The word ‘socialism’ finds its root in the Latin ''sociare'', which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and then medieval law was ''societas''. This latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen."<ref>Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. pg. 83</ref> The term "socialism" was created by ], one of the founders of what would later be labelled "]". The term "socialism" was created to contrast against the liberal doctrine of "]", which stressed that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540">Marvin Perry, Myrna Chase, Margaret Jacob, James R. Jacob. ''Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society – From 1600, Volume 2''. Ninth Edition. Boston, Massachusetts, USA: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2009. p. 540.</ref> The original socialists condemned liberal individualism as failing to address social concerns of poverty, social oppression, and gross inequality of wealth.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540"/> They viewed liberal individualism as degenerating society into supporting selfish ] that harmed community life through promoting a society based on competition.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540"/> They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism, that advocated a society based on cooperation.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540"/> The term ''socialism'' is attributed to ],<ref>Leroux: socialism is "the doctrine which would not give up any of the principles of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" of the ] of 1789. "Individualism and socialism" (1834)</ref> and to ] in France; and in Britain to ] in 1827, father of the ].<ref>Oxford English Dictionary, etymology of socialism</ref><ref>Russell, Bertrand (1972). A History of Western Philosophy. Touchstone. p. 781</ref> | |||
] pamphlet by ]]] | |||
The modern definition and usage of the term "socialism" settled by the 1860s, becoming the predominant term among the earlier associated words "co-operative", "mutualist" and "associationist". The term "communism" also fell out of use during this period, despite earlier distinctions between socialism and communism from the 1840s.<ref name="Williams 1983 288">{{cite book |last= Williams|first= Raymond |title= Keywords: A vocabulary of culture and society, revised edition|publisher= Oxford University Press|year= 1983|isbn= 0-19-520469-7|page = 288|chapter= Socialism|quote = Modern usage began to settle from the 1860s, and in spite of the earlier variations and distinctions it was socialist and socialism which came through as the predominant words...Communist, in spite of the distinction that had been made in the 1840s, was very much less used, and parties in the Marxist tradition took some variant of social and socialist as titles.}}</ref> An early distinction between "socialism" and "communism" was that the former aimed to only socialise production while the latter aimed to socialise both production and consumption.<ref name="Steele 1992 43">{{cite book |last= Steele |first= David |title= From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation |publisher= Open Court Publishing Company |year= 1992|isbn= 978-0875484495|page = 43|quote=One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.}}</ref> However, by 1888 the term "socialism" was used by Marxists in place of "communism", which was now considered an old-fashion synonym of "socialism". It was only until 1917 after the Bolshevik revolution that "socialism" came to refer to a distinct stage between capitalism and communism, introduced by Vladimir Lenin as a means to defend the Bolshevik seizure of power against traditional Marxist criticisms that Russia was not sufficiently developed for socialist revolution.<ref name="Steele 1992 44-45">{{cite book |last= Steele |first= David |title= From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation |publisher= Open Court Publishing Company |year= 1992|isbn= 978-0875484495|pages = 44–45|quote=By 1888, the term ‘socialism’ was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped ‘communism’, now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as ‘socialism’...At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists...The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917...the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution}}</ref> | |||
Initial use of ''socialism'' was claimed by ], who alleged he first used the term in the Parisian journal {{lang|fr|]}} in 1832.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.etymonline.com/word/socialism |title=socialism (n.) |publisher=] |website=etymonline |access-date=3 May 2021}}</ref><ref name="Kołakowski2005">{{cite book |first=Leszek |last=Kołakowski |author-link=Leszek Kołakowski |title=Main Currents of Marxism: The Founders, the Golden Age, the Breakdown |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qUCxpznbkaoC |year=2005 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0393-060546 |page=151 |via=]}}</ref> Leroux was a follower of ], one of the founders of what would later be labelled ]. Socialism contrasted with the liberal doctrine of ] that emphasized the moral worth of the individual while stressing that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another. The original utopian socialists condemned this doctrine of individualism for failing to address social concerns during the ], including poverty, oppression, and vast ]. They viewed their society as harming community life by basing society on competition. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the shared ownership of resources.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540">{{cite book |first1=Marvin |last1=Perry |first2=Myrna |last2=Chase |first3=Margaret |last3=Jacob |first4=James R. |last4=Jacob |title=Western Civilization: Ideas, Politics, and Society – From 1600 |volume=2 |edition=Ninth |location=Boston |publisher=] Publishing Company |date=2009 |page=540 |isbn=978-1305445499 |oclc=1289795802}}</ref> Saint-Simon proposed ], scientific administration and the application of scientific understanding to the organisation of society. By contrast, ] proposed to organise production and ownership via ]s.<ref name="Marvin Perry 1600, p. 540"/><ref>{{cite book |last1=Gregory |first1=Paul |last2=Stuart |first2=Robert |title=The Global Economy and its Economic Systems |publisher=South-Western College Publishing |date=2013 |isbn=978-1285-05535-0 |page=159 |quote=Socialist writers of the nineteenth century proposed socialist arrangements for sharing as a response to the inequality and poverty of the industrial revolution. English socialist Robert Owen proposed that ownership and production take place in cooperatives, where all members shared equally. French socialist Henri Saint-Simon proposed to the contrary: socialism meant solving economic problems by means of state administration and planning, and taking advantage of new advances in science.}}</ref> ''Socialism'' is also attributed in France to ] while in Britain it is attributed to Owen, who became one of the fathers of the ].<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |dictionary=] |chapter=Etymology of socialism}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Russell |first=Bertrand |author-link=Bertrand Russell |date=1972 |title=A History of Western Philosophy |publisher=Touchstone |pages=781}}</ref> | |||
The definition and usage of ''socialism'' settled by the 1860s, with the term ''socialist'' replacing '']'', '']'', '']'' and '']'', which had been used as synonyms, while the term ''communism'' fell out of use during this period.<ref name="Williams 1983 288">{{cite book |last=Williams |first=Raymond |title=Keywords: A vocabulary of culture and society, revised edition |publisher=] |year=1983 |isbn=978-0195204698 |page= |chapter=Socialism |quote=Modern usage began to settle from the 1860s, and in spite of the earlier variations and distinctions it was socialist and socialism which came through as the predominant words ... Communist, in spite of the distinction that had been made in the 1840s, was very much less used, and parties in the Marxist tradition took some variant of social and socialist as titles. |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/keywordsvocabula00willrich/page/288}}</ref> An early distinction between '']'' and ''socialism'' was that the latter aimed to only socialise production while the former aimed to socialise both ] and ] (in the form of free access to final goods).<ref name="Steele 1992 43">{{cite book |last=Steele |first=David |title=From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation |publisher=Open Court Publishing Company |year=1992 |isbn=978-0875484495 |page=43 |quote=One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.}}</ref> By 1888, ] employed ''socialism'' in place of ''communism'' as the latter had come to be considered an old-fashioned synonym for ''socialism''. It was not until after the ] that ''socialism'' was appropriated by ] to mean a stage between ] and communism. He used it to defend the Bolshevik program from Marxist criticism that Russia's ] were not sufficiently developed for communism.<ref name="Steele 1992 44-45">{{cite book |last=Steele |first=David |title=From Marx to Mises: Post-Capitalist Society and the Challenge of Economic Calculation |publisher=Open Court Publishing Company |year=1992 |isbn=978-0875484495 |pages=44–45 |quote=By 1888, the term 'socialism' was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped 'communism', now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as 'socialism'. ... At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists. ... The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917. ... the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution.}}</ref> The distinction between ''communism'' and ''socialism'' became salient in 1918 after the ] renamed itself to the ], interpreting ''communism'' specifically to mean socialists who supported the politics and theories of ], ] and later that of ],<ref>{{harvp|Busky|2000|p=9}}: "In a modern sense of the word, communism refers to the ideology of Marxism–Leninism."</ref> although ] continued to describe themselves as socialists dedicated to socialism.<ref>{{cite book |last=Williams |first=Raymond |title=Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society |edition=revised |publisher=] |year=1983 |isbn=978-0195204698 |page= |chapter=Socialism |quote=The decisive distinction between socialist and communist, as in one sense these terms are now ordinarily used, came with the renaming, in 1918, of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) as the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). From that time on, a distinction of socialist from communist, often with supporting definitions such as social democrat or democratic socialist, became widely current, although it is significant that all communist parties, in line with earlier usage, continued to describe themselves as socialist and dedicated to socialism. |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/keywordsvocabula00willrich/page/289}}</ref> According to ''The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx'', "Marx used many terms to refer to a ]—positive ], socialism, communism, realm of free individuality, ], etc. He used these terms completely interchangeably. The notion that 'socialism' and 'communism' are distinct historical stages is alien to his work and only entered the lexicon of Marxism after his death".<ref name=Hudis>{{cite book |editor1-last=Hudis |editor1-first=Peter |editor2-last=Vidal |editor2-first=Matt |editor3-last=Smith |editor3-first=Tony |editor4-last=Rotta |editor4-first=Tomás |editor5-last=Prew |editor5-first=Paul |date=September 2018 – June 2019 |url=https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190695545 |title=The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx |chapter-url=https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190695545-e-50 |chapter=Marx's Concept of Socialism |publisher=] |isbn=978-019-0695545 |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190695545.001.0001}}</ref> | |||
==History== | |||
{{Main|History of socialism}} | |||
In ], communists were believed to have adopted ]. In Protestant England, ''communism'' was too close to the ] ], hence ''socialist'' was the preferred term.<ref>{{cite book |last=Williams |first=Raymond |author-link=Raymond Williams |title=Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society |publisher=] |year=1976 |isbn=978-0-006334798 |title-link=Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society}}</ref> Engels wrote that in 1848, when '']'' was published, socialism was respectable in Europe while communism was not. The ] in England and the ] in France were considered respectable socialists while working-class movements that "proclaimed the necessity of total social change" denoted themselves ''communists''.<ref>{{cite book |last=Engels |first=Friedrich |author-link=Friedrich Engels |title=Preface to the 1888 English Edition of the Communist Manifesto |orig-date=1888 |pages=202 |publisher=] |date=2002}}</ref> This branch of socialism produced the communist work of ] in France and ] in Germany.<ref>{{cite book |last=Todorova |first=Maria |year=2020 |title=The Lost World of Socialists at Europe's Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s–1920s |edition=hardcover |location=London |publisher=] |isbn=978-1350150331}}</ref> British moral philosopher ] discussed a form of economic socialism within free market. In later editions of his '']'' (1848), Mill posited that "as far as economic theory was concerned, there is nothing in principle in economic theory that precludes an economic order based on socialist policies"<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |last=Wilson |first=Fred |chapter-url=http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/mill/ |chapter=John Stuart Mill |encyclopedia=] |year=2007 |access-date=2 August 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |quote=Mill, in contrast, advances a form of liberal democratic socialism for the enlargement of freedom as well as to realise social and distributive justice. He offers a powerful account of economic injustice and justice that is centered on his understanding of freedom and its conditions. |first=Bruce |last=Baum |chapter=J. S. Mill and Liberal Socialism |editor1-first=Nadia |editor1-last=Urbanati |editor2-first=Alex |editor2-last=Zacharas |title=J.S. Mill's Political Thought: A Bicentennial Reassessment |location=Cambridge |publisher=] |date=2007}}</ref> and promoted substituting capitalist businesses with ]s.<ref>''Principles of Political Economy with Some of Their Applications to Social Philosophy'', IV.7.21. ''John Stuart Mill: Political Economy'', IV.7.21. "The form of association, however, which if mankind continue to improve, must be expected in the end to predominate, is not that which can exist between a capitalist as chief, and work-people without a voice in the management, but the association of the labourers themselves on terms of equality, collectively owning the capital with which they carry on their operations, and working under managers elected and removable by themselves."</ref> While democrats looked to the ] as a ] which in the long run ensured ], Marxists denounced it as a betrayal of working-class ideals by a ] indifferent to the ].<ref>{{cite book |first=Robert |last=Gildea |chapter=1848 in European Collective Memory |editor1-last=Evans |editor2-last=Strandmann |title=The Revolutions in Europe, 1848–1849 |pages=207–235}}</ref> | |||
===Early socialism=== | |||
{{Main|Utopian socialism|Revolutions of 1848|Paris Commune|History of anarchism#Early history}} | |||
], influential early French socialist thinker]]Socialist models and ideas espousing common or public ownership have existed since antiquity. It has been claimed, though controversially, that there were elements of socialist thought in the politics of classical Greek philosophers ]<ref>pp. 276–277, ], ''Plato: The Man and His Work'', Dover 2001.</ref> and ].<ref>p. 257, ], ''Aristotle'', 6th ed.</ref> ], a Persian communal proto-socialist,<ref>''A Short History of the World''. Progress Publishers. Moscow, 1974</ref> instituted communal possessions and advocated the public good. In the period right after the ], activists and theorists like ], ], ], and ] influenced the early French labour and socialist movements.<ref name="George Thomas Kurian 2011">George Thomas Kurian (ed). ''The Encyclopedia of Political Science'' CQ Press. Washington D.c. 2011. Pgs. 1555</ref> In Britain, ] proposed a detailed plan to tax property owners to pay for the needs of the poor in '']''<ref>Paine, Thomas (2004). Common sense Agrarian justice. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-101890-9. pp. 92–3.</ref> while ] wrote ''The Effects of Civilization on the People in European States'', denouncing capitalism´s effects on the poor of his time<ref name="Blaug 1986 358">{{cite book| last = Blaug | first = Mark | title = Who's Who in Economics: A Biographical Dictionary of Major Economists 1700-1986 | publisher = The MIT Press | year = 1986 | isbn = 0-262-02256-7| page = 358}}</ref> which influenced the utopian schemes of ].<ref>Bonnett, Alastair (2007) The Other Rights of Man: The Revolutionary Plan of Thomas Spence. ''History Today'' 57(9):42–48.</ref> The first "self-conscious socialist movements developed in the 1820s and 1830s. ], ] and ] provided a series of coherent analyses and interpretations of society. They also, especially in the case of the Owenites, overlapped with a number of other working-class movements like the ] in the United Kingdom."<ref>Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. pg. 88</ref> The Chartists gathered significant numbers around the People’s Charter of 1838, which demanded the extension of suffrage to all male adults. Leaders in the movement also called for a more equitable distribution of income and better living conditions for the working classes. "The very first trade unions and consumers’ cooperative societies also emerged in the hinterland of the Chartist movement, as a way of bolstering the fight for these demands."<ref>Nik Brandal, Øivind Bratberg and Dag Einar Thorsen. ''The Nordic Model of Social Democracy''. Pallgrave-Macmillan. 2013. pg. 20</ref> A later important socialist thinker in France was ] who proposed his philosophy of ] in which "everyone had an equal claim, either alone or as part of a small cooperative, to possess and use land and other resources as needed to make a living".<ref name="britannica.com1">{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism|title=socialism|work=Encyclopedia Britannica}}</ref> There were also currents inspired by dissident Christianity of ] "often in Britain and then usually coming out of left liberal politics and a romantic anti-industrialism"<ref name="George Thomas Kurian 2011"/> which produced theorists such as ], ] and ].<ref name="ReferenceC"/> | |||
== History == | |||
The first advocates of socialism favoured social levelling in order to create a ] or ] society based on individual talent. Count ] is regarded as the first individual to coin the term ''socialism''.<ref name="fsmitha.com">{{cite web |url=http://www.fsmitha.com/h3/h44-ph.html |title=Adam Smith |publisher=Fsmitha.com |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> Saint-Simon was fascinated by the enormous potential of science and technology and advocated a socialist society that would eliminate the disorderly aspects of capitalism and would be based on equal opportunities.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/contemp/pamsetc/socfrombel/sfb_2.htm |title=2:BIRTH OF THE SOCIALIST IDEA |publisher=Anu.edu.au |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref>{{unreliable source?|date=December 2011}} He advocated the creation of a society in which each person was ranked according to his or her capacities and rewarded according to his or her work.<ref name="fsmitha.com"/> The key focus of Saint-Simon's socialism was on administrative efficiency and industrialism, and a belief that science was the key to progress.<ref name="SocialismAVeryShortIntroduction">''Newman, Michael''. (2005) ''Socialism: A Very Short Introduction'', Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-280431-6</ref> This was accompanied by a desire to implement a rationally organised economy based on planning and geared towards large-scale scientific and material progress,<ref name="fsmitha.com"/> and thus embodied a desire for a more directed or ]. Other early socialist thinkers, such as ] and Charles Hall, based their ideas on ]'s economic theories. They reasoned that the equilibrium value of commodities approximated prices charged by the producer when those commodities were in elastic supply, and that these producer prices corresponded to the embodied labour – the cost of the labour (essentially the wages paid) that was required to produce the commodities. The ] viewed profit, interest and rent as deductions from this exchange-value.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/schools/utopia.htm |title=Utopian Socialists |publisher=Cepa.newschool.edu |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> | |||
{{main|History of socialism}} | |||
The history of socialism has its origins in the ] and the 1789 ], along with the changes that brought, although it has precedents in earlier movements and ideas. '']'' was written by ] and ] in 1847-48 just before the ] swept Europe, expressing what they termed ]. In the last third of the 19th century parties dedicated to ] arose in Europe, drawing mainly from ]. The ] was the first elected socialist party when it formed government in the ] for a week in 1899.<ref>{{cite book|last=Blainey|first=Geoffrey|author-link=Geoffrey Blainey|title=A shorter history of Australia|publisher=Vintage|year=2000|location=Milsons Point, N.S.W. P|isbn=978-1-74051-033-2|page=|url=https://archive.org/details/shorterhistoryof0000blai/page/263}}</ref> | |||
]]] | |||
In the first half of the 20th century, the ] and the ] of the ] around the world, came to represent socialism in terms of the ] and the creation of ] directed by a state that owns all the ], although other trends condemned what they saw as the lack of democracy. The establishment of the ] in 1949, saw socialism introduced. China experienced land redistribution and the ], followed by the disastrous ]. In the UK, ] said that "socialism is what the ] government does" whereas ] argued socialism requires that the "main streams of economic activity are brought under public direction", with an economic plan and workers' democracy.<ref>Bevan, Aneurin, ''In Place of Fear'', p. 50, p. 126-128. MacGibbon and Kee, (1961).</ref> Some argued that capitalism had been abolished.<ref>] stated: "o the question 'Is this still capitalism?' I would answer 'No'." In ''The Future of Socialism'' p. 46. Constable (2006).</ref> Socialist governments established the ] with partial ]s and social welfare. | |||
West European social critics, including ], ], ], ], ] and ], were the first modern socialists who criticised the excessive poverty and inequality of the ]. They advocated reform, with some such as Robert Owen advocating the transformation of society to small communities without private property. Robert Owen's contribution to modern socialism was his understanding that actions and characteristics of individuals were largely determined by the social environment they were raised in and exposed to.<ref name="SocialismAVeryShortIntroduction"/> On the other hand, ] advocated ] which were communities that respected individual desires (including sexual preferences), affinities and creativity and saw that work has to be made enjoyable for people.<ref>"In Fourier's system of Harmony all creative activity including industry, craft, agriculture, etc. will arise from liberated passion – this is the famous theory of "attractive labour." Fourier sexualises work itself – the life of the Phalanstery is a continual orgy of intense feeling, intellection, & activity, a society of lovers & wild enthusiasts....The Harmonian does not live with some 1600 people under one roof because of compulsion or altruism, but because of the sheer pleasure of all the social, sexual, economic, "gastrosophic," cultural, & creative relations this association allows & encourages". by ]</ref> The ideas of Owen and Fourier were tried in practice in numerous ] around Europe and the American continent in the mid-19th century. | |||
] was a major early implementation of socialist ideas]] | |||
Linguistically, the contemporary connotation of the words ''socialism'' and ''communism'' accorded with the adherents' and opponents' cultural attitude towards religion. In Christian Europe, of the two, communism was believed the ] way of life. In Protestant England, the word ''communism'' was too culturally and aurally close to the Roman Catholic '']'', hence English atheists denoted themselves socialists.<ref>{{Cite book | |||
|last=Williams | |||
|first=Raymond | |||
|authorlink=Raymond Williams | |||
|title=] | |||
|publisher=Fontana | |||
|year=1976 | |||
|isbn=0-00-633479-2}}</ref> ] argued that in 1848, at the time when the '']'' was published, "socialism was respectable on the continent, while communism was not." The ] in England and the ] in France were considered "respectable" socialists, while working-class movements that "proclaimed the necessity of total social change" denoted themselves communists. This latter branch of socialism produced the communist work of ] in France and ] in Germany.<ref>Engels, Frederick, ''Preface to the 1888 English Edition of the Communist Manifesto'', p. 202. Penguin (2002)</ref> The British ] ] also came to advocate a form of economic socialism within a liberal context. In later editions of his '']'' (1848), Mill would argue that "as far as economic theory was concerned, there is nothing in principle in economic theory that precludes an economic order based on socialist policies."<ref>Wilson, Fred. "." ''Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy'', 10 July 2007. Retrieved 17 March 2008.</ref><ref>"Mill, in contrast, advances a form of liberal democratic socialism for the enlargement of freedom as well as to realise social and distributive justice. He offers a powerful account of economic injustice and justice that is centered on his understanding of freedom and its conditions." Bruce Baum, "," Nadia Urbanati and Alex Zacharas, eds., ''J. S. Mill's Political Thought: A Bicentennial Reassessment'' (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).</ref> While democrats looked to the ] as a democratic revolution, which in the long run ensured liberty, equality, and fraternity, Marxists denounced 1848 as a betrayal of working-class ideals by a bourgeoisie indifferent to the legitimate demands of the proletariat.<ref>Robert Gildea, "1848 in European Collective Memory," in Evans and Strandmann, eds. ''The Revolutions in Europe, 1848–1849'' pp 207–235</ref> | |||
By 1968, the prolonged ] gave rise to the ], socialists who tended to be critical of the Soviet Union and ]. ] and some elements of the New Left and others favoured ] ] in the form of ] or ]. In 1989, the Soviet Union saw the end of ], marked by the ] across ], culminating in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements such as ], ] and ].<ref>Garrett Ward Sheldon. ''Encyclopedia of Political Thought''. Fact on File. Inc. 2001. p. 280.</ref> | |||
The ] was a government that briefly ruled Paris from 18 March (more formally, from 28 March) to 28 May 1871. The Commune was the result of an uprising in Paris after France was defeated in the Franco-Prussian War. The Commune elections held on 26 March elected a Commune council of 92 members, one member for each 20,000 residents.<ref>Rougerie, Jacques, ''La Commune de Paris''. Paris: Presses universitaires de France. ISBN 978-2-13-062078-5.</ref> Despite internal differences, the Council began to organise the public services essential for a city of two million residents. It also reached a consensus on certain policies that tended towards a progressive, secular, and highly-democratic ]. Because the Commune was only able to meet on fewer than 60 days in all, only a few decrees were actually implemented. These included the ], the remission of rents owed for the entire period of the siege (during which, payment had been suspended), the abolition of ] in the hundreds of Paris ], the granting of pensions to the unmarried companions and children of National Guards killed on active service; the free return, by the city ]s, of all workmen's tools and household items valued up to 20 francs, pledged during the siege.<ref name="Milza, Pierre, La Commune">Milza, Pierre, ''La Commune''.</ref> The Commune was concerned that skilled workers had been forced to pawn their tools during the war; the postponement of commercial ] obligations, and the abolition of interest on the debts; and the ] if it were deserted by its owner; the Commune, nonetheless, recognised the previous owner's right to compensation.<ref name="Milza, Pierre, La Commune"/> | |||
=== Early 21st century === | |||
===First and Second Internationals=== | |||
{{see also|Socialism of the 21st century}} | |||
{{Main|International Workingmen's Association|History of anarchism#19th century|Syndicalism|Fabian society|Guild socialism|Second International}} | |||
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] speaking to members of the ] at the Basel Congress in 1869]] | |||
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The International Workingmen's Association (IWA), also known as the First International, was founded in London in 1864. The ] united diverse revolutionary currents including French followers of ],<ref>{{cite book | last = Blin | first = Arnaud | title = The History of Terrorism | publisher = University of California Press | location = Berkeley | year = 2007 | isbn = 0-520-24709-4 |page=116}}</ref> ], ], English trade unionists, socialists and ]. The IWA held a preliminary conference in 1865, and had its first congress at ] in 1866. Due to the wide variety of philosophies present in the First International, there was conflict from the start. The first objections to Marx came from the ] who opposed communism and ]. However, shortly after ] and his followers (called '']'' while in the International) joined in 1868, the First International became polarised into two camps headed by Marx and Bakunin respectively.<ref>"It is unnecessary to repeat the accounts of the Geneva and Hague Congresses of the International in which the issues between Marx and Bakunin were fought out and the organisation itself split apart into the dying Marxist rump centered around the New York General Council and the anti-authoritarian majority centred around the Bakuninist Jura Federation. But it is desirable to consider some of the factors underlying the final emergence of a predominantly anarchist International in 1872."]. ''Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements'' (1962). p. 243.</ref> The clearest differences between the groups emerged over their proposed strategies for achieving their visions of socialism. The First International became the first major international forum for the promulgation of socialist ideas. | |||
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The followers of Bakunin were called ] and sought to collectivise ownership of the means of production while retaining payment proportional to the amount and kind of labor of each individual. Like Proudhonists, they asserted the right of each individual to the product of his labor and to be remunerated for their particular contribution to production. By contrast, anarcho-communists sought collective ownership of both the means and the products of labor. Errico Malatesta put it: "...instead of running the risk of making a confusion in trying to distinguish what you and I each do, let us all work and put everything in common. In this way each will give to society all that his strength permits until enough is produced for every one; and each will take all that he needs, limiting his needs only in those things of which there is not yet plenty for every one."<ref name="dwardmac.pitzer.edu">http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_Archives/malatesta/MalatestaATAC.html</ref> ] as a coherent, modern economic-political philosophy was first formulated in the Italian section of the ] by ], Emilio Covelli, ], ] and other ex-] Republicans.<ref name="Nunzio Pernicone pp. 111-113">Nunzio Pernicone, "Italian Anarchism 1864 – 1892", pp. 111–113, AK Press 2009.</ref> Out of respect for ], they did not make their differences with ] explicit until after Bakunin's death.<ref name="marxists.org">James Guillaume, </ref> | |||
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] emerged in France inspired in part by the ideas of ] and later by ] and ].<ref name="ReferenceB"> at '']''</ref> It developed at the end of the 19th century "out of the French trade-union movement—''syndicat'' is the French word for trade union. It was a significant force in Italy and Spain in the early 20th century until it was crushed by the fascist regimes in those countries. In the United States, syndicalism appeared in the guise of the ], or “Wobblies,” founded in 1905."<ref name="ReferenceB"/> Syndicalism is an ] where industries are organised into ] (syndicates);<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/syndicalism|title=Syndicalism - Definition and More from the Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary|work=merriam-webster.com}}</ref> the economy is managed by negotiation between specialists and worker representatives of each field, comprising multiple non-competitive categorised units.<ref>Wiarda, Howard J. ''Corporatism and comparative politics''. M.E. Sharpe, 1996. pp. 65–66, 156.</ref> Thus, syndicalism is a form of communism and economic ], and also refers to the political movement and tactics used to bring about this type of system. An influential anarchist movement based on syndicalist ideas is ].<ref>Rocker, Rudolf. 'Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice' AK Press (2004) p. 73</ref> The ] is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labour unions from different countries. | |||
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| footer = Socialism across the world.<br/>Top-left: a picture of the ] found by the ], China.<br/>Top-right: a demonstration in Austin, Texas, US by the ].<br/>Bottom-left: a demonstration by the ].<br/>Bottom-right: a rally for abortion rights in ] being led by members of the ]. | |||
], English socialist theorist who was a member of the ] as well as the main theorist of ]]] | |||
]' is a ] organisation which was established with the purpose of advancing the principles of socialism via ] and ] means.<ref name=gt76>{{cite book |title=The Story of Fabian Socialism|author=Margaret Cole|publisher=Stanford University Press|isbn=978-0804700917|year=1961}}</ref> The society laid many of the foundations of the ] and subsequently affected the policies of states emerging from the ] of the ], most notably ] and Singapore. Originally, the Fabian society was committed to the establishment of a ], alongside a commitment to ] as a progressive and modernising force.<ref name="Discovering Imperialism: Social Democracy to World War I, p. 249">''Discovering Imperialism: Social Democracy to World War I'', Nov 25, 2011. (p. 249): "...the pro-imperialist majority, led by Sidney Webb and George Bernard Shaw, advanced an intellectual justification for central control by the British Empire, arguing that existing institutions should simply work more 'efficiently'."</ref> Today, the society functions primarily as a ] and is one of 15 ] affiliated with the Labour Party. Similar societies exist in Australia (the ]), Canada (the ] and the now disbanded ]) and in New Zealand. | |||
Guild socialism is a political movement advocating ] of industry through the medium of trade-related ] "in an implied contractual relationship with the public".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/248652/Guild-Socialism|title=Guild Socialism|work=Encyclopedia Britannica}}</ref> It originated in the United Kingdom and was at its most influential in the first quarter of the 20th century. Inspired by the medieval ], theorists such as ] and ] advocated the public ownership of industries and their organisation into guilds, each of which would be under the democratic control of its trade union. Guild socialists were less inclined than Fabians to invest power in a state.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> At some point "like the American ], guild socialism wanted to abolish the wage system". | |||
As the ideas of Marx and Engels took on flesh, particularly in central Europe, socialists sought to unite in an international organisation. In 1889, on the centennial of the French Revolution of 1789, the ] was founded, with 384 delegates from 20 countries representing about 300 labour and socialist organisations.<ref>. Retrieved 12 July 2007.</ref> It was termed the "Socialist International" and Engels was elected honorary president at the third congress in 1893. Anarchists were ejected and not allowed in, mainly due to pressure from Marxists.<ref name="Anarchism 1962 pp. 263">]. ''Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements'' (1962). pp. 263–264</ref> It has been argued that, at some point, the Second International turned "into a battleground over the issue of ] versus authoritarian socialism. Not only did they effectively present themselves as champions of minority rights; they also provoked the German Marxists into demonstrating a dictatorial intolerance which was a factor in preventing the British labor movement from following the Marxist direction indicated by such leaders as [[Henry Hyndman|H. M. | |||
Hyndman]]".<ref>]. ''Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements'' (1962). pgs 263-264</ref> | |||
Reformism arose as an alternative to revolution. ] was a leading ] in Germany who proposed the concept of evolutionary socialism. Revolutionary socialists quickly targeted reformism: ] condemned Bernstein's '']'' in her 1900 essay '']''. Revolutionary socialism encompasses multiple social and political movements that may define "revolution" differently from one another. The ] (SPD) in Germany became the largest and most powerful socialist party in Europe, despite working illegally until the anti-socialist laws were dropped in 1890. In the 1893 elections, it gained 1,787,000 votes, a quarter of the total votes cast, according to Engels. In 1895, the year of his death, Engels emphasised the Communist Manifesto's emphasis on winning, as a first step, the "battle of democracy".<ref>Marx, Engels, ''Communist Manifesto'', Selected Works, p52</ref> | |||
===Early 20th century and the revolutions of 1917–1936=== | |||
{{Main|History of anarchism#20th century|Russian Revolution|German Revolution|Biennio Rosso|Spanish Revolution}} | |||
], member of the ] and later leader and theorist of the ]]] | |||
In 1904, Australians elected the first ] prime minister: ], who became the first democratically elected social democrat. In 1909 the first ] was established in Palestine<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.jpost.com/Jerusalem-Report/Adult-Children-of-the-Dream|title=Adult Children of the Dream - Jerusalem Report - Jerusalem Post|work=The Jerusalem Post - JPost.com}}</ref> by Russian Jewish Immigrants. The Kibbutz Movement will then expand through the 20th century following a doctrine of ] socialism.<ref>James C. Docherty. ''Historical dictionary of socialism. The Scarecrow Press Inc.'' London 1997. pgs. pg. 144</ref> The British ] first won seats in the House of Commons in 1902. The ] (ISC, also known as Berne International) was formed in February 1919 at a meeting in ] by parties that wanted to resurrect the Second International.{{sfn|Peter Lamb; James C. Docherty (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (Second ed.). The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1|p=52}} By 1917, the patriotism of ] changed into ] in most of Europe, the ], and Australia. Other socialist parties from around the world who were beginning to gain importance in their national politics in the early 20th century included the ], the ], the ], the ], the ], the ] in the United States, the ] and the Chilean Partido Obrero Socialista. | |||
In February 1917, ]. Workers, soldiers and peasants established ] (councils), the monarchy fell, and a ] convoked pending the election of a ]. In April of that year, ], leader of the '']'' (or in Russian: "Bolshevik") faction of ] and known for his ] of ], was allowed to cross Germany to return to his country from exile in ]. Lenin had published ] on his analysis of ], the monopoly and ] phase of capitalism as predicted by Marx, as well as analyses on the social conditions of his contemporary time. He observed that as capitalism had further developed in Europe and America, the workers remained unable to gain ] so long as they were too busy working and concerning with how to make ends meet. He therefore proposed that the social revolution would require the leadership of a ] of class-conscious revolutionaries from the educated and politically active part of the population.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitextlo/ess_leninscritique.html |title=Commanding Heights: Lenin's Critique of Global Capitalism |publisher=Pbs.org |accessdate=30 November 2010}}</ref> Upon arriving in ], he declared that the revolution in Russia was not over but had only begun, and that the next step was for the workers' soviets to take full state authority. He issued a ] outlining the Bolshevik's party programme, including rejection of any legitimacy in the provisional government and advocacy for state power to be given to the peasant and working class through the soviets. The Bolsheviks became the most influential force in the soviets, and on 7 November, the ] was stormed by Bolshevik Red Guards in what afterwards known as the "]". The rule of the provisional government was ended and the ] - the world's first constitutionally socialist state - was established. On 25 January 1918, at the ], Lenin declared "Long live the world socialist revolution!"<ref>Lenin, Vladimir. ''Meeting of the Petrograd Soviet of workers and soldiers' deputies 25 January 1918'', Collected works, Vol 26, p. 239. Lawrence and Wishart, (1964)</ref> He proposed an immediate armistice on all fronts, and transferred the land of the landed proprietors, the crown and the monasteries to the peasant committees without compensation.<ref>Lenin, Vladimir. ''To workers Soldiers and Peasants'', Collected works, Vol 26, p. 247. Lawrence and Wishart, (1964)</ref> | |||
On 26 January 1918, the day after assuming executive power, Lenin wrote ''Draft Regulations on Workers' Control'', which granted workers control of businesses with more than five workers and office employees, and access to all books, documents and stocks, and whose decisions were to be "binding upon the owners of the enterprises".<ref>Lenin, Vladimir. ''Collected Works'', Vol 26, pp. 264–5. Lawrence and Wishart (1964)</ref> Governing through the elected soviets, and in alliance with the peasant-based ], the Bolshevik government began nationalising banks, industry, and disavowed the national debts of the deposed ] royal régime. It ], withdrawing from World War I, and convoked a ] in which the peasant ] (SR) won a majority.<ref> | |||
{{cite web | |||
|last=Caplan | |||
|first=Brian | |||
|title=Lenin and the First Communist Revolutions, IV | |||
|publisher=George Mason University | |||
|url=http://www.gmu.edu/departments/economics/bcaplan/museum/his1d.htm | |||
|accessdate=14 February 2008}} | |||
Strictly, the Right Socialist Revolutionaries won – the Left SRs were in alliance with the Bolsheviks.</ref> The Constituent Assembly elected Socialist-Revolutionary leader ] President of a Russian republic, but rejected the Bolshevik proposal that it endorse the Soviet decrees on land, peace and workers' control, and acknowledge the power of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The next day, the Bolsheviks declared that the assembly was elected on outdated party lists,<ref>''Declaration of the RSDLP (Bolsheviks) group at the Constituent Assembly meeting 5 January 1918'' Lenin, ''Collected Works'', Vol 26, p. 429. Lawrence and Wishart (1964)</ref> and the ] of the Soviets dissolved it.<ref>''Draft Decree on the Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly'' Lenin, ''Collected Works'', Vol 26, p. 434. Lawrence and Wishart (1964)</ref><ref>Payne, Robert; "The Life and Death of Lenin", Grafton: paperback, pp. 425–440</ref> In March 1919 world communist parties formed ] (also known as the Third International) at a ].{{sfn|Peter Lamb; James C. Docherty (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (Second ed.). The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1|p=77}} | |||
], ], and ] at the Second Communist Party Congress, 1919.]] | |||
Parties which did not want to be a part of the resurrected Second International (ISC) or Comintern formed the ] (IWUSP, also known as Vienna International/Vienna Union/Two-and-a-Half International) on 27 February 1921 at a conference in ].{{sfn|Peter Lamb; James C. Docherty (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (Second ed.). The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1|p=177}} The ISC and the IWUSP joined to form the ] (LSI) in May 1923 at a meeting in ]{{sfn|Peter Lamb; James C. Docherty (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (Second ed.). The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1|p=197}} Left wing groups which did not agree to the centralisation and abandonment of the soviets by the Bolshevik Party led ]; such groups included ],<ref name="carr1985">Carr, E.H. – The Bolshevik Revolution 1917–1923. W. W. Norton & Company 1985.</ref> ], ], and ].<ref name="avrich1968">]. "Russian Anarchists and the Civil War", ''Russian Review'', Vol. 27, No. 3 (Jul., 1968), pp. 296–306. ]</ref> Within this left wing discontent the most large scale events were the worker's ]<ref name="Guttridge2006">{{cite book|author=Leonard F. Guttridge|title=Mutiny: A History of Naval Insurrection|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=Hk9-IMRGtbcC&pg=PA174|date=1 August 2006|publisher=Naval Institute Press|isbn=978-1-59114-348-2|page=174}}</ref><ref name="Smele2006">{{cite book|author=Jonathan Smele|title=The Russian Revolution and Civil War 1917–1921: An Annotated Bibliography|url=http://books.google.com/?id=XN1k1M2I060C&pg=PA628&lpg=PA628&dq=Jonathan+Smele+bibliography#v=onepage&q=Avrich%20336&f=false|publisher=Continuum|isbn=978-1-59114-348-2|page=336|date=2006-06-15}}</ref><ref name="Avrich1970">{{cite book|author=Paul Avrich|title=Kronstadt 1921|url=|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=0-691-08721-0}}</ref> and the anarchist led ] uprising which controlled an area known as the ].<ref name="web.archive.org">Noel-Schwartz, Heather.. Archived on . Accessed October 2010.</ref><ref>Peter Marshall, ''Demanding the Impossible'', PM Press (2010), p. 473.</ref><ref>Skirda, Alexandre, ''Nestor Makhno: Anarchy's Cossack''. AK Press, 2004, p. 34</ref> | |||
The Bolshevik Russian Revolution of January 1918 engendered Communist parties worldwide, and their concomitant ]. Few Communists doubted that the Russian success of socialism depended on successful, working-class socialist revolutions in developed capitalist countries.<ref>Bertil, Hessel, Introduction, ''Theses, Resolutions and Manifestos of the first four congresses of the Third International'', pxiii, Ink Links (1980)</ref><ref>"We have always proclaimed, and repeated, this elementary truth of Marxism, that the victory of socialism requires the joint efforts of workers in a number of advanced countries." Lenin, ''Sochineniya'' (Works), 5th ed. Vol. XLIV, p. 418, Feb 1922. (Quoted by Mosche Lewin in ''Lenin's Last Struggle'', p. 4. Pluto (1975))</ref> In 1919, Lenin and Trotsky organised the world's Communist parties into a new international association of workers{{spaced ndash}}the ], (Comintern), also called the Third International. The Russian Revolution also influenced uprisings in other countries around this time. The ] resulted in the replacing Germany's imperial government with a republic. The revolutionary period lasted from November 1918 until the formal establishment of the ] in August 1919, and included an episode known as the ]<ref>"The Munich Soviet (or "Council Republic") of 1919 exhibited certain features of the TAZ, even though – like most revolutions – its stated goals were not exactly "temporary." Gustav Landauer's participation as Minister of Culture along with Silvio Gesell as Minister of Economics and other anti-authoritarian and extreme libertarian socialists such as the poet/playwrights Erich Mühsam and Ernst Toller, and Ret Marut (the novelist B. Traven), gave the Soviet a distinct anarchist flavor." ]. </ref><ref>{{cite book| url=http://books.google.com/?id=-X4jgPG0360C&pg=PA58&lpg=PA58&dq=bavarian+republic+levine+coup#v=onepage&q=bavarian%20republic%20levine%20coup&f=false| author=Jeffrey S. Gaab| title=Munich: Hofbräuhaus & history| publisher=Peter Lang| page=59| isbn=9780820486062| date=2006-01-01}}</ref><ref>p. 365 Taylor, Edumund ''The Fall of the Dynasties: The Collapse of Old Order'' 1963 Weidenfeld & Nicolson</ref><ref>Paul Werner (Paul Frölich), ''Die Bayerische Räterepublik. Tatsachen und Kritik'', p. 144</ref> and the ]. In Italy, the events known as the '']''<ref name="Dallacasa">Brunella Dalla Casa, ''Composizione di classe, rivendicazioni e professionalità nelle lotte del "biennio rosso" a Bologna'', in: AA. VV, ''Bologna 1920; le origini del fascismo'', a cura di Luciano Casali, Cappelli, Bologna 1982, pag. 179.</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://libcom.org/history/articles/italy-factory-occupations-1920|title=1918-1921: The Italian factory occupations and Biennio Rosso|work=libcom.org}}</ref> was characterised by mass strikes, worker manifestations and self-management experiments through land and factories occupations. In ] and ], ] were formed and many ] took place led by ]s organised around the ].<ref>The Unione Sindacale Italiana "grew to 800,000 members and the influence of the Italian Anarchist Union (20,000 members plus '']'', its daily paper) grew accordingly ... Anarchists were the first to suggest occupying workplaces." on ]</ref> | |||
By 1920, the ], under its commander Trotsky, had largely defeated the royalist White Armies. In 1921, War Communism was ended and, under the ] (NEP), private ownership was allowed for small and medium peasant enterprises. While industry remained largely state-controlled, Lenin acknowledged that the NEP was a necessary capitalist measure for a country unripe for socialism. Profiteering returned in the form of "NEP men" and rich peasants (]s) gained power in the countryside.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.soviethistory.org/index.php?action=L2&SubjectID=1924nepmen&Year=1924 |title=Soviet history: NEPmen |publisher=Soviethistory.org |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> Nevertheless, the role of Trotsky in this episode has been questioned by other socialists, incluiding ex-Trostkists. In the United States, ] broke with ] and left the Trotskyist ], by raising the question of the ], which Trotsky as leader of the ] and the other Bolsheviks had brutally repressed. He then moved towards democratic socialism<ref>Mattson, Kevin. 2002. ''Intellectuals in Action: The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945-1970''. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002. p. 34</ref> and ].<ref name="Politic" >''Memoirs of a Revolutionist: Essays in Political Criticism'' (1960). This was later republished with the title ''Politics Past''.</ref> A similar critique of Trotsky's role on the events around the Kronstadt rebellion was raised by the American anarchist ]. In her essay "Trotsky Protests Too Much" she says "I admit, the dictatorship under Stalin's rule has become monstrous. That does not, however, lessen the guilt of Leon Trotsky as one of the actors in the revolutionary drama of which Kronstadt was one of the bloodiest scenes."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Emma_Goldman__Trotsky_Protests_Too_Much.html|title=Trotsky Protests Too Much|work=theanarchistlibrary.org}}</ref> | |||
], prominent Marxist revolutionary, leader of the German ] and martyr and leader of the German ], 1919.]] | |||
In 1922, the fourth congress of the ] took up the policy of the ], urging Communists to work with rank and file Social Democrats while remaining critical of their leaders, whom they criticised for betraying the working class by supporting the war efforts of their respective capitalist classes. For their part, the social democrats pointed to the dislocation caused by revolution, and later, the growing authoritarianism of the Communist Parties. When the ] applied to affiliate to the ] in 1920, it was turned down. In 1923, on seeing the Soviet State's growing coercive power, a dying Lenin said Russia had reverted to "a bourgeois tsarist machine... barely varnished with socialism."<ref>], ''From Lenin to Stalin'', p. 55</ref> After Lenin's death in January 1924, the ] – then increasingly under the control of Joseph Stalin – rejected the theory that socialism could not be built solely in the Soviet Union, in favour of the concept of '']''. Despite the marginalised ]'s demand for the restoration of Soviet democracy, Stalin developed a bureaucratic, ] government, that was condemned by democratic socialists, anarchists and ] for undermining the initial socialist ideals of the Bolshevik Russian Revolution.<ref>Serge, Victor, ''From Lenin to Stalin'', p. 52.</ref><ref> | |||
{{cite web | |||
|last=Brinton | |||
|first=Maurice | |||
|authorlink=Maurice Brinton | |||
|title=The Bolsheviks and Workers' Control 1917–1921 : The State and Counter-revolution | |||
|publisher=] | |||
|year=1975 | |||
|url=http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/bolintro.html | |||
|accessdate=22 January 2007 |archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20061220120533/http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/russia/sp001861/bolintro.html |archivedate = 20 December 2006}} | |||
</ref>{{self-published inline|date=December 2011}}{{unreliable source?|date=December 2011}} | |||
In 1924, the ] was established and was ruled by the ]. The Russian Revolution and the appearance of the Soviet State motivated a worldwide current of national Communist parties which ended having varying levels of political and social influence. Among these there appeared the ], the ], the ], the ], the ], the ], the ] and the ]. | |||
In Spain in 1936, the national ] trade union ] (CNT) initially refused to join a popular front electoral alliance, and abstention by CNT supporters led to a right-wing election victory. But in 1936, the CNT changed its policy and anarchist votes helped bring the popular front back to power. Months later, the former ruling class responded with an attempted coup, sparking the ] (1936–1939).<ref>{{Cite book | |||
|last=Beevor | |||
|first=Antony | |||
|authorlink=Antony Beevor | |||
|year=2006 | |||
|page=46 | |||
|title=The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 | |||
|publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson | |||
|location=London | |||
|isbn=978-0-297-84832-5 | |||
}}</ref> In response to the army rebellion, an ] movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of ] and of large areas of rural Spain where they ] the land.<ref name='Bolloten 1984, p. 54'>{{cite book | last = Bolloten | first = Burnett | authorlink = Burnett Bolloten | title = The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution | publisher = University of North Carolina Press | date = 15 November 1984 | location = | page =1107 | url = | doi = | id = | isbn = 978-0-8078-1906-7 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book | last = Bolloten | first = Burnett | authorlink = Burnett Bolloten | title = The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution | publisher = University of North Carolina Press | date = 15 November 1984 | location = | page =1107 | url = | doi = | isbn = 978-0-8078-1906-7 }}</ref> The events known as the ] was a workers' ] that began during the outbreak of the ] in 1936 and resulted in the widespread implementation of ] and more broadly ] organisational principles throughout various portions of the country for two to three years, primarily ], Aragon, ], and parts of ]. Much of ] was put under worker control; in anarchist strongholds like ], the figure was as high as 75%, but lower in areas with heavy ] influence, as the Soviet-allied party actively resisted attempts at ] enactment. Factories were run through worker committees, ] areas became collectivised and run as ] ]. Anarchist historian ] estimated that about eight million people participated directly or indirectly in the ]<ref>]. ''The Anarchist Collectives Workers' Self-management in the Spanish Revolution 1936-1939''. Free Life Editions; 1st edition (1974), pg. 6-7</ref> | |||
===Mid-20th century: World War II and post war radicalisation=== | |||
{{Main|History of the Soviet Union|History of the People's Republic of China (1949–76)|Welfare state|Nordic model|Decolonization#Decolonization after 1945|Eastern Bloc|Cuban Revolution|New Left|Protests of 1968|History of anarchism#Post-war years}} | |||
]'s ] was established in France in 1938 when ] argued that the ] or ] had become irretrievably "lost to Stalinism" and thus incapable of leading the international working class to political power.<ref name="transitional">''''. Retrieved November 5, 2008.</ref> The rise of ] and the start of ] led to the dissolution of the LSI in 1940. After the War, the Socialist International was formed in ] in July 1951 as a successor to the LSI.{{sfn|Peter Lamb; James C. Docherty (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism (Second ed.). The Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-5560-1.|p=320}} | |||
After World War II, social democratic governments introduced social reform and ] via state welfare and taxation. Social Democratic parties dominated post-war politics in countries such as France, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Belgium and Norway. At one point, France claimed to be the world's most state-controlled capitalist country. The nationalised public utilities included Charbonnages de France (CDF), Electricité de France (EDF), Gaz de France (GDF), Air France, Banque de France, and Régie Nationale des Usines Renault.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.sund.ac.uk/~os0tmc/contem/trente1.htm |title=Les trente glorieuses: 1945–1975 |publisher=Sund.ac.uk |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> In 1945, the British ], led by ], was elected to office based on a radical socialist programme. The UK Labour Government nationalised major public utilities such as mines, gas, coal, electricity, rail, iron, steel, and the Bank of England. British Petroleum was officially nationalised in 1951.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://yourarchives.nationalarchives.gov.uk/index.php?title=Nationalisation_of_Anglo-Iranian_Oil_Company%2C_1951 |title=Nationalisation of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, 1951 |publisher=Yourarchives.nationalarchives.gov.uk |date=11 June 2007 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> ] said that in 1956, 25% of British industry was nationalised, and that public employees, including those in nationalised industries, constituted a similar proportion of the country's total employed population.<ref>Crosland, Anthony, ''The Future of Socialism'', pp. 9, 89. (Constable, 2006)</ref> The Labour Government of 1974–1979 intervened further.<ref>"The New Commanding Height: Labour Party Policy on North Sea Oil and Gas, 1964–74" in ''Contemporary British History'', vol., Issue 1, Spring 2002, pp. 89–118.</ref> It re-nationalised steel (1967, British Steel) after the Conservatives had denationalised it, and nationalised car production (1976, British Leyland).<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.uksteel.org.uk/history.htm |title=home : UK steel : EEF |publisher=UK steel |date=2013-09-12 |accessdate=2013-10-11}}</ref> The National Health Service provided taxpayer-funded health care to everyone, free at the point of service.<ref>Bevan, Aneurin, ''In Place of Fear'', 2nd ed. (MacGibbon and Kee, 1961), p. 104</ref> Working-class housing was provided in ] estates, and university education became available via a school grant system.<ref>Beckett, Francis, ''Clem Attlee'' (Politico's, 2007) p. 247.</ref> | |||
], prime minister of Sweden for the ] who was a main architect of the Swedish social democratic model]] | |||
The ] is the economic and ]s of the ] (Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland). During most of the post-war era, Sweden was governed by the ] largely in cooperation with ] and industry.<ref name="svensteinmo">''Globalization and Taxation: Challenges to the Swedish Welfare State''. By Sven Steinmo.</ref> In Sweden, the ] held power from 1936 to 1976, 1982 to 1991, and 1994 to 2006. From 1945 to 1962, the ] held an absolute majority in the parliament led by ] who was Prime Minister with 17 years in office. This particular adaptation of the ] is characterised by more generous ] (relative to other developed countries), which are aimed specifically at enhancing individual autonomy, ensuring the universal provision of basic human rights and stabilising the economy. It is distinguished from other welfare states with similar goals by its emphasis on maximising labour force participation, promoting gender equality, ] and extensive benefit levels, large magnitude of redistribution, and expansionary fiscal policy.<ref name="Esping-Andersen">Esping-Andersen, G. (1991). ''The three worlds of welfare capitalism''. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.</ref> | |||
