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Revision as of 16:42, 4 July 2007 editHanzoHattori (talk | contribs)28,111 edits →Criticism of Politkovskaya work: stop pushing this Arutiunian (who?) AGAIN - defamation of a dead person (yes) - see the talk page, discussed in detail← Previous edit Revision as of 12:18, 5 July 2007 edit undoVlad fedorov (talk | contribs)4,845 edits →Criticism of Politkovskaya workNext edit →
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During a reporting trip in 2001, Politkovskaya was detained by military officials in the Chechen village of ]. Politkovskaya followed the complaints from 90 Chechen families about "punitive raids" by federal forces.<ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 6 February 2001, ] No. 14. .</ref><ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 1 March 2001, ], No. 15. .</ref><ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 5 March 2001, ], No 16. .</ref> She interviewed a Chechen grandmother Rosita from a village of Tovzeni who endured a 12 day torture of beatings, electric shock and confinement in a pit. The men who arrested Rosita presented themselves as ] employees. The torturers requested a ransom from Rosita's relatives who negotiated a smaller amount that they were able to pay. Another interviewee described killings and rapes in a camp near the village of Khottuni. In the camp, a senior officer showed Politkovskaya empty pits and assured her that the pits were only used to detain Chechen militants, to cover them from the elements when no other premises were available. During a reporting trip in 2001, Politkovskaya was detained by military officials in the Chechen village of ]. Politkovskaya followed the complaints from 90 Chechen families about "punitive raids" by federal forces.<ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 6 February 2001, ] No. 14. .</ref><ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 1 March 2001, ], No. 15. .</ref><ref>{{ru icon}}, Anna Politkovskaya, 5 March 2001, ], No 16. .</ref> She interviewed a Chechen grandmother Rosita from a village of Tovzeni who endured a 12 day torture of beatings, electric shock and confinement in a pit. The men who arrested Rosita presented themselves as ] employees. The torturers requested a ransom from Rosita's relatives who negotiated a smaller amount that they were able to pay. Another interviewee described killings and rapes in a camp near the village of Khottuni. In the camp, a senior officer showed Politkovskaya empty pits and assured her that the pits were only used to detain Chechen militants, to cover them from the elements when no other premises were available.


On her leaving the camp, Politkovskaya herself was detained, interrogated and humiliated by the other troops. She was threatened with execution, then treated with a cup of tea that made her vomit. Her tape records were confiscated. Later, a journalist for the federal state unitary enterprise All-Russia State Television and Broadcasting Company discarded Politkovskaya's story as "tales".<ref>{{ru icon}}, Leonid Savchenko, ], 23 February 2001. </ref> Colonel-General Alexander Baranov, the commander of the Russian unit mentioned by Politkovskaya's camp guide as the one who ordered to cover captured militants in the pits, was also recorded by the ] team while ordering the Chechen ] to be killed in 2000; in 2007 the ] ruled that the Russian military was responsible for his ] and presumed death. On her leaving the camp, Politkovskaya herself was detained, interrogated and humiliated by the other troops. She was threatened with execution, then treated with a cup of tea that made her vomit. Her tape records were confiscated. Later, a journalist for the federal state unitary enterprise All-Russia State Television and Broadcasting Company discarded Politkovskaya's story as "tales".<ref>{{ru icon}}, Leonid Savchenko, ], 23 February 2001. </ref>

In 2004 Colonel-General Alexander Baranov, the commander of the Russian Kavkaz deployment mentioned by Politkovskaya's camp guide as the one who ordered to cover captured militants in the pits, was proven not guilty by the ],<ref>, a judgement by ], 27 July 2006.</ref> with regards to unlawful detention and ] of a Chechen suspect ]. The Court stated that: "The witnesses stressed that Baranov’s words had not been regarded as an order, that Yandiyev had remained near the bus for a long time after the conversation and that, in any event, there had been far too many people around to issue or to carry out such an order".<ref>, a judgement by ], 27 July 2006.</ref>

