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The Bell-Beaker culture (sometimes shortened to Beaker culture, Beaker people, or Beaker folk; Template:Lang-de), ca. 2800 – 1900 BC, is the term for a widely but spottily scattered archaeological culture of prehistoric western Europe starting in the late Neolithic (stone age) running into the early Bronze Age. The term was coined by John Abercromby, based on their distinctive pottery drinking vessels.
Pottery
Beaker culture is defined by the common use of a pottery style — a beaker with a distinctive inverted bell-shaped profile found across the western part of the Continent during the late 3rd millennium BC. The beakers seem to be associated with the consumption of mead or perhaps beer and are part of a larger cultural package that included a wide range of attributes. The pots seem to have developed from the protruding foot beaker corded ware ceramics, a type of late Neolithic (2850-2450 BC) vessel found in the Netherlands and lower Rhine Valley, that were typically ornamented with cord impressed decoration mixed with comb impressions and herringbone-style incisions.
Origin
Many theories of the origins of the Bell Beakers have been put forward and have subsequently been seriously challenged. At one time, the Iberian peninsula was seen as the most likely place of Beaker origin. However, the earliest Beaker vessels were found in the Netherlands and, since Lanting and Van der Waals put forward a chronology for the development of Bell Beakers from the earlier Corded Ware forms and Funnelbeaker culture (TRB) antecedents of that region, the Netherlands/Rhineland region became the most widely accepted site of origin, (J. P. Mallory,EIEC p. 53). As such, it is often suggested as a candidate for an early Indo-European culture or, more specifically, an ancestral proto-Celtic culture. Bodmer(1992) suggested that the Celtic populations of Britain trace their origins to an early settlement of the British Isles by Paleolithic Europeans, rather than by a later migration associated with the spread of the Celtic culture from central Europe in the first millennium B.C.
In contrast to this, Marija Gimbutas derived the Beakers from east central European cultures that became "Kurganized" by incursions of steppe tribes. Despite this, an eastern origin is not often sought, not even by supporters of the Kurgan hypothesis. This corresponds to the now widely accepted view that kurganisation never occurred
This expansion from Northern Europe of new ways, primarily by people exposed to dairy products like the Beaker folks, coincides with the rapid spread of a new gene mutation against lactose intolerance traced back to Northern Europe and so far not attested by Europeans before 5000 BC. This gene gave its carriers a big survival advantage, and gives credit to a certain demographic advantage as well.
Extent and impact
As derived from the western extremity of the Corded Ware culture in the Netherlands, otherwise marginal groups of Corded Ware took advantage of their contacts by sea and rivers and started a diaspora of North West European culture from Ireland to the Carpatian Basin and south along the Atlantic coast and following the Rhone valley until Portugal, North Africa and Sicily, even penetrating northern and central Italy. Its remains have been found in what is now Portugal, Spain, France (excluding the central massif), Great Britain and Ireland, the Low Countries, and Germany between the Elbe and Rhine, with an extension along the upper Danube into the Vienna basin (Austria) and Hungary (Czepel-Island), with Mediterranean outposts on Sardinia and Sicily; there is less certain evidence for direct penetration in the east. Beaker-type vessels remained in use longest in the British Isles, late beakers in other areas are classified as early Bronze age (barbed wire Beakers in the Netherlands, Giant Beakers (Riesenbecher)). The new international trade routes opened by the Beaker people where there to remain and the culture was succeeded by a number of Bronze Age cultures, among them the Unetice culture (Central Europe), ca. 2300 BC, and by the Nordic Bronze Age, a culture of Scandinavia and northernmost Germany-Poland, ca. 1800 BC.
