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The Indian caste system is the traditional system of social stratification on the Indian Subcontinent, in which social classes are defined by a number of endogamous, hereditary groups often termed as jātis or castes. The jātis are often classified among one of the four varnas or classes. Within a jāti there exist exogamous groups known as gotras, the lineage or clan of a person.

Although generally identified similar Hinduism, the caste system is also observed among followers of other religions in the Indian subcontinent, including some groups of Muslims and Christians. The Indian Constitution has formally outlawed caste-based discrimination, but the caste system still plays a major role in the Indian society and politics.

History

There is no universally accepted theory about the origin of the Indian caste system.. Some scholars speculate that the Indo-Aryan migrants might have established the caste system and placed themselves primarily in the castes of higher rank.. However, the theory of Indo-Aryan migration itself is disputed.

Varna and jati

This article contains weasel words: vague phrasing that often accompanies biased or unverifiable information. Such statements should be clarified or removed.

According to the ancient Hindu scriptures, there are four "varnas". Bhagavadgita says varnas are decided based on Guna and Karma. Manusmriti and some other shastras mention four varnas: the Brahmins (teachers, scholars and priests), the Kshatriyas (kings and warriors), the Vaishyas (traders), and Shudras (agriculturists, service providers, and some artisan groups). Offspring of different varnas belong to different Jātis. Another group excluded from the main society was called Parjanya or Antyaja. This group of former "untouchables" (now called Dalits) was considered either the lower section of Shudras or outside the caste system altogether. Passages from scriptures such as Manusmriti indicate that the varna system was originally non-hereditary.

Several critics of Hinduism state that the caste system is rooted in the varna system mentioned in the ancient Hindu scriptures. However, many groups such as ISKCON consider the modern Indian caste system and the varna system as two unidentical concepts. Many European scholars from the colonial era regarded the Manusmriti as the "law book" of the Hindus and thus concluded that the caste system is a part of Hinduism, an assertion that is rejected by many Hindu scholars, who state that it is an anachronistic social practice, not a religious one.

Although many Hindu scriptures contain passages that can be interpreted to sanction the caste system, they also contain indications that the caste system is not an essential part of the Hinduism. The Vedas place very little importance on the caste system, mentioning caste only rarely and in a cursory manner. In the Vedic period, there was no prohibition against the Shudras (which later on became the low-castes) listening to the Vedas or participating in any religious rite. Later scriptures such as Bhagavad Gita and Manusmriti state that the four varnas are created by God.

In Early Evidence for Caste in South India, George L. Hart stated that "the earliest Tamil texts show the existence of what seems definitely to be caste, but which antedates the Brahmins and the Hindu orthodoxy". He believes that the origins of the caste system can be seen in the "belief system that developed with the agricultural civilization", and was later profoundly influenced by "the Brahmins and the Brahmanical religion".

Caste and social status

Traditionally, although the political power lay with the Kshatriyas, the brahmins as keepers and interpreters of religion enjoyed much prestige and many advantages.. The Dalits or the people outside the varna system had the lowest social status. The Dalits, earlier referred to as "untouchables" by some, worked in what were seen as unhealthy, disgusting or polluting jobs. In the past, the Dalits suffered from social segregation and restrictions in addition to extreme poverty. They were not allowed temple worship with others, nor water from the same sources. Persons of higher castes would not interact with them. If somehow a member of a higher caste came into physical or social contact with an untouchable, the member of the higher caste was defiled, and had to bathe thoroughly to purge her/himself of the impurity. The social discrimination developed even among the Dalits. Upper sub-castes among Dalits like dhobi, nai etc. would not interact with lower-order Bhangis, described as "outcastes even among outcastes".