The court in this case attributed dissapearance to Russian authorities because: "...taking into account that no information has come to light concerning the whereabouts of Yandiyev for more than six years, the Court is satisfied that he must be presumed dead following unacknowledged detention. Consequently, the responsibility of the respondent State is engaged. Noting that the authorities do not rely on any ground of justification in respect of use of lethal force by their agents, it follows that liability is attributable to the respondent Government".<ref>, a judgement by ], 27 July 2006.</ref>

According to the Court's logic: "Detained persons are in a vulnerable position and the authorities are under a duty to protect them. Consequently, where an individual is taken into police custody in good health and is found to be injured on release, it is incumbent on the State to provide a plausible explanation of how those injuries were caused (see, amongst other authorities, Avşar v. Turkey, no. 25657/94, § 391, ECHR 2001-VII (extracts)). The obligation on the authorities to account for the treatment of a detained individual is particularly stringent where that individual dies or disappears thereafter".<ref>, a judgement by ], 27 July 2006.</ref>


====Criticism of Politkovskaya work==== ====Criticism of Politkovskaya work====
Critics accused her of being partisan by concentrating on the activities of Russian federal forces, but her supporters claim that she also strongly criticised the brutal tactics of the terrorists.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1890481,00.html|title=Assassin's Bullet Kills Fiery Critic of Putin|author=Parfitt, Tom|publisher=The Observer|date=2006-10-08|accessdate=2006-10-09}}</ref> Politkovskaya treated criticism as a part of governmental campaign against her and stated: "I will not go into the other joys of the path I have chosen, the poisoning, the arrests, the threats in letters and over the Internet, the telephoned death threats, the weekly summons to the prosecutor general's office to sign statements about practically every article I write (the first question being, "How and where did you obtain this information?"). Of course I don't like the constant derisive articles about me that appear in other newspapers and on Internet sites presenting me as the madwoman of Moscow. I find it disgusting to live this way. I would like a bit more understanding."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/10/14/AR2006101400805.html?nav=rss_print/outlook|title=Her Own Death, Foretold|publisher=Politkovskaya, Anna|accessdate=2006-10-15}}</ref> Critics accused her of being partisan by concentrating on the activities of Russian federal forces, but her supporters claim that she also strongly criticised the brutal tactics of the terrorists.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1890481,00.html|title=Assassin's Bullet Kills Fiery Critic of Putin|author=Parfitt, Tom|publisher=The Observer|date=2006-10-08|accessdate=2006-10-09}}</ref> She was also blamed for unwillingness to check facts before reporting them if she felt they furthered her cause.<ref name=Arutiunian> ] N39 2006 </ref>

According to journalist Anna Arutunyan, during a Chechnya trip in 2001, Politkovskaya was arrested by the military officials. When she was released, she reported that she had discovered pits where military officials allegedly kept Chechen hostages for ransom. The publication was immediately followed by the official investigation into these allegations, but a delegation of official human rights envoys was unable to find any such pits. Later at the press conference in Moscow, Politikovskaya admitted that she had never actually seen the pits herself, but that witnesses related seeing them to her. In another account she had said the ransoms was $150, while in another - $500.<ref name=Arutiunian> ] N39 2006 </ref><ref name="troshev"> Moscow. Vagrius. 2001</ref>

Another example was Politkovskaya's allegations that special forces were preparing an "escape" for jailed oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky, in the course of which he was to be killed. Her source was a retired KGB officer who had served time in the camps. While the article was published in Novaya Gazeta this spring, these allegations went nowhere.<ref name=Arutiunian> ] N39 2006 </ref>

General ] described a situation when Anna Politkovskaya put into danger the whole military column by which Anna Politkovskaya was transported to Chechnya's capital city,]. When military commander of that column rebuked her for putting them in danger, she wrote a newspaper article in which she asserted that all the militaries are the cowards and idlers and accussed the militaries of violating basic freedoms.<ref name="troshev"> Moscow. Vagrius. 2001</ref>

