| Revision as of 08:40, 12 August 2007 editSarvagnya (talk | contribs)9,152 editsNo edit summary← Previous edit | Revision as of 16:42, 28 October 2007 edit undoAlfons Åberg (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users1,113 edits Fixing linksNext edit → | ||
| (24 intermediate revisions by 5 users not shown) | |||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
| {{Unreferenced|date=August 2007}} | |||
| {{OR}} | |||
| {{hoax}} | |||
| :''For the "International Committee of the Fourth International" that superseded the |
:''For the "International Committee of the Fourth International" that superseded the United Secretariat of the Fourth International in 2003, please see ].'' | ||
| {{Trotskyism}} | {{Trotskyism}} | ||
| The '''International Committee of the Fourth International''' (ICFI) is a ] ]. Its affiliated parties are called the ] and have sections and supporters throughout the world. It is well known for its publication of the ]. Published in 13 different languages, ] rankings |
The '''International Committee of the Fourth International''' (ICFI) is a ] ]. Its affiliated parties are called the ] and have sections and supporters throughout the world. It is well known for its publication of the ]. Published in 13 different languages, ] rankings in August 2007 showed the World Socialist Web Site to be the second most widely read international socialist news source on the internet after ]. | ||
| ==Foundation== | ==Foundation== | ||
| Line 36: | Line 35: | ||
| ISFI and the leadership of SWP revised the basic Trotskyist principle that only a conscious marxist leadership can ensure a successful socialist revolution. Instead they argued that "unconscious Trotskyists" would come to power in colonized countries as well as within the Stalinist bureaucracies. It was no longer necessary to build a mass Trotskyist party. Anyone who opposed these conceptions was silenced or expelled, breaking with the basic Leninist principle of inner-party democracy. | ISFI and the leadership of SWP revised the basic Trotskyist principle that only a conscious marxist leadership can ensure a successful socialist revolution. Instead they argued that "unconscious Trotskyists" would come to power in colonized countries as well as within the Stalinist bureaucracies. It was no longer necessary to build a mass Trotskyist party. Anyone who opposed these conceptions was silenced or expelled, breaking with the basic Leninist principle of inner-party democracy. | ||
| In 1963 the SWP and the smaller Austrian, Canadian, Chinese and New Zealand sections of the ICFI agreed to reunite with the ISFI at the World Congress, to form the ]. | In 1963 the SWP and the smaller Austrian, Canadian, Chinese and New Zealand sections of the ICFI agreed to reunite with the ISFI at the World Congress, to form the ]. | ||
| This was immediately opposed by the ] of the SWP, and by the SLL in Britain and the PCI in France, as well as many orthodox Trotskyists throughout the world. Those currents still valued the political lessons learned from the 1953 split. They saw the SWP's decision as an abandonment of the most basic principles of the Fourth International, and of Trotskyism, and as an attempt to ingratiate itself to the growing middle class protest movement in the United States. | This was immediately opposed by the ] of the SWP, and by the SLL in Britain and the PCI in France, as well as many orthodox Trotskyists throughout the world. Those currents still valued the political lessons learned from the 1953 split. They saw the SWP's decision as an abandonment of the most basic principles of the Fourth International, and of Trotskyism, and as an attempt to ingratiate itself to the growing middle class protest movement in the United States. | ||
| Line 51: | Line 50: | ||
| When the Fourth International had split in 1953 the ] of Sri Lanka refused to take any side and maintained contacts with both the ISFI and ICFI while arguing for a joint congress. After the ISFI criticised the LSSP's parliamentary tactics in 1960, the LSSP was the notable absence from the ISFI's 1961 World Congress. In 1964, the LSSP joined the bourgeois government of Sri Lanka, which the ICFI and USFI condemned as betraying Trotskyist principles. The ICFI and USFI no longer considered the LSSP a Trotskyist party at that point, and encouraged ]n Trotskyists to leave that party. Some time later a new organization, the ] was formed out of the left wing which split from the LSSP to form the ]. | When the Fourth International had split in 1953 the ] of Sri Lanka refused to take any side and maintained contacts with both the ISFI and ICFI while arguing for a joint congress. After the ISFI criticised the LSSP's parliamentary tactics in 1960, the LSSP was the notable absence from the ISFI's 1961 World Congress. In 1964, the LSSP joined the bourgeois government of Sri Lanka, which the ICFI and USFI condemned as betraying Trotskyist principles. The ICFI and USFI no longer considered the LSSP a Trotskyist party at that point, and encouraged ]n Trotskyists to leave that party. Some time later a new organization, the ] was formed out of the left wing which split from the LSSP to form the ]. | ||
| In 1966, a "third world conference" of the ICFI occurred in England. Delegates were present from the SLL, Lambert's PCI and Loukas Karliaftis’s Greek organisation, which had joined the IC in 1964. Michel Varga, a PCI member, represented the exile Hungarian League of Revolutionary Socialists, which he had founded in 1962. Two groups from the US sent delegates: that of ] and that of ]. Observers came from a group in French-speaking Africa, a small group in Germany later to form the Bund Sozialistischer Arbeiter, and individuals |
In 1966, a "third world conference" of the ICFI occurred in England. Delegates were present from the SLL, Lambert's PCI and Loukas Karliaftis’s Greek organisation, which had joined the IC in 1964. Michel Varga, a PCI member, represented the exile Hungarian League of Revolutionary Socialists, which he had founded in 1962. Two groups from the US sent delegates: that of ] and that of ]. Observers came from a group in French-speaking Africa, a small group in Germany later to form the Bund Sozialistischer Arbeiter, and individuals who had left USFI sections in the Ceylon and Denmark. Non-voting observers came from Voix Ouvrière and a state capitalist tendency in Japan. | ||
| One result of this Congress was the expulsion of the Spartacist tendency: after the failure of Robertson to attend a conference. Robertson said this was due to exhaustion; the IC argued that Roberton's alleged refusal to apologise reflected a rejection of communist methods, and he was asked to leave. The Spartacists would go on to form the ]. The ICFI now claims that the Sparticists were never interested in an agreement, and desired to go off in their own direction. | One result of this Congress was the expulsion of the Spartacist tendency: after the failure of Robertson to attend a conference session. Robertson said this was due to exhaustion; the IC argued that Roberton's alleged refusal to apologise reflected a rejection of communist methods, and he was asked to leave. The Spartacists would go on to form the ]. The ICFI now claims that the Sparticists were never interested in an agreement, and desired to go off in their own direction. | ||