Some scholars point that the hierarchy of the castes was more fluid amongst the Brahmins, prior to the arrival of the British. The Brahmins were placed at the top of the hierarchy and the untouchables (Dalits) were placed at the bottom. However, the relative ranking of other castes differed from one place to another. The castes did not constitute a rigid description of the occupation or the social status of a group. Since the British society was divided by class, the British attempted to equate the Indian caste system to the class system. They saw caste as an indicator of occupation, social standing, and intellectual ability. The caste system really became rigid during the British Raj, when the British started to enumerate castes during the ten year census and codified the system under their rule.

and History of the Indian caste system

Reforms

Many Bhakti period saints rejected the caste discriminations and accepted all castes, including untouchables, into their fold. During the initial days of British East India Company's rules, caste privileges and customs were encouraged. However, the British law courts disagreed with the discrimination against the lower castes. During the British Raj, many Hindu reform movements such as Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj renounced caste-based discrimination. The inclusion of so-called untouchables into the mainstream was argued for by many social reformers (see the section Historical criticism). Mahatma Gandhi called them "Harijans" (people of God). However, the term Dalit ("downtrodden") is used now as the term Harijan is largely felt patronising. Gandhi's contribution toward the emancipation of the untouchables is considered controversial. This is usually highlighted by the commentary of his contemporary Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, an untouchable himself, who frequently saw his activities as detrimental to the cause of upliftment of his people.

The practice of untouchability was formally outlawed by the Constitution of India in 1950, and has declined heavily in independent India. K. R. Narayanan, who became the President of India in 1997 and K. G. Balakrishnan (the present Chief Justice of India) belong to the castes formerly considered as untouchable.

Modern status of the caste system

The Indian caste system is gradually relaxing, especially in metropolitan and other major urban areas, due to the penetration of higher education, co-existence of all communities and lesser knowledge about caste system due to alienation with rural roots of people. But in most rural areas and small towns, the caste system is still very rigid. The total elimination of caste system seems distant, if ever possible, due to caste politics.

The Government of India has officially documented castes and subcastes, primarily to determine those deserving reservation (positive discrimination in education and jobs) through the census. The Indian reservation system relies entirely on quotas. The Government lists consist of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes:

Scheduled castes (SC)

Scheduled castes generally consist of former "untouchables" (the term "Dalit" is now preferred). Present population is 16% of total population of India i.e. around 160 million. For example, the Delhi state has 49 castes listed as SC.

Scheduled tribes (ST)

Scheduled tribes generally consist of tribal groups. Present population is 7% of total population of India i.e. around 70 million.

Other Backward Classes (OBC)

The Mandal Commission covered more than 3000 castes under OBC Category and stated that OBCs form around 52% of the Indian population. However, the National Sample Survey puts the figure at 32%.. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India. It is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is lower than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission or the National Sample Survey

The caste-based reservations in India have led to wide-spread protests, with many complaining of reverse discrimination against the forward castes (the castes that do not qualify for the reservation).

Though inter-caste marriages are now quite common in India, many Indians consider caste a major criteria for matrimonial choices. Almost all Indian matrimonial websites and matrimonial columns in Indian newspapers contain caste-based categories.

Caste System among non-Hindus

In some parts of India, the Christians are stratified by sect, location, and the castes of their predecessors, usually this refers only to the catholic churches, not the protestant, and could be in reference to nasrani who were bestowed caste-like status. Presently in India, more than 70% of Christians are Dalits, but the higher caste Christians (30% by estimates) control 90% of the Catholic churches administrative jobs . Out of the 156 Catholic bishops, only 6 are from lower castesCite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).. Many Dalit Catholics have spoken out against discrimination against them by the Catholic Church.

Despite Islam's egalitarian tenets, units of social stratification, termed as "castes" by many, have developed among Muslims in some parts of South Asia. Sources indicate that the castes among Muslims developed as the result of close contact with Hindu culture and Hindu converts to Islam. The Sachar Committee's report commissioned by the government of India and released in 2006, documents the continued stratification in Muslim society.

