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| ===1950s—present=== | ===1950s—present=== | ||
| Postwar Polish-Jewish relations has lent itself to controversy, with debate over the ''Żydokomuna'' myth again being revived.<ref>Marci Shore. ''Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History'', Volume 6, Number 2, Spring 2005:345-374</ref> |
Postwar Polish-Jewish relations has lent itself to controversy, with debate over the ''Żydokomuna'' myth again being revived.<ref>Marci Shore. ''Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History'', Volume 6, Number 2, Spring 2005:345-374</ref> According to historian Joanna Michlic, among the latter group of historians, "Judeo-communism served the purpose of rationalizing and explaining the participation of ethnic Poles in killing their Jewish neighbors and, thus, in minimizing the criminal nature of the murder."<ref>Joanna B. Michlic. ''The Soviet Occupation of Poland, 1939–41, and the Stereotype of the Anti-Polish and Pro-Soviet Jew.'' Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society. 13, no. 3 (Spring/Summer 2007): 135–176. Page 137</ref><ref>Joanna B. Michlic. In: Robert D. Cherry, Annamaria Orla-Bukowska, eds. Rethinking Poles and Jews: Troubled Past, Brighter Future. Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. Page 163.</ref> | ||
| Chodakiewicz argued that after the ] in 1945 violence had developed amid postwar retribution and counter-retribution, exacerbated by the breakdown of law and order and a ].<ref name="Chod">], , Columbia University Press, New York 2003, ISBN 0-88033-511-4 </ref> According to Chodakiewicz, some Jewish "avengers" endeavored in extracting justice from the Poles who harmed Jews during the War and in some cases Jews attempted to reclaim property confiscated by the Nazis.{{Fact|date=October 2008}} These phenomena further reinforced the stereotype of ''Żydokomuna'', a Jewish-Communist conspiracy in post-war Poland. Chodakiewicz claims that after World War Two, the Jews were not only victims, but also aggressors.{Fact}} He describes cases in which Jews cooperated with the Polish secret police, denouncing Poles, members of the ].{Fact}} According to him, some 3500 to 6500 Poles died in late 1940s because of Jewish denunciations or were killed by Jews themselves.<ref name="On">{{pl icon}} Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, , gazeta.pl, 2008-01-11</ref> Holocaust scholar ] has strongly criticized Chodakiewicz' account, writing that Chodakiewicz exaggerates the Jewish presence in the post-war communist government, fails to take into account what Polonsky calls the widespread character of antisemitism in postwar Poland, and appears to hold all Jews responsible for the crimes committed by the communists, whether of Jewish origin or not.<ref>Antony Polonsky. ''The American Historical Review''. Vol. 109, No. 3, June 2004.</ref> | Chodakiewicz argued that after the ] in 1945 violence had developed amid postwar retribution and counter-retribution, exacerbated by the breakdown of law and order and a ].<ref name="Chod">], , Columbia University Press, New York 2003, ISBN 0-88033-511-4 </ref> According to Chodakiewicz, some Jewish "avengers" endeavored in extracting justice from the Poles who harmed Jews during the War and in some cases Jews attempted to reclaim property confiscated by the Nazis.{{Fact|date=October 2008}} These phenomena further reinforced the stereotype of ''Żydokomuna'', a Jewish-Communist conspiracy in post-war Poland. Chodakiewicz claims that after World War Two, the Jews were not only victims, but also aggressors.{Fact}} He describes cases in which Jews cooperated with the Polish secret police, denouncing Poles, members of the ].{Fact}} According to him, some 3500 to 6500 Poles died in late 1940s because of Jewish denunciations or were killed by Jews themselves.<ref name="On">{{pl icon}} Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, , gazeta.pl, 2008-01-11</ref> Holocaust scholar ] has strongly criticized Chodakiewicz' account, writing that Chodakiewicz exaggerates the Jewish presence in the post-war communist government, fails to take into account what Polonsky calls the widespread character of antisemitism in postwar Poland, and appears to hold all Jews responsible for the crimes committed by the communists, whether of Jewish origin or not.<ref>Antony Polonsky. ''The American Historical Review''. Vol. 109, No. 3, June 2004.</ref> | ||
Revision as of 06:05, 7 October 2008
Żydokomuna (Polish for "Judeo-Communism" or "Judeo-Bolshevism") is a pejorative term that has been used to express an antisemitic stereotype that blamed Jews for having advocated, introduced and run communism in Poland. Żydokomuna is a variant on the idea of 'Judeo-communism'--a combination of antisemitism, anti-communism, and anti-Sovietism--which had a strong influence throughout Eastern Europe, including countries such as Poland with large Jewish minorities and, according to Andre Gerrits, a strong tradition of antisemitism. It gave a powerful boost to modern antisemitism by amplifying the myth of a "Jewish world conspiracy" with a volatile mix of antisemitism and anti-communism.