| If the Sparticists did not desire to break off into their own organization, the ICFI argues, a misunderstanding at the conference could have been solved. The ICFI also says the Sparticists are nationalist in their orientation, refusing to be controlled by an international organization, as well as supporting politically affirmative action, black nationalism, Stalinist regimes and denying the existence of globalization. | If the Sparticists did not desire to break off into their own organization, the ICFI now argues, a misunderstanding at the conference could have been solved. The ICFI also says the Sparticists are nationalist in their orientation, refusing to be controlled by an international organization, as well as supporting politically affirmative action, black nationalism, Stalinist regimes and denying the existence of globalization.{{Fact|date=October 2007}} | ||
| In the wake of the 1966 congress, pressures started to build between the SLL and PCI. The Congress did not attempt to present the ICFI as 'the Fourth International', rather it positioned the IC as a force that defended what it saw as the political continuity of Trotskyism and called for the 'rebuilding and reconstruction of the Fourth International'. The PCI came to feel that the SLL was ultimatistic, because the SLL argued that the programme of the IC had to be the basis for further revolutionary organisation. The PCI's differences were reflected in its openness to the Algerian MNA and the Bolivian POR. Early in 1967 the PCI changed its name to Organisation Communiste Internationaliste (OCI), a move that also suggested the OCI's greater modesty. By May 1967, the OCI argued that the IC was not functioning well, and that key decisions of the 1966 conferences "remained dead letters". It argued: "The SLL has had its own international activity, so has the OCI. Germany and Eastern Europe have remained the 'private hunting-grounds' of the OCI...". | In the wake of the 1966 congress, pressures started to build between the SLL and PCI. The Congress did not attempt to present the ICFI as 'the Fourth International', rather it positioned the IC as a force that defended what it saw as the political continuity of Trotskyism and called for the 'rebuilding and reconstruction of the Fourth International'. The PCI came to feel that the SLL was ultimatistic, because the SLL argued that the programme of the IC had to be the basis for further revolutionary organisation. The PCI's differences were reflected in its openness to the Algerian MNA and the Bolivian POR. Early in 1967 the PCI changed its name to Organisation Communiste Internationaliste (OCI), a move that also suggested the OCI's greater modesty. By May 1967, the OCI argued that the IC was not functioning well, and that key decisions of the 1966 conferences "remained dead letters". It argued: "The SLL has had its own international activity, so has the OCI. Germany and Eastern Europe have remained the 'private hunting-grounds' of the OCI...". | ||
| By the late 1960s all far left tendencies were growing and the ICFI was no exception. Increased membership, cheaper airflights and phone contact also allowed contacts to become more regular overseas. In this way the ICFI |
By the late 1960s all far left tendencies were growing and the ICFI was no exception. Increased membership, cheaper airflights and phone contact also allowed contacts to become more regular overseas. In this way the ICFI was able to grow in Sri Lanka. New sections appeared in Germany, in 1971, and Ireland. | ||
| ==1971 to 1985== | ==1971 to 1985== | ||
| Line 65: | Line 64: | ||
| Both the SLL and OCI were at this point developing connection to Trotskyists in other countries, but in different ways. | Both the SLL and OCI were at this point developing connection to Trotskyists in other countries, but in different ways. | ||
| * The OCI had sought to bring the Bolivian POR into the ICFI. In addition to these groups the OCI was cultivating the exiled ] (LRSH) led by ], a former leader of the students during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and of the German Socialist Workers League (BSA). Moreover the Argentine ] group led by Altamirano was close to the OCI. In general, the OCI found it |
* The OCI had sought to bring the Bolivian POR into the ICFI. In addition to these groups the OCI was cultivating the exiled ] (LRSH) led by ], a former leader of the students during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and of the German Socialist Workers League (BSA). Moreover the Argentine ] group led by Altamirano was close to the OCI. In general, the OCI found it less important than the SLL important to educate the newer members on the philosophical underpinnings of Marxism and the history of the Fourth International. | ||
| * The SLL on the other hand were looking to bring newer forces into the ICFI that shared its approach: in the shape of the ] in Ireland and the ] of Ceylon, in addition to the ] in the USA. The SLL fought to make dialectical materialism the corner-stone of its political approach. | * The SLL on the other hand were looking to bring newer forces into the ICFI that shared its approach: in the shape of the ] in Ireland and the ] of Ceylon, in addition to the ] in the USA. The SLL fought to make dialectical materialism the corner-stone of its political approach. | ||
| Line 76: | Line 75: | ||
| In the middle of the 1970's, two leaders of the ICFI group in the United States, Workers' League, developed political differences with the majority: ] and Nancy Fields, his partner. A number of political and organisational disputes unfolded, which the ICFI described as a series of disruptions and explusions animated by Fields. It was brought to the attention of the the Workers' League's Central Committee that Fields' uncle had worked for the CIA's computer division, and it criticized the fact that neither Fields nor Wohlforth had revealed that to the League. Fields and Wohlforth had denied that Fields had connections with state agencies. In August 1974, the League's central committee suspended Fields from membership and removed Wohlforth as national secretary pending a commission of inquiry, in a unanimous vote that included Wohlforth's. Both left the League and eventually joined the SWP for a few years. An investigation conducted by the Workers' League concluded that Fields did not have connections to the CIA and the two were requested to resume their