Among Muslims, those who are referred to as Ashrafs are presumed to have a superior status derived from their foreign Arab ancestry, while the Ajlafs are assumed to be converts from Hinduism, and have a lower status. In addition, there is also the Arzal caste among Muslims, who were regarded by anti-caste activists like Babasaheb Ambedkar as the equivalent of untouchables. In the Bengal region of India, some Muslims also stratify their society according to 'Quoms'. While some scholars have asserted that the Muslim Castes are not as acute in their discrimination as that among Hindus, Ambedkar argued otherwise, writing that the social evils in Muslim society were "worse than those seen in Hindu society".

Although the Sikh Gurus rejected the caste system, caste is still observed in some areas of the Sikh society such as marriage, and establishment and functioning of gurdwaras. The castes among Sikhs include Jats (which constitute majority of Sikhs), the Khatris, the Aroras, the Ramgarhias, the Ahluwalias, and the Mazhabis (Punjabi Dalit castes including Churas and and the Ramdasias). In Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee, out of 140 seats, twenty are reserved for low caste Sikhs.

Caste-related violence

Independent India has witnessed considerable amount of violence and hate crimes motivated by caste. Ranvir Sena, a caste-supremacist fringe paramilitary group based in Bihar has committed violent acts against Dalits and other members of the scheduled caste community. Phoolan Devi, a bandit-turned-politician belonging to Mallah lower-caste was mistreated and raped by upper-caste Thakurs. She turned a bandit and carried out violent robberies against upper-caste people. In 1981, her gang massacred twenty-two Thakurs, most of whom were not involved in her kidnapping or rape.

Over the years, various incidents of violence against Dalits, such as Kherlanji Massacre have been reported from many parts of India. At the same time, many violent protests by Dalits, such as the 2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra, have been reported as well.

Caste politics

Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had radically different approaches to caste especially over constitutional politics and the status of "untouchables". Till the mid-1970s, the politics of independent India was largely dominated by economic issues and questions of corruption. But since 1980s, caste has emerged as a major issue in the Politics of India.

The Mandal Commission was established in 1979 to "identify the socially or educationally backward", and to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination. In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law whereby members of lower castes were given exclusive access to a certain portion of government jobs and slots in public universities. When V. P. Singh Government tried to implement the recommendations of Mandal Commission in 1989, massive protests were held in the country. Many alleged that the politicians were trying to cash on caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes.

Many political parties in India have openly indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they are representing the backward castes, and rely primarily on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support to win the elections.

Criticism

There has been strong criticism of the caste system, both within and outside India. Criticism of the Caste system in Hindu society came both from the Hindu fold and from without.

Historical criticism

Gautama Buddha and Mahavira, the founders of Buddhism and Jainism respectively, were against any kind of caste structure. Many bhakti period saints such as Kabir, Dnyaneshwar, Eknath, Ramananda, Ramanuja and Tukaram rejected all caste-based discrimination and accepted disciples from all the castes. Many Hindu reformers such as Swami Vivekananda and Sathya Sai Baba believe that there is no place for the caste system in Hinduism. The 15th century saint Ramananda also accepted all castes, including untouchables, into his fold. Most of these saints subscribed to the Bhakti movements in Hinduism during the medieval period that rejected casteism. Nandanar, a low-caste Hindu cleric, also rejected casteism and accepted Dalits.

Some other movements in Hinduism have also welcomed lower-castes into their fold, the earliest being the Bhakti movements of the medieval period. Early Dalit politics involved many Hindu reform movements which arose primarily as a reaction to the advent of Christian Missionaries in India and their attempts to mass-convert Dalits to Christianity under the allure of escaping the caste system (however, the Caste system among Indian Christians remained in full force even after conversions).

In the 19th Century, the Brahmo Samaj under Raja Ram Mohan Roy, actively campaigned against untouchability and Casteism. The Arya Samaj founded by Swami Dayanand also renounced discrimination against Dalits.Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa founded the Ramakrishna Mission that participated in the emancipation of Dalits. Upper caste Hindus, such as Mannathu Padmanabhan also participated in movements to abolish Untouchability against Dalits, opening his family temple for Dalits to worship.Narayana Guru, a pious Hindu and an authority on the Vedas, also criticized casteism and campaigned for the rights of lower-caste Hindus within the context of Hinduism.