Origins
The expression "Żydokomuna" was coined in 1817 by the Polish Enlightenment writer and political activist Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz in his dystopia, The Year 3333, or the Incredible Dream (Rok 3333 czyli Sen niesłychany). The novel presented a fantastic vision in which Poland would become a sinister Judeo-Polonia run by assimilated Jews. It described a Warsaw of the future, renamed Moshkopolis (in the Polish, Moszkopolis) after its Jewish ruler Moshko (in the Polish, Moszko), and was published during the period of European Jewish history known as the Jewish Enlightenment (Haskalah).
The Żydokomuna myth was rediscovered and popularized in the aftermath of the Bolshevik revolution. Many Poles felt threatened by the prospect of revolution, and by a new form of Russian imperialism embodied in the Soviet regime. The visibility of Jews in both the Soviet leadership and in the Polish Communist Party further heightened the strength of the mythology. According to Jaff Schatz, the strength of the Żydokomuna myth was in the combination of a Polish fear of Russia, anti-communism, and antisemitic attitudes. Schatz notes that "because anti-Semitism was one of the main forces that drew Jews to the Communist movement, Żydokomuna meant turning the effects of anti-Semitism into a cause of its further increase."
The expression was used once more during the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-21, when massacres and violence against Jews, such as the Pinsk massacre, were justified by recourse to the widely spread myth that all Polish Jews were Bolsheviks and/or communists.
The Żydokomuna myth became a centerpiece the antisemitic propaganda of the Polish Right during the the years leading up to World War II. Polish Catholic church publications commonly expressed the myth, supplemented by an open and virulent anti-Jewish incitement. The Jewish role in the communist movement in Poland or internationally was not a factor in shaping the relationship between Jewish and non-Jewish Poles at this time. Although Jews were well represented in the Polish Communist Party, Jewish communists were a minuscule political and social group with little or no actual influence in the Polish Jewish community or Poland as a whole.
During World War II, "Żydokomuna" was applied to resemble the "Jewish-Bolshevism" rhetoric of Nazi Germany, wartime Romania and other war-torn countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
History
Criminalizing Jews
In the period between the two world wars, the żydokomuna myth grew concurrently in Poland with the myth of the "criminal Jew." Statistics from the 1920s had indicated a Jewish crime rate that was well below the Jewish population percentage. However, a subsequent reclassification of how crime was reported—which now would include minor offenses—succeeded in reversing the trend, and Jewish criminal statistics had shows an increase relative to population by the 1930s. These statistics were used by the Polish antisemitic press to propagate an image of the "criminal Jew;" additionally, political crimes by Jews were magnified, creating a perception of a criminal Żydokomuna.
Polish Communist Party (1918 - 1938)
Support for Poland's communist and pro-Soviet parties came largely from Ukrainian and Orthodox Belarusian voters. As noted by historian Joseph Marcus, the Polish Communist Party (KPP) was not a "Jewish party," and was in opposition to Jewish economic and national interests Nonetheless, the KPP had strong Jewish representation at higher levels. Those Jews rejected much of the Jewish culture and tradition, and saw themselves as international communists. In Polish court proceedings against communists between 1927 and 1936, 90% of the accused were Jews. Out of fifteen leaders of the KPP central administration in 1936, eight were Jews. Jews constituted 53% of the "active members" (aktyw) of the KPP, 75% of its "publication apparatus", 90% of the "international department for help to revolutionaries" and 100% of the "technical apparatus" of the Home Secretariat. In terms of membership, before its dissolution in 1938, 25% of KPP members were Jews; most urban KPP members were Jews—a substantial number, given an 8.7% Jewish minority in prewar Poland.
Research on voting patterns in Poland's parliamentary elections in the 1920s has shown that Jewish support for the communists was proportionally less than their representation in the total population. Jaff Schatz notes that even if post-war claims by Jewish communists that 40% of the 266 528 communist votes on several lists of front organizations at the 1928 Sejm election came from the Jewish community were true (a claim Marcus describes as "almost certainly an exaggeration"), this total would amount to total of no more than 5% of Jewish votes for the communists, indicating the Jewish population at large was "far from sympathetic to communism." In the end, while most Jews were neither communists nor communist sympathizers, a substantial and quite visible portion of the Polish Communist leadership in the interwar period were Jews. However, research by Jeffrey Koppstein and Jason Wittenberg, who analyzed the communist vote in interwar Poland, has shown that the notion of the "communist Jew" was a myth at the mass level. The authors note that not only were most communists not Jews, but most Jews were not communists, and in fact "Jews were no more communist than the Catholic Poles, and far less so than the Belarusans or Ukrainians." Nonetheless it was the disproportionately large representation of Jews in the communist leadership led to the spread of the Żydokomuna myth, which in the late 1930s was widely used in the propaganda of the National Democrats, who after Józef Piłsudski's death in 1935 hoped to take power.
Soviet invasion of Poland
Following the 1939 Soviet invasion of Poland, Jewish communities in eastern Poland welcomed with relief the Soviet occupation, which they saw as a "lesser of two evils" that had saved them from the openly antisemitic Nazi Germany. Additionally, the Soviets had suppressed a wave of September 1939 peasant revolts that had targeted Jews, and as well, the invading regime had an official policy of opposition to antisemitism, which was welcomed by Polish Jews alienated by the increasingly antisemitic Polish state. However, this response implanted in the Polish collective memory the image of Jewish crowds greeting the invading Red Army as liberators, further strengthening the antisemitic żydokomuna myth. Such behavior affronted non-Jewish Poles, who likely exaggerated Jewish participation in the Soviet occupation because a Jewish presence in the government apparatus was a novel phenomenon in 1939 Poland. Jews and other minorities from within Poland occupied positions in the Soviet occupation government—such as teachers, civil servants and engineers—that they trouble achieving under the Polish government. What Poles saw as occupation and betrayal, some Jews, including Polish Jewish communists who emerged from the underground, saw as an opportunity for revolution or retribution. This strengthened the myth of żydokomuna, which would hold Jews responsible for the introduction of communism in Poland.
Though Jews had benefited from the effects of the Soviet invasion, this occupation soon began to strike at the Jewish population as well; independent Jewish organizations were abolished and activists were arrested. Hundreds of thousands of Jews who had fled to the Soviet sector were given a choice of Soviet citizenship or returning to the German occupied zone. The majority chose the latter, and instead found themselves deported to the Soviet Union, where ironically, 300,000 would escape the Holocaust. Jewish armed groups had difficulty joining the official Polish resistance group, the Armia Krajowa; some Jewish groups were forced to rob local Polish peasants for food, in turn Polish underground often labeled those armed Jewish groups fighting for survival in the forests as "bandits" and "robbers." Jewish partisans instead more often joined the Armia Ludowa of the communist Polish Workers' Party and Soviet guerrilla groups, which increasingly clashed with Polish guerillas; contributing to yet another perception of Jews working with the Soviets against the Poles.
While there was Polish Jewish representation in the London-based government in exile, the underground Delegate's Bureau and the Armia Krajowa exhibited an ethno-nationalism that excluded Jews. The attitudes of the Delegate's Bureau and the AK was one which saw Jews and ethnic Poles as separate entities, and communications from the underground to the government-in-exile showed a favorable attitude towards an ethnically homogeneous Poland free of Jews. Historian Israel Gutman has noted that AK leader Stefan Rowecki had advocated that long-range considerations of the underground would be abandoned and that an all out uprising would be launched should the Germans undertake a campaign of extermination against ethnic Poles, but that no such plan existed while the extermination of Polish Jewish citizens was under way.
Post World War II
Immediately after World War II, the Soviet-backed communist government lent support to the revival of Jewish cultural, political, and social life, which had been decimated by the Holocaust. Thousands of Jews returned from exile in Soviet Union; amongst them were a small number of Jewish communists who played a minor, but highly visible role in the unpopular communist government. The new government's hostility to the wartime Polish exile government and resistance — which it accused of being nationalist, reactionary and antisemitic — further strengthened the myth, to the point where in the popular consciousness Jewish Bolshevism was seen as having conquered Poland. It was in this context that, in the immediate post-war years, Poland experienced an unprecedented wave of anti-Jewish violence.
Regarding this period, Andre Gerrits writes, in his study of the myth, that although communism was now a reality in Poland
the vigour of antisemitism during the first post-war decade cannot be exclusively attributed to the prominent role of individuals of Jewish extraction in the newly-established Communist regimes. Various factors played a role—from the continuation of traditional anti-Jewish sentiments (ethnically or religiously inspired) to the overall radicalizing effect of the war and the fear that the Jews who returned from camps, exile or hiding would reclaim their belongings.
Jews as scapegoats for Stalinism
According to Teresa Torańska, "all or nearly all of the directors (of the Ministry of Public Security of Poland) were Jewish". This was a result of Stalin's policy, who wanted to keep sensitive posts in the hands of non-Poles. A recent study by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance showed that out of 450 people in director positions in the Ministry (from 1944 to 1954), 167 (37.1%) were of Jewish ethnicity, compared to an approximately 1% of the Polish post-war Jewish population.
These Jewish members of the security forces would become useful as scapegoats in the period of de-Stalinization. According to one account
While Poland’s communists had been highly selective in their choice of Jewish scapegoats after Stalin’s death, if only because other Jews in the party and security apparatus could not be excluded from participating in the whole process, and the desire of the leadership to keep a tight grip on the scope of the ensuing investigations, there is further evidence to suggest that Poland’s communists had grown accustomed to placing the burden of their own failures to gain sufficient legitimacy among the Polish population during the entire communist period on the shoulders of Jews in the party.
Among the notable Jewish officials of the Polish secret police and security services were Julia Brystigerowa, Anatol Fejgin, Józef Światło, Roman Romkowski, and Józef Różański; Światło defected to the West in 1953, while Romkowski and Różański would find themselves among the Jewish scapegoats for Polish Stalinism in the political upheavals following Stalin's death. While Jews were indeed overrepresented in various Polish communist organizations, including the oppressive security apparatus, relative to their percentage of the general population, the vast majority of Jews did not participate in the repressive apparatus, and indeed most were not supportive of communism. The categorization of the secutiry forces as a Jewish instituion, as disseminated in the post-war anti-communist press at various times, is biased and rooted in a belief in Żydokomuna. Szwagrzyk has also quoted Jan T. Gross, who argued that many Jews who worked for the communist party cut their ties with their – Jewish, Polish or Russian – culture, and tried to represent the interests of international communism only, or at least that of the local communist government. Nonetheless, the inaccurate belief that the secret police was a predominantly Jewish institution was one of the factors keeping the Żydokomuna myth alive and contributed to the post-war stereotype of Jews as agents of the secret police.
1950s—present
Postwar Polish-Jewish relations has lent itself to controversy, with debate over the Żydokomuna myth again being revived. According to historian Joanna Michlic, among the latter group of historians, "Judeo-communism served the purpose of rationalizing and explaining the participation of ethnic Poles in killing their Jewish neighbors and, thus, in minimizing the criminal nature of the murder." Chodakiewicz argued that after the Soviet takeover of Poland in 1945 violence had developed amid postwar retribution and counter-retribution, exacerbated by the breakdown of law and order and a Polish anti-Communist insurgency. According to Chodakiewicz, some Jewish "avengers" endeavored in extracting justice from the Poles who harmed Jews during the War and in some cases Jews attempted to reclaim property confiscated by the Nazis. These phenomena further reinforced the stereotype of Żydokomuna, a Jewish-Communist conspiracy in post-war Poland. Chodakiewicz claims that after World War Two, the Jews were not only victims, but also aggressors.{Fact}} He describes cases in which Jews cooperated with the Polish secret police, denouncing Poles, members of the Home Army.{Fact}} According to him, some 3500 to 6500 Poles died in late 1940s because of Jewish denunciations or were killed by Jews themselves. Holocaust scholar Antony Polonsky has strongly criticized Chodakiewicz' account, writing that Chodakiewicz exaggerates the Jewish presence in the post-war communist government, fails to take into account what Polonsky calls the widespread character of antisemitism in postwar Poland, and appears to hold all Jews responsible for the crimes committed by the communists, whether of Jewish origin or not.
The Żydokomuna myth and scapegoating of Jews reappeared at times of political crisis in postwar Poland. During the Stalinist period form 1948–1953, segments of the Jewish community were considered as disloyal to the Polish state. After the death of Polish United Workers' Party leader Bolesław Bierut in 1956, a de-Stalinization and a subsequent battle among rival factions looking to lay blame for the excesses of the Stalin era. As described in one historical account, the hardline "Natolin" faction
once again used anti-Semitism as a political weapon and found an echo both in the party apparat and in society at large, where traditional stereotypes of an insidious Jewish cobweb of political influence and economic gain resurfaced, but now in the context of 'Judeo-communism,' the Żydokomuna.
Natolin leader Zenon Nowak entered the concept of "Judeo-Stalinization" and placed the blame for the party's failures, errors and repression on "the Jewish apparatchiks." Documents from this period chronicle antisemitic attitudes within Polish society, including beatings of Jews, loss of employment, and persecution. These outbursts of antisemitic sentiment from both Polish society and within the rank and file of the ruling party spurred the exodus of some 40,000 Polish Jews between 1956 and 1958. The numbers of Jews in communist structures gradually fell. Urząd Bezpieczeństwa was liquidated. With time, more Poles joined the communist party. Interior minister Mieczysław Moczar's nationalist "anti-Zionist" faction became increasingly influential in the communist party, leading to the March 1968 events, and a government sponsored antisemitic campaign which resulted in most remaining Jews leaving Poland. Moczar's "Partisan" faction promulgated an ideology that has been described as an "eerie reincarnation" of the views of the pre-world War 2 National Democratic Party (Poland), and even at times exploiting the anti-semitic Żydokomuna myth. After Israel's victory in the 1967 Arab Israeli war, the Polish government, following the Soviet lead, launched an antisemitic campaign under the guise of "anti-Zionism", with both Moczar's faction, as well that of Party Secetetary Wladyslaw Gomulka playing leading roles. The campaign was put to domestic use, when in March 1968 a wave of unrest among students and intellectuals, unrelated to the Six-Day War, swept Poland. The anti-semitic campaign served multiple purposes, most notably the suppression of the protests, which were branded as inspired by a "fifth column" of Zionists, as well as a tactic in a political struggle between Gomulka and Moczar, both of whom played the Jewish card in a nationalist appeal. As historian Dariusz Stola notes, the anti-Jewish campaign combined century old conspiracy theories, recycled antisemitic claims and classic communist propaganda. Regarding the tailoring of the Zydokomuna myth to communist Poland, Stola writes:
Paradoxically, probably the most powerful slogan of the communist propaganda in March was the accusation that the Jews were zealous communists. They were blamed for a major part, if not all, of the crimes and horrors of the Stalinist period. The myth of Judeo-bolshevism had been well known in Poland since the Russian revolution and the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920, yet its 1968 model deserves interest as a tool of communist propaganda. This accusation exploited and developed the popular stereotype of Jewish communism to purify communism: the Jews were the dark side of communism; what was wrong in communism was due to them.
Ultimately the communist elites utilized the "Jews as Zionist" myth for a purge of Jews from scientific and cultural institutions, publishing houses, and national TV and radio stations.
Stola also notes that one of the effects of the antisemitic campaign of 1968 was to thoroughly discredit the Communist government in the eyes of the public. As a result, when the concept of the Jew as a "threatening other" was employed in the 1970s and 1980's in Poland by the communist government in its attacks on the political opposition, including against the Solidarity trade union movement and against the Workers' Defence Committee (Komitet Obrony Robotników, or KOR) it was completely unsuccessful.. This image of the Jew was also used by the anti-communist opposition, including by segments of the Solidarity movement. Post communist Poland experienced what has been described as a sudden, intense and widespread outburst of anti-Jewish mood," including allegations that Jews were to blame for Poland's "decline" during the communist years, and Jew-baiting of political opponents during election campaigns. More recent efforts have emerged from a wide range of sources in the Polish community to challenge these conceptions of Jews and to foster a pluralistic society in Poland. The term Żydokomuna is now used almost exclusively by fringe nationalists associated with Radio Maryja, usually in reference to former communist party members and to "liberals" who have supported capitalist reforms, globalization and European integration. Organizations attacked as "Żydokomuna" have included the SLD and UW political parties, and Gazeta Wyborcza, whose editor-in-chief, Adam Michnik, is Jewish.
External links
See also
- Massacre of Brzostowica Mala
- Jewish Bolshevism
- Kielce pogrom
- Bund
- Zionist-Occupied Government
- History of the Jews in Russia and the Soviet Union: Jews and Bolshevism
References
- ^ Antony Polonsky and Joanna B. Michlic (2003). The Neighbors Respond: The Controversy over the Jedwabne Massacre in Poland. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-11306-8. p.469
- ^ Andre Gerrits. Antisemitism and Anti-Communism: The Myth of 'Jiudeo-Communism' in Eastern Europe.. East European Jewish Affairs. 1995, Vol. 25, No. 1:49-72. Page 71.
- ^ Antony Polonsky, Poles, Jews and the Problems of a Divided Memory, Brandeis University, Waltham, Massachusetts, page: 20 (PDF file: 208 KB)
- Jaff Schatz. The Generation: The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Communists of Poland. The University of California Press, 1991, p. 95
- Jaff Schatz. Jews and the communist movement in interwar Poland. In: Jonathan Frankel. Dark Times, Dire Decisions: Jews and Communism. Studies in Contemporary Jewry. Oxford University Press US, 2005, p. 30.
- Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other. The Myth and Anti-Jewish Violence between 1919 and 1939: Investigation, rationalization and justification of violence. University of Nebraska Press, 2006. P117.
- Template:En icon Tadeusz Piotrowski (1997). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide... McFarland & Company. pp. pp. 41-42. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Cite has empty unknown parameters:|chapterurl=and|coauthors=(help) - Daniel Blatman. The Encounter between Jews and Poles in Lublin District after Liberation, 1944-1945. East European Politics & Societies, 2006, Vol. 20, No. 4, 598-621. Page 601.
- Daniel Blatman. The Encounter between Jews and Poles in Lublin District after Liberation, 1944-1945. East European Politics & Societies, 2006, Vol. 20, No. 4, 598-621.
- Dariusz Libionka. Alien, Hostile, Dangerous: The Image of the Jews and the "Jewish Question" in the Polish-Catholic Press in the 1930s. Yad Vashem Studies. 32 (2004): 248-252.
- Robert Blobaum. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland Cornell University Press, 2005, p. 110.
- Daniel Blatman. The Encounter between Jews and Poles in Lublin District after Liberation, 1944-1945. East European Politics & Societies, 2006, Vol. 20, No. 4, 598-621: "However, interwar Polish–Jewish relations were much more complex and multifaceted; one cannot deem the Jews’ role in the Polish or global Communist movement to have been a principal factor in shaping relations between the two national groups. Although numerically they were rather well represented in the Polish Communist Party and its counterparts in Ukraine or Lithuania, the Jewish Communists were a small political and social group, isolated and practically devoid of influence in the Jewish street, let alone the Polish.
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{{cite book}}: Check date values in:|year=(help)CS1 maint: year (link) p.55-68 - A. Gerrits (1995). Anti-Semitism and Anti-Communism: The Myth of 'Judeo-Communism' in Eastern Europe. East European Jewish Affairs. 25,1,49-72
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{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Cite has empty unknown parameters:|chapterurl=and|coauthors=(help) - Robert Blobaum (1983). Antisemitism and Its Opponents In Modern Poland. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-691-11306-8. p. 97.
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{{cite book}}: Check|isbn=value: invalid character (help) p. 362. - Dov Levin. The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry Under Soviet Rule, 1939-1941. Philadelphia, 1995.
- The Death of Chaimke Yizkor Book Project, JewishGen: The Home of Jewish Genealogy
- Ben Cion Pinchuk. Facing Hitler and Stalin: On the Subject of Jewish "Collaboration" in Soviet-Occupied Eastern Poland, 1939-1941. and Andrzej Zbikowski. Polish Jews Under Soviet Occupation, 1939-1941: Specific Strategies of Survival. In: Joshua D. Zimmerman, ed. Contested Memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press, 2003.
- Robert Blobaum. Antisemitism And Its Opponents In Modern Poland. Introduction. Cornell University Press, 2005. p.13.
- ^ Template:En icon Tadeusz Piotrowski (1997). Poland's Holocaust: Ethnic Strife, Collaboration with Occupying Forces and Genocide... McFarland & Company. pp. p. 49-65. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3.
{{cite book}}:|pages=has extra text (help); Cite has empty unknown parameters:|chapterurl=and|coauthors=(help) - István Deák, Jan Tomasz Gross, Tony Judt. The Politics of Retribution in Europe. Princeton University Press, 2000.
- Dov Levin. The Lesser of Two Evils: Eastern European Jewry Under Soviet Rule, 1939-1941. Philadelphia, 1995.
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- Israel Gutman. The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943: Ghetto, Underground, Revolt. Indiana University Press, 1982.
- David S. Wyman, Charles H. Rosenzveig. The World Reacts to the Holocaust. John Hopkins university Press. 1996. pp. 102-113.
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- Teresa Torańska, Them: Stalin's Polish Puppets, Harper & Row, New York 1987, ISBN 0060156570
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- L.W. Gluchowski. [http://www.sipa.columbia.edu/ece/research/intermarium/vol3no2/gluchowski.pdf The Defection of Jozef Swiatlo and the Search for Jewish Scapegoats in The Polish United Workers’ Party, 1953-1954.]
- "The defection of Jozef Swiatlo and the Search for Jewish Scapegoats in the Polish United Workers' Party, 1953-1954" (PDF). Fourth Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities. Harriman Institute, Columbia University, New York City. April 15–17, 1999. Retrieved 2006-10-26.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: date format (link) - Joanna Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press, 2006. Page 204-205.
- Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press, 2006.
- Marci Shore. Conversing with Ghosts: Jedwabne, Zydokomuna, and Totalitarianism. Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, Volume 6, Number 2, Spring 2005:345-374
- Joanna B. Michlic. The Soviet Occupation of Poland, 1939–41, and the Stereotype of the Anti-Polish and Pro-Soviet Jew. Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society. 13, no. 3 (Spring/Summer 2007): 135–176. Page 137
- Joanna B. Michlic. Antisemitism in Contemporary Poland: Does It Matter? And For Whom Does It Matter? In: Robert D. Cherry, Annamaria Orla-Bukowska, eds. Rethinking Poles and Jews: Troubled Past, Brighter Future. Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. Page 163.
- Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, "After the Holocaust Polish-Jewish Conflict in the Wake of World War II", Columbia University Press, New York 2003, ISBN 0-88033-511-4
- Template:Pl icon Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Chodakiewicz: medialny "Strach" i niemedialna prawda, gazeta.pl, 2008-01-11
- Antony Polonsky. The American Historical Review. Vol. 109, No. 3, June 2004.
- Frances Millard. The Failure of Nationalism in Post-Communist Poland 1989-95: An Historical Perspective. In: Brian Jenkins, Spyros A. Sofos, eds. Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe. Routledge, 1996. Page 208
- Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press, 2006, pp 232 ff.
- Bożena Szaynok. The Role of Antisemitism in Postwar Polish-Jewish Relations. In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005, p. 265.
- Mikolaj Kunicki. The Red and the Brown: Boleslaw Piasecki, the Polish Communists, and the Anti-Zionist Campaign in Poland, 1967-68. East European Politics & Societies, 2005, Vol. 19, No. 2, 185-225.
- Antony Polonsky, Joanna B. Michlic. The Neighbors Respond: The Controversy Over the Jedwabne Massacre in Poland. Princeton University Press, 2004. Page 8.
- Dariusz Stola. Fighting against the Shadows The Anti-Zionist Campaign of 1968. In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005.
- David S. Wyman, Charles H. Rosenzveig. World Reacts to the Holocaust. John Hopkins University Press, 1996, pp 120ff.
- Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other. The Myth and Anti-Jewish Violence between 1919 and 1939: Investigation, rationalization and justification of violence. University of Nebraska Press, 2006. pp240-248.
- Dariusz Stola. Fighting against the Shadows The Anti-Zionist Campaign of 1968. In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005.
- Joanna B. Michlic. Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. University of Nebraska Press, 2006, p.256.
- Dariusz Stola. Fighting against the Shadows The Anti-Zionist Campaign of 1968.] In: Robert Blobaum, ed. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Cornell University Press, 2005. pg 15
- Steven Elliott Grosby, Athena S. Leoussi. Nationalism and Ethnosymbolism: History, Culture and Ethnicity in the Formation of Nations. Edinburgh University Press, 2007. Page 137-139. See also Michlic (2006), pp 271-277.
- Henryk Pająk, Piąty rozbiór Polski 1990–2000, Wydawnictwo Retro, 1998, p.92
Further reading
- Template:Pl icon August Grabski, "Działalność komunistów wśród Żydów w Polsce (1944-1949)", Trio, Warszawa 2004, ISBN 8388542877
- Template:Pl icon Krystyna Kersten, Polacy, Żydzi, Komunizm. Anatomia półprawd 1939-68, Warszawa: Niezależna Oficyna Wydawnicza, 1992, ISBN 8370540260