membership. However, they refused. | In the middle of the 1970's, two leaders of the ICFI group in the United States, Workers' League, developed political differences with the majority: ] and Nancy Fields, his partner. A number of political and organisational disputes unfolded, which the ICFI described as a series of disruptions and explusions animated by Fields. It was brought to the attention of the the Workers' League's Central Committee that Fields' uncle had worked for the CIA's computer division, and it criticized the fact that neither Fields nor Wohlforth had revealed that to the League. Fields and Wohlforth had denied that Fields had connections with state agencies. In August 1974, the League's central committee suspended Fields from membership and removed Wohlforth as national secretary pending a commission of inquiry, in a unanimous vote that included Wohlforth's. Both left the League and eventually joined the SWP for a few years. An investigation conducted by the Workers' League concluded that Fields did not have connections to the CIA and the two were requested to resume their membership. However, they refused. | ||
| Wohlforth wrote an extended attack on the International Committee in ]. Intercontinental Press began a campaign denouncing the ICFI for the Wohlforth incident, with its editor Joseph Hansen writing that the concern over security indicated "paranoia" on the part of the IC's central leader, Gerry Healy. The ICFI thought this reaction was surprising, given the role that state infiltration had played in the Trotskyist movement, including in the assassination of Trotsky. In addition, this came only a few years after the revelations of the US government's ] program, in which the FBI illegally infiltrated many groups and political parties and conducted provacations against opponents of the war in Vietnam. |
Wohlforth wrote an extended attack on the International Committee in ]. Intercontinental Press began a campaign denouncing the ICFI for the Wohlforth incident, with its editor Joseph Hansen writing that the concern over security indicated "paranoia" on the part of the IC's central leader, Gerry Healy. The ICFI thought this reaction was surprising, given the role that state infiltration had played in the Trotskyist movement, including in the assassination of Trotsky. In addition, this came only a few years after the revelations of the US government's ] program, in which the FBI illegally infiltrated many groups and political parties and conducted provacations against opponents of the war in Vietnam. From 1961-1976, fifty-five FBI informants held SWP offices or committee positions and fifty-one served on executive committees of the party. | ||
| In May 1975, the sixth congress of the ICFI initiated a "Security and the Fourth International" investigation into "the circumstances surrounding the assassination of Leon Trotsky". By mid-1977, the Security campaign used publicly-available government documents, and court testimony ny Soviet agents tried in the United States, to allege that some leading figures of the American SWP, including a figure close to Leon Trotsky, were agents of the US or USSR governments. They noted that ] had met FBI agents numerous times over a number of months in 1940 to give them information about ] in the US alleged to have participated in the assassination of Trotsky, and claimed that this was done |
In May 1975, the sixth congress of the ICFI initiated a "Security and the Fourth International" investigation into "the circumstances surrounding the assassination of Leon Trotsky". By mid-1977, the Security campaign used publicly-available government documents, and court testimony ny Soviet agents tried in the United States, to allege that some leading figures of the American SWP, including a figure close to Leon Trotsky, were agents of the US or USSR governments. They noted that ] had met FBI agents numerous times over a number of months in 1940 to give them information about ] in the US alleged to have participated in the assassination of Trotsky, and claimed that this was done without the knowledge of the Trotskyist movement. FBI documents describing these meetings were published by the Workers League. Hansen claimed that this contact had been agreed by the SWP's leadership. ], who had been an SWP leader in 1940, said in 1975 that he thought that the SWP would not have authorised Hansen's meetings. The ICFI concluded that the documents, along with FBI documents suggesting that Hansen had met with a recruiter for the Stalinist ] two years before Trotsky's assassination, and his refusal to answer questions put, showed that Hansen was a government agent. | ||
| The investigation intensified in 1978 after the decision by the SWP leadership to warn Alan Gelfand, a lawyer who had joined the SWP late in 1975, just after the start of the 'Security' Campaign. In 1977 and 1978 Gelfand asked questions concerning the Workers League's charges inside the SWP. In March 1978, Gelfand was warned by the local executive committee against publicly questioning the leadership of the SWP. . Rather than attempt to answer Gelfand's concerns, the political committee considered the raising of these questions as a slander against Hansen, and warned Gelfand in April 1978 that he would be disciplined if he continued to seek answers. | The investigation intensified in 1978 after the decision by the SWP leadership to warn Alan Gelfand, a lawyer who had joined the SWP late in 1975, just after the start of the 'Security' Campaign. In 1977 and 1978 Gelfand asked questions concerning the Workers League's charges inside the SWP. In March 1978, Gelfand was warned by the local executive committee against publicly questioning the leadership of the SWP. . Rather than attempt to answer Gelfand's concerns, the political committee considered the raising of these questions as a slander against Hansen, and warned Gelfand in April 1978 that he would be disciplined if he continued to seek answers. | ||
| Line 84: | Line 83: | ||
| In December 1978, Gelfand took the US Government to court: his brief summarised the Workers League's charges and demanded that the US government name its informers in the SWP. The SWP expelled him the following month, leading Gelfand to take both the US Government and the SWP to court, arguing that since those expelling him were, in his opinion, agents of the US government, his civil liberties were being infringed upon by the US Government. | In December 1978, Gelfand took the US Government to court: his brief summarised the Workers League's charges and demanded that the US government name its informers in the SWP. The SWP expelled him the following month, leading Gelfand to take both the US Government and the SWP to court, arguing that since those expelling him were, in his opinion, agents of the US government, his civil liberties were being infringed upon by the US Government. | ||