The first "upper-caste" temple to openly welcome Dalits into their fold was the Laxminarayan Temple in Wardha in the year 1928 (the move was spearheaded by reformer Jamnalal Bajaj). Also, the Satnami movement was founded by Guru Ghasidas a Dalit himself.

The caste system has also been criticized by many Indian social reformers. Some reformers, such as Jyotirao Phule and Iyothee Thass argued that the lower caste people were the original inhabitants of India, and were conquered in the ancient past by Brahman invaders. Mahatma Gandhi coined the term "Harijan", a euphemistic word for untouchable, literally meaning Sons of God. B. R. Ambedkar, born in Hindu Dalit community, was a heavy critic of the caste system. He pioneered the Dalit Buddhist movement in India, and asked his followers to leave Hinduism, and convert to Buddhism.India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, based on his own relationship with Dalit reformer Ambedkar, also spread information about the dire need to eradicate untouchability for the benefit of the Dalit community. Another example was the Temple Entry Proclamation issued by the last Maharaja of Travancore in the Indian state of Kerala in the year 1936. The Maharaja proclaimed that "outcastes should not be denied the consolations and the solace of the Hindu faith". Even today, the Sri Padmanabhaswamy temple that first welcomed Dalits in the state of Kerala is revered by the Dalit Hindu community.

Contemporary Criticism

Kancha Ilaiah, a professor at Osmania University is known for his polemical attacks on Hindus and the caste system and is considered an anti-Hindu by his critics. Similarly, radicals such as Udit Raj, who have attacked Hindus in polemical speeches, have achieved some popularity among evangelical Christian groups such as the Dalit Freedom Network in their attacks on Hindus. Christian Missionaries of the fundamentalist persuasion often employ such tactics to convert Hindus to their fold. The website Dalitstan (presently taken down), once banned by the Indian government, is an example of anti-Brahmin and anti-Hindu rhetoric by Dalit extremists, allegedly supported by Christian missions.

Many Hindus point out that the caste system is related to the Indian society, and not Hinduism (as is evident by presence of caste among Indian Christians and Muslims). Hindu Nationalist organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have actively criticized the caste system.

Some activists consider that the caste system is a form of racial discrimination. The participants of the United Nations Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa in March 2001, condemned discrimination due to the caste system, and stated that caste as a basis for the segregation and oppression of peoples in terms of their descent and occupation is a form of apartheid..

This allegation has been rejected by many sociologists such as Andre Béteille, who writes that treating caste as a form of racism is "politically mischievous" and worse, "scientifically nonsense" since there is no discernible difference in the racial characteristics between Brahmins and Scheduled Castes. He writes that "Every social group cannot be regarded as a race simply because we want to protect it against prejudice and discrimination".

The Indian government denies the claims of equivalency between Caste and Racial discrimination, pointing out that the caste issues as essentially intra-racial and intra-cultural. Indian Attorney General Soli Sorabjee insisted that "he only reason India wants caste discrimination kept off the agenda is that it will distract participants from the main topic: racism. Caste discrimination in India is undeniable but caste and race are entirely distinct". Many scholars dispute the claim that casteism is akin to racism. The view of the caste system as "static and unchanging" has been disputed. Sociologists describe how the perception of the caste system as a static and textual stratification has given way to the perception of the caste system as a more processual, empirical and contextual stratification. Others have applied theoretical models to explain mobility and flexibility in the caste system in India. According to these scholars, groups of lower-caste individuals could seek to elevate the status of their caste by attempting to emulate the practices of higher castes. However, regardless of the education or social position of members of lower castes, they still experience caste discrimination, and social mobility is restricted by the behaviours of upper caste members.