Hence, Politkovskaya was primarily viewed as an activist rather than reporter. When terrorists held an auditorium hostage during the Nov. 2002 production of Nord-Ost, she spoke to the hostage takers and made their demands public. In Sept. 2004, terrorist in the Beslan school siege had also demanded her presence.<ref name=Arutiunian> ] N39 2006 </ref>

Against this backdrop, it would seem that despite a brave and sincere commitment to unraveling corruption and atrocities wherever possible, Politkovskaya's priorities as a journalist focused more on accusing and less on reporting. <ref name=Arutiunian> ] N39 2006 </ref>

But Politkovskaya treated such criticism as a part of governmental campaign against her and stated: "I will not go into the other joys of the path I have chosen, the poisoning, the arrests, the threats in letters and over the Internet, the telephoned death threats, the weekly summons to the prosecutor general's office to sign statements about practically every article I write (the first question being, "How and where did you obtain this information?"). Of course I don't like the constant derisive articles about me that appear in other newspapers and on Internet sites presenting me as the madwoman of Moscow. I find it disgusting to live this way. I would like a bit more understanding."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/10/14/AR2006101400805.html?nav=rss_print/outlook|title=Her Own Death, Foretold|publisher=Politkovskaya, Anna|accessdate=2006-10-15}}</ref>


===Human rights activism=== ===Human rights activism===

Revision as of 12:18, 5 July 2007

Anna Politkovskaya
OccupationJournalist

Anna Stepanovna Politkovskaya (Template:Lang-ru; 30 August 1958 – 7 October 2006) was US born Russian journalist and human rights activist well known for her criticism of the Chechen conflict and the Putin administration. She was shot dead in the elevator of her apartment building on 7 October 2006.

Politkovskaya made her name reporting from Chechnya for Russia's liberal newspaper, Novaya Gazeta. The BBC described her writing as "often polemical, as bitter in its condemnation of the Russian army and the Russian government as it was fervent in support of human rights and the rule of law." Her murder, widely perceived as a contract killing, sparked strong international reaction and controversial debate.

Biography

Early life

Politkovskaya was born Anna Mazepa in New York City in 1958 to Soviet Ukrainian parents, both of whom served as diplomats to the United Nations. She grew up in Moscow and graduated from the Moscow State University Department of Journalism in 1980. She defended a thesis about the poetry of Marina Tsvetaeva. Politkovskaya was a citizen of both the United States of America and Russian Federation.

Journalistic work

Politkovskaya worked for Izvestia from 1982 to 1993, and then as a reporter, editor of emergencies/accidents section, and assistant chief editor of Obshchaya Gazeta led by Yegor Yakovlev (1994–1999). From June 1999 to 2006, she wrote columns for the biweekly Novaya Gazeta, which news vendors often keep under the counter, if at all. She published several award-winning books about Chechnya, life in Russia, and President Putin's regime, most recently the book Putin's Russia.

Outside Russia, Politkovskaya received wide acclaim for her work in Chechnya, where she frequently visited hospitals and refugee camps to interview the victims.. Newspapers in France, Germany, Spain, the UK and the US would open their op-ed sections to her - but in Russia, she had little influence. Her numerous articles critical of the war in Chechnya included allegations of abuses committed under the Russian-backed Chechen president Akhmad Kadyrov, as well as his son, deputy prime minister, then prime minister, Ramzan Kadyrov, who won the 2007 presidential election in the republic. She wrote a book, Putin's Russia: Life in a Failing Democracy, critical of Putin's federal presidency, specifically his pursuit of the Second Chechen War. Politkovskaya chronicled human rights abuses and policy failures in Chechnya and elsewhere in Russia's North Caucasus, and also wrote books on the subject, including A Dirty War: A Russian Reporter in Chechnya and A Small Corner of Hell: Dispatches from Chechnya, which painted a picture of brutal war in which thousands of innocent citizens have been tortured, abducted or killed at the hands of Chechen or federal authorities. One of her most recent investigations was about alleged mass poisoning of hundreds of Chechen school children by an unknown chemical substance of strong and prolonged action, which made them completely incapable for many months. Critics accused her of being partisan via her damning reports, which focused on the alleged cruelty of the Russian federal forces. However, her supporters claim that she did not hold back on making similar allegations against the Chechen rebels.