Sardinia
From the earliest period, Sardinia has been in contact with extra-insular communities in Corsica, Liguria, Lombardy and Provence. Towards the end of the fifth millennium BC an increased exportation of obsidian extended the cultural interaction to the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. From the third millennium BC on, comb-impressed Beaker ware, as well as other Beaker material in Ozieri or sub-Ozieri contexts, has been found, demonstrating continuing relationships with the western Mediterranean; it appears likely that Sardinia was the intermediary that brought Beaker materials to Tuscany and Sicily. In some sites, material of the megalithic Monte Claro culture has been found in association with Bell Beaker materials; elsewhere, Beaker material has been found stratigraphically above Monte Claro and in association with the Bonnanaro culture at the end of the Chalcolithic period, for which C-14 dates calibrate to ca. 2250 BCE. There is virtually no evidence in Sardinia of external contacts in the late third and early second millennia, apart from late Beakers and close parallels between Bonnannaro pottery and that of the North Italian Polada culture. By the fifteenth century, international trade returned, making Sardinia an integral part of a commercial network that extended from the Near East to Northwestern Europe, the principal eastern component of this network being Cyprus. Also contacts with the Mycenaean world were established. Indigenous Sardinians appear in the Eastern Mediterranean as Sherden, one of the main tribes of the Sea Peoples, and are supposed to be the carriers of some of the eastern material found on the island.
Religion expressed itself around sacred wells, often in association to the megalithic nuraghe, most of them of Beaker signature. The earliest attested water cult site is that at Abini-Teti, where votive offerings dateable to the early Bonnanaro period have been found; votive offerings at the spring of Sos Malavidos-Orani date to later Bonnanaro. This tradition showed local continuity to historic times, as it was at such centers that the Romans found attacking the natives most efficient (Strabo 5.2.7).
Central Europe
All over Central Europe, two great coexisting and separate Beaker cultures – the Corded Ware with its regional groups and the Eastern Group of the Bell Beaker Culture – form the background to the Late Copper Age and Early Bronze Age, characterized by a continuous development and a series of innovations whose diffusion and long range changes are determined by the great river systems. As a third component counts the indigeous Carpathian Makó/Kosihy-Caka culture.
The Bell Beaker settlements are still little known, and have proved remarkably difficult for archaeologists to identify. This corresponds to contradictory results of anthropologic research and to the modern view of Bell Beakers who, far from being the "warlike invaders" as once erroneously described by Gordon Childe (1940), added rather than replaced local late Neolithic traditions into a cultural package and as such didn't always and evenly abandon all local traditions.
Bell Beaker domestic ware has no predecessors in Bohemia and Southern Germany, shows no genetic relation to the local Late Copper Age Corded Ware, nor to other cultures in the area, and is considered something completely new. The Bell Beaker domestic ware of Southern Germany are not as closely related to the Corded Ware as would be indicated by their burial rites. Settlements link the Southern German Bell Beaker culture to the seven regional provinces of the Eastern Group, represented by many settlement traces, especially from Moravia and the Hungarian Bell Beaker-Csepel group being the most important. The relationship to the western Bell Beakers groups, and the contemporary cultures of the Carpathian basin to the south east, is much less. Research in Northern Poland shifted the north-eastern frontier of this complex to the western parts of the Baltic with the adjacent Northern European plain. Typical Bell Beaker fragments from the site of Ostrikovac-Djura at the Serbian river Morava were presented at the Riva del Garda conference in 1998, some hundred km south-east of the Hungarian Csepel-group. Bell Beaker related material has now been uncovered in a line from the Baltic Sea down to the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea, including countries such as Bielo-Russia, Poland, Romania, Serbia and Montenegro, Croatia, Albania and even Greece.
The Bell Beaker culture settlements in Southern Germany and in the East-Group show evidence of mixed farming and animal husbandry, and indicators such as millstones and spindle whorls prove the sedentary character of the Bell Beaker people, and the durability of their settlements. Especially some well-equipped child-burials seem to indicate s ense of predestined social position, indicating a socially complex society. However, analysis of grave furnishing, size and deepness of grave pits, position within the cemetery, did not lead to any strong conclusions on the social divisions.