The USSR played a decisive role in the ] victory in ].<ref>{{Cite book|author=Weinberg, G. L.|title=A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II|isbn=0-521-55879-4|publisher=Cambridge University Press|page=264|year=1995}}</ref><ref>Rozhnov, Konstantin, "". BBC.</ref> After the War, the USSR became a recognised superpower,<ref>{{cite book|author1=Jonathan R. Adelman|author2=Cristann Lea Gibson|title=Contemporary Soviet Military Affairs: The Legacy of World War II|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=XXcVAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA4+|accessdate=15 June 2012|date=1 July 1989|publisher=Unwin Hyman|isbn=978-0-04-445031-3|page=4}}</ref> The Soviet era saw some of the ] of the 20th century, including the world's ], and the ]. The Soviet economy was the modern world's first centrally planned economy. It was based on a system of state ownership of industry managed through ] (the State Planning Commission), ] (the State Bank) and the ] (State Commission for Materials and Equipment Supply). Economic planning was conducted through a series of ]. The emphasis was on fast development of heavy industry and the nation became one of the world's top manufacturers of a large number of basic and heavy industrial products, but it lagged in light industrial production and consumer durables. The ] was the former ]s of ], generally the ] and the countries of the ]<ref name=houghlin>{{Citation|last1=Hirsch|first1=Donald|first2=Joseph F.|last2=Kett|first3=James S.|last3=Trefil|title=The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy|publisher=Houghton Mifflin Harcourt|year=2002|isbn=0-618-22647-8|page=316|quote=Eastern Bloc. The name applied to the former communist states of eastern Europe, including Yugoslavia and Albania, as well as the countries of the Warsaw Pact}}</ref><ref>{{Citation|last1=Satyendra|first1=Kush|title=Encyclopaedic dictionary of political science|publisher=Sarup & Sons|year=2003|isbn=81-7890-071-8|page=65|quote="the countries of Eastern Europe under communism"}} | |||
</ref><ref> | |||
Compare: | |||
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In 1990, the ] was launched by the ], linking left-wing socialist parties in Latin America. Its members were associated with the ] of left-wing governments on the continent in the early 21st century. Member parties ruling countries included the ] in Argentina, the ] in Ecuador, ] in El Salvador, ] in Peru, and the ], whose leader ] initiated what he called "]". | |||
</ref> which included the ], the ], the ], the ], the ], the ], the ] and the ]. The ] was a spontaneous nationwide ] against the government of the ] and its Soviet-imposed policies, lasting from 23 October until 10 November 1956. Soviet leader ] during the ] of the ] on 1956,<ref>John Rettie, , BBC, 18 February 2006.</ref> as well as the revolt in Hungary,<ref>Within the ] (PCI) a split ensued: most ordinary members and the Party leadership, including ] and ], regarded the Hungarian insurgents as counter-revolutionaries, as reported in '']'', the official PCI newspaper.The following are references in English on the conflicting positions of , , and .</ref><ref>However ], chief of the Communist trade union ], repudiated the leadership position, as did the prominent party members ], ], and many other influential Communist intellectuals, who later were expelled or left the party. ], the national secretary of the ], a close ally of the PCI, opposed the Soviet intervention as well. Napolitano, elected in 2006 as ], wrote in his 2005 political autobiography that he regretted his justification of Soviet action in Hungary, and that at the time he believed in Party unity and the international leadership of Soviet communism.{{Cite book| last = Napolitano | first = Giorgio | year = 2005 | title = Dal Pci al socialismo europeo. Un'autobiografia politica (From the Communist Party to European Socialism. A political autobiography) | publisher = Laterza | location = | language = Italian|isbn = 88-420-7715-1}}</ref><ref>Within the ] (CPGB), dissent that began with the repudiation of Stalin by ] and ], influential historians and members of the ], culminated in a loss of thousands of party members as events unfolded in Hungary. ], correspondent for the CPGB newspaper '']'', reported accurately on the violent suppression of the uprising, but his dispatches were heavily censored; Fryer resigned from the paper upon his return, and was later expelled from the Communist Party. Fryer, Peter (1957). Hungarian Tragedy. London: D. Dobson. Chapter 9 (The Second Soviet Intervention). ASIN B0007J7674.</ref><ref>In France, moderate Communists, such as historian ], resigned, questioning the policy of supporting Soviet actions by the ]. The French anarchist philosopher and writer ] wrote an ], '']'', criticising the West's lack of action. Even ], still a determined Communist Party member, criticised the Soviets in his article ''Le Fantôme de Staline'', in ''Situations VII''. Sartre, Jean-Paul (1956), Le Web de l'Humanite, 21 June 2005. Retrieved 2006-10-24.</ref> produced ideological fractures and disagreements within the communist and socialist parties of Western Europe. | |||
Many mainstream democratic socialist and social democratic parties continued to drift right-wards. On the right of the socialist movement, the ] was founded in 2013 by current or former members of the ]. The organisation states the aim of becoming the global network of "the ], ], ], socialist and ]".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://progressive-alliance.info/basic-document/ |title=Basic document | Progressive Alliance |publisher=Progressive-alliance.info |access-date=23 May 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.spd.de/scalableImageBlob/84620/data/20121217_progressive_alliance_abschlussstatement-data.pdf |title=A Progressive Network for the 21st Century |access-date=23 May 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140304064047/http://www.spd.de/scalableImageBlob/84620/data/20121217_progressive_alliance_abschlussstatement-data.pdf |archive-date=4 March 2014}}</ref> Mainstream social democratic and socialist parties are also networked in Europe in the ] formed in 1992. Many of these parties lost large parts of their electoral base in the early 21st century. This phenomenon is known as ]<ref>{{cite magazine |url=https://www.economist.com/britain/2018/06/30/why-labour-is-obsessed-with-greek-politics |title=Why Labour is obsessed with Greek politics |magazine=] |date=30 June 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Henley |first=Jon |title=2017 and the curious demise of Europe's centre-left |language=en-GB |work=] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/politics/ng-interactive/2017/dec/29/2017-and-the-curious-demise-of-europes-centre-left |access-date=2 January 2020 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> from the Greek party ], which saw a declining share of the vote in national elections—from 43.9% in 2009 to 13.2% in May 2012, to 12.3% in June 2012 and 4.7% in 2015—due to its poor handling of the ] and implementation of harsh ] measures.<ref>{{cite news |first=Gary |last=Younge |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/may/22/jeremy-corbyn-labour-anti-austerity-manifesto |title=Jeremy Corbyn has defied his critics to become Labour's best hope of survival |url-access=registration |work=] |date=22 May 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |first=Mark |last=Lowen |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-22025714 |title=How Greece's once-mighty Pasok party fell from grace |work=] |date=5 April 2013 |access-date=20 June 2020}}</ref> | |||
In the postwar years, socialism became increasingly influential throughout the so-called ]. Countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America often nationalised industries held by foreign owners. The ] was the second part of ] which ended in the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The term "]" was coined by French demographer ] in 1952, on the model of the ], which, according to the ], represented everything, but was nothing: "...because at the end this ignored, exploited, scorned Third World like the Third Estate, wants to become something too" (Sauvy). The emergence of this new political entity, in the frame of the ], was complex and painful. Several tentatives were made to organise newly independent states in order to oppose a common front towards both the US's and the USSR's influence on them, with the consequences of the ] already at works. Thus, the ] constituted itself, around the main figures of President ] of India, President ] of Indonesia, leader ] of ], and ] of ] who successfully opposed the French and British imperial powers during the 1956 ]. After the 1954 ] which ended the French war against ] in Vietnam, the 1955 ] gathered Nasser, Nehru, Tito, ], and ], ]. As many African countries gained independence during the 1960s, some of them rejected capitalism in favour of a more ] economic model. The main architects of ] were ] of ], ] of ], ] of ] and ] of Guinea.<ref>{{cite book |last=Friedland and Rosberg Jr.|first=William and Carl|title=African Socialism|year=1964|publisher=Stanford University Press|location=California|page=3}}</ref> The ] (1953-1959) was an armed revolt conducted by ]'s ] and its allies against the government of Cuban ] ]. The revolution began in July 1953, and finally ousted Batista on 1 January 1959, replacing his government with Castro's revolutionary state. Castro's government later reformed along communist lines, becoming the ] in October 1965.<ref>. Jason Beaubien. NPR. 1 January 2009. Retrieved 9 July 2013.</ref> | |||
In Europe, the share of votes for such socialist parties was at its 70-year lowest in 2015. For example, the ], after winning the ], rapidly lost its vote share, the ]'s fortunes declined rapidly from 2005 to 2019, and outside Europe the ] fell from being the dominant force in Israeli politics to 4.43% of the vote in the ], and the ] went from ruling party in 2011 to a minor party. The decline of these mainstream parties opened space for more radical and populist left parties in some countries, such as Spain's ], Greece's ] (in government, 2015–19), Germany's ], and France's ]. In other countries, left-wing revivals have taken place within mainstream democratic socialist and centrist parties, as with ] in the United Kingdom and ] in the United States.<ref name=":3" /> Few of these radical left parties have won national government in Europe, while some more mainstream socialist parties have managed to, such as Portugal's ].<ref>{{cite news |date=2 April 2016|title=Rose thou art sick |newspaper=] |url=https://www.economist.com/briefing/2016/04/02/rose-thou-art-sick |access-date=2 January 2020 |issn=0013-0613}}</ref> | |||
The ] was a term used mainly in the United Kingdom and United States in reference to ], educators, ] and others in the 1960s and 1970s who sought to implement a broad range of reforms on issues such as gay rights, abortion, gender roles and drugs<ref name="Carmines and Layman">Carmines, Edward G., and Geoffrey C. Layman. 1997. "Issue Evolution in Postwar American Politics." In Byron Shafer, ed., '''Present Discontents'''. NJ:Chatham House Publishers.</ref> in contrast to earlier leftist or Marxist movements that had taken a more ] approach to social justice and focused mostly on ] and questions of social class.<ref> Cynthia Kaufman ''Ideas For Action: Relevant Theory For Radical Change''</ref><ref>], "The Left's Lost Universalism". In Arthur M. Melzer, Jerry Weinberger and M. Richard Zinman, eds., ''Politics at the Turn of the Century'', pp. 3–26 (Lanham, MD: ], 2001).</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|author=Grant Farred|authorlink=Grant Farred|year=2000|title=Endgame Identity? Mapping the New Left Roots of Identity Politics|journal=]|volume=31|issue=4|pages=627–648|jstor=20057628|doi=10.1353/nlh.2000.0045}}</ref> They rejected involvement with the ] and ]'s historical theory of ].<ref>Jeffrey W. Coker. ''Confronting American Labor: The New Left Dilemma''. Univ of Missouri Press, 2002.</ref> In the U.S., the "New Left" was associated with the ], anti-war college campus protest movements as well as the black liberation movements such as the ].<ref name=Pearson>{{cite book |last=Pearson |first=Hugh |title=In the Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America |year=1994 |publisher=Perseus Books |isbn=978-0-201-48341-3 |page=152}}</ref> While initially formed in opposition to the "Old Left" Democratic party, groups composing the New Left gradually became central players in the Democratic coalition.<ref name="Carmines and Layman"/> In 1968 in ], Italy the ] was founded during an international anarchist conference held there by the three existing European federations of ], the ] and the ] as well as the Bulgarian federation in French exile. | |||
], the founding editor of the American socialist magazine ], argued that the appeal of socialism persists due to the inequality and "tremendous suffering" under current global capitalism, the use of wage labor "which rests on the exploitation and domination of humans by other humans," and ecological crises, such as ].<ref name=":2">{{Cite news |last=Sunkara |first=Bhaskar |date=1 May 2019 |title=This May Day, let's hope democratic socialism makes a comeback |language=en-GB |work=] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/may/01/this-may-day-lets-hope-democratic-socialism-makes-a-comeback |access-date=15 June 2023 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> In contrast, ] of the conservative ] (AEI) argued that despite socialism's resurgence, it is still "a flawed system based on completely faulty principles that aren't consistent with human behavior and can't nurture the human spirit.", adding that "While it promised prosperity, equality, and security, it delivered poverty, misery, and tyranny."<ref>{{Cite web |last=Perry |first=Mark |date=2016-03-22 |title=Why Socialism Always Fails |url=https://www.aei.org/carpe-diem/why-socialism-always-fails/ |access-date=2023-06-20 |website=American Enterprise Institute – AEI |language=en-US}}</ref> Some in the scientific community have suggested that a contemporary radical response to social and ecological problems could be seen in the emergence of movements associated with ], ] and ].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Wiedmann |first1=Thomas |last2=Lenzen |first2=Manfred |last3=Keyßer |first3=Lorenz T. |last4=Steinberger |first4=Julia K. |author-link4=Julia Steinberger |date=2020 |title=Scientists' warning on affluence |journal=] |volume=11 |issue=3107 |page=3107 |bibcode=2020NatCo..11.3107W |doi=10.1038/s41467-020-16941-y |pmc=7305220 |pmid=32561753}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hickel |first1=Jason |author-link1=Jason Hickel |last2=Kallis |first2=Giorgos |author-link2=Giorgos Kallis |last3=Jackson |first3=Tim |author-link3=Tim Jackson (economist) |last4=O'Neill |first4=Daniel W. |last5=Schor |first5=Juliet B. |author-link5=Juliet Schor |display-authors=etal. |date=December 12, 2022 |title=Degrowth can work — here's how science can help |url= |journal=] |volume=612 |issue=7940 |pages=400–403 |bibcode=2022Natur.612..400H |doi=10.1038/d41586-022-04412-x |pmid=36510013 |s2cid=254614532 |access-date=|doi-access=free }}</ref> | |||
], president of Chile and member of the ]. His presidency was ended by an ]-backed ].<ref>{{Cite book|title=|authorlink=David Harvey (geographer)|last=Harvey|first=David|isbn=0199283273|publisher=]|year=2005|page=7|ref=harv}}</ref>]] | |||
== Social and political theory == | |||
The ] comprised a worldwide escalation of social conflicts, predominantly characterised by popular rebellions against military, capitalist, and bureaucratic elites, who responded with an escalation of ]. In capitalist countries, these protests marked a turning point for the ] in the United States, which produced revolutionary movements like the ]; the prominent civil rights leader ] organised the "]" to address issues of economic justice,<ref>{{cite book|title=The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington|last=Isserman|first=Maurice|page=281|isbn=1-58648-036-7|publisher=Public Affairs|year=2001}}</ref> while personally showing sympathy with democratic socialism.<ref>"There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism."{{cite book|title=Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought|last=Franklin|first=Robert Michael|page= 125| publisher =Fortress Press|year=1990|isbn=0-8006-2392-4}} | |||
{{main|Types of socialism}} | |||
</ref> In reaction to the ], protests also sparked a broad movement in opposition to the ] all over the United States and even into London, ], Berlin and Rome. Mass socialist or communist movements grew not only in the United States but also in most European countries. The most spectacular manifestation of this were the ], in which students linked up with wildcat strikes of up to ten million workers, and for a few days the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government. In many other capitalist countries, struggles against dictatorships, state repression, and colonisation were also marked by protests in 1968, such as the beginning of ] in Northern Ireland, the ] in Mexico City, and the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the ]. Countries governed by communist parties had protests against bureaucratic and military elites. 1968 was amidst the ] in China (1966–1976), and in Eastern Europe there were widespread protests that escalated particularly in the ] in Czechoslovakia. In response, USSR occupied Czechoslovakia. The occupation was denounced by the ] and ]<ref name="OSA">{{Cite web | |||
Early socialist thought took influences from a diverse range of philosophies such as civic ], ] ], ], forms of ], Christianity (both Catholic and Protestant), ] and ], ] and liberal political economy.<ref>Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. pp. 87–88</ref> Another philosophical basis for a great deal of early socialism was the emergence of ] during the ]. Positivism held that both the natural and social worlds could be understood through scientific knowledge and be analysed using scientific methods. | |||
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| accessdate =20 February 2008 }}{{Dead link|date=April 2013}}</ref> Communist parties, and the ]. Few western European political leaders defended the occupation, among them the ] secretary-general ].<ref>Andrew, Mitrokhin (2005), p 444</ref> along with the ]<ref name="OSA"/> and conservative factions of the ].<ref name="OSA"/> In the ], a social-political youth movement mobilised against "]" elements which were seen to be infiltrating the government and society at large, aiming to restore capitalism. This movement motivated ]-inspired movements around the world in the context of the ]. | |||
], early French socialist]] | |||
In Indonesia, a right wing military regime led by ] ], mainly to crush the growing influence of the ] and other leftist sectors, with support from the United States government, which provided kill lists containing thousands of names of suspected high-ranking Communists.<ref>Robert Cribb, ed., ''The Indonesian killings of 1965-1966: studies from Java and Bali'' (Clayton, Vic.: Monash University Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia no 21, 1990).</ref><ref>Mehr, Nathaniel (2009). Constructive Bloodbath in Indonesia: The United States, Great Britain and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966. Spokesman Books. ISBN 0851247679</ref><ref>Roosa, John (2006). Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-22034-1</ref><ref>Brad Simpson (Winter 2013). . ''Film Quarterly.'' Vol. 67, No. 2, pp. 10-13. Published by: ]. Retrieved 19 October 2014.</ref><ref>David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (2007). ''The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law).'' ]. ISBN 90-04-15691-7 </ref> In Latin America in the 1960s, a socialist tendency within the catholic church appeared which was called ]<ref>Richard P. McBrien, ''Catholicism'' (Harper Collins, 1994), chapter IV.</ref><ref>"One manifestation of this connection was liberation theology—sometimes characterised as an attempt to marry Marx and Jesus—which emerged among Roman Catholic theologians in Latin America in the 1960s." ]Online.]</ref> which motivated even the Colombian priest ] to enter the ] guerrilla. In Chile, ], a physician and candidate for the ], was elected president through democratic elections in 1970. In 1973, his government was ousted by the American-backed military dictatorship of ], which lasted until the late 1980s.<ref name=":0">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3089846.stm |publisher=BBC |title=Profile of Salvador Allende | date=8 September 2003}}</ref> In Italy, ] was a leftist movement particularly active from 1976 to 1978. It took an important role in the ] movement in the 1970s, aside earlier organisations such as '']'', created after May 1968, and '']''.<ref>Paolo Virno, Michael Hardt, '''', Minnesota Press, 2006 - ISBN 978-0-8166-4924-2</ref> This experience prompted the contemporary socialist radical movement ].<ref>, New York: Semiotext(e), 1980, 2007</ref> | |||
The fundamental objective of socialism is to attain an advanced level of material production and therefore greater productivity, efficiency and rationality as compared to capitalism and all previous systems, under the view that an expansion of human productive capability is the basis for the extension of freedom and equality in society.<ref>''Socialism and the Market: The Socialist Calculation Debate Revisited''. Routledge Library of 20th Century Economics, 2000. p. 12. {{ISBN|978-0415195867}}.</ref> Many forms of socialist theory hold that human behaviour is largely shaped by the social environment. In particular, socialism holds that social ], values, cultural traits and economic practices are social creations and not the result of an immutable natural law.<ref>{{cite book |last=Claessens |first=August |title=The logic of socialism |publisher=Kessinger Publishing, LLC |date=2009 |isbn=978-1104238407 |page=15 |quote=The individual is largely a product of his environment and much of his conduct and behavior is the reflex of getting a living in a particular stage of society.}}</ref><ref>Ferri, Enrico, "Socialism and Modern Science", in ''Evolution and Socialism'' (1912), p. 79. "Upon what point are orthodox political economy and socialism in absolute conflict? Political economy has held and holds that the economic laws governing the production and distribution of wealth which it has established are natural laws ... not in the sense that they are laws naturally determined by the condition of the social organism (which would be correct), but that they are absolute laws, that is to say that they apply to humanity at all times and in all places, and consequently, that they are immutable in their principal points, though they may be subject to modification in details. Scientific socialism holds, the contrary, that the laws established by classical political economy, since the time of Adam Smith, are laws peculiar to the present period in the history of civilized humanity, and that they are, consequently, laws essentially relative to the period of their analysis and discovery."</ref> The object of their critique is thus not human avarice or human consciousness, but the material conditions and man-made social systems (i.e. the economic structure of society) which give rise to observed social problems and inefficiencies. ], often considered to be the father of analytic philosophy, identified as a socialist. Russell opposed the class struggle aspects of Marxism, viewing socialism solely as an adjustment of economic relations to accommodate modern machine production to benefit all of humanity through the progressive reduction of necessary work time.<ref>{{cite web |last=Russell |first=Bertrand |url=http://www.zpub.com/notes/idle.html |title=In Praise of Idleness |year=1932 |access-date=30 November 2013 |archive-date=22 August 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190822071656/http://www.zpub.com/notes/idle.html}}</ref> | |||
Socialists view creativity as an essential aspect of human nature and define freedom as a state of being where individuals are able to express their creativity unhindered by constraints of both material scarcity and coercive social institutions.<ref>Bhargava. ''Political Theory: An Introduction''. Pearson Education India, 2008. p. 249.</ref> The socialist concept of individuality is intertwined with the concept of individual creative expression. Karl Marx believed that expansion of the productive forces and technology was the basis for the expansion of human freedom and that socialism, being a system that is consistent with modern developments in technology, would enable the flourishing of "free individualities" through the progressive reduction of necessary labour time. The reduction of necessary labour time to a minimum would grant individuals the opportunity to pursue the development of their true individuality and creativity.<ref>{{cite web |last=Marx |first=Karl |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch14.htm |title=The Grundrisse |year=1857–1861|quote=The free development of individualities, and hence not the reduction of necessary labour time so as to posit surplus labour, but rather the general reduction of the necessary labour of society to a minimum, which then corresponds to the artistic, scientific etc. development of the individuals in the time set free, and with the means created, for all of them.}}</ref> | |||
===Late 20th century=== | |||
{{Main|Eurocommunism|Nicaraguan revolution|Dissolution of the Soviet Union|History of the People's Republic of China (1976–89)|Third Way (centrism)|History of anarchism#Late 20th century}} | |||
The ] encompassed the rising opposition to the ] dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s, the campaign led by the ] (FSLN) to violently oust the dictatorship in 1978-79, the subsequent efforts of the FSLN to govern Nicaragua from 1979 until 1990<ref>Louis Proyect, ''Nicaragua'', discusses, among other things, the reforms and the degree to which socialism was intended or achieved.</ref> and the socialist measures which included widescale ]<ref>"Agrarian Productive Structure in Nicaragua", ''SOLÁ MONSERRAT, Roser. 1989. Pag 69 and ss''.</ref><ref>Louis Proyect, ''Nicaragua'', about 4/5 of the way down.</ref> and educational programs.<ref>{{cite news | first=Juan | last=B. Arrien | title=Literacy in Nicaragua | publisher=UNESCO | url =http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001459/145937e.pdf | accessdate = 2007-08-01|format=PDF}}</ref> The ] was proclaimed on 13 March 1979 in ] which was ]. The ] (1979–1992) was a conflict between the military-led government of ] and the ] (FMLN), a coalition or 'umbrella organisation' of five socialist guerrilla groups. A coup on October 15, 1979 led to the killings of anti-coup protesters by the government as well as anti-disorder protesters by the guerillas, and is widely seen as the tipping point towards the civil war.<ref>{{cite book|last=Wood|first=Elizabeth|title=Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in El Salvador|year=2003|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge}}</ref> | |||
=== Criticism of capitalism === | |||
In 1982, the newly elected French socialist government of ] made nationalisations in a few key industries, including banks and insurance companies.<ref>James C. Docherty. Historical dictionary of socialism. The Scarecrow Press Inc. London 1997. pgs. 181-182</ref> ] was a trend in the 1970s and 1980s in various Western European communist parties to develop a theory and practice of social transformation that was more relevant for a Western European country and less aligned to the influence or control of the ]. Outside Western Europe, it is sometimes called Neocommunism.<ref name="Definition of Eurocommunism">{{cite web|last=Webster|first=Dictionary|title=Definition of Eurocommunism|url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/eurocommunism|work=Dictionary Entry|publisher=Webster's Dictionary|accessdate=9 April 2013}}</ref> Some Communist parties with strong popular support, notably the ] (PCI) and the ] (PCE) adopted Eurocommunism most enthusiastically, and the ] was dominated by Eurocommunists. The ] (PCF) and many smaller parties strongly opposed Eurocommunism and stayed aligned with the ] until the end of the USSR. | |||
{{main|Anti-capitalism|Criticism of capitalism}} | |||
Socialists argue that the accumulation of capital generates waste through ] that require costly corrective regulatory measures. They also point out that this process generates wasteful industries and practices that exist only to generate sufficient demand for products such as high-pressure advertisement to be sold at a profit, thereby creating rather than satisfying economic demand.<ref name="Use not profit">{{cite web |url=http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/may10/page23.html |title=Let's produce for use, not profit |publisher=] |date=May 2010 |access-date=18 August 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100716140329/http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/may10/page23.html |archive-date=16 July 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine |last1=Magdoff |first1=Fred |last2=Yates |first2=Michael D. |url=http://www.monthlyreview.org/091109magdoff-yates.php |title=What Needs To Be Done: A Socialist View |magazine=Monthly Review |access-date=23 February 2014 |date=November 2009}}</ref> Socialists argue that capitalism consists of irrational activity, such as the purchasing of commodities only to sell at a later time when their price appreciates, rather than for consumption, even if the commodity cannot be sold at a profit to individuals in need and therefore a crucial criticism often made by socialists is that "making money", or accumulation of capital, does not correspond to the satisfaction of demand (the production of ]s).<ref name="Use not profit"/> The fundamental criterion for economic activity in capitalism is the accumulation of capital for reinvestment in production, but this spurs the development of new, non-productive industries that do not produce use-value and only exist to keep the accumulation process afloat (otherwise the system goes into crisis), such as the spread of the ], contributing to the formation of economic bubbles.<ref>{{cite web |first=Richard D. |last=Wolff |author-link=Richard D. Wolff |url=http://www.rdwolff.com/content/economic-crisis-socialist-perspective |title=Economic Crisis from a Socialist Perspective | Professor Richard D. Wolff |publisher=Rdwolff.com |date=29 June 2009 |access-date=23 February 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140228090631/http://www.rdwolff.com/content/economic-crisis-socialist-perspective |archive-date=28 February 2014}}</ref> Such accumulation and reinvestment, when it demands a constant rate of profit, causes problems if the earnings in the rest of society do not increase in proportion.<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/informit.818838886883514|journal=Australian Socialist|title=What is capitalism|first=Chris|last=Warren|issn=1327-7723 |date=December 2022 |volume=28 |issue=2/3}}</ref> | |||
Socialists view ] relations as limiting the potential of ] in the economy. According to socialists, private property becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralised, socialised institutions based on private appropriation of revenue''—''but based on cooperative work and internal planning in allocation of inputs—until the role of the capitalist becomes redundant.<ref>{{cite book |last=Engels |first=Friedrich |author-link=Friedrich Engels |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1880/soc-utop/ch03.htm |title=Socialism: Utopian and Scientific |access-date=30 October 2010 |via=] |quote=The bourgeoisie demonstrated to be a superfluous class. All its social functions are now performed by salaried employees.}}</ref> With no need for ] and a class of owners, private property in the means of production is perceived as being an outdated form of economic organisation that should be replaced by a ] of individuals based on public or ] of these socialised assets.{{sfnp|Horvat|1982|loc=1: Capitalism, The General Pattern of Capitalist Development|pp=15–20}}<ref name="Engels Selected Works 1968, p. 40">{{cite book |title=Marx and Engels Selected Works |first=Lawrence |last=Wishart |date=1968 |pages=40 |quote=Capitalist property relations put a "fetter" on the productive forces}}</ref> Private ownership imposes constraints on planning, leading to uncoordinated economic decisions that result in business fluctuations, unemployment and a tremendous waste of material resources during crisis of ].{{sfnp|Horvat|1982|p=197}} | |||
In the late 1970s and in the 1980s, the Socialist International had extensive contacts and discussion with the two powers of the ], the United States and the ], about East-West relations and arms control. Since then, the SI has admitted as member parties the Nicaraguan ], the left-wing ], as well as former Communist parties such as the ] of Italy and the ] (FRELIMO). The Socialist International aided social democratic parties in re-establishing themselves when dictatorship gave way to democracy in ] and ]. Until its 1976 Geneva Congress, the SI had few members outside Europe and no formal involvement with Latin America.<ref>The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America, Routledge, 1989</ref> | |||
], General Secretary of the ] from 1985 until 1991]] | |||
Excessive disparities in income distribution lead to social instability and require costly corrective measures in the form of redistributive taxation, which incurs heavy administrative costs while weakening the incentive to work, inviting dishonesty and increasing the likelihood of tax evasion while (the corrective measures) reduce the overall efficiency of the market economy.{{sfnp|Horvat|1982|pp=197–198}} These corrective policies limit the incentive system of the market by providing things such as ]s, ], taxing profits and reducing the ], resulting in reduced incentives for capitalists to invest in more production. In essence, social welfare policies cripple capitalism and its incentive system and are thus unsustainable in the long run.{{sfnp|Schweickart|Lawler|Ticktin|Ollman|1998|pp=60–61}} Marxists argue that the establishment of a ] is the only way to overcome these deficiencies. Socialists and specifically Marxian socialists argue that the inherent conflict of interests between the working class and capital prevent optimal use of available human resources and leads to contradictory interest groups (labour and business) striving to influence the state to intervene in the economy in their favour at the expense of overall economic efficiency. Early socialists (] and ]) criticised capitalism for concentrating ] and wealth within a small segment of society.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |chapter-url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism |chapter=Socialism |encyclopedia=Britannica |date=2009 |access-date=14 October 2009 |quote=Socialists complain that capitalism necessarily leads to unfair and exploitative concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of the relative few who emerge victorious from free-market competition—people who then use their wealth and power to reinforce their dominance in society.|title=Socialism | Definition, History, Types, Examples, & Facts | Britannica}}</ref> In addition, they complained that capitalism does not use available technology and resources to their maximum potential in the interests of the public.<ref name="Engels Selected Works 1968, p. 40"/> | |||
After Mao's death in 1976 and the arrest of the faction known as the ], who were blamed for the excesses of the Cultural Revolution, ] took power and led the People´s Republic of China to ]. The Communist Party of China loosened governmental control over citizens' personal lives and the ] were disbanded in favour of private land leases. Thus, China's transition from a planned economy to a mixed economy named as "]"<ref name="Ref_e">Hart-Landsberg, Martin; and Burkett, Paul. . Monthly Review. Retrieved 30 October 2008.</ref> which maintained state ownership rights over land, state or cooperative ownership of much of the heavy industrial and manufacturing sectors and state influence in the banking and financial sectors. China adopted its current ] on 4 December 1982. ] ] and ] ] led the nation in the 1990s. Under their administration, China's economic performance pulled an estimated 150 million peasants out of poverty and sustained an average annual ] growth rate of 11.2%.<ref name="Ref_h">. ''China Daily''. 11 July 2003. Retrieved 10 July 2013.</ref><ref name="Ref_i">. ''People's Daily''. 1 March 2000. Retrieved 10 July 2013.</ref> At the ] of the ] in December 1986, reformist politicians replaced the "old guard" government with new leadership.<ref name="Stowe">Stowe, Judy (28 April 1998). "Obituary: Nguyen Van Linh". ''The Independent'' (London). p. 20.</ref><ref name="Ackland">Ackland, Len (20 March 1988). "Long after U.S. war, Vietnam is still a mess". ''St. Petersburg Times'' (Florida). Page 2-D.</ref> The reformers were led by 71-year-old ], who became the party's new general secretary.<ref name="Stowe"/><ref name="Ackland"/> Linh and the reformers implemented a series of ] reforms – known as ''{{lang|vi|]}}'' ("Renovation") – which carefully managed the transition from a ] to a "]".<ref>Murray, Geoffrey (1997). ''Vietnam: Dawn of a New Market''. New York: St. Martin's Press. p. 24–25. ISBN 0-312-17392-X.</ref><ref name="Loan">{{cite news |author=Hoang Thi Bich Loan |date=18 April 2007 |url=http://www.tapchicongsan.org.vn/details_e.asp?Object=29152838&News_ID=18459436 |title=Consistently pursuing the socialist orientation in developing the market economy in Vietnam |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20110510005305/http://www.tapchicongsan.org.vn/details_e.asp?Object=29152838&News_ID=18459436 |archivedate=10 May 2011 |work=Communist Review|publisher=TạpchíCộngsản.org.vn}}</ref> ] wished to move the USSR towards of Nordic-style social democracy, calling it "a socialist beacon for all mankind."<ref>] (2008). ''].'' ]. ISBN 0312427999 </ref><ref>Philip Whyman, Mark Baimbridge and Andrew Mullen (2012). ''The Political Economy of the European Social Model (Routledge Studies in the European Economy).'' ]. ISBN 0415476291 | |||
* "In short, Gorbachev aimed to lead the Soviet Union towards the Scandinavian social democratic model."</ref> Prior to its dissolution in 1991, the USSR had ] after the United States.<ref name=cia1990>{{cite web |url=http://www.umsl.edu/services/govdocs/wofact90/world12.txt|publisher=]|accessdate=9 March 2008|title=1990 CIA World Factbook}}</ref> With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the economic integration of the Soviet republics was dissolved, and overall industrial activity declined substantially.<ref>Oldfield, J.D. (2000) Structural economic change and the natural environment in the Russian Federation. Post-Communist Economies, 12(1): 77–90</ref> A lasting legacy remains in the physical infrastructure created during decades of combined industrial production practices. | |||
=== Marxism === | |||
Many social democratic parties, particularly after the Cold war, adopted ] market policies including ], ] and ]. They abandoned their pursuit of moderate socialism in favour of ]. By the 1980s, with the rise of conservative neoliberal politicians such as ] in the United States, ] in Britain, ] in Canada and ] in Chile, the Western welfare state was attacked from within. ] and neoliberals attacked social welfare systems as impediments to private entrepreneurship. In the UK, ] leader ] made a public attack against the ] group ] at the 1985 Labour Party conference. The Labour Party ruled that Militant was ineligible for affiliation with the Labour Party, and the party gradually expelled Militant supporters. The Kinnock leadership had refused to support the ] over pit closures, a decision that the party's left wing and the ] blamed for the strike's eventual defeat. In 1989, at Stockholm, the 18th Congress of the Socialist International adopted a new ''Declaration of Principles'', saying: | |||
{{main|Marxism}} | |||
<blockquote> | |||
{{quote box|quote=At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure.<ref name="ReferenceA"/>|author=—Karl Marx, '']''|align=left|width=246px|bgcolor=#c6dbf7}} | |||
Democratic socialism is an international movement for freedom, social justice, and solidarity. Its goal is to achieve a peaceful world where these basic values can be enhanced and where each individual can live a meaningful life with the full development of his or her personality and talents, and with the guarantee of human and civil rights in a democratic framework of society.<ref>{{Dead link|date=June 2010}}</ref> | |||
] and ] argued that socialism would emerge from historical necessity as capitalism rendered itself obsolete and unsustainable from increasing internal contradictions emerging from the development of the ] and technology. It was these advances in the productive forces combined with the old ] of capitalism that would generate contradictions, leading to working-class consciousness.<ref name="ComparingEconomic">{{cite book |title=Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century |date=2004 |last1=Gregory |first1=Paul |last2=Stuart |first2=Robert |page=62 |chapter=Marx's Theory of Change |publisher=George Hoffman |isbn=0618261818}}</ref> | |||
</blockquote> | |||
] provided the basis for the development of ] political theory and ].]] | |||
In the 1990s, the British Labour Party, under ], enacted policies based on the free market economy to deliver public services via the ]. Influential in these policies was the idea of a "third Way" which called for a re-evalutation of welfare state policies.<ref>Jane Lewis, Rebecca Surender. ''Welfare State Change: Towards a Third Way?''. Oxford University Press, 2004. Pp. 3-4, 16.</ref> In 1995, the Labour Party re-defined its stance on socialism by re-wording ] of its constitution, effectively rejecting socialism by removing all references to public, direct worker or municipal ownership of the means of production. The Labour Party stated: "The Labour Party is a democratic socialist party. It believes that, by the strength of our common endeavour we achieve more than we achieve alone, so as to create, for each of us, the means to realise our true potential, and, for all of us, a community in which power, wealth, and opportunity are in the hands of the many, not the few."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.labour.org.uk/labour_policies |title=Labour Party Clause Four |publisher=Labour.org.uk |date=30 October 2008 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> | |||
Marx and Engels held the view that the consciousness of those who earn a wage or salary (the working class in the broadest Marxist sense) would be moulded by their conditions of ], leading to a tendency to seek their freedom or ] by overthrowing ownership of the means of production by capitalists and consequently, overthrowing the state that upheld this economic order. For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a ] in which the ]. | |||
Marx and Engels used the terms socialism and ] interchangeably, but many later Marxists defined socialism as a specific historical phase that would displace capitalism and precede communism.<ref name="Steele 1992 44-45"/><ref name=Hudis/> | |||
===Contemporary socialist politics=== | |||
The major characteristics of socialism (particularly as conceived by Marx and Engels after the ] of 1871) are that the ] would control the means of production through a ] erected by the workers in their interests. | |||
====African==== | |||
], the first President of Ghana and theorist of ] on a Soviet Union commemorative postage stamp.]]African socialism has been and continues to be a major ideology around the continent. ] was inspired by ] ideals.<ref>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=rUdmyzkw9q4C&pg=PA880#v=onepage&q&f=false) |title=Encyclopedia of the Cold War|publisher=Books.google.co.uk |accessdate=30 November 2010|isbn=978-0-415-97515-5|date=15 May 2008}}</ref> He was a firm believer in rural Africans and their traditions and ], a system of collectivisation that according to Nyerere was present before European imperialism. Essentially he believed Africans were already socialists. Other African socialists include ], ], ] and ]. Fela Kuti was inspired by socialism and called for a democratic African republic. In South Africa the ] (ANC) abandoned its partial socialist allegiances after taking power, and followed a standard neoliberal route. From 2005 through to 2007, the country was wracked by many thousands of protests from poor communities. One of these gave rise to a mass movement of shack dwellers, ] that, despite major police suppression, continues to work for popular people's planning and against the creation of a market economy in land and housing. | |||
For ], socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, ]", while upper stage communism is based on the principle of "]", the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services.<ref name="KS">{{cite book |last=Schaff |first=Kory |title=Philosophy and the Problems of Work: A Reader|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |location=Lanham, Md |year=2001 |page= |isbn=978-07425-07951}}</ref><ref name="WA">{{cite book |last=Walicki |first=Andrzej |title=Marxism and the leap to the kingdom of freedom: the rise and fall of the Communist utopia |publisher=Stanford University Press |location=Stanford, Calif |year=1995 |isbn=978-0804723848 |page=95}}</ref> Marx argued that the material productive forces (in industry and commerce) brought into existence by capitalism predicated a cooperative society since production had become a mass social, collective activity of the working class to create commodities but with private ownership (the relations of production or property relations). This conflict between collective effort in large factories and private ownership would bring about a conscious desire in the working class to establish collective ownership commensurate with the collective efforts their daily experience.<ref name="ReferenceA">{{cite book |first=Karl |last=Marx |author-link=Karl Marx |chapter=Preface |title=] |date=1859}}</ref> | |||
====Asian==== | |||
In Asia, states with socialist economies — such as the People's Republic of China, North Korea, Laos and Vietnam — have largely moved away from centralised economic planning in the 21st century, placing a greater emphasis on markets. Forms include the Chinese ] and the Vietnamese ]. They utilise ] management models as opposed to modelling socialist enterprise on traditional management styles employed by government agencies. In China living standards continued to improve rapidly despite the ], but centralised political control remained tight.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tankman/etc/transcript.html | |||
| title=''Frontline'': ''The Tank Man'' transcript | |||
| accessdate=12 July 2008 |date=11 April 2006 |work=Frontline |publisher=PBS }}</ref> ] in his book '']'', and later supported by other academics,<ref>]. Review of ''The Cleanest Race''. ''Far Eastern Economic Review''. 4 December 2010.</ref><ref>]: (2010)</ref> dismisses the idea that '']'' is North Korea's leading ideology, regarding its public exaltation as designed to deceive foreigners and that it exists to be praised and not actually read<ref name="Rank">{{cite news |url=http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/LD10Dg02.html |title=Lifting the cloak on North Korean secrecy: ''The Cleanest Race, How North Koreans See Themselves'' by B R Myers |first=Michael |last=Rank |date=10 April 2012 |accessdate=13 December 2012 |publisher=Asia Times}}</ref> pointing out that ], of 2009, omits all mention of communism.<ref name="Hitchens">{{cite news |url=http://www.slate.com/id/2243112/ |title=A Nation of Racist Dwarfs |first=Christopher |last=Hitchens |authorlink=Christopher Hitchens |date=1 February 2010 |accessdate=23 December 2012 |work=Fighting Words |publisher=]}}</ref> Though the authority of the state remained unchallenged under '']'', the government of Vietnam encourages private ownership of farms and factories, economic deregulation and foreign investment, while maintaining control over strategic industries.<ref name="Loan"/> The Vietnamese economy subsequently achieved strong growth in agricultural and industrial production, construction, exports and foreign investment. However, these reforms have also caused a rise in income inequality and gender disparities.<ref name="sciencedirect.com">{{cite doi|10.1016/S0304-4076(02)00161-6}}</ref><ref name="jstor.org">{{cite journal|title=Sociological Theory and Social Control|author=Morris Janowitz|journal=American Journal of Sociology|volume=81|number=1|date=Jul 1975|pages=82–108|publisher=The University of Chicago Press Article|jstor=2777055|doi=10.1086/226035}}</ref><ref name="ideas.repec.org">{{cite web|author=Gallup, John Luke |url=https://ideas.repec.org/p/wbk/wbrwps/2896.html |title=The wage labor market and inequality in Viet Nam in the 1990s |publisher=Ideas.repec.org |year=2002 |accessdate=7 November 2010}}</ref> Elsewhere in Asia, some elected socialist parties and communist parties remain prominent, particularly in India and Nepal. The Communist Party of Nepal in particular calls for multi-party democracy, social equality, and economic prosperity.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cpnm.org/ |title=Communist Party of Nepal |publisher=Cpnm.org |date=15 February 2010 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> In Singapore, a majority of the GDP is still generated from the state sector comprising government-linked companies.<ref>{{cite web |last=Wilkin |first=Sam |url=http://www.countryrisk.com/editorials/archives/cat_singapore.html |title=CountryRisk Maintaining Singapore's Miracle |publisher=Countryrisk.com |date=17 August 2004 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> In Japan, there has been a resurgent interest in the ] among workers and youth.<ref>{{cite news |last=Demetriou |first=Danielle |url=http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/japan/3218944/Japans-young-turn-to-Communist-Party-as-they-decide-capitalism-has-let-them-down.html |title=Japan's young turn to Communist Party as they decide capitalism has let them down |publisher=Telegraph.co.uk |date=17 October 2008 |accessdate=30 October 2011 |location=London}}</ref><ref>, BBC, 4 May 2009</ref> In Malaysia, the ] got its first Member of Parliament, ], after the ]. In 2010, there were 270 ]im in Israel. Their factories and farms account for 9% of Israel's industrial output, worth US$8 billion, and 40% of its agricultural output, worth over $1.7 billion.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2010/11/16/2003488628/2|title=Kibbutz reinvents itself after 100 years of history|work=taipeitimes.com}}</ref> Some Kibbutzim had also developed substantial high-tech and military industries. For example, in 2010, Kibbutz Sasa, containing some 200 members, generated $850 million in annual revenue from its military-plastics industry.<ref> By Nadav Shemer, ],</ref> | |||
=== |
=== Role of the state === | ||
{{see also|Anti-statism|Marx's theory of the state|State socialism}} | |||
{{Main|Eurosocialism|Party of European Socialists}} | |||
Socialists have taken different perspectives on the ] and the role it should play in revolutionary struggles, in constructing socialism and within an established socialist economy. | |||
The United Nations ''] 2013'' shows that the happiest nations are concentrated in northern Europe, where the ] persists, with Denmark topping the list. The Nordic countries ranked highest on the metrics of real GDP per capita, healthy life expectancy, having someone to count on, perceived ], generosity and freedom from corruption.<ref>Carolyn Gregoire (10 September 2013). . ''].'' Retrieved 1 October 2013.</ref> The objectives of the ], the European Parliament's socialist and social-democratic bloc, are now "to pursue international aims in respect of the principles on which the European Union is based, namely principles of freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and respect for the Rule of Law." As a result, today, the rallying cry of the French Revolution – "Egalité, Liberté, Fraternité" – which overthrew absolutism and ushered industrialisation into French society, are promoted as essential socialist values.<ref>R Goodin and P Pettit (eds), ''A Companion to Contemporary political philosophy''</ref> To the left of the PES at the European level is the ], (PEL; also commonly abbreviated "European Left") which is a ] and an association of ], socialist<ref name="Nordsieck">{{cite web|url=http://www.parties-and-elections.eu/eu.html|title=Parties and Elections in Europe|author=Wolfram Nordsieck|work=parties-and-elections.eu}}</ref> and communist<ref name="Nordsieck"/> political parties in the ] and other European countries. It was formed in January 2004 for the purposes of running in the ]. PEL was founded on 8–9 May 2004 in Rome.<ref name="Hudson2012">{{cite book|author=Kate Hudson|title=The New European Left: A Socialism for the Twenty-First Century?|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=LHv_ACE0EekC&pg=PA46|date=19 June 2012|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-1-137-26511-1|pages=46–}}</ref> Elected ] from member parties of the European Left sit in the ] (GUE/NGL) group in the ]. | |||
], socialist ] who led the ] (SYRIZA) through a victory in the ].]] | |||
] in Germany grew in popularity<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/feb2008/hess-f15.shtml |title=Germany's Left Party woos the SPD|publisher=Wsws.org |date=15 February 2008 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> due to dissatisfaction with the increasingly neoliberal policies of the SPD, becoming the fourth biggest party in parliament in the general election on 27 September 2009.<ref>{{cite web |author=|url=http://www.greenleft.org.au/2009/813/41841 |title=Germany: Left makes big gains in poll | Green Left Weekly |publisher=Greenleft.org.au |date=10 October 2009 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> Communist candidate ] won a crucial presidential runoff in Cyprus, defeating his conservative rival with a majority of 53%.<ref>{{Dead link|date=June 2010}}</ref> In Ireland, in the ], ] of the ] took one of three seats in the capital ]. | |||
In the 19th century, the philosophy of state socialism was first explicitly expounded by the German political philosopher ]. In contrast to Karl Marx's perspective of the state, Lassalle rejected the concept of the state as a class-based power structure whose main function was to preserve existing class structures. Lassalle also rejected the Marxist view that the state was destined to "wither away". Lassalle considered the state to be an entity independent of class allegiances and an instrument of justice that would therefore be essential for achieving socialism.{{sfnp|Berlau|1949|p=21}} | |||
In Denmark, the ] (SF or Socialist Party for short) more than doubled its parliamentary representation to 23 seats from 11, making it the fourth largest party.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7091941.stm |title=Danish centre-right wins election |publisher=BBC News |date=14 November 2007 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> In 2011, the socialist parties of ], ] and the ] formed government, after a slight victory over the liberal parties. They were led by Helle Thorning-Schmidt, and had the ] as a supporting party. | |||
Preceding the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, many socialists including ], ] currents such as ], anarchists and ] criticised the idea of using the state to conduct central planning and own the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Following the victory of Leninism in Russia, the idea of "state socialism" spread rapidly throughout the socialist movement and eventually state socialism came to be identified with the ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Screpanti |first1=Ernesto |last2=Zamagni |first2=Stefano |title=An Outline on the History of Economic Thought |edition=2nd |year=2005 |publisher=] |quote=It should not be forgotten, however, that in the period of the Second International, some of the reformist currents of Marxism, as well as some of the extreme left-wing ones, not to speak of the anarchist groups, had already criticised the view that State ownership and central planning is the best road to socialism. But with the victory of Leninism in Russia, all dissent was silenced, and socialism became identified with 'democratic centralism', 'central planning', and State ownership of the means of production. |page=295}}</ref> | |||
In Norway, the ] consists of the ] (Ap), the ] (SV), and the ] (Sp), and governed the country as a majority government from the ] until ]. | |||
] rejected the association of socialism and social ownership with state ownership over the means of production because the state as it exists in its current form is a product of capitalist society and cannot be transplanted to a different institutional framework. Schumpeter argued that there would be different institutions within socialism than those that exist within modern capitalism, just as ] had its own distinct and unique institutional forms. The state, along with concepts like ] and taxation, were concepts exclusive to commercial society (capitalism) and attempting to place them within the context of a future socialist society would amount to a distortion of these concepts by using them out of context.<ref>{{cite book |last=Schumpeter |first=Joseph |title=Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy |publisher=Harper Perennial |date=2008 |isbn=978-0-06156161-0 |page=169 |quote=But there are still others (concepts and institutions) which by virtue of their nature cannot stand transplantation and always carry the flavor of a particular institutional framework. It is extremely dangerous, in fact it amounts to a distortion of historical description, to use them beyond the social world or culture whose denizens they are. Now ownership or property—also, so I believe, taxation—are such denizens of the world of commercial society, exactly as knights and fiefs are denizens of the feudal world. But so is the state (a denizen of commercial society).}}</ref> | |||
In the ], the ] (SYRIZA), led by ], won a legislative election for the first time while the ] won 15 seats in parliament. SYRIZA has been characterised as an ] party,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://insights.abnamro.nl/en/global-daily-europes-political-risks/|title=Global Daily - Europe's political risks - ABN AMRO Insights|work=ABN AMRO Insights}}</ref> whose success has sent "shock-waves across the EU".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-22396875|title=BBC News - Anti-establishment parties defy EU|work=BBC News}}</ref> | |||
=== Utopian versus scientific === | |||
In the UK, the ] put forward a slate of candidates in the 2009 European Parliament elections under the banner of ], a broad left-wing ] coalition involving socialist groups such as the ], aiming to offer an alternative to the "anti-foreigner" and pro-business policies of the ].<ref>{{cite news |last=Wheeler |first=Brian |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/8059281.stm |title=Crow launches NO2EU euro campaign |publisher=BBC News |date=22 May 2009 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.dailyrecord.co.uk/news/scottish-news/2009/03/10/exclusive-tommy-sheridan-to-stand-for-euro-elections-86908-21185994/ |title=Exclusive: Tommy Sheridan to stand for Euro elections |publisher=The Daily Record |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.rmt.org.uk/Templates/Internal.asp?NodeID=127346&int1stParentNodeID=89731&int2ndParentNodeID=89763 |title=Conference: Crisis in Working Class Representation |publisher=RMT |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> In the following May 2010 UK general election, the ], launched in January 2010<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.socialistparty.org.uk/issue/607/8673/12-01-2010/launch-of-trade-unionist-and-socialist-coalition |title=Launch of Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition |publisher=Socialistparty.org.uk |date=12 January 2010 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> and backed by Bob Crow, the leader of the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers union (RMT), other union leaders and the Socialist Party among other socialist groups, stood against Labour in 40 constituencies.<ref>{{cite news |author=Hélène Mulholland |url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2010/mar/26/hard-left-tusc-unions-labour-general-election |title=Hard left Tusc coalition to stand against Labour in 40 constituencies|publisher=Guardian |date= 27 March 2010|accessdate=30 October 2011 |location=London}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.tusc.org.uk/ |title=Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition |publisher=TUSC |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> The Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition plans to contest the 2011 elections, having gained the endorsement of the RMT June 2010 conference.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.socialistparty.org.uk/articles/10228/15-09-2010/how-do-we-vote-to-stop-the-cuts |title=How do we vote to stop the cuts? |publisher=Socialist Party |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> ] was also founded in 2013 after the film director ] appealed for a new party of the left to replace the ], which he claimed had failed to oppose austerity and had shifted towards ].<ref name=LoachGuardian>{{cite web|title=The Labour party has failed us. We need a new party of the left|url=http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/mar/25/labour-party-left|publisher=The Guardian|accessdate=4 December 2013|date=25 March 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last1=Seymour|first1=Richard|title=Left Unity: A Report From The Founding Conference|url=http://www.newleftproject.org/index.php/site/article_comments/left_unity_a_report_from_the_founding_conference|website=newleftproject.org|publisher=New Left Project|accessdate=3 March 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://leftunity.org/left-unity-a-new-radical-politcal-party-of-the-left/ |title='Left Unity' a New Radical Political Party of the Left |accessdate=2013-12-04}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rpmSDc1nBvE |title=RT News reports on Left Unity's founding conference |accessdate=2013-12-04}}</ref> | |||
{{main|Scientific socialism|Utopian socialism}} | |||