She had, on several occasions, been involved in negotiating the release of hostages, including the Moscow theater hostage crisis of 2002 and the Beslan school hostage crisis of 2004. While traveling to Beslan to help in negotiations with the hostage-takers, Politkovskaya fell violently ill and lost consciousness after drinking tea. She had been reportedly poisoned, with some accusing the former Soviet secret police poison facility of involvement in the plot.

While attending a conference on the freedom of press organized by Reporters Without Borders in Vienna in December 2005 Politkovskaya said: "People sometimes pay with their lives for saying aloud what they think. In fact, one can even get killed for giving me information. I am not the only one in danger. I have examples that prove it." In Moscow she was not invited to press conferences or gatherings that Kremlin officials might attend, in case the organizers were suspected of harboring sympathies toward her. Despite this, many top officials allegedly talked to her when she was writing articles or conducting investigations -- according to her own article, they did talk to her, "but only when they weren't likely be observed: outside in crowds, or in houses that they approached by different routes, like spies". She often received death threats as a result of her work; including being threatened with rape and experiencing a mock execution after being arrested by the military in Chechnya. In 2001, Politkovskaya fled to Vienna, following e-mail threats claiming that the OMON police officer whom she had accused of committing atrocities against civilians was looking to take revenge. The officer, Sergei Lapin, was arrested and charged in 2002, but the case against him was closed the following year. In 2005, Lapin was convicted and jailed for torturing and "disappearing" a Chechen civilian detainee, the case exposed by Anna Politkovskaya in the article "Disappearing People".

Detention in Chechnya

During a reporting trip in 2001, Politkovskaya was detained by military officials in the Chechen village of Khottuni. Politkovskaya followed the complaints from 90 Chechen families about "punitive raids" by federal forces. She interviewed a Chechen grandmother Rosita from a village of Tovzeni who endured a 12 day torture of beatings, electric shock and confinement in a pit. The men who arrested Rosita presented themselves as FSB employees. The torturers requested a ransom from Rosita's relatives who negotiated a smaller amount that they were able to pay. Another interviewee described killings and rapes in a camp near the village of Khottuni. In the camp, a senior officer showed Politkovskaya empty pits and assured her that the pits were only used to detain Chechen militants, to cover them from the elements when no other premises were available.

On her leaving the camp, Politkovskaya herself was detained, interrogated and humiliated by the other troops. She was threatened with execution, then treated with a cup of tea that made her vomit. Her tape records were confiscated. Later, a journalist for the federal state unitary enterprise All-Russia State Television and Broadcasting Company discarded Politkovskaya's story as "tales".

In 2004 Colonel-General Alexander Baranov, the commander of the Russian Kavkaz deployment mentioned by Politkovskaya's camp guide as the one who ordered to cover captured militants in the pits, was proven not guilty by the European Court of Human Rights, with regards to unlawful detention and forced disappearance of a Chechen suspect Khadzhi-Murat Yandiyev. The Court stated that: "The witnesses stressed that Baranov’s words had not been regarded as an order, that Yandiyev had remained near the bus for a long time after the conversation and that, in any event, there had been far too many people around to issue or to carry out such an order".

The court in this case attributed dissapearance to Russian authorities because: "...taking into account that no information has come to light concerning the whereabouts of Yandiyev for more than six years, the Court is satisfied that he must be presumed dead following unacknowledged detention. Consequently, the responsibility of the respondent State is engaged. Noting that the authorities do not rely on any ground of justification in respect of use of lethal force by their agents, it follows that liability is attributable to the respondent Government".