The Late Copper Age is regarded as a continuous culture system connecting the Upper Rhine valley to the western edge of the Carpathian Basin. Late Copper Age 1 was defined in Southern Germany by the connection of the late Cham Culture, Globular Amphora Culture and the older Corded Ware Culture of "beaker group 1" that is also referred to as Horizon A or Step A. Early Bell Beaker Culture intruded into the region at the end of the Late Copper Age 1, at about 2600–2550 BC. Middle Bell Beaker corresponds to Late Copper Age 2 and here an east-west Bell Beaker cultural gradient became visible through the difference in the distribution of the groups of beakers with and without handles, cups and bowls, in the three regions Austria-Western Hungary, the Danube catchment area of Southern Germany, and the Upper Rhine/lake Constance/Eastern Switzerland area for all subsequent Bell Beaker periods. This middle Bell Beaker Culture is the main period when almost all the cemeteries in Southern Germany begin. Younger Bell Beaker Culture of Early Bronze Age shows analogies to the Proto-Unétice Culture in Moravia and the Early Nagyrév Culture of the Carpathian Basin.
During the Bell Beaker period a border runs through southern Germany, which divides culturally a northern from a southern area. The northern area focuses on the Rhine area that belongs to the Bell Beaker West Group, while the southern area occupies the Danube river system and belongs to the homogeous East Group which overlaps with the Corded Ware Culture and other groups of the Late Neolithic and of the earliest Bronze Age. Nevertheless, southern Germany shows some independent developments of itself. Although a broadly parallel evolution with early, middle and younger Bell Beaker Culture was detected, the Southern Germany middle Bell Beaker development of metope decorations and stamp and furrow engraving techniques do not appear on beakers in Austria-Western Hungary, and handled beakers are completely absent. It is contemporary to Corded Ware in the vicinity, that has been attested by associated finds of middle Corded Ware (chronologically referred to as "beaker group 2" or Step B) and younger Geiselgasteig Corded Ware beakers ("beaker group 3" or Step C). Bell Beaker Culture in Bavaria used a specific type of copper, which is characterized by combinations of trace elements. This same type of copper was spread over the area of the Bell Beaker East-Group.
Previously archeology considered the Bell-beaker people to have lived only within a limited territory of the Carpathian Basin and for a short time, without mixing with the local population. Although there are very few evaluable anthropological finds, the appearance of the characteristic planoccipital Taurid type in the populations of some later cultures (e.g. Kisapostag and Gáta-Wieselburg cultures) suggested a mixture with the local population contradicting such archaeological theories. According to archaeology, the populational groups of the Bell-beakers also took part in the formation of the Gáta-Wieselburg culture on the western fringes of the Carpathian Basin, which could be confirmed with the anthropological Bell Beaker series in Moravia and Germany.
In accordance with anthropological evidence, it has been concluded the Bell Beakers intruded in an already established form the southern part of Germany as much as the East Group area.
Balearic Islands
Radiocarbon dating currently indicates a 1200 year duration for the use of the Beaker pottery on the Balearic Islands, between circa 2475 BC and 1300 BC (Waldren and Van Strydonck 1996). There has been some evidence of all-corded pottery in Mallorca, generally considered the most ancient Bell Beaker pottery, possibly indicating an even earlier Beaker settlement about 2700 BC. However, in several regions this type of pottery persisted long enough to permit other possibilities. Suárez Otero (1997) postulated this corded Beakers entered the mediterranean by routes both through the Atlantic coast and through eastern France. Bell Beaker pottery has been found in Mallorca and Formentera but has not been observed in Menorca or Ibiza. Collective burials in dolmen structures in Ibiza could be contrasted against the individual burials in Mallorca. In its latest phase (circa 1750-1300 cal BC) the local Beaker context became associated with the distintive ornamented Boquique pottery demonstrating clear maritime links with the (megalithic) coastal regions of Catalonia, also assessed to be directly related to the late Cogotas complex. In most of the areas of the mainland Boquique pottery falls into the latter stages of the Bell Beaker Complex as well. Along with other evidence during the earlier Beaker period in the Balearics, circa 2400-2000 BC, as shown by the local presence of elephant ivory objects together with significant Beaker pottery and other finds (Waldren 1979 and Waldren 1998), this maritime interaction can be shown to have a long tradition. The abundance of different cultural elements that persisted towards the end of the Bronze Age, show a clear continuity of different regional and intrusive traditions.