Utopian socialism is a term used to define the first currents of modern socialist thought as exemplified by the work of ], ] and ] which inspired ] and other early socialists.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/synopsis.html |title=Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism |publisher=] |access-date=15 December 2011 |archive-date=4 January 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060104041306/http://www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/synopsis.html}}</ref> Visions of imaginary ideal societies, which competed with revolutionary social democratic movements, were viewed as not being grounded in the material conditions of society and as reactionary.<ref name=Draper>{{cite book |last=Draper |first=Hal |title=Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume IV: Critique of Other Socialisms |year=1990 |publisher=] |location=New York |isbn=978-0853457985 |pages=1–21}}</ref> Although it is technically possible for any set of ideas or any person living at any time in history to be a utopian socialist, the term is most often applied to those socialists who lived in the first quarter of the 19th century who were ascribed the label "utopian" by later socialists as a negative term to imply naivete and dismiss their ideas as fanciful or unrealistic.{{sfnp|Newman|2005}} | |||
Religious sects whose members live communally such as the ] are not usually called "utopian socialists", although their way of living is a prime example. They have been categorised as ] by some. Similarly, modern ] based on socialist ideas could also be categorised as "utopian socialist". For Marxists, the development of capitalism in Western Europe provided a material basis for the possibility of bringing about socialism because according to '']'' "hat the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers",<ref>{{cite book |last1=Marx |first1=Karl |author1-link=Karl Marx |last2=Engels |first2=Friedrich |author2-link=Friedrich Engels |title=]}}</ref> namely the working class, which must become conscious of the historical objectives set it by society. | |||
In France, the ] (LCR) candidate in the 2007 presidential election, ], received 1,498,581 votes, 4.08%, double that of the Communist candidate.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.socialismtoday.org/110/france.html |title=Has France moved to the right? |publisher=Socialism Today |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> The LCR abolished itself in 2009 to initiate a broad anti-capitalist party, the ], whose stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century".<ref>{{cite news |url= http://www.lepoint.fr/actualites-politique/le-nouveau-parti-anticapitaliste-d-olivier-besancenot-est-lance/917/0/256540|title= Le Nouveau parti anticapitaliste d'Olivier Besancenot est lancé|agency=Agence France-Presse |date= 29 June 2008}}</ref> | |||
=== Reform versus revolution === | |||
On 25 May 2014 in Spain the left wing party ] entered candidates for the ], some of which were unemployed. In a surprise result, it polled 7.98% of the vote and thus was awarded five seats out of 54.<ref name="skynews.com.au"></ref><ref name="BBC News Vote 2014">{{cite web|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/events/vote2014|title=Vote 2014|work=bbc.co.uk}}</ref> while the older ] was the third largest overall force obtaining 10,03 % and 5 seats, 4 more than the previous elections.<ref name="Resultados">{{cite web|url=http://www.boe.es/diario_boe/txt.php?id=BOE-A-2014-6233|title=Acuerdo de la Junta Electoral Central, por el que se procede a la publicación de los resultados de las elecciones de Diputados al Parlamento Europeo|author=Boletín Oficial del Estado|authorlink=Boletín Oficial del Estado|date=12 June 2014}}</ref> | |||
{{main|Reformism|Revolutionary socialism}} | |||
Revolutionary socialists believe that a social revolution is necessary to effect structural changes to the socioeconomic structure of society. Among revolutionary socialists there are differences in strategy, theory and the definition of ''revolution''. Orthodox Marxists and left communists take an ] stance, believing that revolution should be spontaneous as a result of contradictions in society due to technological changes in the productive forces. Lenin theorised that under capitalism the workers cannot achieve class consciousness beyond organising into trade unions and making demands of the capitalists. Therefore, ] argue that it is historically necessary for a ] of class conscious revolutionaries to take a central role in coordinating the social revolution to overthrow the capitalist state and eventually the institution of the state altogether.<ref>{{cite web |title=The Leninist Concept of the Revolutionary Vanguard Party |url=http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/socialistvoice/partyPR46.html |author=Workers Revolutionary Group |via=] |access-date=9 December 2013}}</ref> ''Revolution'' is not necessarily defined by revolutionary socialists as violent insurrection,<ref>{{cite journal |last=Schaff |first=Adam |title=Marxist Theory on Revolution and Violence |journal=] |volume=34 |number=2 |date=April–June 1973 |pages=263–270 |doi=10.2307/2708729 |jstor=2708729}}</ref> but as a complete dismantling and rapid transformation of all areas of class society led by the majority of the masses: the working class. | |||
Reformism is generally associated with ] and ] ]. Reformism is the belief that socialists should stand in parliamentary elections within capitalist society and if elected use the ] to pass political and social reforms for the purposes of ameliorating the instabilities and inequities of capitalism. Within socialism, ''reformism'' is used in two different ways. One has no intention of bringing about socialism or fundamental economic change to society and is used to oppose such structural changes. The other is based on the assumption that while reforms are not socialist in themselves, they can help rally supporters to the cause of revolution by popularizing the cause of socialism to the working class.<ref name="Parker">{{cite news |url=http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/socialist-standard/2000s/2002/no-1171-march-2002/reformism-or-socialism |title=Reformism – or socialism? |last=Parker |first=Stan |date=March 2002 |work=Socialist Standard |access-date=26 December 2019}}</ref> | |||
All around Europe and in some places of Latin America there exists a ] and ] movement mainly inspired by ] and anarchist ideas.<ref> ''The Journal of Labor and Society'' · 1089-7011 · Volume 13 · December 2010 · pp. 451–464</ref><ref>The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life Georgy Katsiaficas, AK Press 2006</ref> | |||
The debate on the ability for social democratic reformism to lead to a socialist transformation of society is over a century old. Reformism is criticized for being paradoxical as it seeks to overcome the existing economic system of capitalism while trying to improve the conditions of capitalism, thereby making it appear more tolerable to society. According to ], capitalism is not overthrown, "but is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/hallas/works/1973/01/reform.htm |title=Do We Support Reformist Demands? |last=Hallas |first=Duncan |work=Controversy: Do We Support Reformist Demands? |publisher=] |date=January 1973 |access-date=26 December 2019 |via=]}}</ref> In a similar vein, Stan Parker of the ] argues that reforms are a diversion of energy for socialists and are limited because they must adhere to the logic of capitalism.<ref name="Parker"/> French social theorist ] criticized reformism by advocating a third alternative to reformism and social revolution that he called "]", specifically focused on structural changes to capitalism as opposed to reforms to improve living conditions within capitalism or to prop it up through economic interventions.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://socialistreview.org.uk/363/do-we-need-reform-or-revolution |title=Do we need reform of revolution? |last=Clifton |first=Lois |work=Socialist Review |date=November 2011 |access-date=26 December 2019 |archive-date=24 September 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180924191657/http://socialistreview.org.uk/363/do-we-need-reform-or-revolution |url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
====North American==== | |||
] march at the ] protest in New York.]] | |||
== Culture == | |||
According to a 2013 article in '']'', "Contrary to popular belief, Americans don't have an innate allergy to socialism. ] has had several socialist mayors (], ] and ]), and there is currently an independent socialist in the US Senate, ] of Vermont."<ref name ="Ari Paul">Paul, Ari (19 November 2013). . ''].'' Retrieved 9 February 2014.</ref> Sanders has described himself as a ]<ref name="politicosocialist">{{cite web|url=http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0709/25000.html|title=Where's the outrage over AIG bonuses?|author=Lisa Lerer|date=July 16, 2009|accessdate=April 19, 2010|publisher=]}}</ref><ref name="postsocialist">{{cite web|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/04/AR2006110401124.html|title=Exceedingly Social But Doesn't Like Parties|date=November 6, 2006|accessdate=November 26, 2012|author=Michael Powell}}</ref> and has praised ].<ref>Sanders, Bernie (May 26, 2013). ''].'' Retrieved August 19, 2013.</ref><ref>Sasha Issenberg (January 9, 2010). . ''].'' Retrieved August 24, 2013. | |||
{{see also|Proletarian literature|Counterculture|New York Intellectuals|New Left|Surrealism|Russian Futurism|Constructivism (art)|Constructivist architecture|Russian avant-garde}} | |||
*“You go to Scandinavia, and you will find that people have a much higher standard of living, in terms of education, health care, and decent paying jobs.'’ – Bernie Sanders</ref> | |||
{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=|quote=Under Socialism, solidarity will be the basis of society. Literature and art will be tuned to a different key. |source=—Trotsky, ''Literature and Revolution'', 1924<ref>{{cite book |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |title=Literature and Revolution |date=2005 |publisher=Haymarket Books |isbn=978-1-931859-16-5 |page=188 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MG-981usVQEC&dq=Under+Socialism,+solidarity+will+be+the+basis+of+society.+Literature+and+art+will+be+tuned+to+a+different+key.+All+the+emotions+which+we+revolutionists,+at+the+present+time,+feel+apprehensive+of+naming+%E2%80%93+so+much+have+they+been+worn+thin+by+hypocrites+and+vulgarians+%E2%80%93+such+as+disinterested+friendship,+love+for+one%E2%80%99s+neighbor,+sympathy,+will+be+the+mighty+ringing+chords+of+Socialist+poetry+..&pg=PA188}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Trotsky on the Society of the Future (1924) |url=https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/themilitant/1941/v05n34/trotsky.htm |website=www.marxists.org}}</ref>}} | |||
In the Leninist conception, the role of the vanguard party was to politically educate the workers and peasants to dispel the societal ] of institutional religion and nationalism that constitute the ] taught by the ] to the proletariat to facilitate their economic ] of peasants and workers. Influenced by Lenin, the ] stated that the development of the socialist workers' culture should not be "hamstrung from above" and opposed the '']'' (1917–1925) organisational control of the national culture.<ref>Central Committee, "On Proletcult Organisations", ''Pravda'' No. 270, 1 December 1920.</ref> Similarly, Trotsky viewed the party as transmitters of culture to the masses for raising the standards of ], as well as entry into the cultural sphere, but that the process of artistic creation in terms of language and presentation should be the domain of the practitioner. According to political scientist Baruch Knei-Paz in his book '']'', this represented one of several distinctions between Trotsky's approach on cultural matters and ].<ref name="Oxford Eng. : Clarendon Press">{{cite book |last1=Knei-Paz |first1=Baruch |title=The Social and Political Thought of Leon Trotsky |date=1978 |location=Oxford |publisher= Clarendon Press |isbn=978-0-19-827233-5 |pages=289–301 |url=https://archive.org/details/socialpoliticalt0000knei/page/300/mode/2up?q=proletarian+culture}}</ref> | |||
], ] and the ] rose to prominence through events such as protests against the ] in Seattle. Socialist-inspired groups played an important role in these movements, which nevertheless embraced much broader layers of the population and were championed by figures such as ]. In Canada, the ] (CCF), the precursor to the social democratic ] (NDP), had significant success in provincial politics. In 1944, the Saskatchewan CCF formed the first socialist government in North America. At the federal level, the NDP is currently the ], after winning 103 out of 308 seats (up from 37) in the ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.parl.gc.ca/SenatorsMembers/House/PartyStandings/standings-E.htm |title=PARTY STANDINGS 41st Parliament seats }}</ref> | |||
] produced by Mexican artist ]]] | |||
====South American and Caribbean==== | |||
For the '']'' "the attempt by ] to unite Marxists and other reformers in a socialist reconstruction of Chile is most representative of the direction that Latin American socialists have taken since the late 20th century. ... Several socialist (or socialist-leaning) leaders have followed Allende’s example in winning election to office in Latin American countries."<ref name="britannica.com1"/> Venezuelan President ], Nicaraguan President ], Bolivian President ], and Ecuadorian president ] refer to their political programmes as socialist. Chávez has adopted the term '']''. After winning re-election in December 2006, Chávez said, "Now more than ever, I am obliged to move Venezuela's path towards socialism."<ref>{{dead link|date=October 2011}}</ref> Hugo Chávez was also reelected in October 2012 for his third six-year term as President, but he died in March 2013 from cancer. After Chávez's death on 5 March 2013, vice-president from Chavez's party ] assumed the powers and responsibilities of the President. A ] was held on 14 April of the same year to elect a new President, which Maduro won by a tight margin as the candidate of the ]; he was formally inaugurated on 19 April.<ref name=sworn>. BBC News. 19 April 2013. Retrieved 19 April 2013.</ref> "]" is a term being used in contemporary 21st-century ] in the media and elsewhere to describe the perception that ] ideology in general, and ] in particular, are increasingly influential in Latin America.<ref name="boston">{{cite news |last=Gross |first=Neil |url=http://www.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2007/01/14/the_many_stripes_of_anti_americanism/ |title=The many stripes of anti-Americanism – The Boston Globe |publisher=Boston.com |date=14 January 2007 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref name="bbc">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/4311957.stm |title=South America's leftward sweep |publisher=BBC News |date=2 March 2005 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref name="pitts">{{cite web |last=McNickle |first=Colin |url=http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/s_310062.html |title=Latin America's 'pragmatic' pink tide – Pittsburgh Tribune-Review |publisher=Pittsburghlive.com |date=6 March 2005 |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> ] of Paraguay, ] of Bolívia, ] of Brasil, ] of Ecuador, and ] of Venezuela, in ] for Latin America]] ] is a conference of leftist political parties and other organisations from Latin America and the Caribbean. It was launched by the ] ({{lang-pt|Partido dos Trabalhadores - PT}}) of Brazil in 1990 in the city of ]. The Forum of São Paulo was constituted in 1990 when the ] approached other parties and social movements of Latin America and the Caribbean with the objective of debating the new international scenario after the fall of the ] and the consequences of the implementation of what were taken as ] policies adopted at the time by contemporary right-leaning governments in the region, the stated main objective of the conference being to argue for alternatives to ].<ref>Cf. Carlos Baraibar & José Bayardi: "Foro de San Pablo ¿qué es y cuál es su historia?", 23 August 2000, </ref> Among its member include current socialist and social-democratic parties currently in government in the region such as Bolivia´s ], Brazil´s ], the ], the Ecuadorian ], the Venezuelan ], the ], the Uruguayan ], the Nicaraguan ] and the salvadorean ]. | |||
In '']'', Trotsky examined aesthetic issues in relation to class and the Russian revolution. Soviet scholar Robert Bird considered his work as the "first systematic treatment of art by a Communist leader" and a catalyst for later, Marxist cultural and critical theories.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Bird |first1=Robert |title=Culture as permanent revolution: Lev Trotsky's Literature and] Revolution |journal=Studies in East European Thought |date=1 September 2018 |volume=70 |issue=2 |pages=181–193 |doi=10.1007/s11212-018-9304-6 |s2cid=207809829 |url=https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11212-018-9304-6 |language=en |issn=1573-0948}}</ref> He would later co-author the 1938 '']'' with the endorsement of prominent artists ] and ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=6 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-560-0 |pages=1474–1475 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yN-QEAAAQBAJ |language=en}}</ref> Trotsky's writings on literature such as his 1923 survey which advocated tolerance, limited censorship and respect for literary tradition had strong appeal to the ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Patenaude |first1=Betrand |title="Trotsky and Trotskyism" in The Cambridge History of Communism: Volume 1, World Revolution and Socialism in One Country 1917–1941R |date=21 September 2017 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-108-21041-6 |page=204 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
====International==== | |||
The ] is a ] founded on 22 May 2013 by political parties, the majority of whom are current or former members of the ]. The organisation states the aim of becoming the global network of "the ]", democratic, ], socialist and ]".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://progressive-alliance.info/basic-document/ |title=Basic document | Progressive Alliance |publisher=Progressive-alliance.info |accessdate=2013-05-23}}</ref><ref>http://www.spd.de/scalableImageBlob/84620/data/20121217_progressive_alliance_abschlussstatement-data.pdf</ref> | |||
Prior to Stalin's rule, ] had some level of autonomy in ] throughout the 1920s but these groups were later rigorously repressed during the ]. ] was imposed under Stalin in artistic production and other creative industries such as ], ] along with ] were subject to extreme levels of political control.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Jones |first1=Derek |title=Censorship: A World Encyclopedia |date=1 December 2001 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-136-79864-1 |page=2083 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gDqsCQAAQBAJ&q=stalin+mass+censorshipI&pg=PA2092 |language=en}}</ref> | |||
==Philosophy== | |||
Early socialist thought took influences from a diverse range of philosophies such as civic republicanism, Enlightenment rationalism, romanticism, forms of materialism, Christianity (both Catholic and Protestant), natural law and natural rights theory, utilitarianism and liberal political economy.<ref>Andrew Vincent. Modern political ideologies. Wiley-Blackwell publishing. 2010. pg. 87 and 88</ref> | |||
The ] phenomenon which emerged in the 1960s shaped the ] and radical outlook of the ]; this movement placed a heavy emphasis on ], ] and ] in opposition to the ] of advanced ].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rossinow |first1=Doug |title=The New Left in the Counterculture: Hypotheses and Evidence |journal=Radical History Review |date=1 January 1997 |volume=1997 |issue=67 |pages=79–120 |doi=10.1215/01636545-1997-67-79 |url=https://read.dukeupress.edu/radical-history-review/article-abstract/1997/67/79/88154/The-New-Left-in-the-Counterculture-Hypotheses-and?redirectedFrom=PDF}}</ref> | |||
The philosophical basis for a lot of early socialism was heavily influenced by the emergence of ] during the ]. Positivism held that both the natural and social worlds could be understood through scientific knowledge and be analyzed using scientific methods. This core outlook influenced early social scientists and different types of socialists ranging from anarchists like ] to technocrats like ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://science.jrank.org/pages/11291/Socialism-Socialism-during-its-Mature-Phase.html |title=Socialism during its "mature phase" |author= |year=2013 |publisher=Science Encyclopedia|accessdate=30 November 2013}}</ref> | |||
Socialist groups have also been closely involved with a number of counter-cultural movements such as ], ], ], ]<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Høgsbjerg |first1=Christian |title=Trotskyology: A review of John Kelly, Contemporary Trotskyism: Parties, Sects and Social Movements in Britain |journal=International Socialism |date=18 October 2018 |issue=160 |url=https://isj.org.uk/trotskyology/}}</ref> and ].<ref>{{cite web |last1=Platt |first1=Edward |title=Comrades at war: the decline and fall of the Socialist Workers Party |url=https://www.newstatesman.com/uncategorized/2014/05/comrades-war-decline-and-fall-socialist-workers-party |website=New Statesman |date=20 May 2014}}</ref> | |||
== Economics == | |||
The fundamental objective of socialism is to attain an advanced level of material production and therefore greater productivity, efficiency and rationality as compared to capitalism and all previous systems, under the view that an expansion of human productive capability is the basis for the extension of freedom and equality in society.<ref>''Socialism and the Market: The Socialist Calculation Debate Revisited''. Routledge Library of 20th Century Economics, February 8, 2000. p. 12. 978-0415195867.</ref> | |||
{{main|Socialist economics}} | |||
{{see also|Production for use}} | |||
{{quote box | |||
| quote = The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. ... I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilised in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.<ref>{{cite magazine |url=http://www.monthlyreview.org/598einstein.php |title=Why Socialism? |last=Einstein |first=Albert |author-link=Albert Einstein |magazine=] |date=May 1949}}</ref> | |||
| author = —], "]", 1949 | |||
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] with his 1949 article "]"]] | |||
Socialist economics starts from the premise that "individuals do not live or work in isolation but live in cooperation with one another. Furthermore, everything that people produce is in some sense a social product, and everyone who contributes to the production of a good is entitled to a share in it. Society as whole, therefore, should own or at least control property for the benefit of all its members".<ref name="ReferenceB">{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism |title=Socialism |website=] |date=29 May 2023}}</ref> | |||
Many forms of socialist theory hold that human behaviour is largely shaped by the social environment. In particular, socialism holds that social ], values, cultural traits and economic practices are social creations and not the result of an immutable ].<ref>{{cite book |last= Claessens|first= August |title= The logic of socialism|publisher= Kessinger Publishing, LLC|date=April 2009 |isbn=978-1104238407 |page =15 |quote= The individual is largely a product of his environment and much of his conduct and behavior is the reflex of getting a living in a particular stage of society.}}</ref><ref>Ferri, Enrico, "Socialism and Modern Science", in ''Evolution and Socialism'' (1912), p. 79:<blockquote> Upon what point are orthodox political economy and socialism in absolute conflict? Political economy has held and holds that the economic laws governing the production and distribution of wealth which it has established are natural laws ... not in the sense that they are laws naturally determined by the condition of the social organism (which would be correct), but that they are absolute laws, that is to say that they apply to humanity at all times and in all places, and consequently, that they are immutable in their principal points, though they may be subject to modification in details. Scientific socialism holds, the contrary, that the laws established by classical political economy, since the time of Adam Smith, are laws peculiar to the present period in the history of civilised humanity, and that they are, consequently, laws essentially relative to the period of their analysis and discovery.</blockquote></ref> The object of their critique is thus not human avarice or human consciousness, but the material conditions and man-made social systems (i.e.: the economic structure of society) that gives rise to observed social problems and inefficiencies. | |||
The original conception of socialism was an economic system whereby production was organised in a way to directly produce goods and services for their utility (or use-value in ] and ]), with the direct allocation of resources in terms of physical units as opposed to financial calculation and the economic laws of capitalism (see ]), often entailing the end of capitalistic economic categories such as ], interest, ] and money.<ref>{{harvp|Bockman|2011|p=20}}: "According to nineteenth-century socialist views, socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money."</ref> In a fully developed socialist economy, production and balancing factor inputs with outputs becomes a technical process to be undertaken by engineers.<ref>{{cite book |title=Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century |date=2004 |last1=Gregory |first1=Paul |last2=Stuart |first2=Robert |edition=Seventh |chapter=Socialist Economy |publisher=George Hoffman |isbn=978-0618261819 |page=117 |quote=In such a setting, information problems are not serious, and engineers rather than economists can resolve the issue of factor proportions.}}</ref> | |||
In the 20th century socialist economists were heavily influenced by ] and its precepts in ]. Notable socialists often combined neoclassical economics with Marxian analysis and historical materialism. ], often considered to be the father of analytic philosophy, identified as a socialist. Bertrand Russell opposed the class struggle aspects of Marxism, viewing socialism solely as an adjustment of economic relations to accommodate modern machine production to benefit all of humanity through the progressive reduction of necessary work time.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.zpub.com/notes/idle.html |title=In Praise of Idleness |author=Bertrand Russell |year= 1932|publisher= |accessdate=30 November 2013}}</ref> | |||
] refers to an array of different economic theories and systems that use the market mechanism to organise production and to allocate factor inputs among socially owned enterprises, with the economic surplus (profits) accruing to society in a ] as opposed to private capital owners.<ref>{{cite book |last=O'Hara |first=Phillip |title=Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2 |publisher=] |date=2003 |isbn=978-0415241878 |page=70 |quote=Market socialism is a general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilised to distribute economic output, to organise production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.}}</ref> Variations of market socialism include ] proposals such as ], based on classical economics, and ] economic models such as the ]. Some economists, such as ], ], and others not specifically advancing anti-socialists positions have shown that prevailing economic models upon which such democratic or market socialism models might be based have logical flaws or unworkable presuppositions.<ref>{{cite book |last=Stiglitz |first=Joseph |title=Whither Socialism? |publisher=The MIT Press |date=1996 |isbn=978-0262691826|quote=.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Mancur |last=Olson, Jr. |orig-date=1965 |edition=2nd |date=1971 |title=The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups |publisher=]}} , , and .</ref> These criticisms have been incorporated into the models of market socialism developed by ] and ].<ref>{{cite journal |first=John E. |last=Roemer |author-link=John Roemer |title=Should Marxists be Interested in Exploitation |journal=] |volume=14 |number=1 |date=1985 |pages=30–65}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Vrousalis |first=Nicholas |author-link=Nicholas Vrousalis |year=2023 |title=Exploitation as Domination: What Makes Capitalism Unjust |url=https://global.oup.com/academic/product/exploitation-as-domination-9780192867698?cc=us&lang=en& |location=Oxford |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-19286-769-8 |access-date=9 March 2023}}</ref>{{when|date=June 2023}} | |||
===Freedom and creativity=== | |||
Socialists tend to argue that "capitalism necessarily leads to unfair and exploitative concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of the relative few who emerge victorious from free-market competition—people who then use their wealth and power to reinforce their dominance in society. Because such people are rich, they may choose where and how to live, and their choices in turn limit the options of the poor."<ref name="ReferenceB"/> | |||
The ownership of the ] can be based on direct ownership by the users of the productive property through ]; or ] by all of society with management and control delegated to those who operate/use the means of production; or ] by a state apparatus. Public ownership may refer to the creation of ], ], ] or autonomous collective institutions. Some socialists feel that in a socialist economy, at least the "]" of the economy must be publicly owned.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://www.amazon.com/dp/product-description/068483569X |title=Excerpt from Commanding Heights |website=Amazon |date=2 April 2002 |publisher=Free Press |isbn=978-0-684-83569-3 |access-date=30 November 2010}}</ref> ] and ] view private ownership of the ] and the market exchange as natural entities or moral rights which are central to their conceptions of freedom and liberty and view the economic dynamics of capitalism as immutable and absolute, therefore they perceive public ownership of the means of production, ] and ] as infringements upon liberty.<ref name="milton">{{cite web |url=http://www.sangam.org/taraki/articles/2006/11-25_Friedman_MGR.php?uid=2075 |title=On Milton Friedman, MGR & Annaism |publisher=Sangam.org |access-date=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Bellamy |first=Richard |title=The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought |url=https://archive.org/details/cambridgehistory00ball |url-access=limited |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2003 |isbn=978-0521563543 |page=}}</ref> | |||
From the socialist perspective, ] is conceived of as a concrete situation as opposed to a purely abstract or moral concept, and is closely related to human creativity and the importance socialists ascribe to creative freedom. Socialists view creativity as an essential aspect of human nature, and define freedom as a state of being where individuals are able to express their creativity unhindered by constraints of both material scarcity and coercive social institutions.<ref>Bhargava. ''Political Theory: An Introduction''. Pearson Education India, 2008. p. 249.</ref> ]s stress the importance of freeing the individual from coercive, ] and ] social relationships they are compelled to partake in merely to survive, as well as the importance of economic development as providing the material basis for the existence of a state of society where there are enough resources to allow for each individual to pursue his or her genuine creative interests. In Marxist terminology, this is the goal of transcending alienation through material abundance.<ref>Barbara Goodwin. Using Political Ideas. West Sussex, England, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2007. p. 107.</ref> | |||
Management and control over the activities of enterprises are based on self-management and self-governance, with equal power-relations in the workplace to maximise occupational autonomy. A socialist form of organisation would eliminate controlling hierarchies so that only a hierarchy based on technical knowledge in the workplace remains. Every member would have decision-making power in the firm and would be able to participate in establishing its overall policy objectives. The policies/goals would be carried out by the technical specialists that form the coordinating hierarchy of the firm, who would establish plans or directives for the work community to accomplish these goals.<ref name="The Political Economy of Socialism, 1982. p. 197">{{harvp|Horvat|1982|p=197}}: "The sandglass (socialist) model is based on the observation that there are two fundamentally different spheres of activity or decision making. The first is concerned with value judgments, and consequently each individual counts as one in this sphere. In the second, technical decisions are made on the basis of technical competence and expertise. The decisions of the first sphere are policy directives; those of the second, technical directives. The former are based on political authority as exercised by all members of the organisation; the latter, on professional authority specific to each member and growing out of the division of labour. Such an organisation involves a clearly defined coordinating hierarchy but eliminates a power hierarchy."</ref><ref>{{harvp|Horvat|1982|p=197}} "The sandglass (socialist) model is based on the observation that there are two fundamentally different spheres of activity or decision making. The first is concerned with value judgments, and consequently each individual counts as one in this sphere. In the second, technical decisions are made on the basis of technical competence and expertise. The decisions of the first sphere are policy directives; those of the second, technical directives. The former are based on political authority as exercised by all members of the organisation; the latter, on professional authority specific to each member and growing out of the division of labour. Such an organisation involves a clearly defined coordinating hierarchy but eliminates a power hierarchy."</ref> | |||
The socialist concept of individuality is thus intertwined with the concept of individual creative expression. Karl Marx believed that expansion of the productive forces and technology was the basis for the expansion of human freedom, and that socialism, being a system that is consistent with modern developments in technology, would enable the flourishing of "free individualities" through the progressive reduction of necessary labour time. The reduction of necessary labour time to a minimum would grant individuals the opportunity to pursue the development of their true individuality and creativity.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1857/grundrisse/ch14.htm |title=The Grundrisse |author=Karl Marx |year= 1857–1861|publisher= |accessdate=18 December 2013 |quote= "The free development of individualities, and hence not the reduction of necessary labour time so as to posit surplus labour, but rather the general reduction of the necessary labour of society to a minimum, which then corresponds to the artistic, scientific etc. development of the individuals in the time set free, and with the means created, for all of them."}}</ref> | |||
The role and use of money in a hypothetical socialist economy is a contested issue. Nineteenth century socialists including ], ], ] and ] advocated various forms of ]s or labour credits, which like money would be used to acquire articles of consumption, but unlike money they are unable to become ] and would not be used to allocate resources within the production process. Bolshevik revolutionary ] argued that money could not be arbitrarily abolished following a socialist revolution. Money had to exhaust its "historic mission", meaning it would have to be used until its function became redundant, eventually being transformed into bookkeeping receipts for statisticians and only in the more distant future would money not be required for even that role.<ref>{{cite book |first=Leon |last=Trotsky |author-link=Leon Trotsky |chapter-url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/revbet/ch04.htm |title=The Revolution Betrayed |date=1936 |chapter=4: The Struggle for Productivity of Labor |quote=Having lost its ability to bring happiness or trample men in the dust, money will turn into mere bookkeeping receipts for the convenience of statisticians and for planning purposes. In the still more distant future, probably these receipts will not be needed. |via=]}}</ref> | |||
===Perspectives on equality=== | |||
In general, models of socialism often include some form of co-operative management of economic affairs based on equal power relationships, and socialists generally oppose hierarchies of a non-technical nature. | |||
=== Planned economy === | |||
Karl Marx eschewed theorising on moral concepts. Instead of advocating principles of justice or equality, Marx's case for socialism was grounded in economic and materialist logic and his analysis of the development of the ].<ref name="Rejecting Egalitarianism, 1987">''Rejecting Egalitarianism'', by Nielsen, Kai. 1987. Political Theory, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Aug., 1987), pp. 411-423.</ref> Although Karl Marx is sometimes mistaken as an egalitarian, Marx opposed idealism and the concept of "equality". Marx did, however, have a theory of the evolution of moral principles in relation to specific economic systems.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/egalitarianism/#KarMarEquRig |title=Egalitarianism |author= |date=16 August 2002 |publisher=Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy |accessdate=20 November 2013}}</ref> | |||
{{main|Planned economy}} | |||
A planned economy is a type of economy consisting of a mixture of public ownership of the means of production and the coordination of production and distribution through ]. A planned economy can be either decentralised or centralised. ] provided a comprehensive theoretical framework for a planned socialist economy. In his model, assuming perfect computation techniques, simultaneous equations relating inputs and outputs to ratios of equivalence would provide appropriate valuations to balance supply and demand.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gregory |first1=Paul |last2=Stuart |first2=Robert |title=Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century |edition=7th |publisher=George Hoffman |year=2004 |isbn=978-0618261819 |pages=120–121}}</ref> | |||
The most prominent example of a planned economy was the ] and as such the centralised-planned economic model is usually associated with the ]s of the 20th century, where it was combined with a single-party political system. In a centrally planned economy, decisions regarding the quantity of goods and services to be produced are planned in advance by a planning agency (see also the ]). The economic systems of the Soviet Union and the ] are further classified as "command economies", which are defined as systems where economic coordination is undertaken by commands, directives and production targets.<ref>{{cite web |last=Ericson |first=Richard E. |title=Command Economy |url=http://econ.la.psu.edu/~bickes/rickcommand.pdf |access-date=9 March 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111125010605/http://econ.la.psu.edu/~bickes/rickcommand.pdf |archive-date=25 November 2011}}</ref> Studies by economists of various political persuasions on the actual functioning of the Soviet economy indicate that it was not actually a planned economy. Instead of conscious planning, the Soviet economy was based on a process whereby the plan was modified by localised agents and the original plans went largely unfulfilled. Planning agencies, ministries and enterprises all adapted and bargained with each other during the formulation of the plan as opposed to following a plan passed down from a higher authority, leading some economists to suggest that planning did not actually take place within the Soviet economy and that a better description would be an "administered" or "managed" economy.<ref>{{harvp|Nove|1991|p=}} "Several authors of the most diverse political views have stated that there is in fact no planning in the Soviet Union: Eugene Zaleski, J. Wilhelm, Hillel Ticktin. They all in their very different ways note the fact that plans are often (usually) unfulfilled, that information flows are distorted, that plan-instructions are the subject of bargaining, that there are many distortions and inconsistencies, indeed that (as many sources attest) plans are frequently altered within the period to which they are supposed to apply ... ."</ref> | |||
In Marxist theory, upper-stage communism is based on a principle whereby access to goods and services is based on need, stressing equal access to the articles of consumption. The "equality" in a communist society is not about ], but about equal access to the articles of consumption so that individuals are free from dependency on other individuals or groups, and are thus able to overcome ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://econc10.bu.edu/okyn/OKpers/Income_Distribution/Edusex_indi/edusex_normative_view.htm |title=The Normative View of Marxian Theory on Income Distribution under Socialism |author=Oldrich Kyn |publisher= |accessdate=30 November 2013}}</ref> | |||
Although central planning was largely supported by ], some factions within the Soviet Union before the rise of ] held positions contrary to central planning. Leon Trotsky rejected central planning in favour of decentralised planning. He argued that central planners, regardless of their intellectual capacity, would be unable to coordinate effectively all economic activity within an economy because they operated without the input and tacit knowledge embodied by the participation of the millions of people in the economy. As a result, central planners would be unable to respond to local economic conditions.<ref>{{cite book |last=Trotsky |first=Leon |author-link=Leon Trotsky |title=Writings of Leon Trotsky, 1932–33 |date=1972 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0873482288 |page=96}}Trotsky.</ref> ] is unfeasible in this view because information cannot be aggregated by a central body and effectively used to formulate a plan for an entire economy, because doing so would result in ].<ref name="hayek">{{cite book |first=F. A. |last=Hayek |author-link=Friedrich Hayek |date=1935 |chapter=The Nature and History of the Problem |editor-first=F. A. |editor-last=Hayek |editor-link=Friedrich Hayek |title=Collectivist Economic Planning |pages=1–40}}, and {{cite book |first=F. A. |last=Hayek |author-link=Friedrich Hayek |date=1935 |chapter=The Present State of the Debate |editor-first=F. A. |editor-last=Hayek |editor-link=Friedrich Hayek |title=Collectivist Economic Planning |pages=201–243}}</ref> | |||
The American socialist economist ] has put forth a new perspective of equality and its relationship to socialism. Roemer attempts to reformulate Marxist analysis to accommodate normative principles of ], shifting the argument for socialism away from purely technical and materialist reasons to one of distributive justice. Roemer argues that, according to the principle of distributive justice, the traditional definition of socialism based on the principle that individual compensation be ] is inadequate. Roemer concludes that egalitarians must therefore go beyond socialism as it is classically defined.<ref name="Socialism vs Social Democracy as Income-Equalizing Institutions, 2008">''Socialism vs Social Democracy as Income-Equalizing Institutions'', by Roemer, John. 2008. Eastern Economic Journal, vol. 34, issue 1, pages 14-26.</ref> | |||
=== Self-managed economy === | |||
===Critique of capitalism=== | |||
{{main|Decentralised planning|Economic democracy|Workers' self-management|Socialist self-management}} | |||
{{Further2|]}} | |||
{{quote box|quote=Socialism, you see, is a bird with two wings. The definition is 'social ownership and democratic control of the instruments and means of production.'{{sfnp|Sinclair|1918}}|author=—]|align=right|width=246px|bgcolor=#c6dbf7}} | |||
Socialists do not base their critique of capitalism on the denunciation of greed, vilification of human nature or capitalists, or on human avarice<ref>{{cite book |last= Claessens|first= August |title= The logic of socialism|publisher= Kessinger Publishing, LLC|date=April 2009 |isbn=978-1104238407 |pages =14–15 |quote= The denunciation of greed, the vilification of human nature, the bitter cries and calls for punishment and redribution accomplishes very little good. Imprisoning or hanging the profiteer is no remedy. Those who believe and argue to the contrary are often mistaken for Socialists, but the slightest knowledge of Socialism is sufficient to dispel such ignorant raving.}}</ref> but on the structural causes of social and economic problems that emerge from the normal functioning of the capitalist system. | |||
] in 1905, Trotsky in the center. The ] were an early example of a ].]] | |||
A self-managed, decentralised economy is based on autonomous self-regulating economic units and a decentralised mechanism of resource allocation and decision-making. This model has found support in notable classical and neoclassical economists including ], ] and ]. There are numerous variations of self-management, including labour-managed firms and worker-managed firms. The goals of self-management are to eliminate exploitation and reduce ].<ref>{{cite book |last=O'Hara |first=Phillip |title=Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2 |publisher=] |date=2003 |isbn=978-0415241878 |pages=8–9 |quote=One finds favorable opinions of cooperatives also among other great economists of the past, such as, for example, John Stuart Mill and Alfred Marshall...In eliminating the domination of capital over labour, firms run by workers eliminate capitalist exploitation and reduce alienation.}}</ref> ] is a political movement advocating ] of industry through the medium of trade-related ]s "in an implied contractual relationship with the public".<ref name="britannica.com">{{cite encyclopedia |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/248652/Guild-Socialism |title=Guild Socialism |encyclopedia=Britannica.com |access-date=11 October 2013}}</ref> It originated in the United Kingdom and was at its most influential in the first quarter of the 20th century.<ref name="britannica.com"/> It was strongly associated with ] and influenced by the ideas of ]. | |||
Socialists generally argue that capitalism concentrates power and wealth within a small segment of society that controls the means of production and derives its wealth through economic ]. This creates ] social relations which fail to provide opportunities for every individual to maximise their potential,<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|title=Socialism|year=2009|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica|accessdate=14 October 2009|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551569/socialism|quote=Socialists complain that capitalism necessarily leads to unfair and exploitative concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of the relative few who emerge victorious from free-market competition – people who then use their wealth and power to reinforce their dominance in society.}}</ref> and after a certain stage of development, fails to utilise available technology and resources to their maximum potential due to restrictive property relations.<ref>Marx and Engels Selected Works, Lawrence and Wishart, 1968, p. 40. Capitalist property relations put a "fetter" on the productive forces.</ref> | |||
] was an early form of computational ]]] | |||
==Economics== | |||
{{See also|Socialist economics|Production for use}} | |||
Socialist economics starts from the premise that "individuals do not live or work in isolation but live in cooperation with one another. Furthermore, everything that people produce is in some sense a social product, and everyone who contributes to the production of a good is entitled to a share in it. Society as a whole, therefore, should own or at least control property for the benefit of all its members."<ref name="ReferenceB"/> | |||
One such system is the cooperative economy, a largely free ] in which workers manage the firms and democratically determine remuneration levels and labour divisions. Productive resources would be legally owned by the ] and rented to the workers, who would enjoy ] rights.<ref>Vanek, Jaroslav, ''The Participatory Economy'' (Ithaca, NY.: Cornell University Press, 1971).</ref> Another form of decentralised planning is the use of ], or the use of computers to manage the allocation of economic inputs. The socialist-run government of ] in Chile experimented with ], a real-time information bridge between the government, state enterprises and consumers.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cybersyn.cl/ingles/cybersyn/cybernet.html |title=CYBERSYN/Cybernetic Synergy |publisher=Cybersyn.cl |access-date=30 October 2011}}</ref> This had been preceded by similar efforts to introduce a form of cybernetic economic planning as seen with the proposed ] system in the Soviet Union. The OGAS project was conceived to oversee a nationwide ] but was never implemented due to conflicting, ].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Gerovitch |first1=Slava |title=InterNyet: why the Soviet Union did not build a nationwide computer network |journal=History and Technology |date=December 2008 |volume=24 |issue=4 |pages=335–350 |doi=10.1080/07341510802044736 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/07341510802044736 |language=en}}</ref> Another, more recent variant is ], wherein the economy is planned by decentralised councils of workers and consumers. Workers would be remunerated solely according to effort and sacrifice, so that those engaged in dangerous, uncomfortable and strenuous work would receive the highest incomes and could thereby work less.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Albert |first1=Michael |author1-link=Michael Albert |last2=Hahnel |first2=Robin |author2-link=Robin Hahnel |title=The Political Economy of Participatory Economics |location=Princeton, NJ. |publisher=] |date=1991}}</ref> A contemporary model for a self-managed, non-market socialism is ]'s model of negotiated coordination. Negotiated coordination is based upon social ownership by those affected by the use of the assets involved, with decisions made by those at the most localised level of production.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://gesd.free.fr/devine.pdf |title=Participatory Planning Through Negotiated Coordination |access-date=30 October 2011}}</ref> | |||
The original conception of socialism was an economic system whereby production was organised in a way to directly produce goods and services for their utility (or use-value in classical and Marxian economics): the ''direct allocation'' of resources in terms of physical units as opposed to financial calculation and the economic laws of capitalism (see: ]), often entailing the end of capitalistic economic categories such as ], ], ] and money.<ref>{{cite book |last= Bockman|first= Johanna |title= Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism|publisher= Stanford University Press|year= 2011|isbn= 978-0-8047-7566-3|page = 20|quote= According to nineteenth-century socialist views, socialism would function without capitalist economic categories – such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent – and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money.}}</ref> In a fully developed socialist economy, production and balancing factor inputs with outputs becomes a technical process to be undertaken by engineers.<ref>{{cite book |last= Gregory and Stuart|first= Paul and Robert |title= Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, Seventh Edition: "Socialist Economy" |publisher=George Hoffman|year= 2004 |isbn= 0-618-26181-8|page = 117|quote=In such a setting, information problems are not serious, and engineers rather than economists can resolve the issue of factor proportions.}}</ref> | |||
] identifies the emergence of the open software movement and ] as a new alternative ] to the capitalist economy and centrally planned economy that is based on collaborative self-management, common ownership of resources and the production of use-values through the free cooperation of producers who have access to distributed capital.<ref name="CTheory">{{cite news |url=http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=499 |title=The Political Economy of Peer Production |date=12 January 2005 |publisher=CTheory |access-date=8 June 2011 |archive-date=14 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190414192527/http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=499}}</ref> | |||
] refers to an array of different economic theories and systems that utilise the market mechanism to organise production and to allocate factor inputs among socially owned enterprises, with the economic surplus (profits) accruing to society in a ] as opposed to private capital owners.<ref>{{cite book |last= O'Hara|first= Phillip |title= Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2 |publisher= ]|date=September 2003|isbn= 0-415-24187-1|page = 70|quote=Market socialism is a general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilised to distribute economic output, to organise production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.}}</ref> Variations of market socialism include ] proposals such as ], based on classical economics, and neoclassical economic models such as the ]. | |||
] is a theory of ] which advocates the abolition of the ], ] and capitalism in favour of ] of the ].<ref name=Mayne>{{cite book |first=Alan James |last=Mayne |title=From Politics Past to Politics Future: An Integrated Analysis of Current and Emergent Paradigms |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6MkTz6Rq7wUC&pg=PA131 |year=1999 |publisher=] Group |isbn=978-027596151-0 |page=131 |via=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jeiudz5sBV4C&pg=PA14 |title=Anarchism for Know-It-Alls |publisher=Filiquarian Publishing |year=2008 |isbn=978-1599862187 |via=]}}{{Dead link|date=January 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes}}</ref> ] was practised in ] and other places in the ] during the Spanish Civil War. ] estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish Revolution.<ref name=Dolgoff1974>{{citation |last=Dolgoff |first=S. |title=The Anarchist Collectives: Workers' Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution |year=1974 |isbn=978-0914156-031 |title-link=The Anarchist Collectives|publisher=Free Life Editions }}</ref> | |||
The ownership of the ] can be based on direct ownership by the users of the productive property through ]; or ] by all of society with management and control delegated to those who operate/use the means of production; or ] by a state apparatus. ''Public ownership'' may refer to the creation of ], ], ] or autonomous collective institutions. The fundamental feature of a socialist economy is that publicly owned, worker-run institutions produce goods and services in at least the '']'' of the economy.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.amazon.com/dp/product-description/068483569X |title=Excerpt from Commanding Heights |publisher=Amazon.com |accessdate=30 November 2010}}</ref> | |||
The economy of the former ] established a ] based on market-based allocation, social ownership of the means of production and self-management within firms. This system substituted Yugoslavia's Soviet-type central planning with a decentralised, self-managed system after reforms in 1953.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Estrin |first=Saul |date=1991 |title=Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism |journal=] |volume=5 |number=4 |pages=187–194 |doi=10.1257/jep.5.4.187|doi-access=free }}</ref> | |||
Management and control over the activities of enterprises are based on self-management and self-governance, with equal power-relations in the workplace to maximise occupational autonomy. A socialist form of organisation would eliminate controlling hierarchies so that only a hierarchy based on technical knowledge in the workplace remains. Every member would have decision-making power in the firm and would be able to participate in establishing its overall policy objectives. The policies/goals would be carried out by the technical specialists that form the coordinating hierarchy of the firm, who would establish plans or directives for the work community to accomplish these goals.<ref name="The Political Economy of Socialism, 1982. p. 197">''The Political Economy of Socialism'', by Horvat, Branko. 1982. (p. 197): "The sandglass (socialist) model is based on the observation that there are two fundamentally different spheres of activity or decision making. The first is concerned with value judgments, and consequently each individual counts as one in this sphere. In the second, technical decisions are made on the basis of technical competence and expertise. The decisions of the first sphere are policy directives; those of the second, technical directives. The former are based on political authority as exercised by all members of the organisation; the latter, on professional authority specific to each member and growing out of the division of labour. Such an organisation involves a clearly defined coordinating hierarchy but eliminates a power hierarchy."</ref> | |||
The ] ] argues that "re-organising production so that workers become collectively self-directed at their work-sites" not only moves society beyond both capitalism and ] of the last century, but would also mark another milestone in human history, similar to earlier transitions out of slavery and feudalism.<ref>{{cite book |last=Wollf |first=Richard |author-link=Richard D. Wolff |date=2012 |url=http://www.democracyatwork.info/ |title=Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism |publisher=] |isbn=978-1608462476 |pages= |quote=The disappearances of slaves and masters and lords and serfs would now be replicated by the disappearance of capitalists and workers. Such oppositional categories would no longer apply to the relationships of production, Instead, workers would become their own collective bosses. The two categories—employer and employee—would be integrated in the same individuals.}}</ref> As an example, Wolff claims that ] is "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organisation of production".<ref>{{cite news |last=Wollf |first=Richard |author-link=Richard D. Wolff |date=24 June 2012 |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/jun/24/alternative-capitalism-mondragon |title=Yes, there is an alternative to capitalism: Mondragon shows the way |work=] |access-date=12 August 2013}}</ref> | |||
The role and use of money in a hypothetical socialist economy is a contested issue. Socialists including ], ], ] and ] advocated various forms of ]s or labour-credits, which like money would be used to acquire articles of consumption, but unlike money, they are unable to become ] and would not be used to allocate resources within the production process. Bolshevik revolutionary ] argued that money could not be arbitrarily abolished following a socialist revolution. Money had to exhaust its "historic mission", meaning it would have to be used until its function became redundant, eventually being transformed into bookkeeping receipts for statisticians, and only in the more distant future would money not be required for even that role.<ref> Full Text. Chapter 4: "Having lost its ability to bring happiness or trample men in the dust, money will turn into mere bookkeeping receipts for the convenience of statisticians and for planning purposes. In the still more distant future, probably these receipts will not be needed."</ref> | |||
=== State-directed economy === | |||
{{Quotation|The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil... I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilised in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.| ], '']'', 1949<ref> by ], '']'', May 1949</ref>}} | |||
{{main|State socialism}} | |||
{{see also|Dirigisme|Nationalization|Public ownership|State capitalism|Steady-state economy}} | |||
State socialism can be used to classify any variety of socialist philosophies that advocates the ownership of the ] by the ], either as a transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, or as an end-goal in itself. Typically, it refers to a form of technocratic management, whereby technical specialists administer or manage economic enterprises on behalf of society and the public interest instead of workers' councils or workplace democracy. | |||
A state-directed economy may refer to a type of mixed economy consisting of public ownership over large industries, as promoted by various Social democratic political parties during the 20th century. This ideology influenced the policies of the British Labour Party during Clement Attlee's administration. In the biography of the 1945 United Kingdom Labour Party Prime Minister ], ] states: "he government ... wanted what would become known as a mixed economy."{{sfnp|Beckett|2007}} | |||
===Planned economy=== | |||
{{Main|Planned economy}} | |||
A planned economy is a type of economy consisting of a mixture of public ownership of the means of production and the coordination of production and distribution through ]. There are two major types of planning: decentralised-planning and centralised-planning. ] provided a comprehensive theoretical framework for a planned socialist economy. In his model, assuming perfect computation techniques, simultaneous equations relating inputs and outputs to ratios of equivalence would provide appropriate valuations in order to balance supply and demand.<ref>{{cite book |last= Gregory and Stuart|first= Paul and Robert |title= Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century, Seventh Edition |publisher=George Hoffman|year= 2004 |isbn= 0-618-26181-8|pages = 120–121}}</ref> | |||