According to the Court's logic: "Detained persons are in a vulnerable position and the authorities are under a duty to protect them. Consequently, where an individual is taken into police custody in good health and is found to be injured on release, it is incumbent on the State to provide a plausible explanation of how those injuries were caused (see, amongst other authorities, Avşar v. Turkey, no. 25657/94, § 391, ECHR 2001-VII (extracts)). The obligation on the authorities to account for the treatment of a detained individual is particularly stringent where that individual dies or disappears thereafter".

Criticism of Politkovskaya work

Critics accused her of being partisan by concentrating on the activities of Russian federal forces, but her supporters claim that she also strongly criticised the brutal tactics of the terrorists. She was also blamed for unwillingness to check facts before reporting them if she felt they furthered her cause.

According to journalist Anna Arutunyan, during a Chechnya trip in 2001, Politkovskaya was arrested by the military officials. When she was released, she reported that she had discovered pits where military officials allegedly kept Chechen hostages for ransom. The publication was immediately followed by the official investigation into these allegations, but a delegation of official human rights envoys was unable to find any such pits. Later at the press conference in Moscow, Politikovskaya admitted that she had never actually seen the pits herself, but that witnesses related seeing them to her. In another account she had said the ransoms was $150, while in another - $500.

Another example was Politkovskaya's allegations that special forces were preparing an "escape" for jailed oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky, in the course of which he was to be killed. Her source was a retired KGB officer who had served time in the camps. While the article was published in Novaya Gazeta this spring, these allegations went nowhere.

General Gennady Troshev described a situation when Anna Politkovskaya put into danger the whole military column by which Anna Politkovskaya was transported to Chechnya's capital city,Grozny. When military commander of that column rebuked her for putting them in danger, she wrote a newspaper article in which she asserted that all the militaries are the cowards and idlers and accussed the militaries of violating basic freedoms.

Hence, Politkovskaya was primarily viewed as an activist rather than reporter. When terrorists held an auditorium hostage during the Nov. 2002 production of Nord-Ost, she spoke to the hostage takers and made their demands public. In Sept. 2004, terrorist in the Beslan school siege had also demanded her presence.

Against this backdrop, it would seem that despite a brave and sincere commitment to unraveling corruption and atrocities wherever possible, Politkovskaya's priorities as a journalist focused more on accusing and less on reporting.

But Politkovskaya treated such criticism as a part of governmental campaign against her and stated: "I will not go into the other joys of the path I have chosen, the poisoning, the arrests, the threats in letters and over the Internet, the telephoned death threats, the weekly summons to the prosecutor general's office to sign statements about practically every article I write (the first question being, "How and where did you obtain this information?"). Of course I don't like the constant derisive articles about me that appear in other newspapers and on Internet sites presenting me as the madwoman of Moscow. I find it disgusting to live this way. I would like a bit more understanding."

Human rights activism

Politkovskaya was sometimes viewed as a human rights activist rather than a journalist. She said about herself that she was not an investigating magistrate but somebody who describes the life of the citizens for those who cannot see it for themselves, because what is shown on television and written about in the overwhelming majority of newspapers is emasculated and doused with ideology. She claimed that the Kremlin tried to block her access to information and discredit her for that reason:

"I will not go into the other joys of the path I have chosen, the poisoning, the arrests, the threats in letters and over the Internet, the telephoned death threats, the weekly summons to the prosecutor general's office to sign statements about practically every article I write (the first question being, "How and where did you obtain this information?"). Of course I don't like the constant derisive articles about me that appear in other newspapers and on Internet sites presenting me as the madwoman of Moscow. I find it disgusting to live this way. I would like a bit more understanding."

Assassination

Main article: Anna Politkovskaya assassination

Politkovskaya was found shot dead on Saturday, 7 October 2006 in the elevator of her apartment block in central Moscow. Police said a Makarov pistol and four shell casings were found beside her body. Early reports indicated a contract killing, as she was shot four times, once in the head, but if so it was unclear who ordered the killing.