The presence of perforated Beaker pottery, traditionally considered to be used for making cheese, at Son Ferrandell-Oleza (Waldren 1998: 95) and at Coval Simó (Coll 2000), confirms the introduction of production and conservation of dairy. Also, the presence of spindles at sites like Son Ferrandell-Oleza (Waldren 1998: 94) or Es Velar d’Aprop (Carreras y Covas 1984) point to knowledge of making thread and textiles from wool. However, more details on the strategies for tending and slaughtering the domestic animals involved are forthcoming.
Being traditionally associated to the introduction of metallurgy, the first traces of copper working on the Baleares was here indeed also clearly associated to the Bell Beakers.
Ireland
Some traces of deliberate destruction of smaller satelite tombs at Knowth and collapses of the great cairn at Newgrange, mark the end the Neolithic culture of megalithic passage tombs, and the advent of the Early Bronze Age Beaker People in Ireland. The technical innovation of using pottery that are ring-built is considered a strong indication the makers were also present. The flexed skeleton of a man 1.88 tall in a cist in a slightly oval round cairn with "food vessel" at Cornaclery, County Londonderry, was described as 'typifying the race of Beaker Folk.' Classification of pottery in Ireland and Britain has distinguished a total of seven intrusive beaker groups originating from the continent and three groups of purely insular character having evolved from them. Five out of seven of the intrusive Beaker groups also appear in Ireland: the European bell group, the All-over cord beakers, the Northern British/North Rhine beakers, the Northern British/Middle Rhine beakers and the Wessex/Middle Rhine beakers. However, many of the features or innovations of Beaker society in Britain never reached Ireland. Instead of round barrows with crouched, unburnt burials, in the Irish record predominated quite different customs that were apparently influenced by the previous traditions of the magalithic autochtons. Some features that are found elsewhere in association to later types of Earlier Bronze Age Beaker pottery, indeed spread to Ireland, however, without being incorporated into the same close and specific association of Irish Beaker context. The Wessex/Middle Rhine gold discs bearing "wheel and cross" motifs that were probably sewn to garments, presumably to indicate status and reminiscent to racquet headed pins found in Bulgaria, enjoy a general distribution throughout the country, however, never in direct association with beakers. Flint arrow-heads and tanged copper daggers, found in association with Beaker pottery in many other parts of Europe, have a 'post-Beaker'date in Ireland, that is, a date later than the initial phase of Beaker People activity. Also the typical Beaker wristguards seem to have entered Ireland only after the Irish Beaker Folk had already settled there, and the assumed association with Beaker culture can not be proven. The same applies to the about thirty found stone batte axes. A gold ornament found in County Down that closely resemble a pair of ear-rings from Ermegeira, Portugal, has a composition of the gold that points to import. Incidental finds suggest links to non-British Beaker territories, like a fragment of a bronze blade in County Londonderry that has been likened to the "palmella" points of Iberia, even though the relative scarcity of beakers, and Beaker-compatible material of any kind, in the south-west are regarded an obstacle to any colonisation directly from Iberia, or even from France. Even their greater concentration in the northern part of the country, which traditionally is regarde as the part of Ireland least blessed with sources of copper, has led many authorities to question the role of Beaker People in the introduction of metallurgy to Ireland. Even though indications of their use of stream sediment copper instead, low in traces of lead and arsenic, and Beaker finds connected to mining and metalworking at Ross Island, County Kerry, provide an escape to such doubts, in general, the early Irish Beaker immigrants appear to be ignorant of the overall "Beaker package" of innovations that, already fully developed, swept Europe elsewhere. This Irish peculiarity could be due to the ancientness of Irish Beaker immigrations, to isolation and to influences and surviving traditions of autochthons.