| The ICFI came to Gelfand's aid and, in the course of the trial, made many claims about US government infiltration into the SWP as part of ] and earlier. The ICFI also wanted to investigate infiltration by the USSR, considering the resources that the Stalinists had devoted to infiltrating and physically destroying the Fourth International culminating in the murders of ] in Spain, ] in France, and ] in Mexico. It had been known that the murderer of Trotsky had been a boyfriend of one of his secretaries, who was introduced to her by a Stalinist agent in France. The investigation of the ICFI later revealed that Cannon's secretary, ], had been a Stalinist informer working through the ], and had been formerly married to a KGB agent, a fact that was confirmed by Grand Jury testimony. The judge in the Gelfand case only released the grand jury testimony after the case had been closed. |
The ICFI came to Gelfand's aid and, in the course of the trial, made many claims about US government infiltration into the SWP as part of ] and earlier. The ICFI also wanted to investigate infiltration by the USSR, considering the resources that the Stalinists had devoted to infiltrating and physically destroying the Fourth International culminating in the murders of ] in Spain, ] in France, and ] in Mexico. It had been known that the murderer of Trotsky had been a boyfriend of one of his secretaries, who was introduced to her by a Stalinist agent in France. The investigation of the ICFI later revealed that Cannon's secretary, ], had been a Stalinist informer working through the ], and had been formerly married to a KGB agent, a fact that was confirmed by Grand Jury testimony. The judge in the Gelfand case only released the grand jury testimony after the case had been closed. | ||
| The ICFI's investigation into the SWP and defense of Alan Gelfand was opposed by almost all Trotskyist groups: no current outside the ICFI supported it. Most Trotskyist organisations joined forces to defend the SWP leadership, including the ], ]'s OCI, ]'s PST, Robertson's ], the Chinese RCP, ], the ] in Sri Lanka and the SWP united to brand it "". After the Workers' Revolutionary Party left the ICFI in 1985, WRP secretary ] also repudiated the investigation. | The ICFI's investigation into the SWP and defense of Alan Gelfand was opposed by almost all Trotskyist groups: no current outside the ICFI supported it. Most Trotskyist organisations joined forces to defend the SWP leadership, including the ], ]'s OCI, ]'s PST, Robertson's ], the Chinese RCP, ], the ] in Sri Lanka and the SWP united to brand it "". After the Workers' Revolutionary Party left the ICFI in 1985, WRP secretary ] also repudiated the investigation. | ||
| Both sides claimed that the other had no factual detail to support its charges: The ICFI argues that the defense of the SWP leadership, and the charge that the ICFI's campaign was a 'frame up,' are slanders against Workers' League without factual backing. Those who supported the SWP against the ICFI ignored the facts brought out by the case and argued that it was a breach of socialist principals to bring the courts into the labour movement, (although the ICFI did not bring the courts in, an SWP member did) and that the ICFI's charge that the SWP was controlled by agents of the US and Soviet states to be groundless. While SWP members resorted to slanders and accusations of "paranoia", they refused to address any of the published documents. | Both sides claimed that the other had no factual detail to support its charges: The ICFI argues that the defense of the SWP leadership, and the charge that the ICFI's campaign was a 'frame up,' are slanders against Workers' League without factual backing. Those who supported the SWP against the ICFI ignored the facts brought out by the case and argued that it was a breach of socialist principals to bring the courts into the labour movement, (although the ICFI did not bring the courts in, an SWP member did) and that the ICFI's charge that the SWP was controlled by agents of the US and Soviet states to be groundless. While SWP members resorted to slanders and accusations of "paranoia", they refused to address any of the published documents. | ||
| Line 92: | Line 91: | ||
| The ICFI, on the other hand, resorted to hard evidence, publishing briefs, courtroom transcripts and exhibits of this lawsuit in ''The Gelfand Case''. Gelfand's case was rejected by the federal court in 1983, although the ICFI considers its support of Gelfand successful because SWP leaders, who had refused to answer Gelfand's questions, were finally subpeonaed and forced to testify on public record. | The ICFI, on the other hand, resorted to hard evidence, publishing briefs, courtroom transcripts and exhibits of this lawsuit in ''The Gelfand Case''. Gelfand's case was rejected by the federal court in 1983, although the ICFI considers its support of Gelfand successful because SWP leaders, who had refused to answer Gelfand's questions, were finally subpeonaed and forced to testify on public record. | ||
| ==1985 to |
==1985 to Present == | ||
| {{Original research|date=September 2007}} | |||
| By the end of the 1970s, the revolutionary upsurge of the 60s and 70s had subsided. Membership of the ICFI fell, and the WRP leadership was not prepared for this. It entered into opportunist alliances with nationalist leaders in the under-developed countries. | By the end of the 1970s, the revolutionary upsurge of the 60s and 70s had subsided. Membership of the ICFI fell, and the WRP leadership was not prepared for this. It entered into opportunist alliances with nationalist leaders in the under-developed countries. | ||
| Line 100: | Line 100: | ||
| Anticipating an outbreak of US militarism after the collapse of the USSR{{Fact|date=February 2007}}, the ICFI prepared for a new radicalization of the working class. For this reason, its sections reorganised into Socialist Equality Parties throughout the world. | Anticipating an outbreak of US militarism after the collapse of the USSR{{Fact|date=February 2007}}, the ICFI prepared for a new radicalization of the working class. For this reason, its sections reorganised into Socialist Equality Parties throughout the world. | ||
| After a year of internal consultation{{Fact|date=September 2007}}, in 1998 the American section of the ICFI lauched the ]. | |||
| ==External links== | ==External links== | ||
Revision as of 16:42, 28 October 2007
 | This article does not cite any sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. Find sources: "International Committee of the Fourth International" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (August 2007) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
- For the "International Committee of the Fourth International" that superseded the United Secretariat of the Fourth International in 2003, please see reunified Fourth International.