On the day of her murder, Politkovskaya had planned to file a lengthy story on torture practices believed to be used by Chechen authorities, Novaya Gazeta editor Dmitry Muratov said. Those accused in the story of practicing torture belong to security detachments loyal to Chechnya's pro-Moscow Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov, Muratov said. A day after Politkovskaya was found dead, police seized her computer hard disk and material she had assembled for an investigative article; the story may now never be published. Additionally, Muratov said, two photographs of the suspected torturers have disappeared.

The funeral was held on Tuesday, 10 October, at 2:30 p.m., at the Troyekurovsky Cemetery. Before Politkovskaya was laid to rest, more than 1,000 people filed past her coffin to pay their last respects. Dozens of Politkovskaya's colleagues, public figures and admirers of her work gathered at a cemetery on the outskirts of Moscow for the funeral. No high-ranking Russian officials could be seen at the ceremony.

Former FSB officer Alexander Litvinenko accused Vladimir Putin of personally ordering the assassination of Politkovskaya and claimed that politician Irina Hakamada warned Politkovskaya about threats to her life coming from the Russian government . In that regard, Politkovskaya asked for a piece of advice from Litvinenko. He had recommended that she escape from Russia immediately. Hakamada denied that she had passed any specific threats, and said that she warned Politkovskaya only in general terms more than a year ago, and that Politkovskaya blamed her and Mikhail Kasyanov for becoming Kremlin's puppets.

Anna Politkovskaya was only one of many journalists recently murdered in Russia. From January to October 2006, the list of criminal cases from "Glasnost Defense Foundation" led by Aleksei Simonov from Moscow Helsinki Group included 9 killed and 59 attacked (severely beaten) journalists, and 11 attacks on editorial offices. . In 2005, the list of all cases included 6 murders, 63 attacks, 12 attacks on editorial offices, 23 cases of censorship, 42 criminal prosecutions, 11 illegal layoffs, 47 arrests, 382 lawsuits, 233 cases of obstruction, 23 closings of editorial offices by authorities, 10 evictions, 28 confiscations of printed production, 23 cases of stopping broadcasting, 38 refusals to distribute or print production, 25 acts of intimidation, and 344 other violations of Russian journalist's rights.

Former KGB officer Oleg Gordievsky believed that the murders of Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, Yuri Shchekochikhin, Politkovskaya, Litvinenko and others mean that FSB has returned to the practice of political assassinations, which were conducted in the past by the Thirteenth KGB Department. Other similar cases include the assassinations of Russian politicians Galina Starovoitova and Sergei Yushenkov and the death of journalist Artyom Borovik who also investigated the Russian apartment bombings.

Quotes

With regard to the "information blackout" imposed by the Russian government during the Beslan hostage crisis, Politkovskaya wrote:

We are hurtling back into a Soviet abyss, into an information vacuum that spells death from our own ignorance. All we have left is the internet, where information is still freely available. For the rest, if you want to go on working as a journalist, it's total servility to Putin. Otherwise, it can be death, the bullet, poison, or trial - whatever our special services, Putin's guard dogs, see fit.

In the book Putin's Russia, she accused the FSB of stifling all civil liberties to establish Soviet-style dictatorship, but admitted that "it is we who are responsible for Putin's policies":

Society has shown limitless apathy... As the Chekists have become entrenched in power, we have let them see our fear, and thereby have only intensified their urge to treat us like cattle. The KGB respects only the strong. The weak it devours. We of all people ought to know that.

People often tell me that I am a pessimist, that I don't believe in the strength of the Russian people, that I am obsessive in my opposition Putin and see nothing beyond that. (...) If anybody thinks they can take comfort from the 'optimistic' forecast, let them do so. It is certainly the easier way, but it is the death sentence for our grandchildren.