Nationalisation in the United Kingdom was achieved through compulsory purchase of the industry (i.e. with compensation). ] was a combination of major aircraft companies ], ] and others. ] was a combination of the major shipbuilding companies including ], ], ] and ], whereas the nationalisation of the coal mines in 1947 created a coal board charged with running the coal industry commercially so as to be able to meet the interest payable on the bonds which the former mine owners' shares had been converted into.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Strike Weapon: Lessons of the Miners' Strike |publisher=Socialist Party of Great Britain |location=London |year=1985 |url=http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/pdf/ms.pdf |access-date=28 April 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070614065637/http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/pdf/ms.pdf |archive-date=14 June 2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Hardcastle |first=Edgar |author-link=Edgar Hardcastle |title=The Nationalisation of the Railways |journal=] |volume=43 |issue=1 |year=1947 |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/hardcastle/1947/02/railways.htm |access-date=28 April 2007 |via=]}}</ref> | |||
The most prominent example of a planned economy was the ], and as such, the centralised-planned economic model is usually associated with the ] of the 20th century, where it was combined with a single-party political system. In a centrally planned economy, decisions regarding the quantity of goods and services to be produced are planned in advance by a planning agency. (See also: ]). The economic systems of the Soviet Union and the ] are further classified as ''command economies'', which are defined as systems where economic coordination is undertaken by commands, directives and production targets.<ref>{{cite web|last=Ericson|first=Richard E.|title=Command Economy|url=http://econ.la.psu.edu/~bickes/rickcommand.pdf|format=PDF}}</ref> | |||
Studies by economists of various political persuasions on the actual functioning of the Soviet economy indicate that it was not actually a planned economy. Instead of conscious planning, the Soviet economy was based on a process whereby the plan was modified by localised agents and the original plans went largely unfulfilled. Planning agencies, ministries and enterprises all adapted and bargained with each other during the formulation of the plan as opposed to following a plan passed down from a higher authority, leading some economists to suggest that planning did not actually take place within the Soviet economy and that a better description would be an "administered" or "managed" economy.<ref>{{cite book |last= Nove|first= Alec |title= The Economics of Feasible Socialism, Revisited|publisher= Routledge|year= 1991|isbn= 978-0043350492|page = 78|quote=Several authors of the most diverse political views have stated that there is in fact no planning in the Soviet Union: Eugene Zaleski, J. Wilhelm, Hillel Ticktin. They all in their very different ways note the fact that plans are often (usually) unfulfilled, that information flows are distorted, that plan-instructions are the subject of bargaining, that there are many distortions and inconsistencies, indeed that (as many sources attest) plans are frequently altered within the period to which they are supposed to apply...}}</ref> | |||
=== Market socialism === | |||
Although central planning was largely supported by ]s, some factions within the Soviet Union before the rise of ] held positions contrary to central planning. Leon Trotsky rejected central planning in favour of decentralised planning. He argued that central planners, regardless of their intellectual capacity, would be unable to coordinate effectively all economic activity within an economy because they operated without the input and tacit knowledge embodied by the participation of the millions of people who in the economy. As a result, central planners would be unable to respond to local economic conditions.<ref>''Writings 1932–33, p. 96'', Leon Trotsky.</ref> | |||
{{main|Market socialism}} | |||
Market socialism consists of publicly owned or cooperatively owned enterprises operating in a ]. It is a system that uses the market and ] for the allocation and accounting of the ], thereby retaining the process of ]. The profit generated would be used to directly remunerate employees, collectively sustain the enterprise or finance public institutions.<ref>{{cite book |title=Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century |date=2003 |last1=Gregory |first1=Paul |last2=Stuart |first2=Robert |chapter=Marx's Theory of Change |publisher=George Hoffman |isbn=0618261818 |page=142 |quote=It is an economic system that combines social ownership of capital with market allocation of capital...The state owns the means of production, and returns accrue to society at large.}}</ref> In state-oriented forms of market socialism, in which state enterprises attempt to maximise profit, the profits can be used to fund government programs and services through a ], eliminating or greatly diminishing the need for various forms of taxation that exist in capitalist systems. ] ] believed that a socialist economy based on state ownership of land and natural resources would provide a means of public finance to make income taxes unnecessary.<ref>{{harvp|Bockman|2011|p=21}} "For Walras, socialism would provide the necessary institutions for free competition and social justice. Socialism, in Walras's view, entailed state ownership of land and natural resources and the abolition of income taxes. As owner of land and natural resources, the state could then lease these resources to many individuals and groups, which would eliminate monopolies and thus enable free competition. The leasing of land and natural resources would also provide enough state revenue to make income taxes unnecessary, allowing a worker to invest his savings and become 'an owner or capitalist at the same time that he remains a worker."</ref> ] implemented a market socialist economy based on cooperatives and worker self-management.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Estrin |first1=Saul |title=Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism |journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives |date=1991 |volume=5 |issue=4 |pages=187–194 |doi=10.1257/jep.5.4.187 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Some of the economic reforms introduced during the ] by ], the ] of ], included elements of market socialism.<ref>{{cite book |last=Golan |first=Galia |title=Reform Rule in Czechoslovakia: The Dubcek Era 1968–1969 |date=1971 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0521085861}}</ref> | |||
], main theorist of ] and influential French socialist thinker]] | |||
===Self-managed economy=== | |||
] is an ] and ] that advocates a society where each person might possess a ], either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labour in the ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.mutualist.org/ |title=Introduction |publisher=Mutualist.org |access-date=29 April 2010}}</ref> Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Miller |first=David |date=1987 |title=Mutualism |encyclopedia=The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Thought |publisher=] |page=11}}</ref> Mutualism is based on a ] that holds that when labour or its product is sold, in exchange it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labour necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Tandy |first=Francis D. |date=1896 |title=] |chapter=6, paragraph 15}}</ref> | |||
{{See also|Decentralised planning|Economic democracy|Workers' self-management}} | |||
A self-managed, decentralised economy is based on autonomous self-regulating economic units and a decentralised mechanism of resource allocation and decision-making. This model has found support in notable classical and neoclassical economists including ], ] and ]. There are numerous variations of self-management, including labour-managed firms and worker-managed firms. The goals of self-management are to eliminate exploitation and reduce ].<ref>{{cite book |last= O'Hara|first= Phillip |title= Encyclopedia of Political Economy, Volume 2 |publisher= Routledge|date=September 2003|isbn= 0-415-24187-1|pages = 8–9|quote=One finds favorable opinions of cooperatives also among other great economists of the past, such as, for example, John Stuart Mill and Alfred Marshall...In eliminating the domination of capital over labour, firms run by workers eliminate capitalist exploitation and reduce alienation.}}</ref> ] is a political movement advocating ] of industry through the medium of trade-related ] "in an implied contractual relationship with the public".<ref name="britannica.com">{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/248652/Guild-Socialism |title=Guild Socialism|publisher=Britannica.com |accessdate=2013-10-11}}</ref> It originated in the United Kingdom and was at its most influential in the first quarter of the 20th century.<ref name="britannica.com"/> It was strongly associated with ] and influenced by the ideas of ]. | |||
The current economic system in China is formally referred to as a ]. It combines a large state sector that comprises the commanding heights of the economy, which are guaranteed their public ownership status by law,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2006-12/19/content_762056.htm |title=China names key industries for absolute state control |website=China Daily |date=19 December 2006 |access-date=2 June 2010}}</ref> with a ] mainly engaged in commodity production and light industry responsible from anywhere between 33%<ref>{{cite web |url=http://english.people.com.cn/200507/13/eng20050713_195876.html |title=China has socialist market economy in place |publisher=] Online |date=13 July 2005 |access-date=2 June 2010}}</ref> to over 70% of GDP generated in 2005.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/16/3/36174313.pdf |title=China and the OECD |date=May 2006 |access-date=2 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081010154017/http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/16/3/36174313.pdf |archive-date=10 October 2008}}</ref> Although there has been a rapid expansion of private-sector activity since the 1980s, privatisation of state assets was virtually halted and were partially reversed in 2005.<ref>{{cite web |last=Talent |first=Jim |url=http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2010/01/10-China-Myths-for-the-New-Decade#_ftn23 |title=10 China Myths for the New Decade | The Heritage Foundation |publisher=Heritage.org |access-date=2 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100910011308/http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2010/01/10-china-myths-for-the-new-decade#_ftn23 |archive-date=10 September 2010}}</ref> The current Chinese economy consists of 150 ] state-owned enterprises that report directly to China's central government.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.forbes.com/2008/07/08/china-enterprises-state-lead-cx_jrw_0708mckinsey.html |title=Reassessing China's State-Owned Enterprises |work=Forbes |access-date=2 June 2010 |date=8 July 2008}}</ref> By 2008, these state-owned corporations had become increasingly dynamic and generated large increases in revenue for the state,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto031620081407384075 |title=InfoViewer: China's champions: Why state ownership is no longer proving a dead hand |publisher=Us.ft.com |date=28 August 2003 |access-date=2 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110711045431/https://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto031620081407384075 |archive-date=11 July 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://ufirc.ou.edu/publications/Enterprises%20of%20China.pdf |title=Today's State-Owned Enterprises of China |access-date=18 November 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720024533/http://ufirc.ou.edu/publications/Enterprises%20of%20China.pdf |archive-date=20 July 2011}}</ref> resulting in a state-sector led recovery during the 2009 financial crises while accounting for most of China's economic growth.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/8153138.stm |work=] |title=China grows faster amid worries |date=16 July 2009 |access-date=7 April 2010}}</ref> The Chinese economic model is widely cited as a contemporary form of state capitalism, the major difference between Western capitalism and the Chinese model being the degree of state-ownership of shares in publicly listed corporations. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam has adopted a similar model after the ] economic renovation but slightly differs from the Chinese model in that the Vietnamese government retains firm control over the state sector and strategic industries, but allows for private-sector activity in commodity production.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.vietnamembassy-usa.org/news/story.php?d=20031117235404|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110727075147/http://www.vietnamembassy-usa.org/news/story.php?d=20031117235404|archive-date=27 July 2011|title=VN Embassy: Socialist-oriented market economy: concept and development soluti|website=Radio Voice of Vietnam|publisher=Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the United States of America|date=17 November 2003 |access-date=2 June 2010}}</ref> | |||
One such system is the cooperative economy, a largely free ] in which workers manage the firms and democratically determine remuneration levels and labour divisions. Productive resources would be legally owned by the ] and rented to the workers, who would enjoy ] rights.<ref>Vanek, Jaroslav, ''The Participatory Economy'' (Ithaca, NY.: Cornell University Press, 1971).</ref> Another form of decentralised planning is the use of ], or the use of computers to manage the allocation of economic inputs. The socialist-run government of ] in Chile experimented with ], a real-time information bridge between the government, state enterprises and consumers.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cybersyn.cl/ingles/cybersyn/cybernet.html |title=CYBERSYN/Cybernetic Synergy |publisher=Cybersyn.cl |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> Another, more recent, variant is ], wherein the economy is planned by decentralised councils of workers and consumers. Workers would be remunerated solely according to effort and sacrifice, so that those engaged in dangerous, uncomfortable, and strenuous work would receive the highest incomes and could thereby work less.<ref>] and ], ''The Political Economy of Participatory Economics'' (Princeton, NJ.: Princeton University Press, 1991).</ref> A contemporary model for a self-managed, non-market socialism is ]'s model of negotiated coordination. Negotiated coordination is based upon social ownership by those affected by the use of the assets involved, with decisions made by those at the most localised level of production.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://gesd.free.fr/devine.pdf |title=Participatory Planning Through Negotiated Coordination |format=PDF |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref> | |||
== Politics == | |||
] identifies the emergence of the open software movement and ] as a new, alternative ] to the capitalist economy and centrally planned economy that is based on collaborative self-management, common ownership of resources, and the production of use-values through the free cooperation of producers who have access to distributed capital.<ref name="Ctheory">{{cite news |url=http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=499 |title=The Political Economy of Peer Production|date=12 January 2005 |publisher=CTheory}}</ref> | |||
{{see also|Labour movement|The labor problem|Trade union}} | |||
], New York City on ] 1912]] | |||
While major socialist political movements include anarchism, communism, the labour movement, Marxism, social democracy, and syndicalism, independent socialist theorists, ] authors, and academic supporters of socialism may not be represented in these movements. Some political groups have called themselves ''socialist'' while holding views that some consider antithetical to socialism. ''Socialist'' has been used by members of the ] as an epithet, including against individuals who do not consider themselves to be socialists and against policies that are not considered socialist by their proponents. While there are many variations of socialism, and there is no single definition encapsulating all of socialism, there have been common elements identified by scholars.{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|pp=1–3}} | |||
In his ''Dictionary of Socialism'' (1924), Angelo S. Rappoport analysed forty definitions of socialism to conclude that common elements of socialism include general criticism of the social effects of ] and control of capital—as being the cause of poverty, low wages, unemployment, economic and social inequality and a lack of economic security; a general view that the solution to these problems is a form of collective control over the ], ] and ] (the degree and means of control vary among socialist movements); an agreement that the outcome of this collective control should be a society based upon ], including social equality, economic protection of people and should provide a more satisfying life for most people.{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|pp=1–2}} | |||
] is a theory of ] which advocates the abolition of the ], ], and capitalism in favour of ] of the ].<ref name=Mayne>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.com/?id=6MkTz6Rq7wUC&pg=PA131&dq=Communist+anarchism+belives+in+collective+ownership |title=From Politics Past to Politics Future: An Integrated Analysis of Current and Emergent Paradigms Alan James Mayne Published 1999 Greenwood Publishing Group 316 pages ISBN 0-275-96151-6 |publisher=Google Books |accessdate=20 September 2010|isbn=978-0-275-96151-0|year=1999}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.com/?id=jeiudz5sBV4C&pg=PA14 |title=Anarchism for Know-It-Alls|publisher=Filiquarian Publishing|year=2008|accessdate=20 September 2010|isbn=978-1-59986-218-7}}</ref> ] was practiced in Catalonia and other places in the ] during the Spanish Civil War. ] estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish Revolution,.<ref name=Dolgoff1974>{{citation |title=The Anarchist Collectives: Workers' Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution. In The Spanish Revolution, the Luger P08 was used as a weapon of choice by the Spanish. |year=1974 |author=Dolgoff, S. |isbn=978-0-914156-03-1}}</ref> | |||
In ''The Concepts of Socialism'' (1975), ] identifies four core principles of socialism and particularly socialist society, namely sociality, social responsibility, cooperation and planning.{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|p=2}} In his study ''Ideologies and Political Theory'' (1996), ] states that all socialists share five themes: the first is that socialism posits that society is more than a mere collection of individuals; second, that it considers human welfare a desirable objective; third, that it considers humans by nature to be active and productive; fourth, it holds the belief of human equality; and fifth, that history is progressive and will create positive change on the condition that humans work to achieve such change.{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|p=2}} | |||
The economy of the former ] established a system based on market-based allocation, social ownership of the means of production and self-management within firms. This system substituted Yugoslavia's Soviet-type central planning with a decentralised, self-managed system after reforms in 1953.<ref>Estrin, Saul. 1991. "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism." Journal of Economic Perspectives, 5(4): 187–194.</ref> | |||
=== Anarchism === | |||
The ] ] argues that "re-organising production so that workers become collectively self-directed at their work-sites" not only moves society beyond both capitalism and ] of the last century, but would also mark another milestone in human history, similar to earlier transitions out of slavery and feudalism.<ref>] (2012). ''.'' ]. ISBN 1608462471. . | |||
{{main|Anarchism}} | |||
*"The disappearances of slaves and masters and lords and serfs would now be replicated by the disappearance of capitalists and workers. Such oppositional categories would no longer apply to the relationships of production, Instead, workers would become their own collective bosses. The two categories – employer and employee – would be integrated in the same individuals."</ref> As an example, Wolff claims that ] is "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organisation of production."<ref>] (24 June 2012). . ''].'' Retrieved 12 August 2013.</ref> | |||
Anarchism advocates ] often defined as ] voluntary institutions,<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |quote=Anarchism, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies. |first=George |last=Woodcock |author-link=George Woodcock |title=Anarchism |encyclopedia=The Encyclopedia of Philosophy}}</ref><ref>"In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions." Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica]</ref><ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=Anarchism |encyclopedia=The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy |publisher=] |date=2005 |pages=14 |quote=Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Sheehan |first=Sean |title=Anarchism |location=London |publisher=Reaktion Books Ltd. |date=2004 |pages=85}}</ref> but that several authors have defined as more specific institutions based on non-] ].<ref name="iaf-ifa.org"/><ref>{{cite book |quote=as many anarchists have stressed, it is not government as such that they find objectionable, but the hierarchical forms of government associated with the nation state. |first=Judith |last=Suissa |title=Anarchism and Education: a Philosophical Perspective |publisher=] |location=New York |date=2006 |pages=7}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |quote=That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organisation and preaches free agreement—at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist. |first=Peter |last=Kropotkin |author-link=Peter Kropotkin |url=http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Petr_Kropotkin__Anarchism__its_philosophy_and_ideal.html |title=Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120318013807/http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/Petr_Kropotkin__Anarchism__its_philosophy_and_ideal.html |archive-date=18 March 2012 |via=The Anarchist Library}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |quote=anarchists are opposed to irrational (e.g., illegitimate) authority, in other words, hierarchy—hierarchy being the institutionalisation of authority within a society. |chapter-url=http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/The_Anarchist_FAQ_Editorial_Collective__An_Anarchist_FAQ__03_17_.html#toc2 |chapter=B.1 Why are anarchists against authority and hierarchy? |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120615071249/http://theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/The_Anarchist_FAQ_Editorial_Collective__An_Anarchist_FAQ__03_17_.html#toc2 |archive-date=15 June 2012 |title=An Anarchist FAQ |via=The Anarchist Library}}</ref> While anarchism holds the ] to be undesirable, unnecessary or harmful,<ref name="definition">{{cite journal |last=Malatesta |first=Errico |title=Towards Anarchism |journal=Man! |oclc=3930443 |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/malatesta/1930s/xx/toanarchy.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121107221404/http://marxists.org/archive/malatesta/1930s/xx/toanarchy.htm |archive-date=7 November 2012 |url-status=live |author-link=Errico Malatesta}} {{cite journal |url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070514.wxlanarchist14/BNStory/lifeWork/home/ |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070516094548/http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070514.wxlanarchist14/BNStory/lifeWork/home |archive-date=16 May 2007 |title=Working for The Man |journal=] |access-date=14 April 2008 |last=Agrell |first=Siri |date=14 May 2007}} {{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9117285 |title=Anarchism |year=2006 |website=Encyclopædia Britannica |publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service |access-date=29 August 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061214085638/http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9117285 |archive-date=14 December 2006}} {{cite journal |year=2005 |title=Anarchism |journal=The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy |page=14 |quote=Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable.}} The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy: | |||
{{harvp|McLaughlin|2007|p=59}}; {{cite book |last=Johnston |first=R. |title=The Dictionary of Human Geography |publisher=Blackwell Publishers |location=Cambridge |year=2000 |isbn=978-0631205616 |page=24}}</ref><ref name=slevin>{{cite encyclopedia |last=Slevin |first=Carl |title=Anarchism |dictionary=The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics |editor1-first=Iain |editor1-last=McLean |editor2-first=Alistair |editor2-last=McMillan |publisher=] |date=2003}}</ref> it is not the central aspect.{{sfnp|McLaughlin|2007|p=28|ps= "Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell anarchism short."}} Anarchism entails opposing ] or ] in the conduct of human relations, including the state system.<ref name="iaf-ifa.org">{{cite web |url=http://www.iaf-ifa.org/principles/english.html |title=IAF principles |publisher=] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120105095946/http://www.iaf-ifa.org/principles/english.html |archive-date=5 January 2012 |quote=The IAF – IFA fights for : the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.}}</ref><ref name="Brown 2002 106">{{cite book |last=Brown |first=L. Susan |chapter=Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism |title=The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism |publisher=Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing |year=2002 |page=106}}</ref>{{sfnp|McLaughlin|2007|p=1|ps= "Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."}}<ref>Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left,—follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism ... Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." ]. </ref><ref>Anarchist historian ] report of ]'s anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9) ... Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Bern Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."</ref> ] support market socialism, ]s favour ]s and salaries based on the amount of time contributed to production, ] advocate a direct transition from capitalism to ] and a ] and ]s prefer workers' ] and the ].<ref name="McKay 2008"/> | |||
The authoritarian–] struggles and disputes within the socialist movement go back to the First International and the expulsion in 1872 of the anarchists, who went on to lead the ] and then founded their own libertarian international, the ].<ref>Hahnel, Robin (2005). ''Economic Justice and Democracy''. Routledge Press. p. 138. {{ISBN|0415933447}}.</ref> In 1888, the ] ], who proclaimed himself to be an anarchistic socialist and ] in opposition to the authoritarian ] and the compulsory communism, included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by ]<ref>Lesigne (1887). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200807090418/http://fair-use.org/liberty/1887/12/17/socialistic-letters |date=7 August 2020}}. ''Le Radical''. Retrieved 20 June 2020.</ref> in his essay on "State Socialism and Anarchism". According to Lesigne, there are two types of socialism: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian".<ref>Tucker, Benjamin (1911) . ''State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ''. Fifield.</ref> Tucker's two socialisms were the authoritarian state socialism which he associated to the Marxist school and the libertarian anarchist socialism, or simply anarchism, that he advocated. Tucker noted that the fact that the authoritarian "State Socialism has overshadowed other forms of Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea".<ref>Tucker, Benjamin (1893). ''Instead of a Book by a Man Too Busy to Write One''. pp. 363–364.</ref> According to Tucker, what those two schools of socialism had in common was the ] and the ends, by which anarchism pursued different means.<ref>Brown, Susan Love (1997). "The Free Market as Salvation from Government". In Carrier, James G., ed. ''Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture''. Berg Publishers. p. 107. {{ISBN|978-1859731499}}.</ref> | |||
===State-directed economy=== | |||
{{See also|State socialism}} | |||
State socialism can be used to classify any variety of socialist philosophies that advocates the ownership of the ] by the ], either as a transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, or as an end-goal in itself. Typically it refers to a form of technocratic management, whereby technical specialists administer or manage economic enterprises on behalf of society (and the public interest) instead of workers' councils or workplace democracy. | |||
According to anarchists such as the authors of ''An Anarchist FAQ'', anarchism is one of the many traditions of socialism. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism "can only mean a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self-management in all aspects of life", including at the workplace.<ref name="McKay 2008">{{cite book |editor-last=McKay |editor-first=Iain |year=2008 |section=Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron? |title=An Anarchist FAQ |volume=I |location=Stirling |publisher=] |isbn=978-1902593906 |oclc=182529204}}</ref> Michael Newman includes anarchism as one of many socialist traditions.{{sfnp|Newman|2005}} ] argues that "n general anarchism is closer to socialism than liberalism. ... Anarchism finds itself largely in the socialist camp, but it also has outriders in liberalism. It cannot be reduced to socialism, and is best seen as a separate and distinctive doctrine."<ref>Marshall, Peter (1992). ''Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism''. London: HarperCollins. p. 641. {{ISBN|978-0002178556}}.</ref> | |||
A state-directed economy may refer to a type of mixed economy consisting of public ownership over large industries, as promoted by various Social democratic political parties during the 20th century. This ideology influenced the policies of the British Labour Party during Clement Attlee's administration. In the biography of the 1945 UK Labour Party Prime Minister ], Francis Beckett states: "the government... wanted what would become known as a mixed economy".<ref>Beckett, Francis, ''Clem Attlee'', (2007) Politico's.</ref> | |||
=== Democratic socialism and social democracy === | |||
Nationalisation in the UK was achieved through compulsory purchase of the industry (i.e. with compensation). ] was a combination of major aircraft companies ], ] and others. ] was a combination of the major shipbuilding companies including ], ], ], and ]; the nationalisation of the coal mines in 1947 created a coal board charged with running the coal industry commercially so as to be able to meet the interest payable on the bonds which the former mine owners' shares had been converted into.<ref>{{cite book |authorlink=Socialist Party of Great Britain |author=Socialist Party of Great Britain |title=The Strike Weapon: Lessons of the Miners' Strike |publisher=Socialist Party of Great Britain |location=London |year=1985 |url=http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/pdf/ms.pdf |format=PDF |accessdate=28 April 2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Hardcastle |first=Edgar |authorlink=Edgar Hardcastle |title=The Nationalisation of the Railways |journal=] |volume=43 |issue=1 |publisher=] |year=1947 |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/hardcastle/1947/02/railways.htm |accessdate=28 April 2007}}</ref> | |||
{{main|Democratic socialism|Social democracy}} | |||
{{quote box|quote=You can't talk about ending the slums without first saying profit must be taken out of slums. You're really tampering and getting on dangerous ground because you are messing with folk then. You are messing with captains of industry. Now this means that we are treading in difficult water, because it really means that we are saying that something is wrong with capitalism. There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism.<ref>{{cite book |title=Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought |last=Franklin |first=Robert Michael |page=125 |publisher=Fortress Press |year=1990 |isbn=978-0800623920}}</ref><ref>Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou (20 January 2014). . ''].'' Retrieved 20 January 2014.</ref>|author=—], 1966|align=right|width=300px|bgcolor=#c6dbf7}} | |||
Democratic socialism represents any socialist movement that seeks to establish an economy based on ] by and for the working class. Democratic socialism is difficult to define and groups of scholars have radically different definitions for the term. Some definitions simply refer to all forms of socialism that follow an electoral, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one.<ref>This definition is captured in this statement by ], who "argued that the socialisms of the pre-war world (not just that of the ]s, but of the democratic socialists too) were now increasingly irrelevant". {{cite journal |first=Chris |last=Pierson |title=Lost property: What the Third Way lacks |journal=Journal of Political Ideologies |date=June 2005 |volume=10 |issue=2 |pages=145–63 |doi=10.1080/13569310500097265 |s2cid=144916176}} Other texts which use the terms ''democratic socialism'' in this way include Malcolm Hamilton ''Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden'' (St Martin's Press 1989).</ref> According to Christopher Pierson, "f the contrast which 1989 highlights is not that between socialism in the East and liberal democracy in the West, the latter must be recognised to have been shaped, reformed and compromised by a century of social democratic pressure". Pierson further claims that "social democratic and socialist parties within the constitutional arena in the West have almost always been involved in a politics of compromise with existing capitalist institutions (to whatever far distant prize its eyes might from time to time have been lifted)". For Pierson, "if advocates of the death of socialism accept that social democrats belong within the socialist camp, as I think they must, then the contrast between socialism (in all its variants) and liberal democracy must collapse. For ''actually existing'' liberal democracy is, in substantial part, a product of socialist (social democratic) forces".<ref>{{cite book |last=Pierson |first=Christopher |date=1995 |title=Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism |location=University Park, Pennsylvania |publisher=] |page=71 |isbn=978-0271014791}}</ref> | |||
Social democracy is a socialist tradition of political thought.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Eatwell |first1=Roger |author-link1=Roger Eatwell |last2=Wright |first2=Anthony |date=1999 |title=Contemporary Political Ideologies |edition=2nd |location=London |publisher=Continuum |pages=80–103 |isbn=978-1855676053}}</ref>{{sfnp|Newman|2005|p=5}} Many social democrats refer to themselves as socialists or democratic socialists and some such as ] employ these terms interchangeably.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=q07jeo_wrk4C&pg=PA86 |title=Social Democratic System |last=Raza |first=Syed Ali |publisher=Global Peace Trust |isbn=978-9699757006 |page=86 |via=]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |url={{google books|plainurl=y|id=Ai2BDAAAQBAJ|page=91}} |title=The New Progressive Dilemma: Australia and Tony Blair's Legacy |last=O'Reilly |first=David |year=2007 |publisher=Springer |isbn=978-0230625471 |page=91}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/17/magazine/america-can-never-sort-out-whether-socialism-is-marginal-or-rising.html |title=America Can Never Sort Out Whether 'Socialism' Is Marginal or Rising |last=Gage |first=Beverly |date=17 July 2018 |work=] |access-date=17 September 2018}}</ref> Others found "clear differences" between the three terms and prefer to describe their own political beliefs by using the term ''social democracy''.{{sfnp|Brandal|Bratberg|Thorsen|2013|p=7}} The two main directions were to establish democratic socialism or to build first a welfare state within the capitalist system. The first variant advances democratic socialism through ] and ] methods.{{sfnp|Busky|2000|p=8}} In the second variant, social democracy is a policy regime involving a welfare state, ] schemes, support for publicly financed public services and a mixed economy. It is often used in this manner to refer to Western and Northern Europe during the later half of the 20th century.<ref>{{cite book |last=Sejersted |first=Francis |title=The age of social democracy: Norway and Sweden in the twentieth century |date=2011 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0691147741 |oclc=762965992}}</ref><ref name="Foundations of social democracy, 2009">''Foundations of social democracy'', 2004. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, p. 8, November 2009.</ref> It was described by ] as "hybrid economics", an active collaboration of capitalist and socialist visions.<ref>{{cite book |last=Mander |first=Jerry |date=2012 |title=The Capitalism Papers: Fatal Flaws of an Obsolete System |url=https://archive.org/details/capitalismpapers0000mand/page/213 |publisher=] |pages= |isbn=978-1582437170 |author-link=Jerry Mander}}</ref> Some studies and surveys indicate that people tend to live happier and healthier lives in social democratic societies rather than ] ones.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://ourfuture.org/20141015/new-study-finds-big-government-makes-people-happy-free-markets-dont |title=New Study Finds Big Government Makes People Happy, "Free Markets" Don't |last=Eskow |first=Richard |date=15 October 2014 |website=OurFuture.org by People's Action |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.cnn.com/2013/09/25/opinion/radcliff-politics-of-happiness/index.html |title=Opinion: Social safety net makes people happier |first=Benjamin |last=Radcliff |author-link=Benjamin Radcliff |website=] |date=25 September 2013 |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.commondreams.org/further/2009/05/11/worlds-happiest-countries-social-democracies |title=World's Happiest Countries? Social Democracies |website=Common Dreams |access-date=20 April 2020|archive-date=7 August 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200807053534/https://www.commondreams.org/further/2009/05/11/worlds-happiest-countries-social-democracies}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sullivan |first1=Dylan |last2=Hickel|first2=Jason|author-link2=Jason Hickel|date=2023 |title=Capitalism and extreme poverty: A global analysis of real wages, human height, and mortality since the long 16th century|url= |journal=]|volume=161 |issue= |page=106026 |doi=10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.106026|s2cid=252315733 |access-date=|quote=...amongst the developed capitalist countries, the social democracies with generous welfare states (i.e., Scandinavia) have superior health outcomes to neo-liberal states like the US. Poverty alleviation and gains in human health have historically been linked to socialist political movements and public action, not to capitalism.|doi-access=free}}</ref> | |||
===Market socialism=== | |||
{{Main|Market socialism}} | |||
Market socialism consists of publicly owned or cooperatively owned enterprises operating in a ]. It is a system that utilises the market and ] for the allocation and accounting of the ], thereby retaining the process of ]. The profit generated would be used to directly remunerate employees or finance public institutions.<ref>''Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century'', 2003, by Gregory and Stuart. ISBN 0-618-26181-8. (p. 142): "It is an economic system that combines social ownership of capital with market allocation of capital...The state owns the means of production, and returns accrue to society at large."</ref> In state-oriented forms of market socialism, in which state enterprises attempt to maximise profit, the profits can be used to fund government programs and services through a ], eliminating or greatly diminishing the need for various forms of taxation that exist in capitalist systems. The neoclassical economist ] believed that a socialist economy based on state ownership of land and natural resources would provide a means of public finance to make income taxes unnecessary.<ref>{{cite book |last= Bockman|first= Johanna |title= Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism|publisher= Stanford University Press|year= 2011|isbn= 978-0-8047-7566-3|page = 21|quote= For Walras, socialism would provide the necessary institutions for free competition and social justice. Socialism, in Walras's view, entailed state ownership of land and natural resources and the abolition of income taxes. As owner of land and natural resources, the state could then lease these resources to many individuals and groups, which would eliminate monopolies and thus enable free competition. The leasing of land and natural resources would also provide enough state revenue to make income taxes unnecessary, allowing a worker to invest his savings and become 'an owner or capitalist at the same time that he remains a worker.}}</ref> Yugoslavia implemented a market socialist economy based on cooperatives and worker self-management. | |||
], 1865. ], main theorist of ] and influential French socialist thinker.]] | |||
] is an ] and ] that advocates a society where each person might possess a ], either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labour in the ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.mutualist.org/ |title=Introduction |publisher=Mutualist.org |accessdate=2010-04-29}}</ref> Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration.<ref>Miller, David. 1987. "Mutualism." The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Blackwell Publishing. p. 11</ref> Mutualism is based on a ] that holds that when labour or its product is sold, in exchange, it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labour necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".<ref>Tandy, Francis D., 1896, '']'', chapter 6, paragraph 15.</ref> | |||
]|alt=Eduard Bernstein standing next to a chair and looking rightward. He is resting his hand on the chair.]] | |||
The current economic system in China is formally referred to as a ]. It combines a large state sector that comprises the 'commanding heights' of the economy, which are guaranteed their public ownership status by law,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2006-12/19/content_762056.htm |title=China names key industries for absolute state control |work=China Daily |date=19 December 2006 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> with a private sector mainly engaged in commodity production and light industry responsible from anywhere between 33%<ref>{{cite web |author=English@peopledaily.com.cn |url=http://english.people.com.cn/200507/13/eng20050713_195876.html |title=People's Daily Online – China has socialist market economy in place |publisher=English.people.com.cn |date=13 July 2005 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> (People's Daily Online 2005) to over 70% of GDP generated in 2005.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/16/3/36174313.pdf |title=CHINA AND THE OECD|date=May 2006|format=PDF |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> Although there has been a rapid expansion of private-sector activity since the 1980s, privatisation of state assets was virtually halted and were partially reversed in 2005.<ref>{{cite web |last=Talent |first=Jim |url=http://www.heritage.org/Research/Reports/2010/01/10-China-Myths-for-the-New-Decade#_ftn23 |title=10 China Myths for the New Decade | The Heritage Foundation |publisher=Heritage.org |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> The current Chinese economy consists of 150 ] state-owned enterprises that report directly to China's central government.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.forbes.com/2008/07/08/china-enterprises-state-lead-cx_jrw_0708mckinsey.html |title=Reassessing China's State-Owned Enterprises |work=Forbes |accessdate=2 June 2010 |date=8 July 2008}}</ref> By 2008, these state-owned corporations had become increasingly dynamic and generated large increases in revenue for the state,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://us.ft.com/ftgateway/superpage.ft?news_id=fto031620081407384075 |title=InfoViewer: China's champions: Why state ownership is no longer proving a dead hand |publisher=Us.ft.com |date=28 August 2003 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref><ref>http://ufirc.ou.edu/publications/Enterprises%20of%20China.pdf</ref> resulting in a state-sector led recovery during the 2009 financial crises while accounting for most of China's economic growth.<ref>{{cite news | url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/8153138.stm |work=BBC News | title=China grows faster amid worries | date=16 July 2009 | accessdate=7 April 2010}}</ref> However, the Chinese economic model is widely cited as a contemporary form of state capitalism, the major difference between Western capitalism and the Chinese model being the degree of state-ownership of shares in publicly listed corporations. | |||
Social democrats advocate a peaceful, evolutionary transition of the economy to socialism through ] social reform.<ref name=EB>{{cite encyclopedia |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551073/social-democracy |title=Social democracy |encyclopedia=Britannica.com |access-date=12 October 2013}}</ref>{{sfnp|Newman|2005|p=}} It asserts that the only acceptable constitutional form of government is ] under the rule of law.{{sfnp|Meyer|2013|p=91}} It promotes extending democratic decision-making beyond political democracy to include ] to guarantee employees and other economic stakeholders sufficient rights of ].{{sfnp|Meyer|2013|p=91}} It supports a ] that opposes inequality, poverty and oppression while rejecting both a totally unregulated ] or a fully ].<ref>{{cite book |last=Colby |first=Ira Christopher |editor1-last=Dulmus |editor1-first=Catherine N. |editor2-last=Sowers |editor2-first=Karen M. |title=Connecting social welfare policy to fields of practice |date=2013 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1118177006 |oclc=827894277 |page=29}}</ref> Common social democratic policies include universal social rights and universally accessible public services such as education, health care, workers' compensation and other services, including child care and elder care.{{sfnp|Meyer|2013|p=137}} Socialist child care and elderly care systems allow citizens to take a more active role in building a socialist society, especially women.<ref>{{Cite web |last=ariana |date=2024-03-19 |title=Interrupted Emancipation: Women and Work in East Germany |url=https://thetricontinental.org/dossier-74-women-in-the-german-democratic-republic/ |access-date=2024-11-12 |website=Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research |language=en}}</ref> Social democracy supports the trade union labour movement and supports collective bargaining rights for workers.<ref>{{cite book |last=Upchurch |first=Martin |title=The crisis of social democratic trade unionism in Western Europe: the search for alternatives |date=2016 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1315615141 |oclc=948604973 |page=51}}</ref> Most social democratic parties are affiliated with the ].{{sfnp|Busky|2000|p=8}} | |||
Modern democratic socialism is a broad political movement that seeks to promote the ideals of socialism within the context of a democratic system. Some democratic socialists support social democracy as a temporary measure to reform the current system while others reject reformism in favour of more revolutionary methods. Modern social democracy emphasises a program of gradual legislative modification of capitalism to make it more equitable and humane while the theoretical end goal of building a socialist society is relegated to the indefinite future. According to ], Marxism is loosely held to be valuable for its emphasis on changing the world for a more just, better future.<ref>{{cite book |last=Berman |first=Sheri |date=2006 |title=The Primacy of Politics: Social Democracy and the Making of Europe's Twentieth Century |publisher=] |page=153 |isbn=978-0521817998}}</ref> | |||
The Socialist Republic of Vietnam has adopted a similar model after the ] economic renovation, but slightly differs from the Chinese model in that the Vietnamese government retains firm control over the state sector and strategic industries, but allows for private-sector activity in commodity production.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.vietnamembassy-usa.org/news/story.php?d=20031117235404 |title=VN Embassy : Socialist-oriented market economy: concept and development soluti |publisher=Vietnamembassy-usa.org |date=17 November 2003 |accessdate=2 June 2010}}</ref> | |||
The two movements are widely similar both in terminology and in ideology, although there are a few key differences. The major difference between social democracy and democratic socialism is the object of their politics in that contemporary social democrats support a welfare state and unemployment insurance as well as other practical, progressive reforms of capitalism and are more concerned to administrate and humanise it. On the other hand, democratic socialists seek to replace capitalism with a socialist economic system, arguing that any attempt to humanise capitalism through regulations and welfare policies would distort the market and create economic contradictions.<ref>{{cite web |last=Schweickart |first=David |title=Democratic Socialism |website=Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice|year=2006|url=http://orion.it.luc.edu/~dschwei/demsoc.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120617235335/http://orion.it.luc.edu/~dschwei/demsoc.htm |archive-date=17 June 2012}} "Social democrats supported and tried to strengthen the basic institutions of the welfare state—pensions for all, public health care, public education, unemployment insurance. They supported and tried to strengthen the labour movement. The latter, as socialists, argued that capitalism could never be sufficiently humanised, and that trying to suppress the economic contradictions in one area would only see them emerge in a different guise elsewhere. (E.g., if you push unemployment too low, you'll get inflation; if job security is too strong, labour discipline breaks down; etc.)"</ref> | |||
==Social and political theory== | |||
In this context, ''socialism'' has been used to refer to a ], a ] and a hypothetical form of society these movements aim to achieve. As a result, in a political context socialism has come to refer to the strategy (for achieving a socialist society) or policies promoted by socialist organisations and socialist political parties; all of which have no connection to socialism as a socioeconomic system. | |||
=== Ethical and liberal socialism === | |||
===Marxism=== | |||
{{main|Ethical socialism|Liberal socialism}} | |||
{{Main|Marxism|Socialist mode of production}} | |||
], founder of ethical socialism]] | |||
{{quotation|<small>At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or – this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms – with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure.</small> – Karl Marx, '']''<ref name="ReferenceA"/>}} | |||
Ethical socialism appeals to socialism on ethical and moral grounds as opposed to economic, egoistic, and consumeristic grounds. It emphasizes the need for a morally conscious economy based upon the principles of altruism, cooperation, and social justice while opposing possessive individualism.{{sfnp|Thompson|2006|pp=52, 58–59}} Ethical socialism has been the official philosophy of mainstream socialist parties.{{sfnmp|1a1=Orlow|1y=2000|1p=190|2a1=Tansey|2a2=Jackson|2y=2008|2p=97}} | |||
Liberal socialism incorporates liberal principles to socialism.{{sfnp|Gaus|Kukathas|2004|p=420}} It has been compared to ]<ref name="Adams1998">{{cite book |last=Adams |first=Ian |title=Ideology and Politics in Britain Today |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_7t714alm68C&pg=PA127 |year=1998 |publisher=Manchester University Press |isbn=978-0719050565 |page=127 |via=]}}</ref> for its support of a ] that includes both public and private capital goods.<ref>{{cite book |last=Pugliese |first=Stanislao G. |title=Carlo Rosselli: socialist heretic and antifascist exile |date=1999 |publisher=] |oclc=1029276342 |page=99}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Thompson |first=Noel W. |title=Political economy and the Labour Party: the economics of democratic socialism 1884–2005 |date=2006 |publisher=] |oclc=300363066 |pages=60–61}}</ref> While ] and ] are ] positions insofar as ] is linked to the ] of the ],{{sfnp|Lamb|Docherty|2006|pp=1–2}} liberal socialism identifies artificial and legalistic monopolies to be the fault of ]<ref>{{cite book |last=Bartlett |first=Roland W. |title=The success of modern private enterprise |date=1970 |publisher=The Interstate Printers and Publishers |oclc=878037469 |page=32 |quote=Liberal socialism, for example, is unequivocally in favour of the free market economy and of freedom of action for the individual and recognises in legalistic and artificial monopolies the real evils of capitalism.}}</ref> and opposes an entirely unregulated ].<ref name=ref72>{{cite book |last=Bastow |first=Steve |title=Third way discourse: European ideologies in the twentieth century |date=2003 |publisher=] |isbn=0748615601 |oclc=899035345}}</ref> It considers both ] and ] to be compatible and mutually dependent.{{sfnp|Gaus|Kukathas|2004|p=420}} | |||
] | |||
Principles that can be described as ethical or liberal socialist have been based upon or developed by philosophers such as ], ], ], ], ], and ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Urbinati |first1=Nadia |last2=Zakaras |first2=Alex |title=J.S. Mill's political thought: a bicentennial reassessment |date=2007 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0511274725 |oclc=252535635 |page=101}}</ref> Other important liberal socialist figures include Guido Calogero, ], ], ] and ].<ref name=ref72/> Liberal socialism has been particularly prominent in British and Italian politics.<ref name=ref72/> | |||
] and ] argued that socialism would emerge from historical necessity as capitalism rendered itself obsolete and unsustainable from increasing internal contradictions emerging from the development of the ] and technology. It was these advances in the productive forces combined with the old ] of capitalism that would generate contradictions, leading to working-class consciousness.<ref name="ComparingEconomic">''Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century'', 2003, by Gregory and Stuart. p. 62, ''Marx's Theory of Change''. ISBN 0-618-26181-8.</ref> | |||
=== Leninism and precedents === | |||
Marx and Engels held the view that the consciousness of those who earn a wage or salary (the working class in the broadest Marxist sense) would be moulded by their conditions of ], leading to a tendency to seek their freedom or ] by overthrowing ownership of the means of production by capitalists, and consequently, overthrowing the state that upheld this economic order. For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a ] in which the ]. | |||
{{main|Authoritarian socialism|Blanquism|Leninism|Trotskyism|Marxism–Leninism}} | |||
] in 1920]] | |||
Blanquism is a conception of revolution named for ]. It holds that socialist revolution should be carried out by a relatively small group of highly organised and secretive conspirators.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.wisdomsupreme.com/dictionary/blanquism.php |publisher=WisdomSupreme.com |title=Definition of Blanquism |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170629144204/http://www.wisdomsupreme.com/dictionary/blanquism.php |archive-date=29 June 2017 |url-status=usurped |access-date=25 April 2007}}</ref> Upon seizing power, the revolutionaries introduce socialism.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.newyouth.com/archives/theory/glossary/b.html#Blanquism |website=NewYouth.com |title=entry for Blanquism |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080821163359/http://www.newyouth.com/archives/theory/glossary/b.html#Blanquism |archive-date=21 August 2008 |access-date=25 April 2007}}</ref> ] and ]<ref name="bern">{{cite book |first=Vladimir |last=Lenin |author-link=Vladimir Lenin |chapter=The Vulgarisation of Marxism by Opportunists |chapter-url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch06.htm#s2 |title=] |year=1917 |via=]}}</ref> criticised Lenin, stating that his conception of revolution was elitist and Blanquist.<ref>Rosa Luxemburg as part of a longer section on Blanquism in her '']'' (later published as ''Leninism or Marxism?''), writes: "For Lenin, the difference between the ] and Blanquism is reduced to the observation that in place of a handful of conspirators we have a class-conscious proletariat. He forgets that this difference implies a complete revision of our ideas on organisation and, therefore, an entirely different conception of centralism and the relations existing between the party and the struggle itself. Blanquism did not count on the ] of the working class. It, therefore, did not need to organise the people for the revolution. The people were expected to play their part only at the moment of revolution. Preparation for the revolution concerned only the little group of revolutionists armed for the coup. Indeed, to assure the success of the revolutionary conspiracy, it was considered wiser to keep the mass at some distance from the conspirators. Rosa Luxemburg, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110927072108/http://www.marx.org/archive/luxemburg/1904/questions-rsd/ch01.htm |date=27 September 2011}}, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110928115854/http://marx.org/ |date=28 September 2011}}, last retrieved 25 April 2007</ref> Marxism–Leninism combines Marx's ] concepts and Lenin's ], ], ]<ref>''Marxism–Leninism''. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company.</ref> and the principle of "]".<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://marx.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch05.htm#s3, |title=Vladimir Lenin, ''The State and Revolution'' |access-date=2007-11-30 |archive-date=2011-09-28 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110928115838/http://marx.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch05.htm#s3, |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
] defined ] as the philosophy which employs an elite ] to run the ]. The other side of socialism is a more democratic ].<ref name="Two Souls">{{cite book |last=Draper |first=Hal |year=1970 |orig-date=1963 |url=http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/contemp/pamsetc/twosouls/twosouls.htm |title=Two Souls of Socialism |edition=revised |location=Highland Park, Michigan |publisher=International Socialists |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160120133501/http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/contemp/pamsetc/twosouls/twosouls.htm |archive-date=20 January 2016 |access-date=20 January 2016}}</ref> The idea of socialism from above is much more frequently discussed in elite circles than socialism from below—even if that is the Marxist ideal—because it is more practical.<ref>Young, James D. (1988). ''Socialism Since 1889: A Biographical History''. Totowa: Barnes & Noble Books. {{ISBN|978-0389208136}}.</ref> Draper viewed socialism from below as being the purer, more ] version of socialism.<ref>{{cite book |last=Young |first=James D. |title=Socialism Since 1889: A Biographical History |date=1988 |publisher=] |location=Totowa |isbn=978-0389208136}}</ref> According to Draper, ] and ] were devoutly opposed to any socialist institution that was "conducive to superstitious authoritarianism". Draper makes the argument that this division echoes the division between "reformist or revolutionary, peaceful or violent, democratic or authoritarian, etc." and further identifies six major varieties of socialism from above, among them "Philanthropism", "Elitism", "Pannism", "Communism", "Permeationism" and "Socialism-from-Outside".<ref>{{cite book |last=Draper |first=Hal |year=1970 |orig-date=1963 |url=http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/contemp/pamsetc/twosouls/twosouls.htm |title=Two Souls of Socialism |edition=revised |location=Highland Park, Michigan |publisher=International Socialists |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160120133501/http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/contemp/pamsetc/twosouls/twosouls.htm |archive-date=20 January 2016 |access-date=20 January 2016 |quote=We have mentioned several cases of this conviction that socialism is the business of a new ruling minority, non-capitalist in nature and therefore guaranteed pure, imposing its own domination either temporarily (for a mere historical era) or even permanently. In either case, this new ruling class is likely to see its goal as an Education Dictatorship over the masses—to Do Them Good, of course—the dictatorship being exercised by an elite party which suppresses all control from below, or by benevolent despots or Savior-Leaders of some kind, or by Shaw's "Supermen," by eugenic manipulators, by Proudhon's "anarchist" managers or Saint-Simon's technocrats or their more modern equivalents—with up-to-date terms and new verbal screens which can be hailed as fresh social theory as against "nineteenth-century Marxism.}}</ref> | |||
The Marxist conception of socialism is that of a specific historical phase that will displace capitalism and precede communism. The major characteristics of socialism (particularly as conceived by Marx and Engels after the ] of 1871) are that the ] will control the means of production through a ] erected by the workers in their interests. Economic activity would still be organised through the use of incentive systems and social classes would still exist, but to a lesser and diminishing extent than under capitalism. | |||