The International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) is a Trotskyist international. Its affiliated parties are called the Socialist Equality Party and have sections and supporters throughout the world. It is well known for its publication of the World Socialist Web Site. Published in 13 different languages, Alexa rankings in August 2007 showed the World Socialist Web Site to be the second most widely read international socialist news source on the internet after Granma.
Foundation
The International Committee was a public faction of the Fourth International formed in 1953 by a number of national sections of the FI that disagreed with the course of the International Secretariat of the Fourth International led at that time by Michel Pablo (Raptis) and Ernest Mandel. The Committee was co-ordinated by the American section, the Socialist Workers Party, and included the British section led by Gerry Healy and Pierre Lambert's Parti Communiste Internationaliste (PCI) in France. Trotskyist groups in various other countries, notably in Austria, China, India, Japan, New Zealand and Nahuel Moreno's group in Argentina, also joined.
The grouping's founding statement was an open letter of the National Committee of the SWP which outlined the disputes it had with Pablo's faction within the International Secretariat of the Fourth International. It reiterated what it saw as the basic principles of Trotskyism and described the direction of the "Pabloite" faction as "revisionist", claiming that this threatened the survival of the Fourth International, the liquidation of the Trotskyist program and definite steps taken towards its organisational liquidation. As an example, the letter explained that Pablo expelled a majority of the French section of the International, because they disagreed with the International's policy of working within the Stalinist Communist Party of France. This policy was described as one of entrism sui generis, entryism of a special kind, in which the Trotskyists were to join the Stalinist or Socialist mass parties with a long term perspective of working within them.
Some critics of the Open Letter counter that the SWP and their co-thinkers in The Club had failed to defend the French majority against Pablo, and that they had shared the 1951 perspectives of International on war-revolutions and the need for deep entryism in the Communist Parties. The Club's entryism into the Labour Party in Britain resembled entrism sui generis. However, Pablo aimed for the FI to implement entryism more deeply than the leaders of the ICFI felt wise: They were also concerned by Pablo preparedness to enforce entrism, if necessary by splitting sections or appointing new leadership teams.
The Open Letter went on to explain that, in the SWP's view, what it described as Pabloite Revisionism was the result of a lack of confidence in the revolutionary capabilities of the working class and an impressionistic, overly positive, assessment of the strength and prospects of Stalinism. Pablo had, in 1951, argued that the transition between capitalism and socialism will probably take several centuries. The supporters of the Open Letter read this to suggest there would be "centuries of deformed workers states", and this phrase is often mistaken attributed to Pablo or to his formulation of what was called the war-revolution thesis.
The ICFI saw this as an abandonment of the principles that Trotsky fought for since the rise of Hitler and the consequent establishment of the Fourth International. The founders of the ICFI wanted the International maintain its organizational independence as the world party of the working-class, asserting that Pablo's policies would leave them an adjunct of the Stalinists. His faction's heavy-handed tactics of removing members who disagreed with his radical revisions made compromise appear impossible.
An excerpt from the concluding part of the "Open Letter" reads:
"To sum up: The lines of cleavage between Pablo’s revisionism and orthodox Trotskyism are so deep that no compromise is possible either politically or organizationally. The Pablo faction has demonstrated that it will not permit democratic decisions truly reflecting majority opinion to be reached. They demand complete submission to their criminal policy. They are determined to drive all orthodox Trotskyists out of the Fourth International or to muzzle and handcuff them."
"Their scheme has been to inject their Stalinist conciliationism piecemeal and likewise in piecemeal fashion, get rid of those who come to see what is happening and raise objections."
Linked below is a history of the founding of the ICFI and the "Open Letter".
1953 to 1963
In the eyes of the ICFI, Pabloite liquidationism meant permanent dissolution into the Communist Party in every country. After the ICFI withdrew from the FI in 1953, many sections of the ISFI entered communist parties. However, it later became clear that the sections of the ISFI did not dissolve, or enter permanently. Nevertheless, the ISFI's political trajectory led its sections to mistakes as well as, in one case, participation in bourgeois governments when the LSSP entered the government of Ceylon and was expelled from the International. The ICFI sees similar pressures at work now: describing as "Pabloites" those former Trotskysists who today are enforcing IMF dictates in Brazil as members of the Lula government.