Awards

See also

Further reading

References

  1. "Anna Politkovskaya: Putin's Russia". BBC News. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  2. 'Independent journalism has been killed in Russia' Becky Smith
  3. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  4. "Anna Politkovskaya". Lettre Ulysss Award. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  5. "Anna Politkovskaya". Lettre Ulysss Award. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  6. Danilova, Maria (2006-10-09). "Officials: Russian Journalist Found Dead". AP. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  7. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  8. A mysterious illness moves along the roads and makes frequent stops in schools (Russian) - by Anna Politkovskaya, Novaya Gazeta, 2006.
  9. What made Chechen schoolchildren ill? - The Jamestown Foundation, March 30, 2006
  10. Parfitt, Tom (2006-10-08). "Assassin's Bullet Kills Fiery Critic of Putin". The Observer. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  11. "Murder in Moscow: The shooting of Anna Politkovskaya". The Independent. 2006-10-08. Retrieved 2007-05-19.
  12. "Russian journalist reportedly poisoned en route to hostage negotiations". IFEX. 2004-09-03. Retrieved 2006-10-11.
  13. Sixsmith, Martin (2007-04-08). "The Laboratory 12 poison plot". The Sunday Times. Retrieved 2007-05-20.
  14. "Trois journalistes tués le jour de l'inauguration à Bayeux du Mémorial des reporters'" (in French). Reporters Without Borders. 2006-10-07. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  15. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  16. Meek, James (2004-10-15). "Dispatches from a savage war". The Guardian. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  17. "Russians remember killed reporter". BBC. 2006-10-08. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  18. Danilova, Maria (2006-10-09). "Officials: Russian Journalist Found Dead". AP. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  19. Template:Ru iconA concentration camp with a commercial bias: A report on a business trip to a zone, Anna Politkovskaya, 6 February 2001, Novaya Gazeta No. 14. Machine translation.
  20. Template:Ru iconNo evil limit: They shoot less now, but hopes are fading, Anna Politkovskaya, 1 March 2001, Novaya Gazeta, No. 15. Machine translation.
  21. Template:Ru iconThe story of an unknown soldier, Anna Politkovskaya, 5 March 2001, Novaya Gazeta, No 16. Machine translation.
  22. Template:Ru iconThe adventures of Mrs. Politkovskaya in the enemy's back land, Leonid Savchenko, VGTRK, 23 February 2001. Machine translation
  23. Bazorkina vs. Russia, a judgement by European Court of Human Rights, 27 July 2006.
  24. Bazorkina vs. Russia, a judgement by European Court of Human Rights, 27 July 2006.
  25. Bazorkina vs. Russia, a judgement by European Court of Human Rights, 27 July 2006.
  26. Bazorkina vs. Russia, a judgement by European Court of Human Rights, 27 July 2006.
  27. Parfitt, Tom (2006-10-08). "Assassin's Bullet Kills Fiery Critic of Putin". The Observer. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  28. ^ Anna Arutunyan Journalist Murder a Conundrum The Moscow News N39 2006
  29. ^ Troshev Gennady. My war. Diary of a trench General. Moscow. Vagrius. 2001
  30. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  31. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  32. "Her Own Death, Foretold". Politkovskaya, Anna. Retrieved 2006-10-15.
  33. "Anna Politkovskaya is murdered" (in Russian). Lenta.ru. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  34. "Chechen war reporter found dead". BBC News. 2006-10-07. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  35. "Journalist Anna Politkovskaya murdered in Moscow". RIA Novosti. 2006-10-07. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  36. Chivers, C.J. (2006-10-08). "Journalist Critical of Chechen War Is Shot Dead". The New York Times. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
  37. Schreck, Carl (2006-10-09). "Politkovskaya Gunned Down Near Home". The Moscow Times. Retrieved 2006-10-08. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  38. "Thousands mourn Russian journalist". Reuters. 2006-10-10. Retrieved 2006-10-10.
  39. http://www.svobodanews.ru/Transcript/2006/11/20/20061120204213113.html
  40. *Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West, Gardners Books (2000), ISBN 0-14-028487-7
  41. Poisoned by Putin Guardian Unlimited, September 9, 2004

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