Beaker culture introduces the pracice of burial in single graves, suggesting an Early Bronze Age social organisation of family groups. Towards the Later Bronze Age the sites move to potentially fortifiable hilltops, suggesting a more "clan"-type structure. Although the typical Bell Beaker practice of crouched burial has been observed, cremation was readily adopted in accordance with the previous tradition of the autochthons. In a tumulus the find of the extended skeleton of a woman accompanied by the remains of a red deer and a small seven-year-old stallion is noteworthy, including the hint to a Diana like religion. A few burials seem to indicate social status, though in other contexts an emphasis to special skills is more likely. Boats capable of transporting cattle by sea must have been available, possibly skin-covered, wood-framed vessels that so far have not been unearthed yet. Cattle was presumingly imported in significant numbers from Britain. The most abundant remains of cattle come from the Beaker settlement at Newgrange. Pigs were the second most important animal in the stock list. Sheep and goats were poorly represented. Medium sized dogs often survived to a fairly advanced age, suggesting their use as pets. The introduction of the horse by the same people using beakers must have facilitated land transport, in particular in the Later Bronze Age when appear a number of timber-built trackways. Agriculture of wheat and emmer was already praciced by the magalithic autochthons and maybe extended by the Beaker people, as indicated by the introduction on new varieties of cereal. The first mill-stones are attested in the Later Bronze Age.
The Bronze Age Beaker period is noteworthy, since archeological finds seem to indicate a strong continuity with native Bronze Age traditions in Ireland as much as Britain. No evidence of other large scale immigrations took place and many scholars deny Celtic speech originated solely from La Tene culture, whose migrations started at about 400 BC. Instead, those scholars propose Celtic languages evolved gradually and simultaneously over a large area by way of a common heritage and close social, political and religious links. Although controversal, the theory fits according to its proponents the archeological evidence that provides little support for westward migrations of Celtic people matching the historically known movements south and west.
Jutland
In Denmark, large areas of forested land were cleared to be used for pasture and the growing of cereals during the Single Grave Culture and in the Late Neolithic Period. Faint traces of Bell Beaker influence can be recognized already in the pottery of the Upper Grave phase of the Single Grave period, and even of the late Ground Grave phase, such as occasional use of AOO-like or zoned decoration and other typical ornamentation, while Bell Beaker associated objects such as wristguards and small copper trinkets, also found their way into this northern territories of the Corded Ware Culture. Domestic sites with Beakers only appear 200-300 years after the first appearance of Bell Beakers in Europe, at the early part of the Danish Late Neolithic Period (LN I) starting at 2350 BC. These sites are concentrated in northern Jutland around the Limfjord and on the Djursland peninsula, largely contemporary to the local Upper Grave Period. In east central Sweden and western Sweden, barbed wire decoration characterised the period 2460–1990 BC, linked to another Beaker derivation of northwestern Europe.
Northern Jutland has abundant sources of high quality flint, which had previously attracted industrious mining, large-scale production, and the comprehensive exchange of flint objects: notably axes and chisels. The Danish Beaker period, however, was characterized by the manufacture of lanceolate flint daggers, described as a completely new material form without local antecedents in flint and clearly related to the style of daggers circulating elsewhere in Beaker dominated Europe. Presumably Beaker culture spread from here to the remainder of Denmark, and to other regions in Scandinavia and northern Germany as well. Central and eastern Denmark adopted this dagger fashion and, to a limited degree, also archer’s equipment characteristic to Beaker culture, although here Beaker pottery remained less common.
Also, the spread of metallurgy in Denmark is intimately related to the Beaker representation in northern Jutland. The LN I metalwork is distributed throughout most of Denmark, but a concentration of early copper and gold coincides with this core region, hence suggesting a connection between Beakers and the introduction of metallurgy. Most LN I metal objects are distinctly influenced by the western European Beaker metal industry, gold sheet ornaments and copper flat axes being the predominant metal objects. The LN I copper flat axes divide into As-Sb-Ni copper, recalling so-called Dutch Bell Beaker copper and the As-Ni copper found occasionally in British and Irish Beaker contexts, the mining region of Dutch Bell Beaker copper being perhaps Brittany; and the Early Bronze Age Singen (As-Sb-Ag-Ni) and Ösenring (As-Sb-Ag) coppers having a central European – probably Alpine – origin.