According to Arthur Lipow, Marx and Engels were "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism", described as a form of "socialism from below" that is "based on a mass working-class movement, fighting from below for the extension of democracy and human freedom". This ] is contrasted to that of the "authoritarian, anti-democratic creed" and "the various totalitarian collectivist ideologies which claim the title of socialism" as well as "the many varieties of 'socialism from above' which have led in the twentieth century to movements and state forms in which a despotic ']' rules over a stratified economy in the name of socialism", a division that "runs through the history of the socialist movement". Lipow identifies ] and ] as two prominent authoritarian socialist currents within the history of the socialist movement.<ref>{{cite book |last=Lipow |first=Arthur |date=1991 |title=Authoritarian Socialism in America: Edward Bellamy and the Nationalist Movement |publisher=] |pages=1 |isbn=978-0520075436}}</ref> | |||
Trotsky viewed himself to be an adherent of Leninism but opposed the ] and authoritarian methods of Stalin.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Löwy |first1=Michael |last2=Le Blanc |first2=Paul |title=Lenin and Trotsky |journal=The Palgrave Handbook of Leninist Political Philosophy |date=2018 |pages=231–256 |doi=10.1057/978-1-137-51650-3_7 |url=https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/978-1-137-51650-3_7 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-1-137-51649-7 |language=en}}</ref> A number of scholars and Western socialists have regarded Leon Trotsky as a ] ] rather than a forerunner to Stalin with particular emphasis drawn to his activities in the ] and as leader of the ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Daniels |first1=Robert V. |title=The Rise and Fall of Communism in Russia |date=1 October 2008 |publisher=Yale University Press |page=1889 |isbn=978-0-300-13493-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=27JGzAoMLjoC |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Barnett |first1=Vincent |title=A History of Russian Economic Thought |date=7 March 2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-26191-8 |page=101 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=s71uK9sB27AC&dq=Trotsky+alternative+historians&pg=PA101 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rogovin |first1=Vadim Zakharovich |title=Was There an Alternative? Trotskyism: a Look Back Through the Years |date=2021 |publisher=Mehring Books |isbn=978-1-893638-97-6 |pages=1–15 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Day |first1=Richard B. |title=The Blackmail of the Single Alternative: Bukharin, Trotsky and Perestrojka |journal=Studies in Soviet Thought |date=1990 |volume=40 |issue=1/3 |pages=159–188 |doi=10.1007/BF00818977 |jstor=20100543 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/20100543 |issn=0039-3797}}</ref> More specifically, Trotsky advocated for a ] form of economic planning,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Twiss |first1=Thomas M. |title=Trotsky and the Problem of Soviet Bureaucracy |date=8 May 2014 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-26953-8 |pages=105–106 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3o2fAwAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+decentralized+planning&pg=PA106 |language=en}}</ref> mass ] ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Wiles |first1=Peter |title=The Soviet Economy on the Brink of Reform: Essays in Honor of Alec Nove |date=14 June 2023 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-1-000-88190-5 |pages=25–40 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mHAIEQAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+concentration+camp+stalinism&pg=PA25 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Knei-Paz |first1=Baruch |title=The social and political thought of Leon Trotsky |date=1978 |location=Oxford |publisher= Clarendon Press |isbn=978-0-19-827233-5 |pages=207–215|url=https://archive.org/details/socialpoliticalt0000knei/page/300/mode/2up?q=proletarian+culture}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Mandel |first1=Ernest |title=Trotsky as Alternative |date=5 May 2020 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78960-701-7 |pages=84–86 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xVmcEAAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+as+alternative+mandel&pg=PT80 |language=en}}</ref>],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Wiles |first1=Peter |title=The Soviet Economy on the Brink of Reform: Essays in Honor of Alec Nove |date=14 June 2023 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=978-1-000-88190-5 |page=31 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mHAIEQAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+legalization+of+soviet+parties+worker+control+of+production&pg=PA31 |language=en}}</ref> elected representation of Soviet ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |pages=293 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky+the+prophet |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |title=The Revolution Betrayed: What is the Soviet Union and where is it Going? |date=1991 |publisher=Mehring Books |isbn=978-0-929087-48-1 |page=218 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hiCYS9Z3lDoC |language=en}}</ref> the tactic of a ] against far-right parties,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ticktin |first1=Hillel |title=Trotsky's political economy of capitalism. Brotherstone, Terence; Dukes, Paul,(eds) |date=1992 |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=978-0-7486-0317-6 |page=227}}</ref> | |||
For orthodox Marxists, socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, ]" while upper stage communism is based on the principle of "]"; the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services.<ref name="KS">{{cite book |last=Schaff |first=Kory |title=Philosophy and the problems of work: a reader |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |location=Lanham, Md |year=2001 |pages= |isbn=0-7425-0795-5}}</ref><ref name="WA">{{cite book |last=Walicki |first=Andrzej |title=Marxism and the leap to the kingdom of freedom: the rise and fall of the Communist utopia |publisher=Stanford University Press |location=Stanford, Calif |year=1995 |isbn=0-8047-2384-2 |page=95}}</ref> | |||
] autonomy for artistic movements,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Eagleton |first1=Terry |title=Marxism and Literary Criticism |date=7 March 2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-94783-6 |page=20 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=h7k8t09BbIQC&q=trotsky+literature+and+revolution+socialist+realism |language=en}}</ref> voluntary ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Beilharz |first1=Peter |title=Trotsky, Trotskyism and the Transition to Socialism |date=19 November 2019 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-000-70651-2 |pages=1–206 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Lfe-DwAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+widely+acknowledged+collectivisation&pg=PT196 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rubenstein |first1=Joshua |title=Leon Trotsky : a revolutionary's life |date=2011 |publisher=New Haven : Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-13724-8 |page=161 |url=https://archive.org/details/leontrotskyrevol0000rube/page/160/mode/2up?q=forced+collectivization}}</ref> a ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Löwy |first1=Michael |title=The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx |date=2005 |publisher=Haymarket Books |isbn=978-1-931859-19-6 |page=191 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gSrvmQeZyhoC&dq=trotsky+transitional+program&pg=PA191 |language=en}}</ref> and socialist ].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Cox |first1=Michael |title=Trotsky and His Interpreters; or, Will the Real Leon Trotsky Please Stand up? |journal=The Russian Review |date=1992 |volume=51 |issue=1 |pages=84–102 |doi=10.2307/131248 |jstor=131248 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/131248}}</ref> | |||
Several scholars state that in practice, the Soviet model functioned as a form of ].<ref name="Chomsky 1986">{{cite journal |last=Chomsky |first=Noam |author-link=Noam Chomsky |date=Spring–Summer 1986 |title=The Soviet Union Versus Socialism |url=https://chomsky.info/1986____/ |journal=] |access-date=10 June 2020 |via=Chomsky.info}}</ref><ref name="State Capitalism in the Soviet Union, 2001">{{cite journal |last1=Howard |first1=M. C. |last2=King |first2=J. E. |date=2001 |title=State Capitalism' in the Soviet Union |url=http://www.hetsa.org.au/pdf/34-A-08.pdf |journal=History of Economics Review |volume=34 |issue=1 |pages=110–126 |doi=10.1080/10370196.2001.11733360 |s2cid=42809979 |access-date=17 December 2015 |archive-date=28 July 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190728140836/https://www.hetsa.org.au/pdf/34-A-08.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="Fitzgibbons 2002">{{cite web |last=Fitzgibbons |first=Daniel J. |date=11 October 2002 |title=USSR strayed from communism, say Economics professors |url=https://www.umass.edu/pubaffs/chronicle/archives/02/10-11/economics.html |access-date=22 September 2021 |website=The Campus Chronicle |publisher=]}} See also {{cite web |last=Wolff |first=Richard D. |author-link=Richard D. Wolff |date=27 June 2015 |title=Socialism Means Abolishing the Distinction Between Bosses and Employees |url=https://truthout.org/articles/socialism-means-abolishing-the-distinction-between-bosses-and-employees/ |access-date=29 January 2020 |website=] |archive-date=11 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180311070639/http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/31567-socialism-means-abolishing-the-distinction-between-bosses-and-employees |url-status=}}</ref> | |||
Marx argued that the material productive forces (in industry and commerce) brought into existence by capitalism predicated a cooperative society since production had become a mass social, collective activity of the working class to create commodities but with private ownership (the relations of production or property relations). This conflict between collective effort in large factories and private ownership would bring about a conscious desire in the working class to establish collective ownership commensurate with the collective efforts their daily experience.<ref name="ReferenceA">Karl Marx, Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, 1859</ref> | |||
=== Libertarian socialism === | |||
] and ] sought socialism based on the rural peasantry rather than the urban working class. Che Guevara attempted to inspire the peasants of Bolivia by his own example into a change of consciousness. Guevara said in 1965: | |||
{{main|Libertarian socialism}} | |||
<blockquote> | |||
]'' was ''], Journal du Mouvement Social'', published in New York City between 1858 and 1861 by French ] ],<ref name="theanarchistlibrary">{{cite web |url=http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/The_Anarchist_FAQ_Editorial_Collective__150_years_of_Libertarian.html |title=150 years of Libertarian |website=theanarchistlibrary.org}}</ref> the first recorded person to describe himself as ''libertarian.''<ref name="Dejacque">Joseph Déjacque, (in French)</ref>]] | |||
Socialism cannot exist without a change in consciousness resulting in a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, both at an individual level, within the societies where socialism is being built or has been built, and on a world scale, with regard to all peoples suffering from ] oppression.<ref> speech by ] to the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity in Algiers, Algeria on 24 February 1965</ref></blockquote> | |||
Libertarian socialism, sometimes called ],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bookchin |first1=Murray |author1-link=Murray Bookchin |first2=Janet |last2=Biehl |author2-link=Janet Biehl |title=The Murray Bookchin Reader |publisher=Cassell |date=1997 |page=170 |isbn=0304338737}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Hicks |first1=Steven V. |first2=Daniel E. |last2=Shannon |title=The American journal of economics and sociology |publisher=] |date=2003 |page=612}}</ref> ]<ref name="Ostergaard 1991. p. 21">{{cite encyclopedia |author-link=Geoffrey Ostergaard |last=Ostergaard |first=Geoffrey |title=Anarchism |dictionary=A Dictionary of Marxist Thought |publisher=] |date=1991 |page=21}}</ref><ref name="Noam Chomsky 2004, p. 739">Chomsky, Noam (2004). ''Language and Politics''. In Otero, Carlos Peregrín. ]. p. 739</ref> and ],<ref>Miller, Wilbur R. (2012). ''The social history of crime and punishment in America. An encyclopedia.'' 5 vols. London: ]. p. 1007. {{ISBN|1412988764}}. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and ..."</ref> is an ], ] and ]<ref>"It implies a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs" {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171116212712/http://www.infoshop.org/AnarchistFAQSectionI1#sthash.40vnyElp.dpuf|date=16 November 2017}} at An Anarchist FAQ</ref> tradition within socialism that rejects centralised state ownership and control<ref>"unlike other socialists, they tend to see (to various different degrees, depending on the thinker) to be skeptical of centralised state intervention as the solution to capitalist exploitation..." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." ''Social Philosophy and Policy''. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305</ref> including criticism of ] relationships (])<ref>"Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism" indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly, libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must oppose the state." . {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171116212712/http://www.infoshop.org/AnarchistFAQSectionI1|date=16 November 2017}}. In ''An Anarchist FAQ''.</ref> as well as the state itself.<ref name=":0">"So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and control of the economy, along with the state as such. Through workers' self-management it proposes to bring an end to authority, exploitation, and hierarchy in production." {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171116212712/http://www.infoshop.org/AnarchistFAQSectionI1|date=16 November 2017}} An Anarchist FAQ</ref> It emphasises ] and ] structures of political organisation.<ref name=":0"/><ref>" ...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations. Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." ''Social Philosophy and Policy''. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305</ref> Libertarian socialism asserts that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control production.<ref>Mendes, Silva. ''Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo'' Vol. 1 (1896): "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of ] (while retaining respect for ]) and ] by abolition of ]".</ref> Libertarian socialists generally prefer ] and ] or ] associations such as ], ], trade unions and ]s.<ref>"...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local, voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations-sometimes as a complement to and check on state power..."</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Rocker |first=Rudolf |title=Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice |page=65 |year=2004 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1902593920}}</ref> | |||
Anarcho-syndicalist ] explained: | |||
===Evolutionary and Institutional economics=== | |||
], a leading American ] and ], argued that a subset of the working-class, the technical specialists and engineers, would become the driving force behind socioeconomic change within capitalism. There is an antagonism between industry and business, where industry refers to the process of producing goods and services and business is defined as the process of "making money". Thorstein Veblen saw socialism as an immediate stage in an ongoing evolutionary process in economics that would result from the natural decay of the system of business enterprise. In contrast to Marx, he did not believe socialism would be the result of political struggle or political revolution by the working class as a whole and did not believe it to be the ultimate goal of humanity.<ref>The life of Thorstein Veblen and perspectives on his thought, | |||
{{Cite book | |||
|last= Wood |first= John |others= introd. Thorstein Veblen | |||
|title= The life of Thorstein Veblen and perspectives on his thought | |||
|edition= |series= | |||
|year= 1993 |origyear= | |||
|publisher=Routledge |location= New York |isbn= 0-415-07487-8 |oclc= |chapter= |chapterurl= | |||
|quote=The decisive difference between Marx and Veblen lay in their respective attitudes on socialism. For while Marx regarded socialism as the ultimate goal for civilisation, Veblen saw socialism as but one stage in the economic evolution of society.|ref= p. 369 |bibcode= |laysummary= |laydate=}}</ref> But like Marx, Veblen saw technology as the underlying force driving social change. | |||
{{Blockquote|We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. ... In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion".<ref>Leval, Gaston (1959). . Libcom.org. Retrieved 22 August 2020.</ref>}} | |||
] viewed intellectuals and the intelligentsia as the group within society that would gradually move society toward socialism. Socialism would be partially a result of socio-economic evolution, the growth of workers' self-management, industrial democracy and social planning, and partially from political pressure on the part of intellectuals in Western society.<ref>John Medearis, "Schumpeter, the New Deal, and Democracy", ''The American Political Science Review'', 1997.</ref> | |||
All of this is typically done within a general call for ]<ref>{{cite journal |quote=LibSoc share with LibCap an aversion to any interference to freedom of thought, expression or choice of lifestyle. |first=Roderick T. |last=Long |title=Toward a libertarian theory of class |journal=Social Philosophy and Policy |volume=15 |issue=2 |date=Summer 1998 |page=305 |doi=10.1017/S0265052500002028 |s2cid=145150666}}</ref> and ] ]<ref>"What is implied by the term 'libertarian socialism'?: The idea that socialism is first and foremost about freedom and therefore about overcoming the domination, repression, and alienation that block the free flow of human creativity, thought, and action...An approach to socialism that incorporates cultural revolution, women's and children's liberation, and the critique and transformation of daily life, as well as the more traditional concerns of socialist politics. A politics that is completely revolutionary because it seeks to transform all of reality. We do not think that capturing the economy and the state lead automatically to the transformation of the rest of social being, nor do we equate liberation with changing our life-styles and our heads. Capitalism is a total system that invades all areas of life: socialism must be the overcoming of capitalist reality in its entirety, or it is nothing." "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of ''The Red Menace''.</ref> through the identification, criticism and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of human life.<ref name="auto">{{cite book |last=Goldman |first=Emma |title=] |chapter=What it Really Stands for Anarchy |quote=Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations. |author-link=Emma Goldman}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=The Soviet Union Versus Socialism |url=http://chomsky.info/1986____/ |website=chomsky.info |access-date=22 November 2015 |quote=Libertarian socialism, furthermore, does not limit its aims to democratic control by producers over production, but seeks to abolish all forms of domination and hierarchy in every aspect of social and personal life, an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.}}</ref>{{sfnp|McLaughlin|2007|p=1|ps= "Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."}} | |||
===Role of the state=== | |||
Socialists have taken different perspectives on the ] and the role it should play in revolutionary struggles, in constructing socialism, and within an established socialist economy. | |||
As part of the larger socialist movement, it seeks to distinguish itself from Bolshevism, Leninism and Marxism–Leninism as well as social democracy.<ref>{{cite book |quote=It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west. |first=John |last=O'Neil |title=The Market: Ethics, knowledge and politics |publisher=] |date=1998 |page=3}}</ref> Past and present political philosophies and movements commonly described as libertarian socialist include ] (], ],{{citation needed|date=January 2023}} ], ]<ref>"] referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism." ''An Anarchist FAQ'' by Various Authors</ref><ref>French individualist anarchist Émile Armand shows clearly opposition to capitalism and centralised economies when he said that the individualist anarchist "inwardly he remains refractory—fatally refractory—morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)"</ref><ref>Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the United States "of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist"</ref> and ]),<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.mutualist.org/id32.html |title=A.4. Are Mutalists Socialists? |website=mutualist.org |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090609075437/http://www.mutualist.org/id32.html |archive-date=9 June 2009}}</ref> ], ], participism, ] (] and ]),<ref>{{cite book |first=Murray |last=Bookchin |author-link=Murray Bookchin |title=Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism}}</ref><ref name="Graham-2005">{{cite book |author-link=Robert Graham (historian) |first=Robert |last=Graham |title=The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution}}</ref> ] and ] (]).<ref>Kent Bromley, in his preface to Peter Kropotkin's book ''The Conquest of Bread'', considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of Babeuf and Buonarroti." ]. ''The Conquest of Bread'', preface by Kent Bromley, New York and London, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.</ref> | |||
In the 19th century the philosophy of state socialism was first explicitly expounded by the German political philosopher ]. In contrast to Karl Marx’s perspective of the state, Lassalle rejected the concept of the state as a class-based power structure whose main function was to preserve existing class structures. Thus Lassalle also rejected the Marxist view that the state was destined to “wither away”. Lassalle considered the state to be an entity independent of class allegiances and an instrument of justice that would therefore be essential for achieving socialism.{{Sfn | Berlau | 1949 | p = 21}} | |||
=== Religious socialism === | |||
Preceding the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, many socialists including ], ] currents such as council communism and the Mensheviks, Anarchists and Libertarian socialists criticised the idea of using the state to conduct central planning and own the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Following the victory of Leninism in Russia, the idea of "]" spread rapidly throughout the socialist movement, and eventually "state socialism" came to be identified with the ].<ref>An Outline on the History of Economic Thought, | |||
{{main|Religious socialism}} | |||
{{Cite book | |||
] is a broad concept involving an intertwining of Christian religion with socialism.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Leech |first1=Kenneth |author1-link=Kenneth Leech |year=2000 |chapter=Socialism |editor1-last=Hastings |editor1-first=Adrian |editor1-link=Adrian Hastings |editor2-last=Mason |editor2-first=Alistair |editor3-last=Pyper |editor3-first=Hugh |title=The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hast |chapter-url-access=limited |location=Oxford |publisher=] |pages= |isbn=978-0-19-860024-4 |access-date=8 August 2018 |url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordcompaniont00hast/page/676}}</ref> | |||
|last= Screpanti and Zamagni|first= |others= | |||
|title= An Outline on the History of Economic Thought | |||
|edition= 2nd |series= | |||
|year= 2005 |origyear= | |||
|publisher=Oxford |location= |isbn= |oclc= |chapter= |chapterurl= | |||
|quote= It should not be forgotten, however, that in the period of the Second International, some of the reformist currents of Marxism, as well as some of the extreme left-wing ones, not to speak of the anarchist groups, had already criticised the view that State ownership and central planning is the best road to socialism. But with the victory of Leninism in Russia, all dissent was silenced, and socialism became identified with ‘democratic centralism’, ‘central planning’, and State ownership of the means of production.|ref= p. 295 |bibcode= |laysummary= |laydate=}}</ref> | |||
].]] | |||
Joseph Schumpeter rejected the association of socialism (and social ownership) with state ownership over the means of production, because the state as it exists in its current form is a product of capitalist society and cannot be transplanted to a different institutional framework. Schumpeter argued that there would be different institutions within socialism than those that exist within modern capitalism, just as ] had its own distinct and unique institutional forms. The state, along with concepts like ] and taxation were concepts exclusive to commercial society (capitalism) and attempting to place them within the context of a future socialist society would amount to a distortion of these concepts by using them out of context<ref>{{cite book |last= Schumpeter|first= Joseph |title= Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy |publisher= Harper Perennial|year= 2008|isbn= 978-0-06-156161-0|page = 169|quote=But there are still others (concepts and institutions) which by virtue of their nature cannot stand transplantation and always carry the flavor of a particular institutional framework. It is extremely dangerous, in fact it amounts to a distortion of historical description, to use them beyond the social world or culture whose denizens they are. Now ownership or property – also, so I believe, taxation – are such denizens of the world of commercial society, exactly as knights and fiefs are denizens of the feudal world. But so is the state (a denizen of commercial society).}}</ref> | |||
] is a more ] form of socialism. Muslim socialists believe that the teachings of the ] and ] are not only compatible with, but actively promoting the principles of ] and ], drawing inspiration from the early ] he established. Muslim socialists are more conservative than their Western contemporaries and find their roots in ], ]<ref name="Reid 1974">{{cite journal |last=Reid |first=Donald M. |title=The Syrian Christians and Early Socialism in the Arab World |journal=] |volume=5 |number=2 |date=1974 |pages=177–193 |doi=10.1017/S0020743800027811 |jstor=162588 |s2cid=161942887}}</ref><ref name=paracha>{{cite web |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/787645/islamic-socialism-a-history-from-left-to-right |title=Islamic Socialism: A history from left to right |last=Paracha |first=Nadeem F. |author-link=Nadeem F. Paracha |date=21 February 2013 |website=] |access-date=21 November 2020}}</ref> and sometimes, if in an Arab speaking country, ]. Islamic socialists believe in deriving legitimacy from political ] as opposed to religious texts. | |||
=== Social movements === | |||
===Utopian versus scientific=== | |||
{{ |
{{main|Eco-socialism|Socialism and LGBT rights|Socialist feminism}} | ||
{{see also|Anarcha-feminism|Anarcho-naturism|Environmentalism|Green anarchism|Green politics|Progressivism|Queer anarchism}} | |||
Utopian socialism is a term used to define the first currents of modern socialist thought as exemplified by the work of ], ], and ], which inspired ] and other early socialists.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/synopsis.html| title=Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism| publisher=Public Broadcasting System| accessdate=December 15, 2011}}</ref> However, visions of imaginary ideal societies, which competed with revolutionary social-democratic movements, were viewed as not being grounded in the material conditions of society and as reactionary.<ref name=Draper>{{cite book |last=Draper|first=Hal|title=Karl Marx's Theory of Revolution, Volume IV: Critique of Other Socialisms|year=1990|publisher=Monthly Review Press|location=New York|isbn=978-0853457985 |pages=1–21}}</ref> Although it is technically possible for any set of ideas or any person living at any time in history to be a utopian socialist, the term is most often applied to those socialists who lived in the first quarter of the 19th century who were ascribed the label "utopian" by later socialists as a negative term, in order to imply naivete and dismiss their ideas as fanciful or unrealistic.<ref name="SocialismAVeryShortIntroduction"/> | |||
] and Rosa Luxemburg in 1910]] | |||
Socialist feminism is a branch of ] that argues that ] can only be achieved by working to end both economic and ] sources of women's ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.feministezine.com/feminist/modern/Socialist-Feminism.html |title=What is Socialist Feminism? – The Feminist eZine |website=www.feministezine.com |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref> ]'s foundation was laid by Engels in '']'' (1884). ]'s ''Woman under Socialism'' (1879), is the "single work dealing with sexuality most widely read by rank-and-file members of the ] (SPD)".<ref>{{cite journal |date=23 September 2003 |title=Acknowledgments |journal=] |volume=45 |issue=2–4 |pages=xxvii–xxviii |doi=10.1300/j082v45n02_a |s2cid=216113584 |issn=0091-8369}}</ref> In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, both ] and ] were against the ] of men and supported a ] revolution that would overcome as many male-female inequalities as possible.<ref name=Stokes>{{cite book |last=Stokes |first=John |title=Eleanor Marx (1855–1898): Life, Work, Contacts |year=2000 |publisher=] |location=Aldershot |isbn=978-0754601135}}</ref> As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/draper/1976/women/3-zetkin.html |title=Clara Zetkin: On a Bourgeois Feminist Petition |website=] |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/zetkin/1920/lenin/zetkin1.htm |title=Clara Zetkin: Lenin on the Women's Question |website=] |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref> and ],<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/kollonta/1909/social-basis.htm |title=The Social Basis of the Woman Question by Alexandra Kollontai 1909 |website=] |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/kollonta/1919/women-workers/ch01.htm |title=Women Workers Struggle For Their Rights by Alexandra Kollontai 1919 |website=] |access-date=20 April 2020}}</ref> counterposed Marxism against ] rather than trying to combine them. Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th- and early 20th-century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Goldman and ].<ref>{{cite book |title=Quiet rumours: an anarcha-feminist reader |date=2012 |publisher=]/Dark Star |isbn=978-1849351034 |oclc=835894204 |editor-last=Dunbar-Ortiz |editor-first=Roxanne |editor-link=Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz |page=9}}</ref> In the ], an anarcha-feminist group, {{lang|es|]}} ("Free Women") linked to the {{lang|es|]}}, organised to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.<ref>{{cite book |last=Ackelsberg |first=Martha A. |author-link=Martha Ackelsberg |title=] |date=2005 |publisher=] |isbn=1902593960 |oclc=884001264}}</ref> In 1972, the ] published "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement", which is believed to be the first published use of the term "socialist feminism".<ref name="CWLUOver">{{cite web |last1=Davenport |first1=Sue |last2=Strobel |first2=Margaret |year=1999 |title=The Chicago Women's Liberation Union: An Introduction |website=The CWLU Herstory Website |publisher=] |url=http://www.uic.edu/orgs/cwluherstory/CWLUAbout/abdoc1.html |access-date=25 November 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111104090301/http://www.uic.edu/orgs/cwluherstory/CWLUAbout/abdoc1.html |archive-date=4 November 2011}}</ref> | |||
], philosopher and activist who was instrumental in the foundation of the ] and the ] as well as in the early ] western movements]] | |||
Religious sects whose members live communally, such as the ], for example, are not usually called "utopian socialists", although their way of living is a prime example. They have been categorised as ] by some. Likewise, modern ] based on socialist ideas could also be categorised as "utopian socialist". | |||
Many socialists were early advocates of ]. For early socialist ], true freedom could only occur without suppressing passions, as the suppression of passions is not only destructive to the individual, but to society as a whole. Writing before the advent of the term "homosexuality", Fourier recognised that both men and women have a wide range of sexual needs and preferences which may change throughout their lives, including same-sex sexuality and ''androgénité''. He argued that all sexual expressions should be enjoyed as long as people are not abused and that "affirming one's difference" can actually enhance social integration.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Desbazeille |first=Michèle Madonna |date=1990 |title=Le Nouveau Monde amoureux de Charles Fourier: une écriture passionnée de la rencontre |language=fr |trans-title=The New World in Love with Charles Fourier: A Passionate Writing of the Encounter |journal=Romantisme |volume=20 |issue=68 |pages=97–110 |doi=10.3406/roman.1990.6129 |issn=0048-8593}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Charles |last=Fourier |author-link=Charles Fourier |title=Le Nouveau Monde amoureux |language=fr |trans-title=The New World of Love |orig-date=1816–1818 |date=1967 |location=Paris |publisher=] |pages=389, 391, 429, 458, 459, 462, and 463}}</ref> In ]'s '']'', he advocates an ] society where wealth is shared by all, while warning of the dangers of social systems that crush individuality.<ref>{{cite book |last=McKenna |first=Neil |url={{google books|plainurl=y|id=giD2qu4C-sUC}} |title=The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde |year=2009 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0786734924}} According to McKenna, Wilde was part of a secret organisation that aimed to legalise homosexuality, and was known among the group as a leader of "the Cause".</ref> ] actively campaigned for homosexual rights. His work '']: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women'' was a 1908 book arguing for ].<ref>{{cite book |last=Flood |first=Michael |author-link=Michael Flood |title=International encyclopedia of men and masculinities |date=2013 |publisher=]|isbn=978-0415864541 |oclc=897581763 |page=315}}</ref> who was an influential personality in the foundation of the ] and the ]. After the ] under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, the Soviet Union abolished previous laws against homosexuality.<ref>{{cite book |first=Paul |last=Russell |title=The Gay 100: A Ranking of the Most Influential Gay Men and Lesbians, Past and Present |url={{google books|plainurl=y|id=jACXalmJ3nEC|page=124}} |year=2002 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0758201003 |page=124}}</ref> ] was an early leader in the American LGBT rights movement as well as a member of the ]. He is known for his involvement in the founding of gay organisations, including the ], the first sustained gay rights group in the United States which in its early days reflected a strong Marxist influence. The ''Encyclopedia of Homosexuality'' reports that "s Marxists the founders of the group believed that the injustice and oppression which they suffered stemmed from relationships deeply embedded in the structure of American society".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://williamapercy.com/images/Mattachine.pdf |title=Mattachine Society at Dynes, Wayne R. (ed.) |website=Encyclopedia of Homosexuality |access-date=10 March 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120419214800/http://www.williamapercy.com/images/Mattachine.pdf |archive-date=19 April 2012}}</ref> Emerging from events such as the May 1968 insurrection in France, the ] in the US and the ] of 1969, militant gay liberation organisations began to spring up around the world. Many sprang from left radicalism more than established homophile groups,<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091116051252/http://www.washblade.com/2004/11-5/news/national/movement.cfm |date=16 November 2009}}, Lou Chabarro 2004 for the ].</ref> although the ] took an ] stance and attacked the ] and traditional ]s.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/pwh/glf-london.html |title=Gay Liberation Front: Manifesto. London |orig-date=1971 |year=1978 |access-date=27 March 2014 |archive-date=30 April 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120430002550/http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/pwh/glf-london.html |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
Eco-socialism is a political strain merging aspects of socialism, Marxism or libertarian socialism with green politics, ecology and ]. Eco-socialists generally claim that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, poverty, war and environmental degradation through ] and ] under the supervision of repressive ] and transnational structures.<ref name="Manifesto">{{cite book |last1=Kovel |first1=J. |author1-link=Joel Kovel |last2=Löwy |first2=M. |author2-link=Michael Löwy |title=An ecosocialist manifesto |url=http://environment-ecology.com/political-ecology/436-an-ecosocialist-manifesto.html |year=2001}}</ref> Contrary to the depiction of ] by some environmentalists,<ref name=Eckersley>{{cite book |last=Eckersley |first=Robyn |author-link=Robyn Eckersley |url={{google books|plainurl=y|id=KLr7Y-mQiRQC}} |title=Environmentalism and Political Theory: Toward an Ecocentric Approach |year=1992 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0791410134}}</ref> ]<ref>{{cite book |last=Clark |first=John P. |url={{google books|plainurl=y|id=hcIgAQAAIAAJ}} |title=The Anarchist Moment: Reflections on Culture, Nature, and Power |date=1984 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0920057087}}</ref> and fellow socialists<ref name=Benton>{{Cite book |last=Benton |first=Ted |title=The greening of Marxism |year=1996 |publisher=] |isbn=1572301198 |oclc=468837567}}</ref> as a ] who favoured the domination of nature, eco-socialists revisited Marx's writings and believe that he "was a main originator of the ecological world-view".<ref name=Kovel>{{cite book |last=Kovel |first=Joel |author-link=Joel Kovel |title=The Enemy of Nature: the End of Capitalism or the End of the World? |date=2013 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1848136595 |oclc=960164995}}</ref> Marx discussed a "metabolic rift" between man and nature, stating that "private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite absurd as private ownership of one man by another" and his observation that a society must "hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition".<ref name=Capital3>{{cite book |last=Marx |first=Karl |author-link=Karl Marx |title=Capital: a critique of political economy |volume=3 |date=1981 |publisher=] in association with New Left Review |isbn=0140221166 |oclc=24235898}}</ref> English socialist ] is credited with developing principles of what was later called eco-socialism.<ref name=Babylon>{{cite book |last=Wall |first=Derek |author-link=Derek Wall |title=The no-nonsense guide to green politics |date=2010 |publisher=New Internationalist |isbn=978-1906523589 |oclc=776590485}}</ref> During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his ideas within the ] and ].<ref name=GLSite>{{cite web |url=http://www.greenleft.org.uk |title=Green Left|website=greenleft.org.uk |access-date=3 April 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160405022509/http://www.greenleft.org.uk/ |archive-date=5 April 2016}}</ref> Green anarchism blends anarchism with ]. An important early influence was ] and his book '']''<ref>{{Cite web |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060526224800/http://www.acracia.org/xdiez.html |date=26 May 2006 |access-date=20 April 2020 |quote=Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por ]. Para George Woodcock, esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX. |trans-quote=His most representative work is Walden, published in 1854, although written between 1845 and 1847, when Thoreau decides to settle in the isolation of a cabin in the woods, and live in intimate contact with nature, in a life of solitude and sobriety. From this experience, his philosophy tries to convey to us the idea that a respectful return to nature is necessary, and that happiness is above all the fruit of inner richness and the harmony of individuals with the natural environment. Many have seen in Thoreau one of the forerunners of environmentalism and primitive anarchism represented today by ]. For George Woodcock, this attitude may also be motivated by a certain idea of resistance to progress and rejection of the growing materialism that characterizes American society in the mid-nineteenth century. |url=http://www.acracia.org/xdiez.html |title=La Insumisión voluntaria. El Anarquismo individualista Español durante la Dictadura i la Segunda República (1923–1938) |language=es |trans-title=Voluntary submission. Spanish Individualist Anarchism during the Dictatorship and the Second Republic (1923–1938) |first=Xavier |last=Diez |archive-date=26 May 2006}}</ref> as well as ].<ref name="Reclus1">{{cite web |url=http://www.natustar.com/uk/naturism-begin.html |title=Naturists: The first naturists & the naturist culture – Natustar |access-date=11 October 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121025125935/http://www.natustar.com/uk/naturism-begin.html |archive-date=25 October 2012}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/secA3.html#seca33 |title=A.3 What types of anarchism are there? |website=Anarchist Writers |access-date=10 March 2014 |archive-date=15 June 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180615004526/http://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/secA3.html#seca33}}</ref> | |||
For Marxists, the development of capitalism in western Europe provided a material basis for the possibility of bringing about socialism because, according to the '']'', "What the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers",<ref>Marx and Engels, Communist Manifesto</ref> namely the working class, which must become conscious of the historical objectives set it by society. | |||
In the late 19th century, anarcho-naturism fused anarchism and ] philosophies within ] circles in France, Spain, Cuba<ref name="raforum.info">{{cite web |url=http://raforum.info/spip.php?article3061&lang=fr |title=R.A. Forum > SHAFFER, Kirwin R. Anarchism and countercultural politics in early twentieth-century Cuba |website=raforum.info |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131012003926/http://raforum.info/spip.php?article3061&lang=fr |archive-date=12 October 2013}}</ref> and Portugal.<ref name="spanishind">{{cite web |url=http://www.acracia.org/xdiez.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060526224800/http://www.acracia.org/xdiez.html |title=La Insumisión voluntaria. El Anarquismo individualista Español durante la Dictadura i la Segunda República (1923–1938) by Xavier Diez |language=es |trans-title=Voluntary submission. Spanish Individualist Anarchism during the Dictatorship and the Second Republic (1923–1938) by Xavier Diez |archive-date=26 May 2006}}</ref> ]'s first book '']''<ref>{{cite web |url=http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bookchin/bio1.html |title=A Short Biography of Murray Bookchin by Janet Biehl |first=Janet |last=Biehl |author-link=Janet Biehl |publisher=Dwardmac.pitzer.edu |access-date=11 May 2012}}</ref> was followed by his essay "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" which introduced ecology as a concept in radical politics.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bookchin/ecologyandrev.html |title=Ecology and Revolution |first=Murray |last=Bookchin |author-link=Murray Bookchin |publisher=Dwardmac.pitzer.edu |date=16 June 2004 |access-date=11 May 2012}}</ref> In the 1970s, ], claimed that capitalist technologies were chiefly responsible for ] as opposed to ].<ref name=Commoner>{{Cite book |last=Commoner |first=Barry |author-link=Barry Commoner |title=The closing circle: nature, man, and technology |year=2020 |publisher=Courier Dover Publications |isbn=978-0486846248 |oclc=1141422712}}</ref> In the 1990s socialist/feminists Mary Mellor<ref name=Mellor>{{Cite book |last=Mellor |first=Mary |title=Breaking the boundaries: towards a feminist green socialism |date=1992 |publisher=] |isbn=1853812005 |oclc=728578769}}</ref> and ]<ref name=Salleh>{{Cite book |last=Salleh |first=Ariel |author-link=Ariel Salleh |title=Ecofeminism as politics: nature, Marx and the postmodern |year=2017 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1786990976 |oclc=951936453}}</ref> adopt an eco-socialist paradigm. An "environmentalism of the poor" combining ecological awareness and ] has also become prominent.<ref name=Guha>{{Cite book |last=Guha |first=Ramachandra |author-link=Ramachandra Guha |title=Varieties of Environmentalism Essays North and South |date=2013 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1134173341 |oclc=964049036}}</ref> Pepper critiqued the current approach of many within ], particularly ].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Pepper |first=David |year=2002 |title=Eco-Socialism |doi=10.4324/9780203423363 |isbn=978-0203423363}}</ref> | |||
===Reform versus revolution=== | |||
{{Main|Revolutionary socialism|Reformism}} | |||
Revolutionary socialists believe that a social revolution is necessary to effect structural changes to the socio-economic structure of society. Among revolutionary socialists there are differences in strategy, theory and the definition of "revolution". Orthodox Maxists and Left Communists take an ] stance, believing revolution should be spontaneous as a result of contradictions in society resulting from technological changes in the productive forces. Lenin theorised that under capitalism the workers cannot achieve class consciousness beyond organising into ] and making demands of the capitalists. Therefore, ] advocate that it is historically necessity for a ] of class conscious revolutionaries to take a central role in coordinating the social revolution to overthrow the capitalist state and, eventually, the institution of the state altogether.<ref>{{cite web|title=The Leninist Concept of the Revolutionary Vanguard Party|url=http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/socialistvoice/partyPR46.html|work=WRG|accessdate=9 December 2013}}</ref> "Revolution" is not necessarily defined by revolutionary socialists as violent insurrection,<ref>Schaff, Adam, 'Marxist Theory on Revolution and Violence', p. 263. in Journal of the history of ideas, Vol 34, no.2 (Apr–Jun 1973)</ref> but as a complete dismantling and rapid transformation of all areas of class society led by the majority of the masses: the working class. | |||
=== Syndicalism === | |||
Reformism is generally associated with ] and ] democratic socialism. Reformism is the belief that socialists should stand in parliamentary elections within capitalist society, and if elected, us the ] to pass political and social reforms for the purposes of ameliorating the instabilities and inequities of capitalism. | |||
{{main|Syndicalism}} | |||
{{see also|Anarcho-syndicalism}} | |||
Syndicalism operates through industrial trade unions. It rejects ] and the use of establishment politics. Syndicalists reject state power in favour of strategies such as the ]. Syndicalists advocate a socialist economy based on federated unions or syndicates of workers who own and manage the means of production. Some Marxist currents advocate syndicalism, such as ]. Anarcho-syndicalism views syndicalism as a method for workers in ] to gain control of an economy. The ] was largely orchestrated by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union ].<ref>{{cite book |first=Sam |last=Dolgoff |author-link=Sam Dolgoff |title=] |publisher=Free Life Editions |edition=1st |date=1974}}</ref> The ] is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labour unions and initiatives.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hargis |first1=Mike |title=No Human Being is Illegal: International Workers' Association Conference on Immigration |journal=Anarcho-Syndicalist Review |date=2002 |issue=33 |page=10}}</ref> | |||
== |
== Public views == | ||
], New York City on ] 1912]] | |||
A multitude of polls have found significant levels of support for socialism among modern populations.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ipsos.com/en-za/value-socialism-global-ipsos-poll|title=The value of Socialism: Global Ipsos Poll | Ipsos}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Stancil |first1=Kenny |title=Socialism Is Gaining Popularity, Poll Shows |url=https://truthout.org/articles/socialism-is-gaining-popularity-poll-shows/ |website=Truthout |date=26 June 2021}}</ref> | |||
The major socialist political movements are described below. Independent socialist theorists, ] authors, and academic supporters of socialism may not be represented in these movements. Some political groups have called themselves socialist while holding views that some consider antithetical to socialism. The term ''socialist'' has also been used by some politicians on the ] as an epithet against certain individuals who do not consider themselves to be socialists, and against policies that are not considered socialist by their proponents. | |||
A 2018 ] poll found that 50% of the respondents globally strongly or somewhat agreed that present socialist values were of great value for societal progress. In China this was 84%, India 72%, Malaysia 62%, Turkey 62%, South Africa 57%, Brazil 57%, Russia 55%, Spain 54%, Argentina 52%, Mexico 51%, Saudi Arabia 51%, Sweden 49%, Canada 49%, Great Britain 49%, Australia 49%, Poland 48%, Chile 48%, South Korea 48%, Peru 48%, Italy 47%, Serbia 47%, Germany 45%, Belgium 44%, Romania 40%, United States 39%, France 31%, Hungary 28% and Japan 21%.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/ct/news/documents/2018-05/global_socialism_survey-ipsos.pdf|title=IPSOS – Global Socialism Survey 2018}}</ref> | |||
There are many variations of socialism and as such there is no single definition encapsulating all of socialism. However there have been common elements identified by scholars.<ref>Peter Lamb, J. C. Docherty. ''Historical dictionary of socialism''. Lanham, Maryland, UK; Oxford, England, UK: Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2006. pp. 1–3.</ref> Angelo S. Rappoport in his ''Dictionary of Socialism'' (1924) analysed forty definitions of socialism to conclude that common elements of socialism include: general criticisms of the social effects of ] and control of capital – as being the cause of poverty, low wages, unemployment, economic and social inequality, and a lack of economic security; a general view that the solution to these problems is a form of collective control over the ], ] and ] (the degree and means of control vary amongst socialist movements); agreement that the outcome of this collective control should be a society based upon ], including social equality, economic protection of people, and should provide a more satisfying life for most people.<ref>Peter Lamb, J. C. Docherty. ''Historical dictionary of socialism''. Lanham, Maryland, UK; Oxford, England, UK: Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2006. pp. 1–2.</ref> ] in ''The Concepts of Socialism'' (1975) identifies four core principles of socialism and particularly socialist society: sociality, social responsibility, cooperation, and planning.<ref name="Peter Lamb 2006. p. 2">Peter Lamb, J. C. Docherty. ''Historical dictionary of socialism''. Lanham, Maryland, UK; Oxford, England, UK: Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2006. p. 2.</ref> ] in his study ''Ideologies and Political Theory'' (1996) states that all socialists share five themes: the first is that socialism posits that society is more than a mere collection of individuals; second, that it considers human welfare a desirable objective; third, that it considers humans by nature to be active and productive; fourth, it holds the belief of human equality; and fifth, that history is progressive and will create positive change on the condition that humans work to achieve such change.<ref name="Peter Lamb 2006. p. 2"/> | |||
A 2021 survey conducted by the ] (IEA) found that 67% of young British (16–24) respondents wanted to live in a ], 72% supported the ] of various industries such as ], ] along with ] and 75% agreed with the view that ] was a specifically ] problem.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://iea.org.uk/media/67-per-cent-of-young-brits-want-a-socialist-economic-system-finds-new-poll/|title=67 per cent of young Brits want a socialist economic system, finds new poll|website=Institute of Economic Affairs}}</ref> | |||
===Anarchism=== | |||
{{main|Anarchism}} | |||
Anarchism is a ] that advocates ] often defined as ] voluntary institutions,<ref>"ANARCHISM, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies." George Woodcock. "Anarchism" at The Encyclopedia of Philosophy</ref><ref>"In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions." </ref><ref>"Anarchism." The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2005. p. 14 "Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable."</ref><ref>Sheehan, Sean. Anarchism, London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 2004. p. 85</ref> but that several authors have defined as more specific institutions based on non-] ].<ref name="iaf-ifa.org"/><ref>"as many anarchists have stressed, it is not government as such that they find objectionable, but the hierarchical forms of government associated with the nation state." Judith Suissa. ''Anarchism and Education: a Philosophical Perspective''. Routledge. New York. 2006. p. 7</ref><ref>"That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organisation and preaches free agreement — at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist." ]. </ref><ref>"anarchists are opposed to irrational (e.g., illegitimate) authority, in other words, hierarchy — hierarchy being the institutionalisation of authority within a society." in ]</ref> Anarchism holds the ] to be undesirable, unnecessary, or harmful.<ref name="definition"> | |||
{{cite journal |last=Malatesta|first=Errico|title=Towards Anarchism|journal=MAN!|publisher=International Group of San Francisco|location=Los Angeles|oclc=3930443|url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/malatesta/1930s/xx/toanarchy.htm|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20121107221404/http://marxists.org/archive/malatesta/1930s/xx/toanarchy.htm|archivedate=7 November 2012 |deadurl=no|authorlink=Errico Malatesta |ref=harv}} | |||
{{cite journal |url=http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070514.wxlanarchist14/BNStory/lifeWork/home/ | |||
|archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20070516094548/http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20070514.wxlanarchist14/BNStory/lifeWork/home |archivedate=16 May 2007 |deadurl=yes |title=Working for The Man |journal=] |accessdate=14 April 2008 |last=Agrell |first=Siri |date=14 May 2007 |ref=harv }} | |||
{{cite web |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9117285|title=Anarchism|year=2006|work=Encyclopædia Britannica|publisher=Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service|accessdate=29 August 2006| archiveurl= http://web.archive.org/web/20061214085638/http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9117285| archivedate= 14 December 2006<!--Added by DASHBot-->}} | |||
{{cite journal |year=2005|title=Anarchism|journal=The Shorter ]|page=14|quote=Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable. |ref=harv}} | |||
The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy: | |||
{{cite book | last = Mclaughlin | first = Paul | title = Anarchism and Authority | publisher = Ashgate | location = Aldershot | year = 2007 | isbn = 0-7546-6196-2 |page=59}} | |||
{{cite book | last = Johnston | first = R. | title = The Dictionary of Human Geography | publisher = Blackwell Publishers | location = Cambridge | year = 2000 | isbn = 0-631-20561-6 |page=24}}</ref><ref name=slevin>Slevin, Carl. "Anarchism." ''The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics''. Ed. Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan. Oxford University Press, 2003.</ref> While anti-statism is central, some argue<ref>"Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell anarchism short."</ref> that anarchism entails opposing ] or ] in the conduct of human relations, including, but not limited to, the state system.<ref name="iaf-ifa.org">{{cite web |url=http://www.iaf-ifa.org/principles/english.html |title=IAF principles |publisher=] |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20120105095946/http://www.iaf-ifa.org/principles/english.html |archivedate=5 January 2012 |deadurl=yes |quote=The IAF – IFA fights for : the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.}}</ref><ref name="auto"/><ref name="Ward 1966"/><ref name="Brown 2002 106"/><ref>"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."</ref><ref>Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left, – follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism ... Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." ]. </ref><ref>Anarchist historian ] report of ]'s anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9) ... Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Berne Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."</ref> ] advocate market socialism, ]s ]s and salaries based on the amount of time contributed to production, ] advocate a direct transition from capitalism to ] and a ] and ]s worker's ] and the ]. | |||
A 2023 IPSOS poll found that a majority of British public favoured public ownership of ] including water, rail and ]. Specifically, 68% of respondents favoured the nationalisation of water services, 65% supporting the nationalisation of the railways, 63% supporting the public ownership of ] and 39% favouring ] which is operated by the government. The poll also found broad levels of support among traditional Labour and Conservative voters.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Gye |first1=Hugo |title=Majority of public including Tory voters want water and rail nationalised, poll suggests |url=https://inews.co.uk/news/politics/majority-public-tory-voters-want-water-rail-nationalised-poll-2549628 |website=inews.co.uk |language=en |date=16 August 2023}}</ref> | |||
===Libertarian socialism=== | |||
{{main|Libertarian socialism}} | |||
].<ref name="theanarchistlibrary">{{cite web|url=http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/The_Anarchist_FAQ_Editorial_Collective__150_years_of_Libertarian.html|title=150 years of Libertarian|work=theanarchistlibrary.org}}</ref> ] was the first recorded person to describe himself as "libertarian".<ref name="Dejacque">Joseph Déjacque, (in French)</ref>]]Libertarian socialism (sometimes called ''']''',<ref name="Ostergaard 1991. p. 21">]. "Anarchism". ''A Dictionary of Marxist Thought''. Blackwell Publishing, 1991. p. 21.</ref><ref name="Noam Chomsky 2004, p. 739">Chomsky, Noam (2004). ''Language and Politics''. In Otero, Carlos Peregrín. AK Press. p. 739</ref> ''']'''<ref>Bookchin, Murray and Janet Biehl. ''The Murray Bookchin Reader''. Cassell, 1997. p. 170 ISBN 0-304-33873-7</ref><ref>Hicks, Steven V. and Daniel E. Shannon. ''The American journal of economics and sociolology''. Blackwell Pub, 2003. p. 612</ref> and '''socialist libertarianism'''<ref>Miller, Wilbur R. (2012). ''The social history of crime and punishment in America. An encyclopedia.'' 5 vols. London: Sage Publications. p. 1007. ISBN 1412988764. "There exist three major camps in libertarian thought: right-libertarianism, socialist libertarianism, and ..."</ref>) is a group of ] within the socialist movement that reject the view of socialism as state ownership or command of the means of production<ref>"unlike other socialists, they tend to see (to various different degrees, depending on the thinker) to be skeptical of centralised state intervention as the solution to capitalist exploitation..." ]. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." ''Social Philosophy and Policy''. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305</ref> within a more general criticism of the state form iself<ref>"So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and control of the economy, along with the state as such." ]]</ref><ref>"We do not equate socialism with planning, state control, or nationalisation of industry, although we understand that in a socialist society (not "under" socialism) economic activity will be collectively controlled, managed, planned, and owned. Similarly, we believe that socialism will involve equality, but we do not think that socialism is equality, for it is possible to conceive of a society where everyone is equally oppressed. We think that socialism is incompatible with one-party states, with constraints on freedom of speech, with an elite exercising power 'on behalf of' the people, with leader cults, with any of the other devices by which the dying society seeks to portray itself as the new society. "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of ''The Red Menace''.</ref> as well as of ].<ref>"Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism" indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly, libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must oppose the state." ]]</ref> Instead it emphasises ] of the workplace<ref>"So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and control of the economy, along with the state as such. Through workers' self-management it proposes to bring an end to authority, exploitation, and hierarchy in production." ]]</ref> and ]<ref>" ...preferringa system of popular self governance via networks of decentralised, local voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations. ]. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." ''Social Philosophy and Policy''. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305</ref> asserting that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing ] institutions that control certain ] and subordinate the majority to an owning class or political and economic elite.<ref>Mendes, Silva. ''Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo'' Vol. 1 (1896): "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of ] (while retaining respect for ]) and ] by abolition of ]".</ref> Libertarian socialists generally place their hopes in ] means of ] and ] or ] associations<ref>"We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder...In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion." ]. .</ref> such as ], citizens' assemblies, trade unions, and ]s.<ref name="Rocker 2004 65"/><ref>"...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralised, local, voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations-sometimes as a complement to and check on state power..."</ref> All of this is generally done within a general call for ]<ref>"LibSoc share with LibCap an aversion to any interference to freedom of thought, expression or choicce of lifestyle." ]. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." ''Social Philosophy and Policy''. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. pp 305</ref> and ]<ref>"What is implied by the term 'libertarian socialism'?: The idea that socialism is first and foremost about freedom and therefore about overcoming the domination, repression, and alienation that block the free flow of human creativity, thought, and action...An approach to socialism that incorporates cultural revolution, women's and children's liberation, and the critique and transformation of daily life, as well as the more traditional concerns of socialist politics. A politics that is completely revolutionary because it seeks to transform all of reality. We do not think that capturing the economy and the state lead automatically to the transformation of the rest of social being, nor do we equate liberation with changing our life-styles and our heads. Capitalism is a total system that invades all areas of life: socialism must be the overcoming of capitalist reality in its entirety, or it is nothing." "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of ''The Red Menace''.</ref> through the identification, criticism, and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of life.<ref name="iaf-ifa.org"/><ref name="auto"/><ref name="Individual Liberty."/><ref name="Ward 1966"/><ref name="Brown 2002 106"/><ref>"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explred in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations – by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power – and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."</ref><ref>Anarchist historian ] report of ]'s anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9)...Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Berne Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."</ref> | |||