Some sections of the ICFI have practiced temporary entryist policies, but continually emphasized to their membership that this was a short-term move. They maintained, however, the principle that only the Fourth International, as a consciously Marxist organization of the working class can lead the world revolution.
The SWP, partly because of McCarthyism and politically repressive laws, found it hard to cooperate on a world scale in a democratic centralist International. The first conference could not take place until 1958, and the SWP officially only acted as observers at the event, being prevented from affiliating to the ICFI by US law.
As early as the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, the leadership of the American SWP was beginning to show signs of convergence with the developing political line of the organisations grouped in the ISFI. The disappearance of the Socialist Union, the American affiliate of the ISFI, removed one such barrier to a political reunion. Ever greater agreement with regard to the Algerian War of Independence, and the Cuban Revolution of 1959 also brought the SWP and the ISFI closer together. In 1960, the Indian and Japanese sections of the IC reunified with the ISFI sections. Meanwhile, inside the ISFI, Pablo had lost much of his political influence, removing yet another barrier to reunification. In 1962, the ICFI and ISFI formed a Parity Committee to organise a World Congress of the two factions.
ISFI and the leadership of SWP revised the basic Trotskyist principle that only a conscious marxist leadership can ensure a successful socialist revolution. Instead they argued that "unconscious Trotskyists" would come to power in colonized countries as well as within the Stalinist bureaucracies. It was no longer necessary to build a mass Trotskyist party. Anyone who opposed these conceptions was silenced or expelled, breaking with the basic Leninist principle of inner-party democracy.
In 1963 the SWP and the smaller Austrian, Canadian, Chinese and New Zealand sections of the ICFI agreed to reunite with the ISFI at the World Congress, to form the United Secretariat of the Fourth International.
This was immediately opposed by the Revolutionary Tendency of the SWP, and by the SLL in Britain and the PCI in France, as well as many orthodox Trotskyists throughout the world. Those currents still valued the political lessons learned from the 1953 split. They saw the SWP's decision as an abandonment of the most basic principles of the Fourth International, and of Trotskyism, and as an attempt to ingratiate itself to the growing middle class protest movement in the United States.
The RT, SLL and PCI argued that the anti-war movement in the US contained the same types of people the Pabloites had sought to attract during the mass exodus of people from the Stalinist Parties after the revelations of Stalin's atrocities in the 1950s. They called this "opportunism" because it represented what they saw as a revision of Marxism for the sake of attracting new members from the radicalizing middle class.
1963 to 1971
Within the SWP, as well as within the rest of the ICFI, an opposition to the reunification came together. Some of the Latin American sections of the ICFI also left the ICFI to join the USFI, allowing the SWP and its allies to claim that a majority of the sections of the ICFI had joined the USFI. In the eyes of the ICFI, the Latin American sections had adopted Pabloism and were dependent on their connections to the SWP.
Within the SWP, some members who had studied the meaning of the 1953 split opposed the reunification. These were gathered around Tim Wohlforth and James Robertson in the Revolutionary Tendency. They echoed the SWPs Open Letter, arguing that the leaders' turn to Pabloism coincided with the introduction of Stalinist ideas, followed by an expulsion of those members who exposed the leadership's lack of principles. The SWP had supported the Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro. However, Robertson's followers embarrassed Wohlforth and the SLL by suggesting that the SWP could not be saved. With Wohlforth laying the evidentiary basis for claims of "party disloyalty" the RT leaders were expelled from the party, forming Spartacist.
Wohlforth now led a Reorganized Minority Tendency until it too was expelled from the SWP and went on to found the American Committee for the Fourth International.
When the Fourth International had split in 1953 the LSSP of Sri Lanka refused to take any side and maintained contacts with both the ISFI and ICFI while arguing for a joint congress. After the ISFI criticised the LSSP's parliamentary tactics in 1960, the LSSP was the notable absence from the ISFI's 1961 World Congress. In 1964, the LSSP joined the bourgeois government of Sri Lanka, which the ICFI and USFI condemned as betraying Trotskyist principles. The ICFI and USFI no longer considered the LSSP a Trotskyist party at that point, and encouraged Sri Lankan Trotskyists to leave that party. Some time later a new organization, the Revolutionary Communist League was formed out of the left wing which split from the LSSP to form the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (Revolutionary).
In 1966, a "third world conference" of the ICFI occurred in England. Delegates were present from the SLL, Lambert's PCI and Loukas Karliaftis’s Greek organisation, which had joined the IC in 1964. Michel Varga, a PCI member, represented the exile Hungarian League of Revolutionary Socialists, which he had founded in 1962. Two groups from the US sent delegates: that of Tim Wohlforth and that of James Robertson. Observers came from a group in French-speaking Africa, a small group in Germany later to form the Bund Sozialistischer Arbeiter, and individuals who had left USFI sections in the Ceylon and Denmark. Non-voting observers came from Voix Ouvrière and a state capitalist tendency in Japan.
One result of this Congress was the expulsion of the Spartacist tendency: after the failure of Robertson to attend a conference session. Robertson said this was due to exhaustion; the IC argued that Roberton's alleged refusal to apologise reflected a rejection of communist methods, and he was asked to leave. The Spartacists would go on to form the International Spartacist Tendency. The ICFI now claims that the Sparticists were never interested in an agreement, and desired to go off in their own direction.
If the Sparticists did not desire to break off into their own organization, the ICFI now argues, a misunderstanding at the conference could have been solved. The ICFI also says the Sparticists are nationalist in their orientation, refusing to be controlled by an international organization, as well as supporting politically affirmative action, black nationalism, Stalinist regimes and denying the existence of globalization.