The Beaker group in northern Jutland forms an integrated part of the western European Beaker Culture, while western Jutland provided a link between the Lower Rhine area and northern Jutland. The local fine-ware pottery of Beaker derivation reveal links with other Beaker regions in western Europe, most specifically the Veluwe group at the Lower Rhine. Concurrent introduction of metallurgy shows that some people must have crossed cultural boundaries. Danish Beakers are contemporary with the earliest Early Bronze Age (EBA) of the East Group of Bell Beakers in central Europe, and with the floruit of Beaker cultures of the West Group in western Europe. The latter comprise Veluwe and Epi-Maritime in Continental northwestern Europe and the Middle Style Beakers (Style 2) in insular western Europe. The interaction between the Beaker groups on the Veluwe Plain and in Jutland must, at least initially, have been quite intensive. All-over ornamented (AOO) and All-over-corded (AOC), and particularly Maritime style beakers are featured, although from a fairly late context and possibly rather of Epi-maritime style, equivalent to the situation in northern Holland, where Maritime ornamentation continued after it ceased in the central region of Veluwe (cf. Lanting/van der Waals 1976 a) and were succeeded c. 2300 BC by beakers of the Veluwe and Epi-Maritime style.
Clusters of Late Neolithic Beaker presence similar to northern Jutland appear as pockets or "islands" of Beaker Culture in northern Europe, such as Mecklenburg, Schleswig-Holstein, and southern Norway . In northern central Poland Beaker-like representations even occur in a contemporary EBA setting. The frequent occurrence of Beaker pottery in settlements points at a large-scaled form of social identity or cultural identity, or perhaps an ethnic identity.
In eastern Denmark and Scania one-person graves occur primarily in flat grave cemeteries. This is a continuation of the burial custom characterising the Scanian Battle-axe Culture, oftern to continue into the early Late Neolithic. Also in northern Jutland, the body of the deceased was normally arranged lying on its back in an extended position, but a typical Bell Beaker contracted position occurs occasionally. Typical to northern Jutland, however, cremations have been reported, also outside the Beaker core area, once within the context of an almost full Bell Beaker equipment.
The introductory phase of the manufacture and use of flint daggers, around 2350 BC, must all in all be characterised as a period of social change.Apel (2001, 42; 323ff) argued that an institutionalised apprenticeship system must have existed craftsman-ship was transmitted by inheritance in certain families living in the vicinity of abundant resources of high-quality flint. Debbie Olausson’s (1997) examinations indicate that flint knapping activities, particularly the manufacture of daggers, reflect a relatively low degree of craft specialisation, probably in the form of a division of labour between households.
Noteworthy was the adoption of European-style woven wool clothes kept together by pins and buttons in contrast to the earlier usage of clothing made of leather and plant fibres.
Two-aisled timber houses in Late Neolithic Denmark correspond to similar houses in southern Scandinavia and at least parts of central Scandinavia and lowland northern Germany. In Denmark, this mode of building houses is clearly rooted in a Middle Neolithic tradition. In general, Late Neolithic house building styles were shared over large areas of northern and central Europe (Nielsen 2000,161 f.). Towards the transition to LN II some farm houses became extraordinarily large.
The cultural concepts originally adopted from Beaker groups at the lower Rhine blended or integrated with local Late Neolithic Culture. For a while the region was set apart from central and eastern Denmark, that evidently related more closely to the early Únetice Culture across the Baltic Sea. Before the turn of the millennium the typical Beaker features had gone, their total duration being 200–300 years at the most. A similar picture of cultural integration is was featured among Bell Beakers in central Europe, thus challenging previous theories of Bell Beakers as an elitist or purely super-structural phenomenon. The connection with the East Group Beakers of Únetice had intensified considerably in LN II, thus triggering a new social transformation and innovations in metallurgy that would announce the actual beginning of the Northern Bronze Age.