The results of a 2019 ] poll found that 70% of US ] were willing to vote for a socialist candidate and 50% of this same demographic had a somewhat or very unfavourable view of capitalism.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.axios.com/2019/10/28/millennials-vote-socialism-capitalism-decline|title=Young Americans are increasingly embracing socialism over capitalism}}</ref> Subsequently, another 2021 Axios poll found that 51% of 18-34 US adults had a positive view of socialism. Yet, 41% of Americans more generally had a positive view of socialism compared to 52% of those who viewing socialism more negatively.<ref>{{cite web |title=Axios{{!}}SurveyMonkey Poll: Capitalism and Socialism (2021) |url=https://uk.surveymonkey.com/curiosity/axios-capitalism-update/ |website=SurveyMonkey}}</ref> | |||
Past and present political philosophies and movements commonly described as libertarian socialist include ] (especially ], ], ],<ref>{{cite book | last=Sims | first=Franwa | title=The Anacostia Diaries As It Is | page=160 | year=2006 | publisher=Lulu Press}}</ref> and ]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mutualist.org/id32.html|title=A.4. ARE MUTUALISTS SOCIALISTS?|work=mutualist.org}}</ref>) as well as ], ], ], ], and ] philosophies such as ] and ],;<ref name="Graham-2005">Murray Bookchin, ''Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism''; ], ''The General Idea of Proudhon's Revolution''</ref> as well as some versions of "]"<ref>Kent Bromley, in his preface to ]'s book '']'', considered early French utopian socialist ] to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of ] and ]." ]. ''The Conquest of Bread'', preface by Kent Bromley, New York and London, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.</ref> and ].<ref>"] referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism." '']'' by Various Authors</ref><ref>French individualist anarchist ] shows clearly opposition to capitalism and centralised economies when he said that the individualist anarchist "inwardly he remains refractory – fatally refractory – morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)"</ref><ref>Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that In the United States "of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called ] movement). ]'s anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of ] and ]. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at ] during 1825. One member of this commune was ] (1798–1874), considered to be the first ]"</ref> | |||
In 2023, the ] published findings which found that 42% of Canadians viewed socialism as the ideal system compared to 43% of British respondents, 40% Australian respondents and 31% American respondents. Overall support for socialism ranged from 50% of Canadians 18-24 year olds to 28% of Canadians over 55.<ref>{{cite web |title=Four in 10 Canadians prefer socialism but not higher taxes to pay for it: op-ed |url=https://www.fraserinstitute.org/article/four-in-10-canadians-prefer-socialism-but-not-higher-taxes-to-pay-for-it |website=Fraser Institute |language=en |date=23 February 2023}}</ref> | |||
===Democratic socialism=== | |||
{{main|Democratic socialism}} | |||
Modern democratic socialism is a broad political movement that seeks to promote the ideals of socialism within the context of a democratic system. Some Democratic socialists support ] as a temporary measure to reform the current system, while others reject reformism in favour of more revolutionary methods. Modern social democracy emphasises a program of gradual legislative modification of capitalism in order to make it more equitable and humane, while the theoretical end goal of building a socialist society is either completely forgotten or redefined in a pro-capitalist way. The two movements are widely similar both in terminology and in ideology, although there are a few key differences. | |||
== Criticism == | |||
The major difference between social democracy and democratic socialism is the object of their politics: contemporary social democrats support a ] and unemployment insurance as a means to "humanise" capitalism, whereas democratic socialists seek to replace capitalism with a socialist economic system, arguing that any attempt to "humanise" capitalism through regulations and welfare policies would distort the market and create economic contradictions.<ref>{{cite web|last=Schweickart|title=David|title=Democratic Socialism|work= Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice |year=2006|url= http://orion.it.luc.edu/~dschwei/demsoc.htm}} "Social democrats supported and tried to strengthen the basic institutions of the welfare state – pensions for all, public health care, public education, unemployment insurance. They supported and tried to strengthen the labour movement. The latter, as socialists, argued that capitalism could never be sufficiently humanised, and that trying to suppress the economic contradictions in one area would only see them emerge in a different guise elsewhere. (E.g., if you push unemployment too low, you'll get inflation; if job security is too strong, labour discipline breaks down; etc.)"</ref> | |||
{{main|Criticism of socialism}} | |||
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According to ] sociologist ], "The Right condemned socialism as violating individual rights to private property and unleashing monstrous forms of state oppression", while "the Left saw it as opening up new vistas of social equality, genuine freedom and the development of human potentials."<ref>{{Cite web |last=Wright |first=Erik Olin |date=15 January 2012 |title=Toward a Social Socialism |url=https://thepointmag.com/politics/toward-a-social-socialism/ |access-date=27 September 2022 |website=The Point Magazine |language=en-US |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201022120117/https://thepointmag.com/politics/toward-a-social-socialism/ |archive-date=22 October 2020}}</ref> | |||
Democratic socialism generally refers to any political movement that seeks to establish an economy based on ] by and for the working class. Democratic socialism is difficult to define, and groups of scholars have radically different definitions for the term. Some definitions simply refer to all forms of socialism that follow an electoral, ] or evolutionary path to socialism, rather than a revolutionary one.<ref>This definition is captured in this statement: ] "argued that the socialisms of the pre-war world (not just that of the ]s, but of the democratic socialists too) were now increasingly irrelevant." {{cite journal|first=Chris |last=Pierson|title=Lost property: What the Third Way lacks|work=Journal of Political Ideologies|date=June 2005|volume= 10(2),|pages=145–163 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310500097265}} Other texts which use the terms "democratic socialism" in this way include Malcolm Hamilton ''Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden'' (St Martin’s Press 1989).</ref> | |||
Because of socialism's many varieties, most critiques have focused on a specific approach. Proponents of one approach typically criticise others. Socialism has been criticised in terms of its ] as well as its political and social implications. Other critiques are directed at the ], ], or existing ]. | |||
{{Quotation|You can't talk about ending the slums without first saying profit must be taken out of slums. You're really tampering and getting on dangerous ground because you are messing with folk then. You are messing with captains of industry. Now this means that we are treading in difficult water, because it really means that we are saying that something is wrong with capitalism. There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism. | ], 1966.<ref>{{cite book|title=Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought|last=Franklin|first=Robert Michael|page= 125| publisher =Fortress Press|year=1990|isbn=0-8006-2392-4}} | |||
</ref><ref>Peter Dreier (20 January 2014). . ''].'' Retrieved 20 January 2014.</ref><ref>Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou (20 January 2014). . ''].'' Retrieved 20 January 2014.</ref>}} | |||
Some forms of criticism occupy theoretical grounds, such as in the ] presented by proponents of the ] as part of the ], while others support their criticism by examining historical attempts to establish socialist societies. The economic calculation problem concerns the feasibility and methods of resource allocation for a ].<ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Durlauf |editor1-first=Steven N. |editor1-link=Steven Durlauf |editor2-last=Blume |editor2-first=Lawrence E. |editor2-link=Lawrence E. Blume |date=1987 |title=The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics Online |chapter=Socialist Calculation Debate |pages=685–692 |chapter-url=https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_2070-1 |publisher=] |access-date=2 February 2013 |doi=10.1057/9780230226203.1570 |isbn=978-1349951215}}.</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Biddle |first1=Jeff |last2=Samuels |first2=Warren |author2-link=Warren Samuels |last3=Davis |first3=John |date=2006 |title=A Companion to the History of Economic Thought |publisher=] |page=319 |quote=What became known as the socialist calculation debate started when von Mises (1935 ) launched a critique of socialism.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Levy |first1=David M. |last2=Peart |first2=Sandra J. |date=2008 |chapter=Socialist calculation debate |title=The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics |edition=Second |publisher=]}}</ref> Central planning is also criticized by elements of the radical left. Libertarian socialist economist ] notes that even if central planning overcame its inherent inhibitions of incentives and innovation, it would nevertheless be unable to maximize economic democracy and self-management, which he believes are concepts that are more intellectually coherent, consistent and just than mainstream notions of economic freedom.<ref name="Hahnel, Robin 2002">{{cite book |last=Hahnel |first=Robin |author-link=Robin Hahnel |title=The ABC's of Political Economy |publisher=] |date=2002 |page=262}}</ref> | |||
===Religious socialism=== | |||
{{Main|Socialism and Islam|Christian socialism}} | |||
Christian socialism is a broad concept involving an intertwining of the Christian religion with the politics and economic theories of socialism. | |||
] and ] argue that ] of the ] and market exchange are natural entities or moral rights which are central to freedom and liberty and argue that the economic dynamics of ] are immutable and absolute. As such, they also argue that ] of the means of production and ] are infringements upon liberty.<ref name="milton2">{{cite web |title=On Milton Friedman, MGR & Annaism |url=http://www.sangam.org/taraki/articles/2006/11-25_Friedman_MGR.php?uid=2075 |access-date=30 October 2011 |publisher=Sangam.org}}</ref><ref name="Bellamy, Richard 2003 60">{{cite book |last=Bellamy |first=Richard |title=The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought |publisher=] |year=2003 |isbn=978-0521563543 |page=60}}</ref> | |||
Islamic socialism is a term coined by various ] leaders to describe a more ] form of socialism. Muslim socialists believe that the teachings of the ] and ] are compatible with principles of ] and ] drawing inspiration from the early Medina welfare state established by ]. Muslim Socialists are more conservative than their western contemporaries and find their roots in ], ] and ]. Islamic Socialist leaders believe in Democracy and deriving legitimacy from public ] as opposed to religious texts. | |||
Critics of socialism have argued that in any society where everyone holds equal wealth, there can be no material incentive to work because one does not receive rewards for a work well done. They further argue that incentives increase productivity for all people and that the loss of those effects would lead to stagnation. Some critics of socialism argue that income sharing reduces individual incentives to work and therefore incomes should be individualized as much as possible.<ref>{{cite book |first1=Zoltan J. |last1=Acs |author1-link=Zoltan Acs |first2=Bernard |last2=Young |title=Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises in the Global Economy |publisher=] |page=47 |date=1999}}</ref> | |||
===Leninism and precedents=== | |||
{{Main|Blanquism|Marxism–Leninism}} | |||
] refers to a conception of revolution generally attributed to ] which holds that socialist revolution should be carried out by a relatively small group of highly organised and secretive conspirators.<ref>, last retrieved April 25, 2007</ref> Having seized power, the revolutionaries would then use the power of the state to introduce socialism. It is considered a particular sort of 'putschism' – that is, the view that political revolution should take the form of a '']'' or ''coup d'état''.<ref>, last retrieved April 25, 2007</ref> ] and ]<ref name="bern">{{cite web |url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch06.htm#s2 |title=The State and Revolution |year=1917 |author=Lenin}}</ref> have criticised ] that his conception of revolution was elitist and essentially 'Blanquist'.<ref>] as part of a longer section on Blanquism in her "Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy" (later published as "Leninism or Marxism?"), writes: "For Lenin, the difference between the ] and Blanquism is reduced to the observation that in place of a handful of conspirators we have a class-conscious proletariat. He forgets that this difference implies a complete revision of our ideas on organisation and, therefore, an entirely different conception of centralism and the relations existing between the party and the struggle itself. Blanquism did not count on the ] of the working class. It, therefore, did not need to organise the people for the revolution. The people were expected to play their part only at the moment of revolution. Preparation for the revolution concerned only the little group of revolutionists armed for the coup. Indeed, to assure the success of the revolutionary conspiracy, it was considered wiser to keep the mass at some distance from the conspirators.Rosa Luxemburg, , , last retrieved April 25, 2007</ref> ] is a political ideology combining ] (the ] concepts theorised by ] and ]) and ] (]'s theoretical expansions of Marxism which include ], ], and ]).<ref>''Marxism–Leninism''. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company.</ref> Marxism–Leninism was the official ideology of the ] and of the ] (1919–43) and later it became the main guiding ideology for ], ], and ]. | |||
Some philosophers have also criticized the aims of socialism, arguing that equality erodes away at individual diversities and that the establishment of an equal society would have to entail strong coercion.<ref name="Self">{{cite book |first=Self |last=Peter |author-link=Peter Self |chapter=Socialism |title=A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy |editor1-last=Goodin |editor1-first=Robert E. |editor1-link=Robert E. Goodin |editor2-last=Pettit |editor2-first=Philip |editor2-link=Philip Pettit |publisher=] |date=1995 |page=339 |quote=Extreme equality overlooks the diversity of individual talents, tastes and needs, and save in a utopian society of unselfish individuals would entail strong coercion; but even short of this goal, there is the problem of giving reasonable recognition to different individual needs, tastes (for work or leisure) and talents. It is true therefore that beyond some point the pursuit of equality runs into controversial or contradictory criteria of need or merit.}}</ref> | |||
===Social democracy=== | |||
{{main|Social democracy}} | |||
]]] | |||
Social democracy is a political ideology which "is derived from a socialist tradition of political thought. Many social democrats refer to themselves as socialists | |||
or democratic socialists, and some use these terms interchangeably. Others have opined that there are clear differences between the three terms, and preferred to describe their own political beliefs by using the term ‘social democracy’ only."<ref>Nik Brandal, Øivind Bratberg, Dag Einar Thorsen. ''The Nordic Model of Social Democracy'' (2013). Pallgrave MacMillan. Pg 7. ISBN 1137013265</ref> There are two main directions, either to establish ], or to build a welfare state within the framework of the capitalist system. The first variant has officially its goal by establishing ] through ] and ] methods.<ref name="Busky8">{{Cite journal |first=Donald F. |last=Busky |title=Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey |place=Westport, Connecticut, USA |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., |year=2000 |page=8 |quote=The Frankfurt Declaration of the Socialist International, which almost all social democratic parties are members of, declares the goal of the development of democratic socialism |postscript=<!-- Bot inserted parameter. Either remove it; or change its value to "." for the cite to end in a ".", as necessary. -->{{inconsistent citations}}}}</ref> In the second variant Social democracy becomes a policy regime involving a ], ] schemes, support for publicly financed public services, and a Capitalist-based economy like a ]. It is often used in this manner to refer to the social models and economic policies prominent in Western and Northern Europe during the later half of the 20th century.<ref>{{cite book |last= Sejersted and Adams and Daly |first= Francis and Madeleine and Richard |title= The Age of Social Democracy: Norway and Sweden in the Twentieth Century |publisher=Princeton University Press|year= 2011 |isbn= 978-0691147741|page = |quote= }}</ref><ref name="Foundations of social democracy, 2009">''Foundations of social democracy'', 2004. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, p. 8, November 2009.</ref> It has been described by ] as “hybrid” economics, an active collaboration of capitalist and socialist visions, and, while such systems aren't perfect, they tend to provide high standards of living.<ref>] (24 July 2013). ''].'' Retrieved 12 August 2013.</ref> Numerous studies and surveys indicate that people tend to live happier lives in ] societies rather than ] ones.<ref>Andrew Brown (12 September 2014). ''].'' Retrieved 20 October 2014.</ref><ref>Richard Eskow (15 October 2014). . ourfuture.org. Retrieved 20 October 2014.</ref><ref>] (25 September 2013). . ''].'' Retrieved 20 October 2014.</ref><ref>Craig Brown (11 May 2009). . ]. Retrieved 20 October 2014.</ref> | |||
] argued that the absence of private economic activity would enable political leaders to grant themselves coercive powers, powers that, under a capitalist system, would instead be granted by a capitalist class, which Friedman found preferable.<ref name="Bellamy, Richard 2003 602">{{cite book |author=Bellamy, Richard |title=The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2003 |isbn=978-0521563543 |page=60}}</ref> | |||
Social democrats supporting the first variant, advocate for a peaceful, evolutionary transition of the economy to socialism through ] social reform of capitalism.<ref name=EB>{{cite web|url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/551073/social-democracy |title=Social democracy |publisher=Britannica.com |accessdate=2013-10-12}}</ref><ref>Michael Newman. Socialism: A Very Short Introduction. Cornwall, England, UK: Oxford University Press, 2005. </ref> It asserts that the only acceptable constitutional form of government is ] under the ].<ref name="Thomas Meyer 2007. p. 91">Thomas Meyer. ''The Theory of Social Democracy''. Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press, 2007. p. 91.</ref> It promotes extending democratic decision-making beyond political democracy to include ] to guarantee employees and other economic stakeholders sufficient rights of ].<ref name="Thomas Meyer 2007. p. 91"/> It supports a ] that opposes the excesses of capitalism such as ], poverty, and ] of various groups, while rejecting both a totally ] or a fully ].<ref>Front Cover Ira C. Colby, Catherine N. Dulmus, Karen M. Sowers. Connecting Social Welfare Policy to Fields of Practice. John Wiley & Sons, 2012. p. 29.</ref> Common social democratic policies include advocacy of universal social rights to attain universally accessible ]s such as ], ], ], and other services, including ] and care for the elderly.<ref>Thomas Meyer, Lewis P. Hinchman. ''The theory of social democracy''. Cambridge, England, UK; Malden, Massachusetts, USA: Polity Press, 2007. p. 137.</ref> Social democracy is connected with the trade union ] and supports ] for workers.<ref>Martin Upchurch, Graham John Taylor, Andy Mathers. ''The crisis of social democratic trade unionism in Western Europe: the search for alternatives''. Surrey, England, UK; Burlington, Vermont, USA: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. p. 51.</ref> Most social democratic parties are affiliated with the ].<ref name="Busky8"/> | |||
Many commentators on the political right point to the ], claiming them as an indictment of socialism.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Piereson |first=James |title=Socialism as a hate crime |url=https://newcriterion.com/blogs/dispatch/socialism-as-a-hate-crime-9746 |access-date=22 October 2021 |website=newcriterion.com |date=21 August 2018 |language=en |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180826070443/https://newcriterion.com/blogs/dispatch/socialism-as-a-hate-crime-9746 |archive-date=26 August 2018}}</ref>{{sfnp|Engel-DiMauro|2021|pp=1–17}}<ref>{{Cite news |last=Satter |first=David |date=6 November 2017 |title=100 Years of Communism—and 100 Million Dead |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/100-years-of-communismand-100-million-dead-1510011810 |access-date=22 October 2021 |issn=0099-9660 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180112092528/https://www.wsj.com/articles/100-years-of-communismand-100-million-dead-1510011810 |archive-date=12 January 2018}}</ref> Opponents of this view, including supporters of socialism, state that these killings were aberrations caused by specific authoritarian regimes, and not caused by socialism itself, and draw comparisons to killings, famines and excess deaths under capitalism, ] and ].<ref>{{harvp|Bevins|2020|pp=238–240}}; {{harvp|Ghodsee|Sehon|2018}}; {{harvp|Engel-DiMauro|2021|pp=1–17}}; {{harvp|Sullivan|Hickel|2022}}</ref> | |||
===Syndicalism=== | |||
{{main|Syndicalism|Anarcho-syndicalism}} | |||
Syndicalism is a social movement that operates through industrial trade unions and rejects ] and the use of establishment politics to establish or promote socialism. They reject using state power to construct a socialist society, favouring strategies such as the ]. Syndicalists advocate a socialist economy based on federated unions or syndicates of workers who own and manage the means of production. Some Marxist currents advocate Syndicalism, such as ]. ] is a ] which views ] as a method for workers in ] to gain control of an economy and, with that control, influence broader society. The ], largely orchestrated by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union ] during the ] offers an historical example.<ref>]. ''The Anarchist Collectives Workers' Self-management in the Spanish Revolution 1936-1939''. Free Life Editions; 1st edition (1974)</ref> The ] is an international federation of ] ]s and initiatives. | |||
== See also == | |||
===Socialism and progressive social movements=== | |||
{{Div col}} | |||
{{main|Socialist feminism|Socialism and LGBT rights|Eco-socialism|Anarcha-feminism|Green anarchism|Queer anarchism}} | |||
* ] | |||
] ] and ], 1910]]] is a branch of ] that focuses upon both the public and private spheres of a woman's life and argues that ] can only be achieved by working to end both the economic and ] sources of women's ].<ref>, retrieved on May 28th 2007.</ref> ]'s foundation is laid by ] in his analysis of gender oppression in '']'' (1884). ]'s ''Woman under Socialism'' (1879), the "single work dealing with sexuality most widely read by rank-and-file members of the ] (SPD)",.<ref>''Journal of Homosexuality'', 1995, Volume 29, Issue 2/3. ISSN 0091-8369 — Simultaneously published as: Gay men and the sexual history of the political left, Gert Hekma et al. Eds. Harrington Park Press 1995, ISBN 1-56023-067-3. p. 14</ref> In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both ] and ] were against the ] of men and supported a ] revolution that would overcome as many male–female inequalities as possible.<ref name=Stokes>{{cite book |author=Stokes, John |title=Eleanor Marx (1855–1898): Life, Work, Contacts |year=2000 |publisher=Ashgate |location=Aldershot |isbn=978-0-7546-0113-5}}</ref> As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin<ref>Zetkin, Clara, (1895).</ref><ref>Zetkin, Clara, .</ref> and ],<ref>Kollontai, Alexandra, (1909).</ref><ref>Kollontai, Alexandra, (1919).</ref> counterposed Marxism against ], rather than trying to combine them. ] began with late 19th and early 20th century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists ] and ]<ref>Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne (ed.). ''Quiet Rumours: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader'', Dark Star: 2002. ISBN 978-1-902593-40-1. p.9.</ref> In the ], an anarcha-feminist group, {{lang|es|]}} ("Free Women") linked to the {{lang|es|]}}, organised to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas.<ref>Ackelsberg, Martha A. Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women, AK Press, 2005. ISBN 978-1-902593-96-8.</ref> In 1972, the ] published "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement," which is believed to be the first to use the term "socialist feminism," in publication.<ref name="CWLUOver">{{cite web | author1=Margeret "Peg" Strobel |author2=Sue Davenport | year=1999 | title=The Chicago Women's Liberation Union: An Introduction | work=The CWLU Herstory Website | publisher=University of Illinois | url=http://www.uic.edu/orgs/cwluherstory/CWLUAbout/abdoc1.html | accessdate=25 November 2011}}</ref> | |||
* ] | |||
], philosopher and activist who was instrumental in the foundation of the ] and the ] as well as in the early ] western movements]] | |||
* ] | |||
Many ]. For early socialist ], true freedom could only occur without suppressing passions; the suppression of passions is not only destructive to the individual, but to society as a whole. Writing before the advent of the term 'homosexuality', Fourier recognised that both men and women have a wide range of sexual needs and preferences which may change throughout their lives, including same-sex sexuality and ''androgénité''. He argued that all sexual expressions should be enjoyed as long as people are not abused, and that "affirming one's difference" can actually enhance social integration.<ref>], ''Le Nouveau Monde amoureux'' (written 1816-18, not published widely until 1967: Paris: Éditions Anthropos). pp. 389, 391, 429, 458, 459, 462, and 463.</ref> In ]'s '']'', he passionately advocates for an ] society where wealth is shared by all, while warning of the dangers of social systems that crush individuality. Wilde's ] politics were shared by other figures who actively campaigned for homosexual emancipation in the late 19th century such as ].<ref>According to his biographer Neil McKenna, Wilde was part of a secret organisation that aimed to legalise homosexuality, and was known among the group as a leader of "the Cause". (McKenna, Neil. 2003. ''The Secret Life of Oscar Wilde''.)</ref> '']: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women'' was a book from 1908 and an early work arguing for ] written by ]<ref>Flood, M. (2007) International Encyclopedia of Men and Masculinities, Routledge: Abingdon, p. 315</ref> who was also an influential personality in the foundation of the ] and the ]. After the ] under the leadership of ] and ], the ] abolished previous laws against homosexuality.<ref>, Paul Russell. Kensington Books, 2002. ISBN 0-7582-0100-1, ISBN 978-0-7582-0100-3. p. 124</ref> ] was an early leader in the American ] movement as well as a member of the ]. He is known for his roles in helping to found several gay organisations, including the ], the first sustained gay rights group in the United States which in its early days had a strong marxist influence. The ''Encyclopedia of Homosexuality'' reports that "As Marxists the founders of the group believed that the injustice and oppression which they suffered stemmed from relationships deeply embedded in the structure of American society".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://williamapercy.com/images/Mattachine.pdf|format=PDF|title=Mattachine Society at Dynes, Wayne R. (ed.)|work=Encyclopedia of Homosexuality}}</ref> Also emerging from a number of events, such as the ] insurrection in France, the ] in the US and the ] of 1969, militant ] organisations began to spring up around the world. Many saw their roots in left radicalism more than in the established homophile groups of the time,<ref>, Lou Chabarro 2004 for the ].</ref> The ] took an ] stance and attacked the ] and traditional ]s.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/pwh/glf-london.html|title=Gay Liberation Front: Manifesto. London|origyear=1971|year=1978}}</ref> | |||
* ] | |||
], an alliance of ] eco-socialist political parties]] | |||
], green socialism or socialist ecology is an political position merging aspects of ], socialism, and/or ] with that of ], ecology and ]. Eco-socialists generally believe that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of ], poverty, war and ] through ] and ], under the supervision of repressive ] and transnational structures.<ref name="Manifesto">{{cite book |author=Kovel, J. |author2=Löwy, M. |title=An ecosocialist manifesto |year=2001}}</ref> Contrary to the depiction of ] by some environmentalists,<ref name=Eckersley>Eckersley, R., ''Environmentalism and Political Theory'', 1992 (Albany, NY: SUNY Press)</ref> ]<ref name=Clark>Clark, J., ''The Anarchist Moment'', 1984 (Montreal: Black Rose)</ref> and fellow socialists<ref name=Benton>Benton, T. (ed.), ''The Greening of Marxism'', 1996 (New York: Guildford)</ref> as a ] who favoured the domination of nature, eco-socialists have revisited Marx's writings and believe that he "was a main originator of the ecological world-view".<ref name=Kovel>Kovel, J., ''The Enemy of Nature'', 2002</ref> Eco-socialist authors, like ]<ref name=JBF>Foster, J. B., ''Marx's Ecology'', 2000 (New York: Monthly Review Press)</ref> and Paul Burkett,<ref name=Burkett>Burkett, P., ''Marx and Nature'', 1999 (New York: St. Martin's Press)</ref> point to Marx's discussion of a "metabolic rift" between man and nature, his statement that "private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite absurd as private ownership of one man by another" and his observation that a society must "hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition".<ref name=Capital3>Marx, K., ''Capital Vol. 3.'', 1894</ref> The English socialist ] is largely credited with developing key principles of what was later called eco-socialism.<ref name=Babylon>Wall, D., ''Babylon and Beyond: The Economics of Anti-Capitalist, Anti-Globalist and Radical Green Movements'', 2005</ref> During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his eco-socialist ideas within the ] and ].<ref name=GLSite></ref> ], or ecoanarchism, is a ] within ] which puts a particular emphasis on ]. An important early influence was the thought of the American ] ] and his book '']''<ref name="Thoreau">"Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por ]. Para George Woodcock, esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX."</ref> as well as ]{{citation needed|date=April 2014}} and ].<ref name="Reclus1">http://www.natustar.com/uk/naturism-begin.html</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://anarchism.pageabode.com/afaq/secA3.html#seca33|title=A.3 What types of anarchism are there?|work=Anarchist Writers}}</ref> In the late 19th century there emerged ] as the fusion of anarchism and ] philosophies within ] circles in France, Spain, Cuba<ref name="raforum.info">{{cite web|url=http://raforum.info/spip.php?article3061&lang=fr|title=R.A. Forum > SHAFFER, Kirwin R. Anarchism and countercultural politics in early twentieth-century Cuba|author=RA forum|work=raforum.info}}</ref> and Portugal.<ref name="spanishind"></ref>] is closely related to the work and ideas of ] and influenced by anarchist ]. Bookchin´s first book, ''],'' was published under the pseudonym Lewis Herber in 1962, a few months before ]'s '']''.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bookchin/bio1.html |title=''A Short Biography of Murray Bookchin'' by Janet Biehl |publisher=Dwardmac.pitzer.edu |accessdate=2012-05-11}}</ref> His groundbreaking essay "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" introduced ecology as a concept in radical politics.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/bookchin/ecologyandrev.html |title=Ecology and Revolution |publisher=Dwardmac.pitzer.edu |date=2004-06-16 |accessdate=2012-05-11}}</ref> In the 1970s, ], suggesting a left-wing response to the '']'' model that predicted catastrophic ] and spurred environmentalism, postulated that capitalist technologies were chiefly responsible for ], as opposed to ].<ref name=Commoner>Commoner, B., ''The Closing Circle'', 1972</ref> The 1990s saw the ] Mary Mellor<ref name=Mellor>Mellor, M., ''Breaking the Boundaries: Towards a Feminist, Green Socialism'', 1992</ref> and ]<ref name=Salleh>Saller, A., ''Ecofeminism as Politics: Nature, Marx and the Postmodern'', 1997</ref> address environmental issues within an eco-socialist paradigm. With the rising profile of the ] movement in the ], an "environmentalism of the poor", combining ecological awareness and ], has also become prominent.<ref name=Guha>Guha, R. and Martinez-Alier, J., ''Varieties of Environmentalism: Essays North and South'', 1997</ref> David Pepper also released his important work, ''Ecosocialism: From Deep Ecology to Social Justice'', in 1994, which critiques the current approach of many within Green politics, particularly ].<ref name=DPepper>Pepper, D., ''Ecosocialism: From Deep Ecology to Social Justice'', 1994</ref> Currently, many ] around the world, such as the ] (GroenLinks), contain strong eco-socialist elements. Radical ]s have been formed in many countries by eco-socialists, radical ] and other radical left groups. In ], the ] was formed as a coalition of numerous radical parties. Within the ], a number of far-left parties from Northern Europe have organised themselves into the ]. | |||
==Criticism== | |||
{{Main|Criticisms of socialism}} | |||
Socialism has been critiqued from numerous different perspectives. Because there are many models of socialism, most critiques are only focused on a specific type of socialism. | |||
] and ] view ] of the ] and the market exchange as natural entities or moral rights which are central to their conceptions of freedom and liberty, and view the economic dynamics of capitalism as immutable and absolute. Therefore, they perceive ] of the means of production, ] and economic planning as infringements upon liberty.<ref name="milton">{{cite web |url=http://www.sangam.org/taraki/articles/2006/11-25_Friedman_MGR.php?uid=2075 |title=On Milton Friedman, MGR & Annaism |publisher=Sangam.org |accessdate=30 October 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |author=Bellamy, Richard|title=The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2003|isbn=0-521-56354-2|page=60}}</ref> | |||
According to the ] ], an economic system that does not use money, financial calculation and market pricing will be unable to effectively value capital goods and coordinate production, and therefore these types of socialism are impossible because they lack the necessary information to perform economic calculation in the first place.<ref>Ludwig Von Mises, Socialism, p. 119</ref><ref name="Mises">{{cite book |title= Economic calculation in the Socialist Commonwealth|accessdate=8 September 2008|last= Von Mises|first= Ludwig|authorlink= Ludwig von Mises|year= 1990|format= PDF|publisher=]|url= https://mises.org/pdf/econcalc.pdf}}</ref> Another central argument leveled against socialist systems based on economic planning is based on the use of dispersed knowledge. State socialism is unfeasible in this view because information cannot be aggregated by a central body and effectively used to formulate a plan for an entire economy, because doing so would result in ].<ref name="hayek">F. A. Hayek, (1935), "The Nature and History of the Problem" and "The Present State of the Debate," om in F. A. Hayek, ed. ''Collectivist Economic Planning'', pp. 1–40, 201–43.</ref> | |||
Many economic criticisms of socialism focus on the experiences of Soviet-type planned economies. It is argued that a lack of ]s in enterprises operating in a planned economy reduces incentives for enterprises to act on information efficiently, thereby reducing overall welfare for society.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |last1=Heilbroner |first1=Robert |authorlink1= Robert Heilbroner |last2= |first2= |authorlink2= |editor= ] (ed.) |encyclopedia=] |title=Socialism |url=http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Socialism.html |year=2008 |edition= 2nd |publisher=] |location=Indianapolis |isbn=978-0865976658 |oclc=237794267}}</ref> | |||
Other economists criticise models of socialism based on neoclassical economics for their reliance on ] and ].<ref>{{cite book |last= Stiglitz|first= Joseph |title= Whither Socialism?|publisher= The MIT Press|date=January 1996|isbn= 978-0262691826|page =|quote=.}}</ref> | |||
In light of these criticisms, philosophers such as Howard Zinn retort: | |||
{{Quote|Let's talk about socialism. I think it's very important to bring back the idea of socialism into the national discussion to where it was at the turn of the century before the Soviet Union gave it a bad name. Socialism had a good name in this country. Socialism had ]. It had ]. It had ]. It had ]. It had several million people reading socialist newspapers around the country. Socialism basically said, hey, let's have a kinder, gentler society. Let's share things. Let's have an economic system that produces things not because they're profitable for some corporation, but produces things that people need. People should not be retreating from the word socialism because you have to go beyond capitalism.<ref name = "ZirinHP"> by ], '']'', January 28, 2010.</ref>}} | |||
==See also== | |||
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==References== | == References == | ||
{{ |
{{reflist}} | ||
=== Bibliography === | |||
==Further reading== | |||
{{refbegin|30em}} | {{refbegin|30em}} | ||
<!-- A --> | |||
* Sassoon, Donald. ''One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century''. New Press. 1998. ISBN 1-56584-486-6 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Aarons |first=Mark |author-link=Mark Aarons |date=2007 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dg0hWswKgTIC&pg=PA69 |chapter=Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide |editor1-first=David A. |editor1-last=Blumenthal |editor1-link=David Blumenthal |editor2-first=Timothy L. H. |editor2-last=McCormack |url=http://www.brill.com/legacy-nuremberg-civilising-influence-or-institutionalised-vengeance |title=The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law) |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160105053952/http://www.brill.com/legacy-nuremberg-civilising-influence-or-institutionalised-vengeance |archive-date=5 January 2016 |publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers |isbn=978-9004156913}} | |||
* Guy Ankerl, ''Beyond Monopoly Capitalism and Monopoly Socialism'', Cambridge, MA: Schenkman, 1978. | |||
* {{cite journal |last=Arneson |first=Richard J. |author-link=Richard Arneson |title=Is Socialism Dead? A Comment on Market Socialism and Basic Income Capitalism |date=April 1992 |journal=] |volume=102 |number=3 |pages=485–511 |doi=10.1086/293421 |s2cid=154502214}} | |||
* Beckett, Francis, ''Clem Attlee'', Politico's (2007) 978-1842751923 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Arnold |first=N. Scott |title=The Philosophy and Economics of Market Socialism: A Critical Study |url=https://archive.org/details/philosophyeconom00arno |url-access=limited |publisher=] |date=1994 |isbn=978-0195088274}} | |||
* Nik Brandal, Øivind Bratberg, Dag Einar Thorsen. ''The Nordic Model of Social Democracy'' (2013) Pallgrave MacMillan. ISBN 1137013265 | |||
<!-- B --> | |||
* ]. ''Why Not Socialism?'' ], 2009. ISBN 0691143617 | |||
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Badie |editor1-first=Bertrand |editor1-link=Bertrand Badie |editor2-last=Berg-Schlosser |editor2-first=Dirk |editor2-link=Dirk Berg-Schlosser |editor3-last=Morlino |editor3-first=Leonardo |editor3-link=Leonardo Morlino |title=] |publisher=] |year=2011 |doi=10.4135/9781412994163 |isbn=978-1-4129-5963-6}} | |||
* ], ''History of Socialist Thought, in 7 volumes'', Macmillan and St. Martin's Press, 1965; Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 reprint; 7 volumes, hardcover, 3160 pages, ISBN 1-4039-0264-X. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Bailey |first=David J. |date=2009 |title=The Political Economy of European Social Democracy: A Critical Realist Approach |publisher=] |isbn=978-04156-04253}} | |||
* ] (2014). ''.'' ]; 3 edition. ISBN 1107427320 | |||
* {{cite magazine |editor-last=Barrett |editor-first=William |editor-link=William Barrett (philosopher) |date=1 April 1978 |url=https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/capitalism-socialism-and-democracy/ |title=Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy: A Symposium |magazine=Commentary |access-date=14 June 2020 |archive-date=19 October 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019061248/https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/capitalism-socialism-and-democracy/ |url-status=dead}} | |||
* ], ''Socialism: Utopian and Scientific'', Pathfinder; 2r.e. edition (December 1989) 978-0873485791 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Beckett |first=Francis |author-link=Francis Beckett |title=Clem Attlee |publisher=Politico |date=2007 |isbn=978-1842751923}} | |||
* Friedrich Engels, ''The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State'', Zurich, 1884. {{LCC|HQ504 .E6}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Berlau |first=A. Joseph |title=The German Social Democratic Party, 1914–1921 |place=New York |publisher=] |year=1949}} | |||
* Albert Fried and Ronald Sanders, eds., ''Socialist Thought: A Documentary History'', Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1964. {{LCCN|64011312}}. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Berman |first=Sheri |author-link=Sheri Berman |date=1998 |title=The Social Democratic Moment |publisher=] |isbn=978-067444261-0}} | |||
* Frances Goldin, Debby Smith, Michael Smith. ''Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA''. ], 2014. ISBN 0062305573 | |||
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Best |editor1-first=Steven |editor2-last=Kahn |editor2-first=Richard |editor3-last=Nocella II |editor3-first=Anthony J. |editor4-last=McLaren |editor4-first=Peter |editor1-link=Steven Best |editor4-link=Peter McLaren |date=2011 |title=The Global Industrial Complex: Systems of Domination |chapter=Introduction: Pathologies of Power and the Rise of the Global Industrial Complex |publisher=] |isbn=978-0739136980}} | |||
* ], ''Histoire du Socialisme Européen''. Paris: Gallimard, 1948. | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Bevins |first1=Vincent |author-link=Vincent Bevins |title=] |date=2020 |publisher=] |pages=238–240 |isbn=978-1541742406}} | |||
* ], ''Socialism'', New York: Bantam, 1972. {{LCCN|76154260}}. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Bockman |first=Johanna |title=Markets in the name of Socialism: The Left-Wing origins of Neoliberalism |publisher=] |year=2011 |isbn=978-0804775663}} | |||
* ]. ''Socialism: Past and Future.'' Arcade Publishing, 2011. ISBN 1611453356 | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Brandal |first1=Nik |last2=Bratberg |first2=Øivind |author2-link=:no:Øivind Bratberg |last3=Thorsen |first3=Dag Einar |title=The Nordic Model of Social Democracy |date=2013 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1137013262}} | |||
* Hayes, Carlton J. H. "The History of German Socialism Reconsidered," ''American Historical Review'' (1917) 23#1 pp. 62–101 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Brus |first=Wlodzimierz |author-link=Wlodzimierz Brus |title=The Economics and Politics of Socialism |publisher=] |date=2015 |isbn=978-0415866477}} | |||
* ], (''Socialism, Economic Calculation, and Entrepreneurship''), Unión Editorial, 1992. ISBN 84-7209-420-0. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Busky |first=Donald F. |author-link=Donald F. Busky |title=Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey |location=Westport, Connecticut |publisher=] |year=2000 |isbn=978-0275968861}} | |||
* Makoto Itoh, ''Political Economy of Socialism''. London: Macmillan, 1995. ISBN 0-333-55337-3. | |||
<!-- C --> | |||
* {{cite book |last=Kitching |first=Gavin |authorlink=Gavin Kitching |title=Rethinking Socialism |publisher=Meuthen |year=1983 |url=http://www.gavinkitching.com/marx_0.htm |isbn=0-416-35840-3 }} | |||
* {{cite news |last=Caulcutt |first=Clea |date=13 January 2022 |title=The end of the French left |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/christiane-taubira-last-resort-savior-france-left-tatters/ |access-date=20 April 2022 |work=] |language=en-US}} | |||
* ], ''On the Economic Theory of Socialism'', Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1938. {{LCCN|38012882}}. | |||
<!-- E --> | |||
* Michael Lebowitz, '''', , 2006. ISBN 1-58367-145-5. | |||
* {{Cite journal |last=Engel-DiMauro |first=Salvatore |date=2 January 2021 |title=Anti-Communism and the Hundreds of Millions of Victims of Capitalism |journal=] |volume=32 |issue=1 |pages=1–17 |doi=10.1080/10455752.2021.1875603 |s2cid=233745505 |issn=1045-5752}} | |||
* Alan Maass. ''The Case for Socialism.'' ], 2010 (Updated Edition). ISBN 1608460738 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Esposito |first=John L. |author-link=John Esposito |title=Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World |year=1995 |publisher=] |location=New York |isbn=978-0195066135 |oclc=94030758 |page= |url=https://archive.org/details/oxfordencycloped01espo/page/19}} | |||
* Marx, Engels, ''The Communist Manifesto'', Penguin Classics (2002) 978-0140447576 | |||
<!-- G --> | |||
* Marx, Engels, ''Selected works in one volume'', Lawrence and Wishart (1968) 978-0853151814 | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Gaus |first1=Gerald F. |author1-link=Gerald Gaus |title=Handbook of Political Theory |first2=Chandran |last2=Kukathas |author2-link=Chandran Kukathas |year=2004 |publisher=Sage |isbn=978-0761967873}} | |||
* ], , San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2002. ISBN 1-893554-45-7. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Ghodsee |first=Kristen |date=2017 |title=Red Hangover: Legacies of Twentieth-Century Communism |url=https://www.dukeupress.edu/red-hangover |publisher=] |isbn=978-0822369493 |author-link=Kristen R. Ghodsee}} | |||
* Michael Newman, ''Socialism: A Very Short Introduction'', Oxford University Press, 2005. ISBN 0-19-280431-6. | |||
* {{cite web |last1=Ghodsee |first1=Kristen R. |author1-link=Kristen R. Ghodsee |last2=Sehon |first2=Scott |author2-link=Scott Sehon |url=https://aeon.co/essays/the-merits-of-taking-an-anti-anti-communism-stance |title=Anti-anti-communism |date=22 March 2018 |website=] |access-date=26 September 2018 |quote=A 2009 poll in eight east European countries asked if the economic situation for ordinary people was 'better, worse or about the same as it was under communism'. The results stunned observers: 72 per cent of Hungarians, and 62 per cent of both Ukrainians and Bulgarians believed that most people were worse off after 1989. In no country did more than 47 per cent of those surveyed agree that their lives improved after the advent of free markets. Subsequent polls and qualitative research across Russia and eastern Europe confirm the persistence of these sentiments as popular discontent with the failed promises of free-market prosperity has grown, especially among older people.}} | |||
* ], ed., ''Market Socialism: The Debate among Socialists'', Routledge, 1998. ISBN 0-415-91967-3 | |||
<!-- H --> | |||
* ], ''Renewing Socialism: Democracy, Strategy, and Imagination''. ISBN 0-8133-9821-5. | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Hanna |first1=Sami A. |last2=Gardner |first2=George H. |title=Arab Socialism: A Documentary Survey |year=1969 |publisher=E.J. Brill |location=Leiden |pages=273–274 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zsoUAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA273 |via=]}} | |||
* Emile Perreau-Saussine, '''', in Patrick Riordan (dir.), Values in Public life: aspects of common goods (Berlin, LIT Verlag, 2007), pp. 11–34 | |||
* {{cite journal |last1=Hanna |first1=Sami A. |year=1969 |title=al-Takaful al-Ijtimai and Islamic Socialism |journal=The Muslim World |volume=59 |issue=3–4 |pages=275–286 |url=http://www.financeinislam.com/article/1_37/1/309 |doi=10.1111/j.1478-1913.1969.tb02639.x |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100913151901/http://www.financeinislam.com/article/1_37/1/309 |archive-date=13 September 2010}} | |||
* ], ''Property and Freedom'', Vintage, 2000. ISBN 0-375-70447-7. | |||
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* {{cite news |last1=Sullivan |first1=Dylan |last2=Hickel |first2=Jason |author2-link=Jason Hickel |date=2 December 2022 |title=How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/12/2/how-british-colonial-policy-killed-100-million-indians |work=] |location= |access-date=8 February 2023 |quote=While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot's Cambodia, and Mengistu's Ethiopia. |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230115112349/https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/12/2/how-british-colonial-policy-killed-100-million-indians |archive-date=15 January 2023}} | |||
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{{refend}} | {{refend}} | ||
== Further reading == | |||
==External links== | |||
{{refbegin|30em}} | |||
{{Commons category|Socialism}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Bellarmine |first=Robert |chapter=] |title=Sermons from the Latins |year=1902 |publisher=Benziger Brothers |author-link=Robert Bellarmine}} | |||
{{Wikisource portal|Socialism}} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Cohen |first1=Gerald |author1-link=Gerald Cohen |title=Why Not Socialism? |publisher=] |date=2009 |isbn=978-0691143613}} | |||
{{Wikiquote|Socialism}} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Cole |first1=G. D. H. |author1-link=G. D. H. Cole |title=History of Socialist Thought, in 7 volumes |orig-date=1965 |publisher=] |date=2003 |edition=reprint |isbn=140390264X}} | |||
* {{dmoz|Society/Politics/Socialism/|Socialism}} | |||
* {{cite EB1922 |wstitle=Socialism |last=Cole |first=George Douglas Howard}} | |||
* by ] | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Ellman |first1=Michael |author1-link=Michael Ellman |date=2014 |url=http://www.cambridge.org/US/academic/subjects/economics/economics-general-interest/socialist-planning-3rd-edition |title=Socialist Planning |publisher=] |edition=3rd |isbn=978-1107427327}} | |||
* by Albert Einstein | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Frank |first1=Peter |last2=McAloon |first2=Jim |title=Labour: The New Zealand Labour Party, 1916–2016 |year=2016 |publisher=] |location=] |isbn=978-1776560745 |url=https://vup.victoria.ac.nz/brands/Peter-Franks-%26-Jim-McAloon.html |access-date=16 September 2019}} | |||
* by ] | |||
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Fried |editor1-first=Albert |editor2-last=Sanders |editor2-first=Ronald |title=Socialist Thought: A Documentary History |location=Garden City, NY |publisher=] |date=1964 |lccn=64011312}} | |||
* by Fred Magdoff and Michael D. Yates, '']'', November 2009 | |||
* {{cite book |last=Ghodsee |first=Kristen |author-link=Kristen Ghodsee|date=2018 |title=] |url= |location= |publisher=] |page= |isbn=978-1568588902}} | |||
* from the | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Harrington |first1= Michael |author1-link=Michael Harrington |title=Socialism |location=New York |publisher=Bantam |date=1972 |lccn=76154260}} | |||
* . ''],'' 2003. | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Harrington |first1= Michael |author1-link=Michael Harrington |title=Socialism: Past and Future |publisher=Arcade Publishing |date=2011 |isbn=978-1611453355}} | |||
* {{cite web |url=http://www.wsu.edu/~brians/hum_303/socialism.html |date=28 March 2005 |author=Paul Brians |title=Introduction to 19th-Century Socialism |publisher=Washington State University}} | |||
* {{cite journal |last1=Hayes |first1=Carlton J. H. |title=The History of German Socialism Reconsidered |journal=] |date=1917 |volume=23 |issue=1 |pages=62–101 |doi=10.2307/1837686 |jstor=1837686}} | |||
* {{Cite EB1922|wstitle=Socialism|author=] |short=x}} | |||
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=Heilbroner |first=Robert |author-link=Robert Heilbroner |editor-first=David R. |editor-last=Henderson |editor-link=David R. Henderson |encyclopedia=The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics |chapter=Socialism |chapter-url=https://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Socialism.html |year=2008 |publisher=] |location=Indianapolis, IN |isbn=978-0865976665 |pages=466–468}} | |||
* {{Cite NIE|wstitle=Socialism|author=]; ] |short=x}} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Imlay |first1=Talbot |title=The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960 |publisher=] |date=2018 |doi=10.1093/oso/9780199641048.001.0001 |isbn=978-0191774317}} | |||
* | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Itoh |first1=Makoto |title=Political Economy of Socialism |location=London |publisher=] |date=1995 |isbn=0333553373}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Kitching |first=Gavin |author-link=Gavin Kitching |title=Rethinking Socialism |publisher=Meuthen |year=1983 |url=https://archive.org/details/rethinkingsocial0000kitc |isbn=978-0416358407}} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Oskar |first1=Lange |author1-link=Oskar Lange |title=On the Economic Theory of Socialism |location=Minneapolis, MN |publisher=] |date=1938 |lccn=38012882}} | |||
* {{cite journal |last1=Lebowitz |first1=Michael |url=http://www.monthlyreview.org/builditnow.htm |title=Build It Now: Socialism for the 21st century |journal=] |date=2006 |isbn=1583671455}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Lichtheim |first=George |title=A Short History of Socialism |publisher=Praeger Publishers |date=1970 |isbn=}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Maass |first=Alan |title=The Case for Socialism |publisher=] |date=2010 |edition=Updated |isbn=978-1608460731}} | |||
* Marx & Engels, ''Selected works in one volume'', Lawrence and Wishart (1968) {{ISBN|978-0853151814}}. | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Martell |first1=Luke |title=Alternative Societies: For a Pluralist Socialism |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1529229707 |language=en}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Muravchik |first=Joshua |author-link=Joshua Muravchik |title=Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism |url=https://www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/resources.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141019012658/http://www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/resources.html |archive-date=19 October 2014 |location=San Francisco |publisher=Encounter Books |date=2002 |isbn=1893554457}} | |||
* {{cite journal |last1=Navarro |first1=V. |date=1992 |title=Has socialism failed? An analysis of health indicators under socialism |url= |journal=] |volume=23 |issue=2 |pages=583–601 |doi=10.2190/B2TP-3R5M-Q7UP-DUA2 |pmid=1399170 |s2cid=44945095 |access-date=}} | |||
* ], ed., ''Market Socialism: The Debate among Socialists'', Routledge, 1998. {{ISBN|0415919673}}. | |||
* ], ''Renewing Socialism: Democracy, Strategy, and Imagination''. {{ISBN|0813398215}}. | |||
* Emile Perreau-Saussine, '''', in Patrick Riordan (dir.), Values in Public life: aspects of common goods (Berlin, LIT Verlag, 2007), pp. 11–34. | |||
* {{cite book |last=Piketty |first=Thomas |author-link=Thomas Piketty |date=2021 |title=Time for Socialism: Dispatches from a World on Fire, 2016–2021 |url=https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300259667/time-socialism |publisher=] |isbn=978-0300259667}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Pipes |first=Richard |author-link=Richard Pipes |title=Property and Freedom |publisher=Vintage |date=2000 |isbn=0375704477}} | |||
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=Prychitko |first=David L. |author-link=David L. Prychitko |editor-first=Ronald |editor-last=Hamowy |editor-link=Ronald Hamowy |encyclopedia=The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism |chapter=Socialism |chapter-url=https://sk.sagepub.com/reference/libertarianism/n290.xml |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yxNgXs3TkJYC |doi=10.4135/9781412965811.n290 |year=2008 |publisher=]; ] |location=Thousand Oaks, CA |isbn=978-1412965804 <!-- |oclc=750831024 |lccn=2008009151 --> |pages=474–476 |via=]}} | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Rubel |first1=Maximilien |author1-link=Maximilien Rubel |last2=Crump |first2=John |title=Non-Market Socialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries |date=8 August 1987 |publisher=St. Martin's Press |isbn=0312005245}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Sassoon |first=Donald |title=One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century |publisher=New Press |date=1998 |isbn=1565844866}} | |||
* {{cite book |editor-last=Sunkara |editor-first=Bhaskar |editor-link=Bhaskar Sunkara |title=The ABCs of Socialism |publisher=] |date=2016 |isbn=978-1784787264}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Verdery |first=Katherine |title=What Was Socialism, What Comes Next |location=Princeton |publisher=] |date=1996 |isbn=069101132X}} | |||
* {{cite web |last=Webb |first=Sidney |url=https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/1889webb.asp |title=The Basis of Socialism – Historic |year=1889 |publisher=Library of Economics and Liberty |author-link=Sidney Webb, 1st Baron Passfield}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Weinstein |first=James |author-link=James Weinstein (author) |title=Long Detour: The History and Future of the American Left |publisher=] |date=2003 |edition=hardcover |isbn=0813341043}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Wilberg |first=Peter |url=http://www.newgnosis.co.uk/deep.html |title=Deep Socialism: A New Manifesto of Marxist Ethics and Economics |date=2003 |publisher=New Gnosis Publications |isbn=1904519024}} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
== External links == | |||
* – entry at the '']'' | |||
* {{IEP|socialis/}} | |||
* from the . | |||
* {{Cite EB9 |wstitle=Socialism |volume=XXII |last= Kirkup |first= Thomas |author-link= |page= |short=1}} | |||
* {{Cite NIE |last1=Ely |first1=Richard T. |author1-link=Richard T. Ely |last2=Adams |first2=Thomas Sewall |author2-link=Thomas Sewall Adams |wstitle=Socialism |short=x}} | |||
* {{Cite EB1911 |wstitle=Socialism |volume=25 |last=Bonar |first=James |author-link= |pages=301–308 |short=1}} | |||
* {{Cite EB1922 |last=Cole |first=G. D. H. |author-link=G. D. H. Cole |wstitle=Socialism |short=x}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 17:36, 23 December 2024
Political philosophy emphasising social ownership of production For other uses, see Socialism (disambiguation).