Sociologist M. N. Srinivas has also debated the question of rigidity in Caste. For details see sanskritization.

In India, some observers felt that the caste system must be viewed as a system of exploitation of poor low-ranking groups by more prosperous high-ranking groups. In many parts of India, land is largely held by dominant castes high-ranking owners of property that economically exploit low-ranking landless labourers and poor artisans, all the while degrading them with ritual emphases on their so-called god-given inferior status.

Matt Cherry, claims that karma underpins the caste system, and the caste system traditionally determines the position and role of every member of Hindu society. Caste determines an individual's place in society, the work he or she may carry out, and who he or she may marry and meet. According to him, Hindus believe that the karma of previous life will determine the caste an individual will be (re)born into.

On 29 March 2007, the Supreme Court of India, as an interim measure, stayed the law providing for 27 percent reservation for Other Backward Classes in educational institutions like IITs and IIMs. This was done in response to a public interest litigation — Ashoka Kumar Thakur vs. Union of India . The Court held that the 1931 census could not be a determinative factor for identifying the OBCs for the purpose of providing reservation. The court also also observed, "Reservation cannot be permanent and appear to perpetuate backwardness".

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10. ManuSmriti X:65: "As the son of Shudra can attain the rank of a Brahmin, the son of Brahmin can attain rank of a shudra. Even so with him who is born of a Vaishya or a Kshatriya"
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See also

• The varna system
• Caste
• List of Indian castes
• Reservations in India
• Lower-caste Hindu saints
• List of lower-caste Indian warriors

Further reading

See also: References

• Ambedkar, B.R. (1946). The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? as reprinted in Volume 7 of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, published by Government of Maharashtra 1990; Complete Writings
• Ambedkar, B.R. (1946) Who were the Shudras
• Jervoise Athelstane Baines (1893). General report on the Census of India, 1891, London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office
• Atal, Yogesh (1968) "The Changing Frontiers of Caste" Delhi, National Publishing House
• Atal, Yogesh (2006) "Changing Indian Society" Chapter on Varna and Jati. Jaipur, Rawat Publications.
• E.A.H. Blunt (1931). The Caste System of Northern India, republished 1964, S. Chand, Delhi.
• Crooke, William (1896). Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, 4 vols.
• G.S. Ghurye (1961). Caste, Class and Occupation. Popular Book Depot, Bombay.
• G.S. Ghurye (1969). Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai 1969 (1932)
• Lal, K. S. Growth of Scheduled Tribes and Castes in Medieval India (1995)
• Russell, R.V. and R.B. Hira Lal (1916). The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, 4 vols., London.
• Duiker/Spielvogel. The Essential World History Vol I: to 1800. 2nd Edition 2005
• Louis Dumont. Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications. Complete English edition, revised. 540 p. 1970, 1980 Series: (Nature of Human Society)
• Christophe Jaffrelot (2003). India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes, C. Hurst & Co
• Kane, Pandurang Vaman: History of Dharmasastra: (ancient and mediaeval, religious and civil law) — Poona : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1962-1975
• Murray Milner, Jr. (1994). Status and Sacredness: A General Theory of Status Relations and an Analysis of Indian Culture, New York: Oxford University Press
• Ranganayakamma (2001). For the solution of the "Caste" question, Buddha is not enough, Ambedkar is not enough either, Marx is a must, Hyderabad : Sweet Home Publications

External links

• Jati system in India
• The Caste System in India
• Annihilation of Caste with a Reply to Mahatma Gandhi Part I & Part II by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar
• Varna Ashram and Hindu Scriptures (pdf)
• Articles on Caste by Koenraad Elst: Caste in India, Buddhism and Caste, Indian tribals and Caste, Physical anthropology and Caste, Etymology of Varna
• India's Caste System at Kamat's Potpourri
• Hidden Apartheid Caste Discrimination against India's "Untouchables"

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• Indian caste system
• Indian society
• Hindu law