Interpretation
Given the unusual form and fabric of Beaker pottery, and its abrupt appearance in the archaeological record, the traditional explanation for the Beaker culture has been to interpret it as a diffusion of one group of people across Europe. During the early twentieth century, Beaker pottery was seen as one element of a people who, through repeated waves of invasion, brought with them metal-working, crouched burials and round barrows, replacing an earlier Neolithic race of Europeans. Vere Gordon Childe described the Beaker people as "arlike invaders imbued with domineering habits and an appreciation of metal weapons and ornaments which inspired them to impose sufficient political unity on their new domain for some economic unification to follow."
There is no necessary correlation between an archaeological culture and an ethnic group however, as there is no one-to-one correlation between the material culture excavated by archaeologists and an ethnicity or society. Additionally, material culture and technological innovations can spread independently of population movement that is, through cultural diffusion rather than demic diffusion. Childe's view is now seen as being incorrect, its connections erroneous and based on limited knowledge, whilst its assumption of a Beaker invasion is considered an attempt to attribute numerous different cultural changes to one cause.
Other archaeologists, noting the distribution of Beakers was highest in areas of transport routes, including fording sites, river valleys and mountain passes, suggested that the pan-European style of Beaker 'folk' were originally bronze traders, who subsequently settled within local Neolithic or early chalcolithic cultures creating local styles. Close analysis of the bronze tools associated with beaker use suggests an early Iberian source for the copper, followed subsequently by Central European and Bohemian ores. This would support a "two-wave" thesis for the spread of Beaker culture, initially coming from the South West, and subsequently spreading from Central or even Western Europe. Lanting (1976) suggests, from a compilation context, that Bell Beaker culture emerged on the Rhine delta from a Corded Ware culture context.
A recent Strontium isotope analysis of 86 people from Bell Beaker graves in Bavaria suggests that between 18-25% of all graves were occupied by people who came from a considerable distance outside the area. This was true of children as well as adults, indicative of some significant migration wave. Given the similarities with readings from people living on loess soils, the general direction of the movement according to Price et al, is from the northeast to the southwest.
Many archaeologists now believe that the Beaker 'people' did not exist as a group, and that the beakers and other new artefacts and practices found across Europe at the time that are attributed to the Beaker people are indicative of the development of particular manufacturing skills. This new knowledge may have come about through the influence of neighbouring peoples, rather than as a result of mass migrations, knowledge that could spread independently of any population movement. An example might be as part of a prestige cult related to the production and consumption of beer, or trading links such as those demonstrated by finds made along the sea-ways of Atlantic Europe. Palynological studies of pollen analysis conducted, associated with the spread of beakers certainly suggests increased growing of barley, which may be associated with beer brewing.
This non-invasionist theory was first proposed by Colin Burgess and Steve Shennan in the mid 1970s and it is now common to see the Beaker culture as a 'package' of knowledge (including religious beliefs and copper, bronze and gold working) and artefacts (including copper daggers, v-perforated buttons and stone wrist-guards) adopted and adapted by the indigenous peoples of Europe to varying degrees.
See also
- Prehistoric Britain
- Prehistoric Iberia
- Mount Pleasant Period
- Nebra skydisk
- Linear Pottery culture (6th to 5th millennia BC)
- Funnelbeaker culture (ca. 4500 BC–2700 BC)
- Chasséen culture (ca. 4500 BC–2500 BC)
- Unetice culture (ca. 2300 BC–1600 BC)
- Tumulus culture (ca. 1600 BC–1200 BC)
- Urnfield culture (ca. 1300 BC–800 BC)
- European Megalithic Culture
- Synoptic table of the principal old world prehistoric cultures
- Amesbury Archer
References
Notes
- According to the Dutch "Het Archeologisch Basisregister (ABR), versie 1.0 november 1992" , the protruding foot beaker or "Standvoetbeker" is dated NEOLA (late Neolithic A), standardized by "De Rijksdienst voor Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten (RACM)" to a period starting at 2850 BC and ending at 2450 BC.