Part of a series on |
Economic systems |
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By coordination |
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Other types |
Socialism is an economic and political philosophy encompassing diverse economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production, as opposed to private ownership. It describes the economic, political, and social theories and movements associated with the implementation of such systems. Social ownership can take various forms, including public, community, collective, cooperative, or employee. As one of the main ideologies on the political spectrum, socialism is considered as the standard left-wing ideology in most countries. Types of socialism vary based on the role of markets and planning in resource allocation, and the structure of management in organizations.
Socialist systems divide into non-market and market forms. A non-market socialist system seeks to eliminate the perceived inefficiencies, irrationalities, unpredictability, and crises that socialists traditionally associate with capital accumulation and the profit system. Market socialism retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets and sometimes the profit motive. As a political force, socialist parties and ideas exercise varying degrees of power and influence, heading national governments in several countries. Socialist politics have been internationalist and nationalist; organised through political parties and opposed to party politics; at times overlapping with trade unions and other times independent and critical of them, and present in industrialised and developing nations. Social democracy originated within the socialist movement, supporting economic and social interventions to promote social justice. While retaining socialism as a long-term goal, in the post-war period social democracy embraced a mixed economy based on Keynesianism within a predominantly developed capitalist market economy and liberal democratic polity that expands state intervention to include income redistribution, regulation, and a welfare state.
The socialist political movement includes political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for the social problems that socialists associated with capitalism. By the late 19th century, after the work of Karl Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels, socialism had come to signify anti-capitalism and advocacy for a post-capitalist system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production. By the early 1920s, communism and social democracy had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement, with socialism itself becoming the most influential secular movement of the 20th century. Many socialists also adopted the causes of other social movements, such as feminism, environmentalism, and progressivism.
While the emergence of the Soviet Union as the world's first nominally socialist state led to socialism's widespread association with the Soviet economic model, academics have noted that some Western European countries have been governed by socialist parties or have mixed economies, that are sometimes called "democratic socialist". Following the revolutions of 1989, many of these countries moved away from socialism as a neoliberal consensus replaced the social democratic consensus in the advanced capitalist world, while many former socialist politicians and political parties embraced "Third Way" politics, remaining committed to equality and welfare while abandoning public ownership and class-based politics. Socialism experienced a resurgence in popularity in the 2010s, most prominently in the form of democratic socialism.
Etymology
According to Andrew Vincent, "he word 'socialism' finds its root in the Latin sociare, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and then medieval law was societas. This latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen".
Initial use of socialism was claimed by Pierre Leroux, who alleged he first used the term in the Parisian journal Le Globe in 1832. Leroux was a follower of Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of what would later be labelled utopian socialism. Socialism contrasted with the liberal doctrine of individualism that emphasized the moral worth of the individual while stressing that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another. The original utopian socialists condemned this doctrine of individualism for failing to address social concerns during the Industrial Revolution, including poverty, oppression, and vast wealth inequality. They viewed their society as harming community life by basing society on competition. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the shared ownership of resources. Saint-Simon proposed economic planning, scientific administration and the application of scientific understanding to the organisation of society. By contrast, Robert Owen proposed to organise production and ownership via cooperatives. Socialism is also attributed in France to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud while in Britain it is attributed to Owen, who became one of the fathers of the cooperative movement.
The definition and usage of socialism settled by the 1860s, with the term socialist replacing associationist, co-operative, mutualist and collectivist, which had been used as synonyms, while the term communism fell out of use during this period. An early distinction between communism and socialism was that the latter aimed to only socialise production while the former aimed to socialise both production and consumption (in the form of free access to final goods). By 1888, Marxists employed socialism in place of communism as the latter had come to be considered an old-fashioned synonym for socialism. It was not until after the Bolshevik Revolution that socialism was appropriated by Vladimir Lenin to mean a stage between capitalism and communism. He used it to defend the Bolshevik program from Marxist criticism that Russia's productive forces were not sufficiently developed for communism. The distinction between communism and socialism became salient in 1918 after the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party renamed itself to the All-Russian Communist Party, interpreting communism specifically to mean socialists who supported the politics and theories of Bolshevism, Leninism and later that of Marxism–Leninism, although communist parties continued to describe themselves as socialists dedicated to socialism. According to The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx, "Marx used many terms to refer to a post-capitalist society—positive humanism, socialism, communism, realm of free individuality, free association of producers, etc. He used these terms completely interchangeably. The notion that 'socialism' and 'communism' are distinct historical stages is alien to his work and only entered the lexicon of Marxism after his death".
In Christian Europe, communists were believed to have adopted atheism. In Protestant England, communism was too close to the Roman Catholic communion rite, hence socialist was the preferred term. Engels wrote that in 1848, when The Communist Manifesto was published, socialism was respectable in Europe while communism was not. The Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France were considered respectable socialists while working-class movements that "proclaimed the necessity of total social change" denoted themselves communists. This branch of socialism produced the communist work of Étienne Cabet in France and Wilhelm Weitling in Germany. British moral philosopher John Stuart Mill discussed a form of economic socialism within free market. In later editions of his Principles of Political Economy (1848), Mill posited that "as far as economic theory was concerned, there is nothing in principle in economic theory that precludes an economic order based on socialist policies" and promoted substituting capitalist businesses with worker cooperatives. While democrats looked to the Revolutions of 1848 as a democratic revolution which in the long run ensured liberty, equality, and fraternity, Marxists denounced it as a betrayal of working-class ideals by a bourgeoisie indifferent to the proletariat.
History
Main article: History of socialismThe history of socialism has its origins in the Age of Enlightenment and the 1789 French Revolution, along with the changes that brought, although it has precedents in earlier movements and ideas. The Communist Manifesto was written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1847-48 just before the Revolutions of 1848 swept Europe, expressing what they termed scientific socialism. In the last third of the 19th century parties dedicated to Democratic socialism arose in Europe, drawing mainly from Marxism. The Australian Labor Party was the first elected socialist party when it formed government in the Colony of Queensland for a week in 1899.
In the first half of the 20th century, the Soviet Union and the communist parties of the Third International around the world, came to represent socialism in terms of the Soviet model of economic development and the creation of centrally planned economies directed by a state that owns all the means of production, although other trends condemned what they saw as the lack of democracy. The establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, saw socialism introduced. China experienced land redistribution and the Anti-Rightist Movement, followed by the disastrous Great Leap Forward. In the UK, Herbert Morrison said that "socialism is what the Labour government does" whereas Aneurin Bevan argued socialism requires that the "main streams of economic activity are brought under public direction", with an economic plan and workers' democracy. Some argued that capitalism had been abolished. Socialist governments established the mixed economy with partial nationalisations and social welfare.
By 1968, the prolonged Vietnam War gave rise to the New Left, socialists who tended to be critical of the Soviet Union and social democracy. Anarcho-syndicalists and some elements of the New Left and others favoured decentralised collective ownership in the form of cooperatives or workers' councils. In 1989, the Soviet Union saw the end of communism, marked by the Revolutions of 1989 across Eastern Europe, culminating in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements such as environmentalism, feminism and progressivism.
Early 21st century
See also: Socialism of the 21st century Socialism across the world.Top-left: a picture of the red flags found by the Monument to the People's Heroes, China.
Top-right: a demonstration in Austin, Texas, US by the Democratic Socialists of America.
Bottom-left: a demonstration by the Portuguese Socialist Youth.
Bottom-right: a rally for abortion rights in Melbourne, Victoria, Australia being led by members of the Victorian Socialists.
In 1990, the São Paulo Forum was launched by the Workers' Party (Brazil), linking left-wing socialist parties in Latin America. Its members were associated with the Pink tide of left-wing governments on the continent in the early 21st century. Member parties ruling countries included the Front for Victory in Argentina, the PAIS Alliance in Ecuador, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front in El Salvador, Peru Wins in Peru, and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela, whose leader Hugo Chávez initiated what he called "Socialism of the 21st century".
Many mainstream democratic socialist and social democratic parties continued to drift right-wards. On the right of the socialist movement, the Progressive Alliance was founded in 2013 by current or former members of the Socialist International. The organisation states the aim of becoming the global network of "the progressive, democratic, social-democratic, socialist and labour movement". Mainstream social democratic and socialist parties are also networked in Europe in the Party of European Socialists formed in 1992. Many of these parties lost large parts of their electoral base in the early 21st century. This phenomenon is known as Pasokification from the Greek party PASOK, which saw a declining share of the vote in national elections—from 43.9% in 2009 to 13.2% in May 2012, to 12.3% in June 2012 and 4.7% in 2015—due to its poor handling of the Greek government-debt crisis and implementation of harsh austerity measures.
In Europe, the share of votes for such socialist parties was at its 70-year lowest in 2015. For example, the Socialist Party, after winning the 2012 French presidential election, rapidly lost its vote share, the Social Democratic Party of Germany's fortunes declined rapidly from 2005 to 2019, and outside Europe the Israeli Labor Party fell from being the dominant force in Israeli politics to 4.43% of the vote in the April 2019 Israeli legislative election, and the Peruvian Aprista Party went from ruling party in 2011 to a minor party. The decline of these mainstream parties opened space for more radical and populist left parties in some countries, such as Spain's Podemos, Greece's Syriza (in government, 2015–19), Germany's Die Linke, and France's La France Insoumise. In other countries, left-wing revivals have taken place within mainstream democratic socialist and centrist parties, as with Jeremy Corbyn in the United Kingdom and Bernie Sanders in the United States. Few of these radical left parties have won national government in Europe, while some more mainstream socialist parties have managed to, such as Portugal's Socialist Party.
Bhaskar Sunkara, the founding editor of the American socialist magazine Jacobin, argued that the appeal of socialism persists due to the inequality and "tremendous suffering" under current global capitalism, the use of wage labor "which rests on the exploitation and domination of humans by other humans," and ecological crises, such as climate change. In contrast, Mark J. Perry of the conservative American Enterprise Institute (AEI) argued that despite socialism's resurgence, it is still "a flawed system based on completely faulty principles that aren't consistent with human behavior and can't nurture the human spirit.", adding that "While it promised prosperity, equality, and security, it delivered poverty, misery, and tyranny." Some in the scientific community have suggested that a contemporary radical response to social and ecological problems could be seen in the emergence of movements associated with degrowth, eco-socialism and eco-anarchism.
Social and political theory
Main article: Types of socialismEarly socialist thought took influences from a diverse range of philosophies such as civic republicanism, Enlightenment rationalism, romanticism, forms of materialism, Christianity (both Catholic and Protestant), natural law and natural rights theory, utilitarianism and liberal political economy. Another philosophical basis for a great deal of early socialism was the emergence of positivism during the European Enlightenment. Positivism held that both the natural and social worlds could be understood through scientific knowledge and be analysed using scientific methods.
The fundamental objective of socialism is to attain an advanced level of material production and therefore greater productivity, efficiency and rationality as compared to capitalism and all previous systems, under the view that an expansion of human productive capability is the basis for the extension of freedom and equality in society. Many forms of socialist theory hold that human behaviour is largely shaped by the social environment. In particular, socialism holds that social mores, values, cultural traits and economic practices are social creations and not the result of an immutable natural law. The object of their critique is thus not human avarice or human consciousness, but the material conditions and man-made social systems (i.e. the economic structure of society) which give rise to observed social problems and inefficiencies. Bertrand Russell, often considered to be the father of analytic philosophy, identified as a socialist. Russell opposed the class struggle aspects of Marxism, viewing socialism solely as an adjustment of economic relations to accommodate modern machine production to benefit all of humanity through the progressive reduction of necessary work time.
Socialists view creativity as an essential aspect of human nature and define freedom as a state of being where individuals are able to express their creativity unhindered by constraints of both material scarcity and coercive social institutions. The socialist concept of individuality is intertwined with the concept of individual creative expression. Karl Marx believed that expansion of the productive forces and technology was the basis for the expansion of human freedom and that socialism, being a system that is consistent with modern developments in technology, would enable the flourishing of "free individualities" through the progressive reduction of necessary labour time. The reduction of necessary labour time to a minimum would grant individuals the opportunity to pursue the development of their true individuality and creativity.
Criticism of capitalism
Main articles: Anti-capitalism and Criticism of capitalismSocialists argue that the accumulation of capital generates waste through externalities that require costly corrective regulatory measures. They also point out that this process generates wasteful industries and practices that exist only to generate sufficient demand for products such as high-pressure advertisement to be sold at a profit, thereby creating rather than satisfying economic demand. Socialists argue that capitalism consists of irrational activity, such as the purchasing of commodities only to sell at a later time when their price appreciates, rather than for consumption, even if the commodity cannot be sold at a profit to individuals in need and therefore a crucial criticism often made by socialists is that "making money", or accumulation of capital, does not correspond to the satisfaction of demand (the production of use-values). The fundamental criterion for economic activity in capitalism is the accumulation of capital for reinvestment in production, but this spurs the development of new, non-productive industries that do not produce use-value and only exist to keep the accumulation process afloat (otherwise the system goes into crisis), such as the spread of the financial industry, contributing to the formation of economic bubbles. Such accumulation and reinvestment, when it demands a constant rate of profit, causes problems if the earnings in the rest of society do not increase in proportion.
Socialists view private property relations as limiting the potential of productive forces in the economy. According to socialists, private property becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralised, socialised institutions based on private appropriation of revenue—but based on cooperative work and internal planning in allocation of inputs—until the role of the capitalist becomes redundant. With no need for capital accumulation and a class of owners, private property in the means of production is perceived as being an outdated form of economic organisation that should be replaced by a free association of individuals based on public or common ownership of these socialised assets. Private ownership imposes constraints on planning, leading to uncoordinated economic decisions that result in business fluctuations, unemployment and a tremendous waste of material resources during crisis of overproduction.
Excessive disparities in income distribution lead to social instability and require costly corrective measures in the form of redistributive taxation, which incurs heavy administrative costs while weakening the incentive to work, inviting dishonesty and increasing the likelihood of tax evasion while (the corrective measures) reduce the overall efficiency of the market economy. These corrective policies limit the incentive system of the market by providing things such as minimum wages, unemployment insurance, taxing profits and reducing the reserve army of labour, resulting in reduced incentives for capitalists to invest in more production. In essence, social welfare policies cripple capitalism and its incentive system and are thus unsustainable in the long run. Marxists argue that the establishment of a socialist mode of production is the only way to overcome these deficiencies. Socialists and specifically Marxian socialists argue that the inherent conflict of interests between the working class and capital prevent optimal use of available human resources and leads to contradictory interest groups (labour and business) striving to influence the state to intervene in the economy in their favour at the expense of overall economic efficiency. Early socialists (utopian socialists and Ricardian socialists) criticised capitalism for concentrating power and wealth within a small segment of society. In addition, they complained that capitalism does not use available technology and resources to their maximum potential in the interests of the public.
Marxism
Main article: Marxism—Karl Marx, Critique of the Gotha ProgramAt a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. Then begins an era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the whole immense superstructure.
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels argued that socialism would emerge from historical necessity as capitalism rendered itself obsolete and unsustainable from increasing internal contradictions emerging from the development of the productive forces and technology. It was these advances in the productive forces combined with the old social relations of production of capitalism that would generate contradictions, leading to working-class consciousness.
Marx and Engels held the view that the consciousness of those who earn a wage or salary (the working class in the broadest Marxist sense) would be moulded by their conditions of wage slavery, leading to a tendency to seek their freedom or emancipation by overthrowing ownership of the means of production by capitalists and consequently, overthrowing the state that upheld this economic order. For Marx and Engels, conditions determine consciousness and ending the role of the capitalist class leads eventually to a classless society in which the state would wither away.
Marx and Engels used the terms socialism and communism interchangeably, but many later Marxists defined socialism as a specific historical phase that would displace capitalism and precede communism.
The major characteristics of socialism (particularly as conceived by Marx and Engels after the Paris Commune of 1871) are that the proletariat would control the means of production through a workers' state erected by the workers in their interests.
For orthodox Marxists, socialism is the lower stage of communism based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his contribution", while upper stage communism is based on the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need", the upper stage becoming possible only after the socialist stage further develops economic efficiency and the automation of production has led to a superabundance of goods and services. Marx argued that the material productive forces (in industry and commerce) brought into existence by capitalism predicated a cooperative society since production had become a mass social, collective activity of the working class to create commodities but with private ownership (the relations of production or property relations). This conflict between collective effort in large factories and private ownership would bring about a conscious desire in the working class to establish collective ownership commensurate with the collective efforts their daily experience.
Role of the state
See also: Anti-statism, Marx's theory of the state, and State socialismSocialists have taken different perspectives on the state and the role it should play in revolutionary struggles, in constructing socialism and within an established socialist economy.
In the 19th century, the philosophy of state socialism was first explicitly expounded by the German political philosopher Ferdinand Lassalle. In contrast to Karl Marx's perspective of the state, Lassalle rejected the concept of the state as a class-based power structure whose main function was to preserve existing class structures. Lassalle also rejected the Marxist view that the state was destined to "wither away". Lassalle considered the state to be an entity independent of class allegiances and an instrument of justice that would therefore be essential for achieving socialism.
Preceding the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, many socialists including reformists, orthodox Marxist currents such as council communism, anarchists and libertarian socialists criticised the idea of using the state to conduct central planning and own the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Following the victory of Leninism in Russia, the idea of "state socialism" spread rapidly throughout the socialist movement and eventually state socialism came to be identified with the Soviet economic model.
Joseph Schumpeter rejected the association of socialism and social ownership with state ownership over the means of production because the state as it exists in its current form is a product of capitalist society and cannot be transplanted to a different institutional framework. Schumpeter argued that there would be different institutions within socialism than those that exist within modern capitalism, just as feudalism had its own distinct and unique institutional forms. The state, along with concepts like property and taxation, were concepts exclusive to commercial society (capitalism) and attempting to place them within the context of a future socialist society would amount to a distortion of these concepts by using them out of context.
Utopian versus scientific
Main articles: Scientific socialism and Utopian socialismUtopian socialism is a term used to define the first currents of modern socialist thought as exemplified by the work of Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier and Robert Owen which inspired Karl Marx and other early socialists. Visions of imaginary ideal societies, which competed with revolutionary social democratic movements, were viewed as not being grounded in the material conditions of society and as reactionary. Although it is technically possible for any set of ideas or any person living at any time in history to be a utopian socialist, the term is most often applied to those socialists who lived in the first quarter of the 19th century who were ascribed the label "utopian" by later socialists as a negative term to imply naivete and dismiss their ideas as fanciful or unrealistic.
Religious sects whose members live communally such as the Hutterites are not usually called "utopian socialists", although their way of living is a prime example. They have been categorised as religious socialists by some. Similarly, modern intentional communities based on socialist ideas could also be categorised as "utopian socialist". For Marxists, the development of capitalism in Western Europe provided a material basis for the possibility of bringing about socialism because according to The Communist Manifesto "hat the bourgeoisie produces above all is its own grave diggers", namely the working class, which must become conscious of the historical objectives set it by society.
Reform versus revolution
Main articles: Reformism and Revolutionary socialismRevolutionary socialists believe that a social revolution is necessary to effect structural changes to the socioeconomic structure of society. Among revolutionary socialists there are differences in strategy, theory and the definition of revolution. Orthodox Marxists and left communists take an impossibilist stance, believing that revolution should be spontaneous as a result of contradictions in society due to technological changes in the productive forces. Lenin theorised that under capitalism the workers cannot achieve class consciousness beyond organising into trade unions and making demands of the capitalists. Therefore, Leninists argue that it is historically necessary for a vanguard of class conscious revolutionaries to take a central role in coordinating the social revolution to overthrow the capitalist state and eventually the institution of the state altogether. Revolution is not necessarily defined by revolutionary socialists as violent insurrection, but as a complete dismantling and rapid transformation of all areas of class society led by the majority of the masses: the working class.
Reformism is generally associated with social democracy and gradualist democratic socialism. Reformism is the belief that socialists should stand in parliamentary elections within capitalist society and if elected use the machinery of government to pass political and social reforms for the purposes of ameliorating the instabilities and inequities of capitalism. Within socialism, reformism is used in two different ways. One has no intention of bringing about socialism or fundamental economic change to society and is used to oppose such structural changes. The other is based on the assumption that while reforms are not socialist in themselves, they can help rally supporters to the cause of revolution by popularizing the cause of socialism to the working class.
The debate on the ability for social democratic reformism to lead to a socialist transformation of society is over a century old. Reformism is criticized for being paradoxical as it seeks to overcome the existing economic system of capitalism while trying to improve the conditions of capitalism, thereby making it appear more tolerable to society. According to Rosa Luxemburg, capitalism is not overthrown, "but is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms". In a similar vein, Stan Parker of the Socialist Party of Great Britain argues that reforms are a diversion of energy for socialists and are limited because they must adhere to the logic of capitalism. French social theorist André Gorz criticized reformism by advocating a third alternative to reformism and social revolution that he called "non-reformist reforms", specifically focused on structural changes to capitalism as opposed to reforms to improve living conditions within capitalism or to prop it up through economic interventions.
Culture
See also: Proletarian literature, Counterculture, New York Intellectuals, New Left, Surrealism, Russian Futurism, Constructivism (art), Constructivist architecture, and Russian avant-garde—Trotsky, Literature and Revolution, 1924Under Socialism, solidarity will be the basis of society. Literature and art will be tuned to a different key.
In the Leninist conception, the role of the vanguard party was to politically educate the workers and peasants to dispel the societal false consciousness of institutional religion and nationalism that constitute the cultural status quo taught by the bourgeoisie to the proletariat to facilitate their economic exploitation of peasants and workers. Influenced by Lenin, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party stated that the development of the socialist workers' culture should not be "hamstrung from above" and opposed the Proletkult (1917–1925) organisational control of the national culture. Similarly, Trotsky viewed the party as transmitters of culture to the masses for raising the standards of education, as well as entry into the cultural sphere, but that the process of artistic creation in terms of language and presentation should be the domain of the practitioner. According to political scientist Baruch Knei-Paz in his book The Social and Political Thought of Leon Trotsky, this represented one of several distinctions between Trotsky's approach on cultural matters and Stalin's policy in the 1930s.
In Literature and Revolution, Trotsky examined aesthetic issues in relation to class and the Russian revolution. Soviet scholar Robert Bird considered his work as the "first systematic treatment of art by a Communist leader" and a catalyst for later, Marxist cultural and critical theories. He would later co-author the 1938 Manifesto for an Independent Revolutionary Art with the endorsement of prominent artists Andre Breton and Diego Rivera. Trotsky's writings on literature such as his 1923 survey which advocated tolerance, limited censorship and respect for literary tradition had strong appeal to the New York Intellectuals.
Prior to Stalin's rule, literary, religious and national representatives had some level of autonomy in Soviet Russia throughout the 1920s but these groups were later rigorously repressed during the Stalinist era. Socialist realism was imposed under Stalin in artistic production and other creative industries such as music, film along with sports were subject to extreme levels of political control.
The counter-cultural phenomenon which emerged in the 1960s shaped the intellectual and radical outlook of the New Left; this movement placed a heavy emphasis on anti-racism, anti-imperialism and direct democracy in opposition to the dominant culture of advanced industrial capitalism. Socialist groups have also been closely involved with a number of counter-cultural movements such as Vietnam Solidarity Campaign, Stop the War Coalition, Love Music Hate Racism, Anti-Nazi League and Unite Against Fascism.
Economics
Main article: Socialist economics See also: Production for use—Albert Einstein, "Why Socialism?", 1949The economic anarchy of capitalist society as it exists today is, in my opinion, the real source of the evil. ... I am convinced there is only one way to eliminate these grave evils, namely through the establishment of a socialist economy, accompanied by an educational system which would be oriented toward social goals. In such an economy, the means of production are owned by society itself and are utilised in a planned fashion. A planned economy, which adjusts production to the needs of the community, would distribute the work to be done among all those able to work and would guarantee a livelihood to every man, woman, and child. The education of the individual, in addition to promoting his own innate abilities, would attempt to develop in him a sense of responsibility for his fellow men in place of the glorification of power and success in our present society.
Socialist economics starts from the premise that "individuals do not live or work in isolation but live in cooperation with one another. Furthermore, everything that people produce is in some sense a social product, and everyone who contributes to the production of a good is entitled to a share in it. Society as whole, therefore, should own or at least control property for the benefit of all its members".
The original conception of socialism was an economic system whereby production was organised in a way to directly produce goods and services for their utility (or use-value in classical and Marxian economics), with the direct allocation of resources in terms of physical units as opposed to financial calculation and the economic laws of capitalism (see law of value), often entailing the end of capitalistic economic categories such as rent, interest, profit and money. In a fully developed socialist economy, production and balancing factor inputs with outputs becomes a technical process to be undertaken by engineers.
Market socialism refers to an array of different economic theories and systems that use the market mechanism to organise production and to allocate factor inputs among socially owned enterprises, with the economic surplus (profits) accruing to society in a social dividend as opposed to private capital owners. Variations of market socialism include libertarian proposals such as mutualism, based on classical economics, and neoclassical economic models such as the Lange model. Some economists, such as Joseph Stiglitz, Mancur Olson, and others not specifically advancing anti-socialists positions have shown that prevailing economic models upon which such democratic or market socialism models might be based have logical flaws or unworkable presuppositions. These criticisms have been incorporated into the models of market socialism developed by John Roemer and Nicholas Vrousalis.
The ownership of the means of production can be based on direct ownership by the users of the productive property through worker cooperative; or commonly owned by all of society with management and control delegated to those who operate/use the means of production; or public ownership by a state apparatus. Public ownership may refer to the creation of state-owned enterprises, nationalisation, municipalisation or autonomous collective institutions. Some socialists feel that in a socialist economy, at least the "commanding heights" of the economy must be publicly owned. Economic liberals and right libertarians view private ownership of the means of production and the market exchange as natural entities or moral rights which are central to their conceptions of freedom and liberty and view the economic dynamics of capitalism as immutable and absolute, therefore they perceive public ownership of the means of production, cooperatives and economic planning as infringements upon liberty.
Management and control over the activities of enterprises are based on self-management and self-governance, with equal power-relations in the workplace to maximise occupational autonomy. A socialist form of organisation would eliminate controlling hierarchies so that only a hierarchy based on technical knowledge in the workplace remains. Every member would have decision-making power in the firm and would be able to participate in establishing its overall policy objectives. The policies/goals would be carried out by the technical specialists that form the coordinating hierarchy of the firm, who would establish plans or directives for the work community to accomplish these goals.
The role and use of money in a hypothetical socialist economy is a contested issue. Nineteenth century socialists including Karl Marx, Robert Owen, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and John Stuart Mill advocated various forms of labour vouchers or labour credits, which like money would be used to acquire articles of consumption, but unlike money they are unable to become capital and would not be used to allocate resources within the production process. Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky argued that money could not be arbitrarily abolished following a socialist revolution. Money had to exhaust its "historic mission", meaning it would have to be used until its function became redundant, eventually being transformed into bookkeeping receipts for statisticians and only in the more distant future would money not be required for even that role.
Planned economy
Main article: Planned economyA planned economy is a type of economy consisting of a mixture of public ownership of the means of production and the coordination of production and distribution through economic planning. A planned economy can be either decentralised or centralised. Enrico Barone provided a comprehensive theoretical framework for a planned socialist economy. In his model, assuming perfect computation techniques, simultaneous equations relating inputs and outputs to ratios of equivalence would provide appropriate valuations to balance supply and demand.
The most prominent example of a planned economy was the economic system of the Soviet Union and as such the centralised-planned economic model is usually associated with the communist states of the 20th century, where it was combined with a single-party political system. In a centrally planned economy, decisions regarding the quantity of goods and services to be produced are planned in advance by a planning agency (see also the analysis of Soviet-type economic planning). The economic systems of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc are further classified as "command economies", which are defined as systems where economic coordination is undertaken by commands, directives and production targets. Studies by economists of various political persuasions on the actual functioning of the Soviet economy indicate that it was not actually a planned economy. Instead of conscious planning, the Soviet economy was based on a process whereby the plan was modified by localised agents and the original plans went largely unfulfilled. Planning agencies, ministries and enterprises all adapted and bargained with each other during the formulation of the plan as opposed to following a plan passed down from a higher authority, leading some economists to suggest that planning did not actually take place within the Soviet economy and that a better description would be an "administered" or "managed" economy.
Although central planning was largely supported by Marxist–Leninists, some factions within the Soviet Union before the rise of Stalinism held positions contrary to central planning. Leon Trotsky rejected central planning in favour of decentralised planning. He argued that central planners, regardless of their intellectual capacity, would be unable to coordinate effectively all economic activity within an economy because they operated without the input and tacit knowledge embodied by the participation of the millions of people in the economy. As a result, central planners would be unable to respond to local economic conditions. State socialism is unfeasible in this view because information cannot be aggregated by a central body and effectively used to formulate a plan for an entire economy, because doing so would result in distorted or absent price signals.
Self-managed economy
Main articles: Decentralised planning, Economic democracy, Workers' self-management, and Socialist self-management—Upton SinclairSocialism, you see, is a bird with two wings. The definition is 'social ownership and democratic control of the instruments and means of production.'
A self-managed, decentralised economy is based on autonomous self-regulating economic units and a decentralised mechanism of resource allocation and decision-making. This model has found support in notable classical and neoclassical economists including Alfred Marshall, John Stuart Mill and Jaroslav Vanek. There are numerous variations of self-management, including labour-managed firms and worker-managed firms. The goals of self-management are to eliminate exploitation and reduce alienation. Guild socialism is a political movement advocating workers' control of industry through the medium of trade-related guilds "in an implied contractual relationship with the public". It originated in the United Kingdom and was at its most influential in the first quarter of the 20th century. It was strongly associated with G. D. H. Cole and influenced by the ideas of William Morris.
One such system is the cooperative economy, a largely free market economy in which workers manage the firms and democratically determine remuneration levels and labour divisions. Productive resources would be legally owned by the cooperative and rented to the workers, who would enjoy usufruct rights. Another form of decentralised planning is the use of cybernetics, or the use of computers to manage the allocation of economic inputs. The socialist-run government of Salvador Allende in Chile experimented with Project Cybersyn, a real-time information bridge between the government, state enterprises and consumers. This had been preceded by similar efforts to introduce a form of cybernetic economic planning as seen with the proposed OGAS system in the Soviet Union. The OGAS project was conceived to oversee a nationwide information network but was never implemented due to conflicting, bureaucratic interests. Another, more recent variant is participatory economics, wherein the economy is planned by decentralised councils of workers and consumers. Workers would be remunerated solely according to effort and sacrifice, so that those engaged in dangerous, uncomfortable and strenuous work would receive the highest incomes and could thereby work less. A contemporary model for a self-managed, non-market socialism is Pat Devine's model of negotiated coordination. Negotiated coordination is based upon social ownership by those affected by the use of the assets involved, with decisions made by those at the most localised level of production.
Michel Bauwens identifies the emergence of the open software movement and peer-to-peer production as a new alternative mode of production to the capitalist economy and centrally planned economy that is based on collaborative self-management, common ownership of resources and the production of use-values through the free cooperation of producers who have access to distributed capital.
Anarcho-communism is a theory of anarchism which advocates the abolition of the state, private property and capitalism in favour of common ownership of the means of production. Anarcho-syndicalism was practised in Catalonia and other places in the Spanish Revolution during the Spanish Civil War. Sam Dolgoff estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish Revolution.
The economy of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia established a system based on market-based allocation, social ownership of the means of production and self-management within firms. This system substituted Yugoslavia's Soviet-type central planning with a decentralised, self-managed system after reforms in 1953.
The Marxian economist Richard D. Wolff argues that "re-organising production so that workers become collectively self-directed at their work-sites" not only moves society beyond both capitalism and state socialism of the last century, but would also mark another milestone in human history, similar to earlier transitions out of slavery and feudalism. As an example, Wolff claims that Mondragon is "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organisation of production".
State-directed economy
Main article: State socialism See also: Dirigisme, Nationalization, Public ownership, State capitalism, and Steady-state economyState socialism can be used to classify any variety of socialist philosophies that advocates the ownership of the means of production by the state apparatus, either as a transitional stage between capitalism and socialism, or as an end-goal in itself. Typically, it refers to a form of technocratic management, whereby technical specialists administer or manage economic enterprises on behalf of society and the public interest instead of workers' councils or workplace democracy.
A state-directed economy may refer to a type of mixed economy consisting of public ownership over large industries, as promoted by various Social democratic political parties during the 20th century. This ideology influenced the policies of the British Labour Party during Clement Attlee's administration. In the biography of the 1945 United Kingdom Labour Party Prime Minister Clement Attlee, Francis Beckett states: "he government ... wanted what would become known as a mixed economy."
Nationalisation in the United Kingdom was achieved through compulsory purchase of the industry (i.e. with compensation). British Aerospace was a combination of major aircraft companies British Aircraft Corporation, Hawker Siddeley and others. British Shipbuilders was a combination of the major shipbuilding companies including Cammell Laird, Govan Shipbuilders, Swan Hunter and Yarrow Shipbuilders, whereas the nationalisation of the coal mines in 1947 created a coal board charged with running the coal industry commercially so as to be able to meet the interest payable on the bonds which the former mine owners' shares had been converted into.
Market socialism
Main article: Market socialismMarket socialism consists of publicly owned or cooperatively owned enterprises operating in a market economy. It is a system that uses the market and monetary prices for the allocation and accounting of the means of production, thereby retaining the process of capital accumulation. The profit generated would be used to directly remunerate employees, collectively sustain the enterprise or finance public institutions. In state-oriented forms of market socialism, in which state enterprises attempt to maximise profit, the profits can be used to fund government programs and services through a social dividend, eliminating or greatly diminishing the need for various forms of taxation that exist in capitalist systems. Neoclassical economist Léon Walras believed that a socialist economy based on state ownership of land and natural resources would provide a means of public finance to make income taxes unnecessary. Yugoslavia implemented a market socialist economy based on cooperatives and worker self-management. Some of the economic reforms introduced during the Prague Spring by Alexander Dubček, the leader of Czechoslovakia, included elements of market socialism.
Mutualism is an economic theory and anarchist school of thought that advocates a society where each person might possess a means of production, either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labour in the free market. Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bank that would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just high enough to cover administration. Mutualism is based on a labour theory of value that holds that when labour or its product is sold, in exchange it ought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labour necessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".
The current economic system in China is formally referred to as a socialist market economy with Chinese characteristics. It combines a large state sector that comprises the commanding heights of the economy, which are guaranteed their public ownership status by law, with a private sector mainly engaged in commodity production and light industry responsible from anywhere between 33% to over 70% of GDP generated in 2005. Although there has been a rapid expansion of private-sector activity since the 1980s, privatisation of state assets was virtually halted and were partially reversed in 2005. The current Chinese economy consists of 150 corporatised state-owned enterprises that report directly to China's central government. By 2008, these state-owned corporations had become increasingly dynamic and generated large increases in revenue for the state, resulting in a state-sector led recovery during the 2009 financial crises while accounting for most of China's economic growth. The Chinese economic model is widely cited as a contemporary form of state capitalism, the major difference between Western capitalism and the Chinese model being the degree of state-ownership of shares in publicly listed corporations. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam has adopted a similar model after the Doi Moi economic renovation but slightly differs from the Chinese model in that the Vietnamese government retains firm control over the state sector and strategic industries, but allows for private-sector activity in commodity production.
Politics
See also: Labour movement, The labor problem, and Trade unionWhile major socialist political movements include anarchism, communism, the labour movement, Marxism, social democracy, and syndicalism, independent socialist theorists, utopian socialist authors, and academic supporters of socialism may not be represented in these movements. Some political groups have called themselves socialist while holding views that some consider antithetical to socialism. Socialist has been used by members of the political right as an epithet, including against individuals who do not consider themselves to be socialists and against policies that are not considered socialist by their proponents. While there are many variations of socialism, and there is no single definition encapsulating all of socialism, there have been common elements identified by scholars.
In his Dictionary of Socialism (1924), Angelo S. Rappoport analysed forty definitions of socialism to conclude that common elements of socialism include general criticism of the social effects of private ownership and control of capital—as being the cause of poverty, low wages, unemployment, economic and social inequality and a lack of economic security; a general view that the solution to these problems is a form of collective control over the means of production, distribution and exchange (the degree and means of control vary among socialist movements); an agreement that the outcome of this collective control should be a society based upon social justice, including social equality, economic protection of people and should provide a more satisfying life for most people.
In The Concepts of Socialism (1975), Bhikhu Parekh identifies four core principles of socialism and particularly socialist society, namely sociality, social responsibility, cooperation and planning. In his study Ideologies and Political Theory (1996), Michael Freeden states that all socialists share five themes: the first is that socialism posits that society is more than a mere collection of individuals; second, that it considers human welfare a desirable objective; third, that it considers humans by nature to be active and productive; fourth, it holds the belief of human equality; and fifth, that history is progressive and will create positive change on the condition that humans work to achieve such change.
Anarchism
Main article: AnarchismAnarchism advocates stateless societies often defined as self-governed voluntary institutions, but that several authors have defined as more specific institutions based on non-hierarchical free associations. While anarchism holds the state to be undesirable, unnecessary or harmful, it is not the central aspect. Anarchism entails opposing authority or hierarchical organisation in the conduct of human relations, including the state system. Mutualists support market socialism, collectivist anarchists favour workers cooperatives and salaries based on the amount of time contributed to production, anarcho-communists advocate a direct transition from capitalism to libertarian communism and a gift economy and anarcho-syndicalists prefer workers' direct action and the general strike.
The authoritarian–libertarian struggles and disputes within the socialist movement go back to the First International and the expulsion in 1872 of the anarchists, who went on to lead the Anti-authoritarian International and then founded their own libertarian international, the Anarchist St. Imier International. In 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who proclaimed himself to be an anarchistic socialist and libertarian socialist in opposition to the authoritarian state socialism and the compulsory communism, included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest Lesigne in his essay on "State Socialism and Anarchism". According to Lesigne, there are two types of socialism: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian". Tucker's two socialisms were the authoritarian state socialism which he associated to the Marxist school and the libertarian anarchist socialism, or simply anarchism, that he advocated. Tucker noted that the fact that the authoritarian "State Socialism has overshadowed other forms of Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea". According to Tucker, what those two schools of socialism had in common was the labor theory of value and the ends, by which anarchism pursued different means.
According to anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ, anarchism is one of the many traditions of socialism. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism "can only mean a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self-management in all aspects of life", including at the workplace. Michael Newman includes anarchism as one of many socialist traditions. Peter Marshall argues that "n general anarchism is closer to socialism than liberalism. ... Anarchism finds itself largely in the socialist camp, but it also has outriders in liberalism. It cannot be reduced to socialism, and is best seen as a separate and distinctive doctrine."
Democratic socialism and social democracy
Main articles: Democratic socialism and Social democracy—Martin Luther King Jr., 1966You can't talk about ending the slums without first saying profit must be taken out of slums. You're really tampering and getting on dangerous ground because you are messing with folk then. You are messing with captains of industry. Now this means that we are treading in difficult water, because it really means that we are saying that something is wrong with capitalism. There must be a better distribution of wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism.
Democratic socialism represents any socialist movement that seeks to establish an economy based on economic democracy by and for the working class. Democratic socialism is difficult to define and groups of scholars have radically different definitions for the term. Some definitions simply refer to all forms of socialism that follow an electoral, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one. According to Christopher Pierson, "f the contrast which 1989 highlights is not that between socialism in the East and liberal democracy in the West, the latter must be recognised to have been shaped, reformed and compromised by a century of social democratic pressure". Pierson further claims that "social democratic and socialist parties within the constitutional arena in the West have almost always been involved in a politics of compromise with existing capitalist institutions (to whatever far distant prize its eyes might from time to time have been lifted)". For Pierson, "if advocates of the death of socialism accept that social democrats belong within the socialist camp, as I think they must, then the contrast between socialism (in all its variants) and liberal democracy must collapse. For actually existing liberal democracy is, in substantial part, a product of socialist (social democratic) forces".
Social democracy is a socialist tradition of political thought. Many social democrats refer to themselves as socialists or democratic socialists and some such as Tony Blair employ these terms interchangeably. Others found "clear differences" between the three terms and prefer to describe their own political beliefs by using the term social democracy. The two main directions were to establish democratic socialism or to build first a welfare state within the capitalist system. The first variant advances democratic socialism through reformist and gradualist methods. In the second variant, social democracy is a policy regime involving a welfare state, collective bargaining schemes, support for publicly financed public services and a mixed economy. It is often used in this manner to refer to Western and Northern Europe during the later half of the 20th century. It was described by Jerry Mander as "hybrid economics", an active collaboration of capitalist and socialist visions. Some studies and surveys indicate that people tend to live happier and healthier lives in social democratic societies rather than neoliberal ones.
Social democrats advocate a peaceful, evolutionary transition of the economy to socialism through progressive social reform. It asserts that the only acceptable constitutional form of government is representative democracy under the rule of law. It promotes extending democratic decision-making beyond political democracy to include economic democracy to guarantee employees and other economic stakeholders sufficient rights of co-determination. It supports a mixed economy that opposes inequality, poverty and oppression while rejecting both a totally unregulated market economy or a fully planned economy. Common social democratic policies include universal social rights and universally accessible public services such as education, health care, workers' compensation and other services, including child care and elder care. Socialist child care and elderly care systems allow citizens to take a more active role in building a socialist society, especially women. Social democracy supports the trade union labour movement and supports collective bargaining rights for workers. Most social democratic parties are affiliated with the Socialist International.
Modern democratic socialism is a broad political movement that seeks to promote the ideals of socialism within the context of a democratic system. Some democratic socialists support social democracy as a temporary measure to reform the current system while others reject reformism in favour of more revolutionary methods. Modern social democracy emphasises a program of gradual legislative modification of capitalism to make it more equitable and humane while the theoretical end goal of building a socialist society is relegated to the indefinite future. According to Sheri Berman, Marxism is loosely held to be valuable for its emphasis on changing the world for a more just, better future.
The two movements are widely similar both in terminology and in ideology, although there are a few key differences. The major difference between social democracy and democratic socialism is the object of their politics in that contemporary social democrats support a welfare state and unemployment insurance as well as other practical, progressive reforms of capitalism and are more concerned to administrate and humanise it. On the other hand, democratic socialists seek to replace capitalism with a socialist economic system, arguing that any attempt to humanise capitalism through regulations and welfare policies would distort the market and create economic contradictions.
Ethical and liberal socialism
Main articles: Ethical socialism and Liberal socialismEthical socialism appeals to socialism on ethical and moral grounds as opposed to economic, egoistic, and consumeristic grounds. It emphasizes the need for a morally conscious economy based upon the principles of altruism, cooperation, and social justice while opposing possessive individualism. Ethical socialism has been the official philosophy of mainstream socialist parties.
Liberal socialism incorporates liberal principles to socialism. It has been compared to post-war social democracy for its support of a mixed economy that includes both public and private capital goods. While democratic socialism and social democracy are anti-capitalist positions insofar as criticism of capitalism is linked to the private ownership of the means of production, liberal socialism identifies artificial and legalistic monopolies to be the fault of capitalism and opposes an entirely unregulated market economy. It considers both liberty and social equality to be compatible and mutually dependent.
Principles that can be described as ethical or liberal socialist have been based upon or developed by philosophers such as John Stuart Mill, Eduard Bernstein, John Dewey, Carlo Rosselli, Norberto Bobbio, and Chantal Mouffe. Other important liberal socialist figures include Guido Calogero, Piero Gobetti, Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse, John Maynard Keynes and R. H. Tawney. Liberal socialism has been particularly prominent in British and Italian politics.
Leninism and precedents
Main articles: Authoritarian socialism, Blanquism, Leninism, Trotskyism, and Marxism–LeninismBlanquism is a conception of revolution named for Louis Auguste Blanqui. It holds that socialist revolution should be carried out by a relatively small group of highly organised and secretive conspirators. Upon seizing power, the revolutionaries introduce socialism. Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein criticised Lenin, stating that his conception of revolution was elitist and Blanquist. Marxism–Leninism combines Marx's scientific socialist concepts and Lenin's anti-imperialism, democratic centralism, vanguardism and the principle of "He who does not work, neither shall he eat".
Hal Draper defined socialism from above as the philosophy which employs an elite administration to run the socialist state. The other side of socialism is a more democratic socialism from below. The idea of socialism from above is much more frequently discussed in elite circles than socialism from below—even if that is the Marxist ideal—because it is more practical. Draper viewed socialism from below as being the purer, more Marxist version of socialism. According to Draper, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were devoutly opposed to any socialist institution that was "conducive to superstitious authoritarianism". Draper makes the argument that this division echoes the division between "reformist or revolutionary, peaceful or violent, democratic or authoritarian, etc." and further identifies six major varieties of socialism from above, among them "Philanthropism", "Elitism", "Pannism", "Communism", "Permeationism" and "Socialism-from-Outside". According to Arthur Lipow, Marx and Engels were "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism", described as a form of "socialism from below" that is "based on a mass working-class movement, fighting from below for the extension of democracy and human freedom". This type of socialism is contrasted to that of the "authoritarian, anti-democratic creed" and "the various totalitarian collectivist ideologies which claim the title of socialism" as well as "the many varieties of 'socialism from above' which have led in the twentieth century to movements and state forms in which a despotic 'new class' rules over a stratified economy in the name of socialism", a division that "runs through the history of the socialist movement". Lipow identifies Bellamyism and Stalinism as two prominent authoritarian socialist currents within the history of the socialist movement.
Trotsky viewed himself to be an adherent of Leninism but opposed the bureaucratic and authoritarian methods of Stalin. A number of scholars and Western socialists have regarded Leon Trotsky as a democratic alternative rather than a forerunner to Stalin with particular emphasis drawn to his activities in the pre-Civil War period and as leader of the Left Opposition. More specifically, Trotsky advocated for a decentralised form of economic planning, mass soviet democratization,worker's control of production, elected representation of Soviet socialist parties, the tactic of a united front against far-right parties, cultural autonomy for artistic movements, voluntary collectivisation, a transitional program, and socialist internationalism.
Several scholars state that in practice, the Soviet model functioned as a form of state capitalism.
Libertarian socialism
Main article: Libertarian socialismLibertarian socialism, sometimes called left-libertarianism, social anarchism and socialist libertarianism, is an anti-authoritarian, anti-statist and libertarian tradition within socialism that rejects centralised state ownership and control including criticism of wage labour relationships (wage slavery) as well as the state itself. It emphasises workers' self-management and decentralised structures of political organisation. Libertarian socialism asserts that a society based on freedom and equality can be achieved through abolishing authoritarian institutions that control production. Libertarian socialists generally prefer direct democracy and federal or confederal associations such as libertarian municipalism, citizens' assemblies, trade unions and workers' councils.
Anarcho-syndicalist Gaston Leval explained:
We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. ... In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion".
All of this is typically done within a general call for libertarian and voluntary free associations through the identification, criticism and practical dismantling of illegitimate authority in all aspects of human life.
As part of the larger socialist movement, it seeks to distinguish itself from Bolshevism, Leninism and Marxism–Leninism as well as social democracy. Past and present political philosophies and movements commonly described as libertarian socialist include anarchism (anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism, collectivist anarchism, individualist anarchism and mutualism), autonomism, Communalism, participism, libertarian Marxism (council communism and Luxemburgism), revolutionary syndicalism and utopian socialism (Fourierism).
Religious socialism
Main article: Religious socialismChristian socialism is a broad concept involving an intertwining of Christian religion with socialism.
Islamic socialism is a more spiritual form of socialism. Muslim socialists believe that the teachings of the Quran and Muhammad are not only compatible with, but actively promoting the principles of equality and public ownership, drawing inspiration from the early Medina welfare state he established. Muslim socialists are more conservative than their Western contemporaries and find their roots in anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism and sometimes, if in an Arab speaking country, Arab nationalism. Islamic socialists believe in deriving legitimacy from political mandate as opposed to religious texts.