In the wake of the 1966 congress, pressures started to build between the SLL and PCI. The Congress did not attempt to present the ICFI as 'the Fourth International', rather it positioned the IC as a force that defended what it saw as the political continuity of Trotskyism and called for the 'rebuilding and reconstruction of the Fourth International'. The PCI came to feel that the SLL was ultimatistic, because the SLL argued that the programme of the IC had to be the basis for further revolutionary organisation. The PCI's differences were reflected in its openness to the Algerian MNA and the Bolivian POR. Early in 1967 the PCI changed its name to Organisation Communiste Internationaliste (OCI), a move that also suggested the OCI's greater modesty. By May 1967, the OCI argued that the IC was not functioning well, and that key decisions of the 1966 conferences "remained dead letters". It argued: "The SLL has had its own international activity, so has the OCI. Germany and Eastern Europe have remained the 'private hunting-grounds' of the OCI...".
By the late 1960s all far left tendencies were growing and the ICFI was no exception. Increased membership, cheaper airflights and phone contact also allowed contacts to become more regular overseas. In this way the ICFI was able to grow in Sri Lanka. New sections appeared in Germany, in 1971, and Ireland.
1971 to 1985
The OCI left the ICFI in 1971. This reflected growing differences, primarily over the OCI's support for the Partido Obrero Revolucionario (POR) and the SLL's emphasis on Marxist philosophy in the training of its newer members. The OCI considered dialectical materialism a personal choice, irrelevant to the building of a revolutionary movement. The ICFI pointed out that Lenin and Trotsky argued repeatedly that dialectical materialism was the basis for the education of a revolutionary party.
Both the SLL and OCI were at this point developing connection to Trotskyists in other countries, but in different ways.
- The OCI had sought to bring the Bolivian POR into the ICFI. In addition to these groups the OCI was cultivating the exiled Hungarian League of Revolutionary Socialists (LRSH) led by Michael Varga, a former leader of the students during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and of the German Socialist Workers League (BSA). Moreover the Argentine Workers Power group led by Altamirano was close to the OCI. In general, the OCI found it less important than the SLL important to educate the newer members on the philosophical underpinnings of Marxism and the history of the Fourth International.
- The SLL on the other hand were looking to bring newer forces into the ICFI that shared its approach: in the shape of the League for a Workers Republic in Ireland and the Revolutionary Communist League of Ceylon, in addition to the Workers League in the USA. The SLL fought to make dialectical materialism the corner-stone of its political approach.
The contest between the two political lines could not last and in 1971 the OCI and its allies would leave the ICFI to form their own international tendency, which later became known as the Organising Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International. In 1979 it fused with a grouping led by Nahuel Moreno. The ICFI later considered this a major tragedy, stemming from the relative inexperience of the majority of the members entering into revolutionary politics during a revolutionary upsurge of the international working class. Some members of OCI continued to support the ICFI, however, which allowed the ICFI to regain a foothold in French politics.
Delegates from eight countries attended the fourth world conference of the IC in April 1972. In conjunction with a massive growth in membership and preparations for mass influence, the SLL renamed itself the Workers Revolutionary Party in 1974 and remained a part of the ICFI along with affiliated sections in Ireland, Greece, Germany, Spain, Australia, the USA, Ceylon and Peru.
'Security and the Fourth International'
In the middle of the 1970's, two leaders of the ICFI group in the United States, Workers' League, developed political differences with the majority: Tim Wohlforth and Nancy Fields, his partner. A number of political and organisational disputes unfolded, which the ICFI described as a series of disruptions and explusions animated by Fields. It was brought to the attention of the the Workers' League's Central Committee that Fields' uncle had worked for the CIA's computer division, and it criticized the fact that neither Fields nor Wohlforth had revealed that to the League. Fields and Wohlforth had denied that Fields had connections with state agencies. In August 1974, the League's central committee suspended Fields from membership and removed Wohlforth as national secretary pending a commission of inquiry, in a unanimous vote that included Wohlforth's. Both left the League and eventually joined the SWP for a few years. An investigation conducted by the Workers' League concluded that Fields did not have connections to the CIA and the two were requested to resume their membership. However, they refused.
Wohlforth wrote an extended attack on the International Committee in Intercontinental Press. Intercontinental Press began a campaign denouncing the ICFI for the Wohlforth incident, with its editor Joseph Hansen writing that the concern over security indicated "paranoia" on the part of the IC's central leader, Gerry Healy. The ICFI thought this reaction was surprising, given the role that state infiltration had played in the Trotskyist movement, including in the assassination of Trotsky. In addition, this came only a few years after the revelations of the US government's Cointelpro program, in which the FBI illegally infiltrated many groups and political parties and conducted provacations against opponents of the war in Vietnam. From 1961-1976, fifty-five FBI informants held SWP offices or committee positions and fifty-one served on executive committees of the party.