- The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Archaeology. Copyright © 2002, 2003 by Oxford University Press, on "Protruding foot beaker"
- A Test of Non-metrical Analysis as Applied to the 'Beaker Problem' - Natasha Grace Bartels,University of Albeda, Department of Anthropology, 1998
- ^ Lanting, J.N. & J.D. van der Waals, (1976), "Beaker culture relations in the Lower Rhine Basin" in Lanting et al (Eds) "Glockenbechersimposion Oberried l974". Bussum-Haarlem: Uniehoek n.v.
- Bodmer, W. F. (1992) Proc. Br. Acad. 82, 37-57; Wells, RS (2001). "The Eurasian Heartland: A continental perspective on Y-chromosome diversity". Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A. 98 (18): 10244–9. PMID 11526236.
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suggested) (help) - The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Archaeology - Oxford University Press, 2004
- Milk allergy "caused by Stone Age gene" - Telegraph Media Group Limited, 27/02/2007
- The Oxford Illustrated Prehistory of Europe - Barry Cunliffe, Oxford University Press, p250-254, 1994
- The On-line Encyclopedia of the Roman Provinces - ERP, 2007, PREHISTORY: NEOLITHIC
- The transition from the Copper Age to the Early Bronze Age at the north-western edge of the Carpathian basin - Volker Heyd & Francois Bertemes, 2002
- ^ Anthropological sketch of the prehistoric population of the Carpathian Basin - Zsuzsanna K. Zoffmann, Acta Biol Szeged 44(1-4):75-79,2000
- The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Archaeology. Copyright © 2002, 2003 by Oxford University Press
- ^ Bell Beaker settlements in South Germany and Central Europe, Volker Heyd, Ludwig Husty & Ludwig Kreiner, 2004
- The Eastern Border of the Bell Beaker-Phenomenon - Volker Heyd, 2004
- ^ Bell Beaker Culture in Southern Germany, State of research for a regional province along the Danube - Volker Heyd, 1998
- The Late Copper Age in Southern Germany - Volker Heyd, 2000
- LOS ORÍGENES DEL POBLAMIENTO BALEAR, UNA DISCUSIÓN NO ACABADA - Manuel Calvo Trias, Víctor M. Guerrero Ayuso, Bartomeu Salvà Simonet, Complutum, 13, 2002: 159-191 I.S.S.N.: 1131-6993
- Ancient Ireland, Life before the Celts - Laurence Flanagan,Gil & MacMillan, 1998, ISBN 0-7171-2433-9
- Exploring the World of the Celts - Simon James, Thames & Hudson ltd London, 1993, ISBN-13 978-0-500-27998-4
- A Review of the Early Late Neolithic Period in Denmark: Practice, Identity and Connectivity - Helle Vandkilde, 2005, Aarhus
- Struve 1955, pl. 22; Kühn 1979, pl. 11; 18; Myhre 1978/79;Jacobs 1991; Prescott/Walderhaug 1995
- Bender Jørgensen 1992, 114; Ebbesen 1995;2004
- cf. Shennan 1976; 1977; Harrison 1980; cf. also Thorpe/Richards 1984; Lohof 1994; Strahm 1998
- Price, T. Douglas; Grupe, Gisela and Schröter, Peter "Migration in the Bell Beaker period of Central Europe
Bibliography
- Darvill, T., Oxford Concise Dictionary of Archaeology, OUP 2003.
- J. P. Mallory, "Beaker Culture", Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, Fitzroy Dearborn 1997.
- Marc Vander Linden, Le phénomène campaniforme dans l'Europe du 3ème millénaire avant notre ère : synthèse et nouvelles perspectives. Oxford: Archaeopress 2006, BAR international series 1470.
External links
- A Beaker from Kent
- BBC — History — Bronze Age Britain
- Bronze Age — Beaker People — Wessex Culture
- The Beaker Folk in the Balkans