Social movements
Main articles: Eco-socialism, Socialism and LGBT rights, and Socialist feminism See also: Anarcha-feminism, Anarcho-naturism, Environmentalism, Green anarchism, Green politics, Progressivism, and Queer anarchismSocialist feminism is a branch of feminism that argues that liberation can only be achieved by working to end both economic and cultural sources of women's oppression. Marxist feminism's foundation was laid by Engels in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State (1884). August Bebel's Woman under Socialism (1879), is the "single work dealing with sexuality most widely read by rank-and-file members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD)". In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx were against the demonisation of men and supported a proletariat revolution that would overcome as many male-female inequalities as possible. As their movement already had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including Clara Zetkin and Alexandra Kollontai, counterposed Marxism against liberal feminism rather than trying to combine them. Anarcha-feminism began with late 19th- and early 20th-century authors and theorists such as anarchist feminists Goldman and Voltairine de Cleyre. In the Spanish Civil War, an anarcha-feminist group, Mujeres Libres ("Free Women") linked to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica, organised to defend both anarchist and feminist ideas. In 1972, the Chicago Women's Liberation Union published "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement", which is believed to be the first published use of the term "socialist feminism".
Many socialists were early advocates of LGBT rights. For early socialist Charles Fourier, true freedom could only occur without suppressing passions, as the suppression of passions is not only destructive to the individual, but to society as a whole. Writing before the advent of the term "homosexuality", Fourier recognised that both men and women have a wide range of sexual needs and preferences which may change throughout their lives, including same-sex sexuality and androgénité. He argued that all sexual expressions should be enjoyed as long as people are not abused and that "affirming one's difference" can actually enhance social integration. In Oscar Wilde's The Soul of Man Under Socialism, he advocates an egalitarian society where wealth is shared by all, while warning of the dangers of social systems that crush individuality. Edward Carpenter actively campaigned for homosexual rights. His work The Intermediate Sex: A Study of Some Transitional Types of Men and Women was a 1908 book arguing for gay liberation. who was an influential personality in the foundation of the Fabian Society and the Labour Party. After the Russian Revolution under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, the Soviet Union abolished previous laws against homosexuality. Harry Hay was an early leader in the American LGBT rights movement as well as a member of the Communist Party USA. He is known for his involvement in the founding of gay organisations, including the Mattachine Society, the first sustained gay rights group in the United States which in its early days reflected a strong Marxist influence. The Encyclopedia of Homosexuality reports that "s Marxists the founders of the group believed that the injustice and oppression which they suffered stemmed from relationships deeply embedded in the structure of American society". Emerging from events such as the May 1968 insurrection in France, the anti-Vietnam war movement in the US and the Stonewall riots of 1969, militant gay liberation organisations began to spring up around the world. Many sprang from left radicalism more than established homophile groups, although the Gay Liberation Front took an anti-capitalist stance and attacked the nuclear family and traditional gender roles.
Eco-socialism is a political strain merging aspects of socialism, Marxism or libertarian socialism with green politics, ecology and alter-globalisation. Eco-socialists generally claim that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, poverty, war and environmental degradation through globalisation and imperialism under the supervision of repressive states and transnational structures. Contrary to the depiction of Karl Marx by some environmentalists, social ecologists and fellow socialists as a productivist who favoured the domination of nature, eco-socialists revisited Marx's writings and believe that he "was a main originator of the ecological world-view". Marx discussed a "metabolic rift" between man and nature, stating that "private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite absurd as private ownership of one man by another" and his observation that a society must "hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition". English socialist William Morris is credited with developing principles of what was later called eco-socialism. During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his ideas within the Social Democratic Federation and Socialist League. Green anarchism blends anarchism with environmental issues. An important early influence was Henry David Thoreau and his book Walden as well as Élisée Reclus.
In the late 19th century, anarcho-naturism fused anarchism and naturist philosophies within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain, Cuba and Portugal. Murray Bookchin's first book Our Synthetic Environment was followed by his essay "Ecology and Revolutionary Thought" which introduced ecology as a concept in radical politics. In the 1970s, Barry Commoner, claimed that capitalist technologies were chiefly responsible for environmental degradation as opposed to population pressures. In the 1990s socialist/feminists Mary Mellor and Ariel Salleh adopt an eco-socialist paradigm. An "environmentalism of the poor" combining ecological awareness and social justice has also become prominent. Pepper critiqued the current approach of many within green politics, particularly deep ecologists.
Syndicalism
Main article: Syndicalism See also: Anarcho-syndicalismSyndicalism operates through industrial trade unions. It rejects state socialism and the use of establishment politics. Syndicalists reject state power in favour of strategies such as the general strike. Syndicalists advocate a socialist economy based on federated unions or syndicates of workers who own and manage the means of production. Some Marxist currents advocate syndicalism, such as De Leonism. Anarcho-syndicalism views syndicalism as a method for workers in capitalist society to gain control of an economy. The Spanish Revolution was largely orchestrated by the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. The International Workers' Association is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labour unions and initiatives.
Public views
A multitude of polls have found significant levels of support for socialism among modern populations.
A 2018 IPSOS poll found that 50% of the respondents globally strongly or somewhat agreed that present socialist values were of great value for societal progress. In China this was 84%, India 72%, Malaysia 62%, Turkey 62%, South Africa 57%, Brazil 57%, Russia 55%, Spain 54%, Argentina 52%, Mexico 51%, Saudi Arabia 51%, Sweden 49%, Canada 49%, Great Britain 49%, Australia 49%, Poland 48%, Chile 48%, South Korea 48%, Peru 48%, Italy 47%, Serbia 47%, Germany 45%, Belgium 44%, Romania 40%, United States 39%, France 31%, Hungary 28% and Japan 21%.
A 2021 survey conducted by the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) found that 67% of young British (16–24) respondents wanted to live in a socialist economic system, 72% supported the re-nationalisation of various industries such as energy, water along with railways and 75% agreed with the view that climate change was a specifically capitalist problem.
A 2023 IPSOS poll found that a majority of British public favoured public ownership of utilities including water, rail and electricity. Specifically, 68% of respondents favoured the nationalisation of water services, 65% supporting the nationalisation of the railways, 63% supporting the public ownership of power networks and 39% favouring broadband access which is operated by the government. The poll also found broad levels of support among traditional Labour and Conservative voters.
The results of a 2019 Axios poll found that 70% of US millennials were willing to vote for a socialist candidate and 50% of this same demographic had a somewhat or very unfavourable view of capitalism. Subsequently, another 2021 Axios poll found that 51% of 18-34 US adults had a positive view of socialism. Yet, 41% of Americans more generally had a positive view of socialism compared to 52% of those who viewing socialism more negatively.
In 2023, the Fraser Institute published findings which found that 42% of Canadians viewed socialism as the ideal system compared to 43% of British respondents, 40% Australian respondents and 31% American respondents. Overall support for socialism ranged from 50% of Canadians 18-24 year olds to 28% of Canadians over 55.
Criticism
Main article: Criticism of socialism L–R: Milton Friedman, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek, economists belonging to the Chicago and Austrian schools of economics and critics of socialism in the 20th centuryAccording to analytical Marxist sociologist Erik Olin Wright, "The Right condemned socialism as violating individual rights to private property and unleashing monstrous forms of state oppression", while "the Left saw it as opening up new vistas of social equality, genuine freedom and the development of human potentials."
Because of socialism's many varieties, most critiques have focused on a specific approach. Proponents of one approach typically criticise others. Socialism has been criticised in terms of its models of economic organization as well as its political and social implications. Other critiques are directed at the socialist movement, parties, or existing states.
Some forms of criticism occupy theoretical grounds, such as in the economic calculation problem presented by proponents of the Austrian School as part of the socialist calculation debate, while others support their criticism by examining historical attempts to establish socialist societies. The economic calculation problem concerns the feasibility and methods of resource allocation for a planned socialist system. Central planning is also criticized by elements of the radical left. Libertarian socialist economist Robin Hahnel notes that even if central planning overcame its inherent inhibitions of incentives and innovation, it would nevertheless be unable to maximize economic democracy and self-management, which he believes are concepts that are more intellectually coherent, consistent and just than mainstream notions of economic freedom.
Economic liberals and right-libertarians argue that private ownership of the means of production and market exchange are natural entities or moral rights which are central to freedom and liberty and argue that the economic dynamics of capitalism are immutable and absolute. As such, they also argue that public ownership of the means of production and economic planning are infringements upon liberty.
Critics of socialism have argued that in any society where everyone holds equal wealth, there can be no material incentive to work because one does not receive rewards for a work well done. They further argue that incentives increase productivity for all people and that the loss of those effects would lead to stagnation. Some critics of socialism argue that income sharing reduces individual incentives to work and therefore incomes should be individualized as much as possible.
Some philosophers have also criticized the aims of socialism, arguing that equality erodes away at individual diversities and that the establishment of an equal society would have to entail strong coercion.
Milton Friedman argued that the absence of private economic activity would enable political leaders to grant themselves coercive powers, powers that, under a capitalist system, would instead be granted by a capitalist class, which Friedman found preferable.
Many commentators on the political right point to the mass killings under communist regimes, claiming them as an indictment of socialism. Opponents of this view, including supporters of socialism, state that these killings were aberrations caused by specific authoritarian regimes, and not caused by socialism itself, and draw comparisons to killings, famines and excess deaths under capitalism, colonialism and anti-communist authoritarian governments.
See also
- Anarchism and socialism
- Critique of work
- List of socialist parties with national parliamentary representation
- List of socialist economists
- List of communist ideologies
- List of socialist songs
- List of socialist states
- Paris Commune
- Socialist democracy
- Scientific socialism
- Socialism by country (category)
- Spanish Revolution of 1936
- Marxian critique of political economy
- Types of socialism
- Zenitism
References
- Busky (2000), p. 2: "Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism."
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- Busky (2000), p. 2: "Socialism may be defined as movements for social ownership and control of the economy. It is this idea that is the common element found in the many forms of socialism."
- Arnold (1994), pp. 7–8: "What else does a socialist economic system involve? Those who favor socialism generally speak of social ownership, social control, or socialization of the means of production as the distinctive positive feature of a socialist economic system."
- Horvat (2000), pp. 1515–1516: "Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend ... Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society — i.e. every individual equally — owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs."
- Rosser & Barkley (2003), p. 53: "Socialism is an economic system characterised by state or collective ownership of the means of production, land, and capital.";
- Badie, Berg-Schlosser & Morlino (2011), p. 2456: "Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources."
- Zimbalist, Sherman & Brown (1988), p. 7: "Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups."
- Brus (2015), p. 87: "This alteration in the relationship between economy and politics is evident in the very definition of a socialist economic system. The basic characteristic of such a system is generally reckoned to be the predominance of the social ownership of the means of production."
- Hastings, Adrian; Mason, Alistair; Pyper, Hugh (2000). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford University Press. p. 677. ISBN 978-0198600244.
Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one ... Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.
- Horvat (2000), pp. 1515–1516.
- Arnold (1994), pp. 7–8.
- Hastings, Adrian; Mason, Alistair; Pyper, Hugh (2000). The Oxford Companion to Christian Thought. Oxford University Press. p. 677. ISBN 978-0198600244.
Socialists have always recognized that there are many possible forms of social ownership of which co-operative ownership is one ... Nevertheless, socialism has throughout its history been inseparable from some form of common ownership. By its very nature it involves the abolition of private ownership of capital; bringing the means of production, distribution, and exchange into public ownership and control is central to its philosophy. It is difficult to see how it can survive, in theory or practice, without this central idea.
- "Socialism". The Free Dictionary. Retrieved 27 January 2020.
2. (Government, Politics & Diplomacy) any of various social or political theories or movements in which the common welfare is to be achieved through the establishment of a socialist economic system.
- Sherman, Howard J.; Zimbalist, Andrew (1988). Comparing Economic Systems: A Political-Economic Approach. Harcourt College Pub. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-15-512403-5.
Pure socialism is defined as a system wherein all of the means of production are owned and run by the government and/or cooperative, nonprofit groups.
- Rosser, Mariana V.; Rosser, J. Barkley (2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy. MIT Press. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-262-18234-8.
Socialism is an economic system characterised by state or collective ownership of the means of production, land, and capital.
- Badie, Berg-Schlosser & Morlino (2011), p. 2456: "Socialist systems are those regimes based on the economic and political theory of socialism, which advocates public ownership and cooperative management of the means of production and allocation of resources."
- Horvat (2000), pp. 1515–1516: "Just as private ownership defines capitalism, social ownership defines socialism. The essential characteristic of socialism in theory is that it destroys social hierarchies, and therefore leads to a politically and economically egalitarian society. Two closely related consequences follow. First, every individual is entitled to an equal ownership share that earns an aliquot part of the total social dividend ... Second, in order to eliminate social hierarchy in the workplace, enterprises are run by those employed, and not by the representatives of private or state capital. Thus, the well-known historical tendency of the divorce between ownership and management is brought to an end. The society — i.e. every individual equally — owns capital and those who work are entitled to manage their own economic affairs."
- O'Hara, Phillip (2003). Encyclopedia of Political Economy. Vol. 2. Routledge. p. 71. ISBN 978-0415241878.
In order of increasing decentralisation (at least) three forms of socialised ownership can be distinguished: state-owned firms, employee-owned (or socially) owned firms, and citizen ownership of equity.
- "Left". Encyclopædia Britannica. 15 April 2009. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
Socialism is the standard leftist ideology in most countries of the world; ... .
- Nove, Alec (2008). "Socialism". New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (Second ed.). Palgrave Macmillan.
A society may be defined as socialist if the major part of the means of production of goods and services is in some sense socially owned and operated, by state, socialised or cooperative enterprises. The practical issues of socialism comprise the relationships between management and workforce within the enterprise, the interrelationships between production units (plan versus markets), and, if the state owns and operates any part of the economy, who controls it and how.
- Docherty, James C.; Lamb, Peter, eds. (2006). Historical Dictionary of Socialism. Historical Dictionaries of Religions, Philosophies, and Movements. Vol. 73 (2nd ed.). Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. pp. 1–3. ISBN 978-0810855601.
- Kolb, Robert (2007). Encyclopedia of Business Ethics and Society (1st ed.). Sage Publications, Inc. p. 1345. ISBN 978-1412916523.
There are many forms of socialism, all of which eliminate private ownership of capital and replace it with collective ownership. These many forms, all focused on advancing distributive justice for long-term social welfare, can be divided into two broad types of socialism: nonmarket and market.
- Bockman (2011), p. 20: "socialism would function without capitalist economic categories—such as money, prices, interest, profits and rent—and thus would function according to laws other than those described by current economic science. While some socialists recognised the need for money and prices at least during the transition from capitalism to socialism, socialists more commonly believed that the socialist economy would soon administratively mobilise the economy in physical units without the use of prices or money."; Steele (1999), pp. 175–177: "Especially before the 1930s, many socialists and anti-socialists implicitly accepted some form of the following for the incompatibility of state-owned industry and factor markets. A market transaction is an exchange of property titles between two independent transactors. Thus internal market exchanges cease when all of industry is brought into the ownership of a single entity, whether the state or some other organization, ... the discussion applies equally to any form of social or community ownership, where the owning entity is conceived as a single organization or administration."; Arneson (1992): "Marxian socialism is often identified with the call to organize economic activity on a nonmarket basis."; Schweickart et al. (1998), pp. 61–63: "More fundamentally, a socialist society must be one in which the economy is run on the principle of the direct satisfaction of human needs. ... Exchange-value, prices and so money are goals in themselves in a capitalist society or in any market. There is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital or sums of money and human welfare. Under conditions of backwardness, the spur of money and the accumulation of wealth has led to a massive growth in industry and technology. ... It seems an odd argument to say that a capitalist will only be efficient in producing use-value of a good quality when trying to make more money than the next capitalist. It would seem easier to rely on the planning of use-values in a rational way, which because there is no duplication, would be produced more cheaply and be of a higher quality."
- Nove (1991), p. 13: "Under socialism, by definition, it (private property and factor markets) would be eliminated. There would then be something like 'scientific management', 'the science of socially organized production', but it would not be economics."; Kotz (2006): "This understanding of socialism was held not just by revolutionary Marxist socialists but also by evolutionary socialists, Christian socialists, and even anarchists. At that time, there was also wide agreement about the basic institutions of the future socialist system: public ownership instead of private ownership of the means of production, economic planning instead of market forces, production for use instead of for profit."; Weisskopf (1992): "Socialism has historically been committed to the improvement of people's material standards of living. Indeed, in earlier days many socialists saw the promotion of improving material living standards as the primary basis for socialism's claim to superiority over capitalism, for socialism was to overcome the irrationality and inefficiency seen as endemic to a capitalist system of economic organization."; Prychitko (2002), p. 12: "Socialism is a system based upon de facto public or social ownership of the means of production, the abolition of a hierarchical division of labor in the enterprise, a consciously organized social division of labor. Under socialism, money, competitive pricing, and profit-loss accounting would be destroyed."
- Marangos, John (2004). "Social Dividend versus Basic Income Guarantee in Market Socialism". International Journal of Political Economy. 34 (3). Taylor & Francis: 20–40. doi:10.1080/08911916.2004.11042930. ISSN 0891-1916. JSTOR 40470892. S2CID 153267388.
- O'Hara, Phillip (2000). Encyclopedia of Political Economy. Vol. 2. Routledge. p. 71. ISBN 978-0415241878.
Market socialism is the general designation for a number of models of economic systems. On the one hand, the market mechanism is utilized to distribute economic output, to organize production and to allocate factor inputs. On the other hand, the economic surplus accrues to society at large rather than to a class of private (capitalist) owners, through some form of collective, public or social ownership of capital.
- Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. Pennsylvania State University Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0271-014784.
At the heart of the market socialist model is the abolition of the large-scale private ownership of capital and its replacement by some form of 'social ownership'. Even the most conservative accounts of market socialism insist that this abolition of large-scale holdings of private capital is essential. This requirement is fully consistent with the market socialists' general claim that the vices of market capitalism lie not with the institutions of the market but with (the consequences of) the private ownership of capital ... .
- Newman (2005), p. 2: "In fact, socialism has been both centralist and local; organized from above and built from below; visionary and pragmatic; revolutionary and reformist; anti-state and statist; internationalist and nationalist; harnessed to political parties and shunning them; an outgrowth of trade unionism and independent of it; a feature of rich industrialized countries and poor peasant-based communities."
- Ely, Richard T. (1883). French and German Socialism in Modern Times. New York: Harper and Brothers. pp. 204–205.
Social democrats forms the extreme wing of the socialists ... inclined to lay so much stress on equality of enjoyment, regardless of the value of one's labor, that they might, perhaps, more properly be called communists. ... They have two distinguishing characteristics. The vast majority of them are laborers, and, as a rule, they expect the violent overthrow of existing institutions by revolution to precede the introduction of the socialistic state. I would not, by any means, say that they are all revolutionists, but the most of them undoubtedly are. ... The most general demands of the social democrats are the following: The state should exist exclusively for the laborers; land and capital must become collective property, and production be carried on unitedly. Private competition, in the ordinary sense of the term, is to cease.
- Merkel, Wolfgang; Petring, Alexander; Henkes, Christian; Egle, Christoph (2008). Social Democracy in Power: The Capacity to Reform. Routledge Research in Comparative Politics. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415438209.
- Heywood, Andrew (2012). Political Ideologies: An Introduction (5th ed.). Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 128. ISBN 978-0230367258.
Social democracy is an ideological stance that supports a broad balance between market capitalism, on the one hand, and state intervention, on the other hand. Being based on a compromise between the market and the state, social democracy lacks a systematic underlying theory and is, arguably, inherently vague. It is nevertheless associated with the following views: (1) capitalism is the only reliable means of generating wealth, but it is a morally defective means of distributing wealth because of its tendency towards poverty and inequality; (2) the defects of the capitalist system can be rectified through economic and social intervention, the state being the custodian of the public interest ... .
- Roemer (1994), pp. 25–27: "The long term and the short term."; Berman (1998), p. 57: "Over the long term, however, democratizing Sweden's political system was seen to be important not merely as a means but also as an end in itself. Achieving democracy was crucial not only because it would increase the power of the SAP in the Swedish political system but also because it was the form socialism would take once it arrived. Political, economic, and social equality went hand in hand, according to the SAP, and were all equally important characteristics of the future socialist society."; Busky (2000), pp. 7–8; Bailey (2009), p. 77: "... Giorgio Napolitano launched a medium-term programme, 'which tended to justify the governmental deflationary policies, and asked for the understanding of the workers, since any economic recovery would be linked with the long-term goal of an advance towards democratic socialism'"; Lamb (2015), p. 415
- Badie, Berg-Schlosser & Morlino (2011), p. 2423: "Social democracy refers to a political tendency resting on three fundamental features: (1) democracy (e.g., equal rights to vote and form parties), (2) an economy partly regulated by the state (e.g., through Keynesianism), and (3) a welfare state offering social support to those in need (e.g., equal rights to education, health service, employment and pensions)."
- Smith, J. W. (2005). Economic Democracy: The Political Struggle for the 21st century. Radford: Institute for Economic Democracy Press. ISBN 1933567015.
- Lamb & Docherty (2006), p. 1.
- Gasper, Phillip (2005). The Communist Manifesto: A Road Map to History's Most Important Political Document. Haymarket Books. p. 24. ISBN 978-1931859257.
As the nineteenth century progressed, 'socialist' came to signify not only concern with the social question, but opposition to capitalism and support for some form of social ownership.
- Giddens, Anthony (1998) . Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics (1998 ed.). Cambridge, England, UK: Polity Press. p. 71.
- Newman (2005), p. 5: "Chapter 1 looks at the foundations of the doctrine by examining the contribution made by various traditions of socialism in the period between the early 19th century and the aftermath of the First World War. The two forms that emerged as dominant by the early 1920s were social democracy and communism."
- Kurian, George Thomas, ed. (2011). The Encyclopedia of Political Science. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. p. 1554.
- Sheldon, Garrett Ward (2001). Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Facts on File. Inc. p. 280.
- Barrett (1978): "If we were to extend the definition of socialism to include Labor Britain or socialist Sweden, there would be no difficulty in refuting the connection between capitalism and democracy."; Heilbroner (1991), pp. 96–110; Kendall (2011), pp. 125–127: "Sweden, Great Britain, and France have mixed economies, sometimes referred to as democratic socialism — an economic and political system that combines private ownership of some of the means of production, governmental distribution of some essential goods and services, and free elections. For example, government ownership in Sweden is limited primarily to railroads, mineral resources, a public bank, and liquor and tobacco operations."; Li (2015), pp. 60–69: "The scholars in camp of democratic socialism believe that China should draw on the Sweden experience, which is suitable not only for the West but also for China. In the post-Mao China, the Chinese intellectuals are confronted with a variety of models. The liberals favor the American model and share the view that the Soviet model has become archaic and should be totally abandoned. Meanwhile, democratic socialism in Sweden provided an alternative model. Its sustained economic development and extensive welfare programs fascinated many. Numerous scholars within the democratic socialist camp argue that China should model itself politically and economically on Sweden, which is viewed as more genuinely socialist than China. There is a growing consensus among them that in the Nordic countries the welfare state has been extraordinarily successful in eliminating poverty."
- Sanandaji (2021): "Nordic nations—and especially Sweden—did embrace socialism between around 1970 and 1990. During the past 30 years, however, both conservative and social democratic-led governments have moved toward the center."
- Sanandaji (2021); Caulcutt (2022); Krause-Jackson (2019); Best et al. (2011), p. xviii
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Socialist writers of the nineteenth century proposed socialist arrangements for sharing as a response to the inequality and poverty of the industrial revolution. English socialist Robert Owen proposed that ownership and production take place in cooperatives, where all members shared equally. French socialist Henri Saint-Simon proposed to the contrary: socialism meant solving economic problems by means of state administration and planning, and taking advantage of new advances in science.
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Modern usage began to settle from the 1860s, and in spite of the earlier variations and distinctions it was socialist and socialism which came through as the predominant words ... Communist, in spite of the distinction that had been made in the 1840s, was very much less used, and parties in the Marxist tradition took some variant of social and socialist as titles.
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One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.
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By 1888, the term 'socialism' was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped 'communism', now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as 'socialism'. ... At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists. ... The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917. ... the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution.
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The decisive distinction between socialist and communist, as in one sense these terms are now ordinarily used, came with the renaming, in 1918, of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) as the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). From that time on, a distinction of socialist from communist, often with supporting definitions such as social democrat or democratic socialist, became widely current, although it is significant that all communist parties, in line with earlier usage, continued to describe themselves as socialist and dedicated to socialism.
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- Vrousalis, Nicholas (2023). Exploitation as Domination: What Makes Capitalism Unjust. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19286-769-8. Retrieved 9 March 2023.
- Excerpt from Commanding Heights. Free Press. 2 April 2002. ISBN 978-0-684-83569-3. Retrieved 30 November 2010.
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- Bellamy, Richard (2003). The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought. Cambridge University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0521563543.
- Horvat (1982), p. 197: "The sandglass (socialist) model is based on the observation that there are two fundamentally different spheres of activity or decision making. The first is concerned with value judgments, and consequently each individual counts as one in this sphere. In the second, technical decisions are made on the basis of technical competence and expertise. The decisions of the first sphere are policy directives; those of the second, technical directives. The former are based on political authority as exercised by all members of the organisation; the latter, on professional authority specific to each member and growing out of the division of labour. Such an organisation involves a clearly defined coordinating hierarchy but eliminates a power hierarchy."
- Horvat (1982), p. 197 "The sandglass (socialist) model is based on the observation that there are two fundamentally different spheres of activity or decision making. The first is concerned with value judgments, and consequently each individual counts as one in this sphere. In the second, technical decisions are made on the basis of technical competence and expertise. The decisions of the first sphere are policy directives; those of the second, technical directives. The former are based on political authority as exercised by all members of the organisation; the latter, on professional authority specific to each member and growing out of the division of labour. Such an organisation involves a clearly defined coordinating hierarchy but eliminates a power hierarchy."
- Trotsky, Leon (1936). "4: The Struggle for Productivity of Labor". The Revolution Betrayed – via Marxists Internet Archive.
Having lost its ability to bring happiness or trample men in the dust, money will turn into mere bookkeeping receipts for the convenience of statisticians and for planning purposes. In the still more distant future, probably these receipts will not be needed.
- Gregory, Paul; Stuart, Robert (2004). Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century (7th ed.). George Hoffman. pp. 120–121. ISBN 978-0618261819.
- Ericson, Richard E. "Command Economy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 November 2011. Retrieved 9 March 2012.
- Nove (1991), p. 78 "Several authors of the most diverse political views have stated that there is in fact no planning in the Soviet Union: Eugene Zaleski, J. Wilhelm, Hillel Ticktin. They all in their very different ways note the fact that plans are often (usually) unfulfilled, that information flows are distorted, that plan-instructions are the subject of bargaining, that there are many distortions and inconsistencies, indeed that (as many sources attest) plans are frequently altered within the period to which they are supposed to apply ... ."
- Trotsky, Leon (1972). Writings of Leon Trotsky, 1932–33. Pathfinder Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0873482288.Trotsky.
- Hayek, F. A. (1935). "The Nature and History of the Problem". In Hayek, F. A. (ed.). Collectivist Economic Planning. pp. 1–40., and Hayek, F. A. (1935). "The Present State of the Debate". In Hayek, F. A. (ed.). Collectivist Economic Planning. pp. 201–243.
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One finds favorable opinions of cooperatives also among other great economists of the past, such as, for example, John Stuart Mill and Alfred Marshall...In eliminating the domination of capital over labour, firms run by workers eliminate capitalist exploitation and reduce alienation.
- ^ "Guild Socialism". Britannica.com. Retrieved 11 October 2013.
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- Albert, Michael; Hahnel, Robin (1991). The Political Economy of Participatory Economics. Princeton, NJ.: Princeton University Press.
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- Estrin, Saul (1991). "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 5 (4): 187–194. doi:10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
- Wollf, Richard (2012). Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism. Haymarket Books. pp. 13–14. ISBN 978-1608462476.
The disappearances of slaves and masters and lords and serfs would now be replicated by the disappearance of capitalists and workers. Such oppositional categories would no longer apply to the relationships of production, Instead, workers would become their own collective bosses. The two categories—employer and employee—would be integrated in the same individuals.
- Wollf, Richard (24 June 2012). "Yes, there is an alternative to capitalism: Mondragon shows the way". The Guardian. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
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- The Strike Weapon: Lessons of the Miners' Strike (PDF). London: Socialist Party of Great Britain. 1985. Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 June 2007. Retrieved 28 April 2007.
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- Gregory, Paul; Stuart, Robert (2003). "Marx's Theory of Change". Comparing Economic Systems in the Twenty-First Century. George Hoffman. p. 142. ISBN 0618261818.
It is an economic system that combines social ownership of capital with market allocation of capital...The state owns the means of production, and returns accrue to society at large.
- Bockman (2011), p. 21 "For Walras, socialism would provide the necessary institutions for free competition and social justice. Socialism, in Walras's view, entailed state ownership of land and natural resources and the abolition of income taxes. As owner of land and natural resources, the state could then lease these resources to many individuals and groups, which would eliminate monopolies and thus enable free competition. The leasing of land and natural resources would also provide enough state revenue to make income taxes unnecessary, allowing a worker to invest his savings and become 'an owner or capitalist at the same time that he remains a worker."
- Estrin, Saul (1991). "Yugoslavia: The Case of Self-Managing Market Socialism". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 5 (4): 187–194. doi:10.1257/jep.5.4.187.
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- ^ Lamb & Docherty (2006), pp. 1–2.
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- Woodcock, George. "Anarchism". The Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Anarchism, a social philosophy that rejects authoritarian government and maintains that voluntary institutions are best suited to express man's natural social tendencies.
- "In a society developed on these lines, the voluntary associations which already now begin to cover all the fields of human activity would take a still greater extension so as to substitute themselves for the state in all its functions." Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica Peter Kropotkin. "Anarchism" from the Encyclopædia Britannica]
- "Anarchism". The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Routledge. 2005. p. 14.
Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable.
- Sheehan, Sean (2004). Anarchism. London: Reaktion Books Ltd. p. 85.
- ^ "IAF principles". International of Anarchist Federations. Archived from the original on 5 January 2012.
The IAF – IFA fights for : the abolition of all forms of authority whether economical, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual.
- Suissa, Judith (2006). Anarchism and Education: a Philosophical Perspective. New York: Routledge. p. 7.
as many anarchists have stressed, it is not government as such that they find objectionable, but the hierarchical forms of government associated with the nation state.
- Kropotkin, Peter. Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal. Archived from the original on 18 March 2012 – via The Anarchist Library.
That is why Anarchy, when it works to destroy authority in all its aspects, when it demands the abrogation of laws and the abolition of the mechanism that serves to impose them, when it refuses all hierarchical organisation and preaches free agreement—at the same time strives to maintain and enlarge the precious kernel of social customs without which no human or animal society can exist.
- "B.1 Why are anarchists against authority and hierarchy?". An Anarchist FAQ. Archived from the original on 15 June 2012 – via The Anarchist Library.
anarchists are opposed to irrational (e.g., illegitimate) authority, in other words, hierarchy—hierarchy being the institutionalisation of authority within a society.
- Malatesta, Errico. "Towards Anarchism". Man!. OCLC 3930443. Archived from the original on 7 November 2012. Agrell, Siri (14 May 2007). "Working for The Man". The Globe and Mail. Archived from the original on 16 May 2007. Retrieved 14 April 2008. "Anarchism". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. 2006. Archived from the original on 14 December 2006. Retrieved 29 August 2006. "Anarchism". The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy: 14. 2005.
Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable.
The following sources cite anarchism as a political philosophy: McLaughlin (2007), p. 59; Johnston, R. (2000). The Dictionary of Human Geography. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers. p. 24. ISBN 978-0631205616. - Slevin, Carl (2003). "Anarchism". In McLean, Iain; McMillan, Alistair (eds.). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Oxford University Press.
- McLaughlin (2007), p. 28"Anarchists do reject the state, as we will see. But to claim that this central aspect of anarchism is definitive is to sell anarchism short."
- Brown, L. Susan (2002). "Anarchism as a Political Philosophy of Existential Individualism: Implications for Feminism". The Politics of Individualism: Liberalism, Liberal Feminism and Anarchism. Black Rose Books Ltd. Publishing. p. 106.
- ^ McLaughlin (2007), p. 1"Authority is defined in terms of the right to exercise social control (as explored in the "sociology of power") and the correlative duty to obey (as explored in the "philosophy of practical reason"). Anarchism is distinguished, philosophically, by its scepticism towards such moral relations—by its questioning of the claims made for such normative power—and, practically, by its challenge to those "authoritative" powers which cannot justify their claims and which are therefore deemed illegitimate or without moral foundation."
- Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left,—follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism ... Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity. Good representatives of the first are seen in the Catholic Church and the Russian autocracy; of the second, in the Protestant Church and the Manchester school of politics and political economy; of the third, in the atheism of Gambetta and the socialism of Karl Marx." Benjamin Tucker. Individual Liberty.
- Anarchist historian George Woodcock report of Mikhail Bakunin's anti-authoritarianism and shows opposition to both state and non-state forms of authority as follows: "All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it." (p. 9) ... Bakunin did not convert the League's central committee to his full program, but he did persuade them to accept a remarkably radical recommendation to the Bern Congress of September 1868, demanding economic equality and implicitly attacking authority in both Church and State."
- ^ McKay, Iain, ed. (2008). "Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron?". An Anarchist FAQ. Vol. I. Stirling: AK Press. ISBN 978-1902593906. OCLC 182529204.
- Hahnel, Robin (2005). Economic Justice and Democracy. Routledge Press. p. 138. ISBN 0415933447.
- Lesigne (1887). "Socialistic Letters" Archived 7 August 2020 at the Wayback Machine. Le Radical. Retrieved 20 June 2020.
- Tucker, Benjamin (1911) . State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. Fifield.
- Tucker, Benjamin (1893). Instead of a Book by a Man Too Busy to Write One. pp. 363–364.
- Brown, Susan Love (1997). "The Free Market as Salvation from Government". In Carrier, James G., ed. Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture. Berg Publishers. p. 107. ISBN 978-1859731499.
- Marshall, Peter (1992). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: HarperCollins. p. 641. ISBN 978-0002178556.
- Franklin, Robert Michael (1990). Liberating Visions: Human Fulfillment and Social Justice in African-American Thought. Fortress Press. p. 125. ISBN 978-0800623920.
- Osagyefo Uhuru Sekou (20 January 2014). The radical gospel of Martin Luther King. Al Jazeera America. Retrieved 20 January 2014.
- This definition is captured in this statement by Anthony Crosland, who "argued that the socialisms of the pre-war world (not just that of the Marxists, but of the democratic socialists too) were now increasingly irrelevant". Pierson, Chris (June 2005). "Lost property: What the Third Way lacks". Journal of Political Ideologies. 10 (2): 145–63. doi:10.1080/13569310500097265. S2CID 144916176. Other texts which use the terms democratic socialism in this way include Malcolm Hamilton Democratic Socialism in Britain and Sweden (St Martin's Press 1989).
- Pierson, Christopher (1995). Socialism After Communism: The New Market Socialism. University Park, Pennsylvania: Penn State Press. p. 71. ISBN 978-0271014791.
- Eatwell, Roger; Wright, Anthony (1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies (2nd ed.). London: Continuum. pp. 80–103. ISBN 978-1855676053.
- Newman (2005), p. 5.
- Raza, Syed Ali. Social Democratic System. Global Peace Trust. p. 86. ISBN 978-9699757006 – via Google Books.
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- Gage, Beverly (17 July 2018). "America Can Never Sort Out Whether 'Socialism' Is Marginal or Rising". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 September 2018.
- Brandal, Bratberg & Thorsen (2013), p. 7.
- ^ Busky (2000), p. 8.
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- Foundations of social democracy, 2004. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, p. 8, November 2009.
- Mander, Jerry (2012). The Capitalism Papers: Fatal Flaws of an Obsolete System. Counterpoint. pp. 213–217. ISBN 978-1582437170.
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- Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2023). "Capitalism and extreme poverty: A global analysis of real wages, human height, and mortality since the long 16th century". World Development. 161: 106026. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2022.106026. S2CID 252315733.
...amongst the developed capitalist countries, the social democracies with generous welfare states (i.e., Scandinavia) have superior health outcomes to neo-liberal states like the US. Poverty alleviation and gains in human health have historically been linked to socialist political movements and public action, not to capitalism.
- "Social democracy". Britannica.com. Retrieved 12 October 2013.
- Newman (2005), p. 74.
- ^ Meyer (2013), p. 91.
- Colby, Ira Christopher (2013). Dulmus, Catherine N.; Sowers, Karen M. (eds.). Connecting social welfare policy to fields of practice. John Wiley & Sons. p. 29. ISBN 978-1118177006. OCLC 827894277.
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- ariana (19 March 2024). "Interrupted Emancipation: Women and Work in East Germany". Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. Retrieved 12 November 2024.
- Upchurch, Martin (2016). The crisis of social democratic trade unionism in Western Europe: the search for alternatives. Routledge. p. 51. ISBN 978-1315615141. OCLC 948604973.
- Berman, Sheri (2006). The Primacy of Politics: Social Democracy and the Making of Europe's Twentieth Century. Cambridge University Press. p. 153. ISBN 978-0521817998.
- Schweickart, David (2006). "Democratic Socialism". Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice. Archived from the original on 17 June 2012. "Social democrats supported and tried to strengthen the basic institutions of the welfare state—pensions for all, public health care, public education, unemployment insurance. They supported and tried to strengthen the labour movement. The latter, as socialists, argued that capitalism could never be sufficiently humanised, and that trying to suppress the economic contradictions in one area would only see them emerge in a different guise elsewhere. (E.g., if you push unemployment too low, you'll get inflation; if job security is too strong, labour discipline breaks down; etc.)"
- Thompson (2006), pp. 52, 58–59.
- Orlow (2000), p. 190; Tansey & Jackson (2008), p. 97 sfnmp error: no target: CITEREFTanseyJackson2008 (help).
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- Thompson, Noel W. (2006). Political economy and the Labour Party: the economics of democratic socialism 1884–2005. Routledge. pp. 60–61. OCLC 300363066.
- Bartlett, Roland W. (1970). The success of modern private enterprise. The Interstate Printers and Publishers. p. 32. OCLC 878037469.
Liberal socialism, for example, is unequivocally in favour of the free market economy and of freedom of action for the individual and recognises in legalistic and artificial monopolies the real evils of capitalism.
- ^ Bastow, Steve (2003). Third way discourse: European ideologies in the twentieth century. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0748615601. OCLC 899035345.
- Urbinati, Nadia; Zakaras, Alex (2007). J.S. Mill's political thought: a bicentennial reassessment. Cambridge University Press. p. 101. ISBN 978-0511274725. OCLC 252535635.
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We have mentioned several cases of this conviction that socialism is the business of a new ruling minority, non-capitalist in nature and therefore guaranteed pure, imposing its own domination either temporarily (for a mere historical era) or even permanently. In either case, this new ruling class is likely to see its goal as an Education Dictatorship over the masses—to Do Them Good, of course—the dictatorship being exercised by an elite party which suppresses all control from below, or by benevolent despots or Savior-Leaders of some kind, or by Shaw's "Supermen," by eugenic manipulators, by Proudhon's "anarchist" managers or Saint-Simon's technocrats or their more modern equivalents—with up-to-date terms and new verbal screens which can be hailed as fresh social theory as against "nineteenth-century Marxism.
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- "It implies a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs" I.1 Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron? Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine at An Anarchist FAQ
- "unlike other socialists, they tend to see (to various different degrees, depending on the thinker) to be skeptical of centralised state intervention as the solution to capitalist exploitation..." Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
- "Therefore, rather than being an oxymoron, "libertarian socialism" indicates that true socialism must be libertarian and that a libertarian who is not a socialist is a phoney. As true socialists oppose wage labour, they must also oppose the state for the same reasons. Similarly, libertarians must oppose wage labour for the same reasons they must oppose the state." "I1. Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron". Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine. In An Anarchist FAQ.
- ^ "So, libertarian socialism rejects the idea of state ownership and control of the economy, along with the state as such. Through workers' self-management it proposes to bring an end to authority, exploitation, and hierarchy in production." "I1. Isn't libertarian socialism an oxymoron" in Archived 16 November 2017 at the Wayback Machine An Anarchist FAQ
- " ...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations. Roderick T. Long. "Toward a libertarian theory of class." Social Philosophy and Policy. Volume 15. Issue 02. Summer 1998. Pg. 305
- Mendes, Silva. Socialismo Libertário ou Anarchismo Vol. 1 (1896): "Society should be free through mankind's spontaneous federative affiliation to life, based on the community of land and tools of the trade; meaning: Anarchy will be equality by abolition of private property (while retaining respect for personal property) and liberty by abolition of authority".
- "...preferring a system of popular self governance via networks of decentralized, local, voluntary, participatory, cooperative associations-sometimes as a complement to and check on state power..."
- Rocker, Rudolf (2004). Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. AK Press. p. 65. ISBN 978-1902593920.
- Leval, Gaston (1959). "Libertarian Socialism: A Practical Outline". Libcom.org. Retrieved 22 August 2020.
- Long, Roderick T. (Summer 1998). "Toward a libertarian theory of class". Social Philosophy and Policy. 15 (2): 305. doi:10.1017/S0265052500002028. S2CID 145150666.
LibSoc share with LibCap an aversion to any interference to freedom of thought, expression or choice of lifestyle.
- "What is implied by the term 'libertarian socialism'?: The idea that socialism is first and foremost about freedom and therefore about overcoming the domination, repression, and alienation that block the free flow of human creativity, thought, and action...An approach to socialism that incorporates cultural revolution, women's and children's liberation, and the critique and transformation of daily life, as well as the more traditional concerns of socialist politics. A politics that is completely revolutionary because it seeks to transform all of reality. We do not think that capturing the economy and the state lead automatically to the transformation of the rest of social being, nor do we equate liberation with changing our life-styles and our heads. Capitalism is a total system that invades all areas of life: socialism must be the overcoming of capitalist reality in its entirety, or it is nothing." "What is Libertarian Socialism?" by Ulli Diemer. Volume 2, Number 1 (Summer 1997 issue) of The Red Menace.
- Goldman, Emma. "What it Really Stands for Anarchy". Anarchism and Other Essays.
Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.
- "The Soviet Union Versus Socialism". chomsky.info. Retrieved 22 November 2015.
Libertarian socialism, furthermore, does not limit its aims to democratic control by producers over production, but seeks to abolish all forms of domination and hierarchy in every aspect of social and personal life, an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.
- O'Neil, John (1998). The Market: Ethics, knowledge and politics. Routledge. p. 3.
It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west.
- "(Benjamin) Tucker referred to himself many times as a socialist and considered his philosophy to be "Anarchistic socialism." An Anarchist FAQ by Various Authors
- French individualist anarchist Émile Armand shows clearly opposition to capitalism and centralised economies when he said that the individualist anarchist "inwardly he remains refractory—fatally refractory—morally, intellectually, economically (The capitalist economy and the directed economy, the speculators and the fabricators of single are equally repugnant to him.)""Anarchist Individualism as a Life and Activity" by Emile Armand
- Anarchist Peter Sabatini reports that in the United States "of early to mid-19th century, there appeared an array of communal and "utopian" counterculture groups (including the so-called free love movement). William Godwin's anarchism exerted an ideological influence on some of this, but more so the socialism of Robert Owen and Charles Fourier. After success of his British venture, Owen himself established a cooperative community within the United States at New Harmony, Indiana during 1825. One member of this commune was Josiah Warren (1798–1874), considered to be the first individualist anarchist"Peter Sabatini. "Libertarianism: Bogus Anarchy"
- "A.4. Are Mutalists Socialists?". mutualist.org. Archived from the original on 9 June 2009.
- Bookchin, Murray. Ghost of Anarcho-Syndicalism.
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- Kent Bromley, in his preface to Peter Kropotkin's book The Conquest of Bread, considered early French utopian socialist Charles Fourier to be the founder of the libertarian branch of socialist thought, as opposed to the authoritarian socialist ideas of Babeuf and Buonarroti." Kropotkin, Peter. The Conquest of Bread, preface by Kent Bromley, New York and London, G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1906.
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Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por John Zerzan. Para George Woodcock, esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX.
[His most representative work is Walden, published in 1854, although written between 1845 and 1847, when Thoreau decides to settle in the isolation of a cabin in the woods, and live in intimate contact with nature, in a life of solitude and sobriety. From this experience, his philosophy tries to convey to us the idea that a respectful return to nature is necessary, and that happiness is above all the fruit of inner richness and the harmony of individuals with the natural environment. Many have seen in Thoreau one of the forerunners of environmentalism and primitive anarchism represented today by John Zerzan. For George Woodcock, this attitude may also be motivated by a certain idea of resistance to progress and rejection of the growing materialism that characterizes American society in the mid-nineteenth century.] - "Naturists: The first naturists & the naturist culture – Natustar". Archived from the original on 25 October 2012. Retrieved 11 October 2013.
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- Biddle, Jeff; Samuels, Warren; Davis, John (2006). A Companion to the History of Economic Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 319.
What became known as the socialist calculation debate started when von Mises (1935 ) launched a critique of socialism.
- Levy, David M.; Peart, Sandra J. (2008). "Socialist calculation debate". The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (Second ed.). Palgrave Macmillan.
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Extreme equality overlooks the diversity of individual talents, tastes and needs, and save in a utopian society of unselfish individuals would entail strong coercion; but even short of this goal, there is the problem of giving reasonable recognition to different individual needs, tastes (for work or leisure) and talents. It is true therefore that beyond some point the pursuit of equality runs into controversial or contradictory criteria of need or merit.
- Bellamy, Richard (2003). The Cambridge History of Twentieth-Century Political Thought. Cambridge University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0521563543.
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- Bevins (2020), pp. 238–240; Ghodsee & Sehon (2018); Engel-DiMauro (2021), pp. 1–17; Sullivan & Hickel (2022)
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Further reading
- Bellarmine, Robert (1902). "Socialism." . Sermons from the Latins. Benziger Brothers.
- Cohen, Gerald (2009). Why Not Socialism?. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691143613.
- Cole, G. D. H. (2003) . History of Socialist Thought, in 7 volumes (reprint ed.). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 140390264X.
- Cole, George Douglas Howard (1922). "Socialism" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). London & New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company.
- Ellman, Michael (2014). Socialist Planning (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1107427327.
- Frank, Peter; McAloon, Jim (2016). Labour: The New Zealand Labour Party, 1916–2016. Wellington, New Zealand: Victoria University Press. ISBN 978-1776560745. Retrieved 16 September 2019.
- Fried, Albert; Sanders, Ronald, eds. (1964). Socialist Thought: A Documentary History. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor. LCCN 64011312.
- Ghodsee, Kristen (2018). Why Women Have Better Sex Under Socialism. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-1568588902.
- Harrington, Michael (1972). Socialism. New York: Bantam. LCCN 76154260.
- Harrington, Michael (2011). Socialism: Past and Future. Arcade Publishing. ISBN 978-1611453355.
- Hayes, Carlton J. H. (1917). "The History of German Socialism Reconsidered". American Historical Review. 23 (1): 62–101. doi:10.2307/1837686. JSTOR 1837686.
- Heilbroner, Robert (2008). "Socialism". In Henderson, David R. (ed.). The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund. pp. 466–468. ISBN 978-0865976665.
- Imlay, Talbot (2018). The Practice of Socialist Internationalism: European Socialists and International Politics, 1914–1960. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/oso/9780199641048.001.0001. ISBN 978-0191774317.
- Itoh, Makoto (1995). Political Economy of Socialism. London: Macmillan. ISBN 0333553373.
- Kitching, Gavin (1983). Rethinking Socialism. Meuthen. ISBN 978-0416358407.
- Oskar, Lange (1938). On the Economic Theory of Socialism. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. LCCN 38012882.
- Lebowitz, Michael (2006). "Build It Now: Socialism for the 21st century". Monthly Review Press. ISBN 1583671455.
- Lichtheim, George (1970). A Short History of Socialism. Praeger Publishers.
- Maass, Alan (2010). The Case for Socialism (Updated ed.). Haymarket Books. ISBN 978-1608460731.
- Marx & Engels, Selected works in one volume, Lawrence and Wishart (1968) ISBN 978-0853151814.
- Martell, Luke (2023). Alternative Societies: For a Pluralist Socialism. Policy Press. ISBN 978-1529229707.
- Muravchik, Joshua (2002). Heaven on Earth: The Rise and Fall of Socialism. San Francisco: Encounter Books. ISBN 1893554457. Archived from the original on 19 October 2014.
- Navarro, V. (1992). "Has socialism failed? An analysis of health indicators under socialism". International Journal of Health Services. 23 (2): 583–601. doi:10.2190/B2TP-3R5M-Q7UP-DUA2. PMID 1399170. S2CID 44945095.
- Bertell Ollman, ed., Market Socialism: The Debate among Socialists, Routledge, 1998. ISBN 0415919673.
- Leo Panitch, Renewing Socialism: Democracy, Strategy, and Imagination. ISBN 0813398215.
- Emile Perreau-Saussine, What remains of socialism?, in Patrick Riordan (dir.), Values in Public life: aspects of common goods (Berlin, LIT Verlag, 2007), pp. 11–34.
- Piketty, Thomas (2021). Time for Socialism: Dispatches from a World on Fire, 2016–2021. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300259667.
- Pipes, Richard (2000). Property and Freedom. Vintage. ISBN 0375704477.
- Prychitko, David L. (2008). "Socialism". In Hamowy, Ronald (ed.). The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage; Cato Institute. pp. 474–476. doi:10.4135/9781412965811.n290. ISBN 978-1412965804 – via Google Books.
- Rubel, Maximilien; Crump, John (8 August 1987). Non-Market Socialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0312005245.
- Sassoon, Donald (1998). One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century. New Press. ISBN 1565844866.
- Sunkara, Bhaskar, ed. (2016). The ABCs of Socialism. Verso Books. ISBN 978-1784787264.
- Verdery, Katherine (1996). What Was Socialism, What Comes Next. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 069101132X.
- Webb, Sidney (1889). "The Basis of Socialism – Historic". Library of Economics and Liberty.
- Weinstein, James (2003). Long Detour: The History and Future of the American Left (hardcover ed.). Westview Press. ISBN 0813341043.
- Wilberg, Peter (2003). Deep Socialism: A New Manifesto of Marxist Ethics and Economics. New Gnosis Publications. ISBN 1904519024.
External links
- Socialism – entry at the Encyclopædia Britannica
- "Socialism". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
- Cuban Socialism from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archives.
- Kirkup, Thomas (1887). "Socialism" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. XXII (9th ed.).
- Ely, Richard T.; Adams, Thomas Sewall (1905). "Socialism" . New International Encyclopedia.
- Bonar, James (1911). "Socialism" . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 25 (11th ed.). pp. 301–308.
- Cole, G. D. H. (1922). "Socialism" . Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.).
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