In May 1975, the sixth congress of the ICFI initiated a "Security and the Fourth International" investigation into "the circumstances surrounding the assassination of Leon Trotsky". By mid-1977, the Security campaign used publicly-available government documents, and court testimony ny Soviet agents tried in the United States, to allege that some leading figures of the American SWP, including a figure close to Leon Trotsky, were agents of the US or USSR governments. They noted that Joseph Hansen had met FBI agents numerous times over a number of months in 1940 to give them information about Stalinists in the US alleged to have participated in the assassination of Trotsky, and claimed that this was done without the knowledge of the Trotskyist movement. FBI documents describing these meetings were published by the Workers League. Hansen claimed that this contact had been agreed by the SWP's leadership. Felix Morrow, who had been an SWP leader in 1940, said in 1975 that he thought that the SWP would not have authorised Hansen's meetings. The ICFI concluded that the documents, along with FBI documents suggesting that Hansen had met with a recruiter for the Stalinist GPU two years before Trotsky's assassination, and his refusal to answer questions put, showed that Hansen was a government agent.
The investigation intensified in 1978 after the decision by the SWP leadership to warn Alan Gelfand, a lawyer who had joined the SWP late in 1975, just after the start of the 'Security' Campaign. In 1977 and 1978 Gelfand asked questions concerning the Workers League's charges inside the SWP. In March 1978, Gelfand was warned by the local executive committee against publicly questioning the leadership of the SWP. "Gelfand's Open Letter to the SWP leadership". Rather than attempt to answer Gelfand's concerns, the political committee considered the raising of these questions as a slander against Hansen, and warned Gelfand in April 1978 that he would be disciplined if he continued to seek answers.
In December 1978, Gelfand took the US Government to court: his brief summarised the Workers League's charges and demanded that the US government name its informers in the SWP. The SWP expelled him the following month, leading Gelfand to take both the US Government and the SWP to court, arguing that since those expelling him were, in his opinion, agents of the US government, his civil liberties were being infringed upon by the US Government.
The ICFI came to Gelfand's aid and, in the course of the trial, made many claims about US government infiltration into the SWP as part of CoIntelPro and earlier. The ICFI also wanted to investigate infiltration by the USSR, considering the resources that the Stalinists had devoted to infiltrating and physically destroying the Fourth International culminating in the murders of Erwin Wolfe in Spain, Leon Sedov in France, and Leon Trotsky in Mexico. It had been known that the murderer of Trotsky had been a boyfriend of one of his secretaries, who was introduced to her by a Stalinist agent in France. The investigation of the ICFI later revealed that Cannon's secretary, Sylvia Callen, had been a Stalinist informer working through the CPUSA, and had been formerly married to a KGB agent, a fact that was confirmed by Grand Jury testimony. The judge in the Gelfand case only released the grand jury testimony after the case had been closed.
The ICFI's investigation into the SWP and defense of Alan Gelfand was opposed by almost all Trotskyist groups: no current outside the ICFI supported it. Most Trotskyist organisations joined forces to defend the SWP leadership, including the United Secretariat of the Fourth International, Pierre Lambert's OCI, Nahuel Moreno's PST, Robertson's Spartacist League, the Chinese RCP, Lutte Ouvrière, the Revolutionary Workers Party in Sri Lanka and the SWP united to brand it "a Shameless Frame-up". After the Workers' Revolutionary Party left the ICFI in 1985, WRP secretary Cliff Slaughter also repudiated the investigation.
Both sides claimed that the other had no factual detail to support its charges: The ICFI argues that the defense of the SWP leadership, and the charge that the ICFI's campaign was a 'frame up,' are slanders against Workers' League without factual backing. Those who supported the SWP against the ICFI ignored the facts brought out by the case and argued that it was a breach of socialist principals to bring the courts into the labour movement, (although the ICFI did not bring the courts in, an SWP member did) and that the ICFI's charge that the SWP was controlled by agents of the US and Soviet states to be groundless. While SWP members resorted to slanders and accusations of "paranoia", they refused to address any of the published documents.
The ICFI, on the other hand, resorted to hard evidence, publishing briefs, courtroom transcripts and exhibits of this lawsuit in The Gelfand Case. Gelfand's case was rejected by the federal court in 1983, although the ICFI considers its support of Gelfand successful because SWP leaders, who had refused to answer Gelfand's questions, were finally subpeonaed and forced to testify on public record.
1985 to Present
 | This article possibly contains original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed. (September 2007) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
By the end of the 1970s, the revolutionary upsurge of the 60s and 70s had subsided. Membership of the ICFI fell, and the WRP leadership was not prepared for this. It entered into opportunist alliances with nationalist leaders in the under-developed countries.
This aroused the consternation of some members throughout the ICFI. The WRP had gained members and prominence in Great Britain, but the leadership increasingly went its own way against the ICFI as a whole.
This conflict erupted in the mid-80s and ended with the disintegration of the WRP. The various currents of the WRP attempted to found their own ICFIs each claiming to be the official one, yet they did not break with their old policies systematically and won no new international support. They disintegrated, and as of 2006, only one active ICFI survives, that led by David North of what was then known as the Workers' League in the United States. North and his supporters gained the allegiance of most of the remaining national sections, partly through their analysis of the split. The surviving WRP still refers to itself as the British section of an ICFI, but does not name any other sections are named.
Anticipating an outbreak of US militarism after the collapse of the USSR, the ICFI prepared for a new radicalization of the working class. For this reason, its sections reorganised into Socialist Equality Parties throughout the world.
After a year of internal consultation, in 1998 the American section of the ICFI lauched the World Socialist Web Site.
External links
- The 'Open Letter' to Trotskyists Throughout the World SWP resolution, 1953
- For Early Reunification of the World Trotskyist Movement SWP resolution, 1963
- David North, The Founding of the ICFI
- David North, About Cannon's Open Letter
- David North, The 1985 Split
- David North, The Workers' League becomes the Socialist Equality Party
- World Socialist Web Site Published by the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI)