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| '''Nicolo''' or '''Nicolas Giraud''' (born c. 1795–unknown) |
'''Nicolo''' or '''Nicolas Giraud''' (born c. 1795–unknown) met the poet ] in about 1810 while the latter was staying in ]. Giraud was reported to have taught Byron ], and was his travel companion in Greece. Byron paid for the boy's education and wrote in his will that Giraud was to receive £7,000 (about £{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} as of {{CURRENTYEAR}}) upon Byron's death. However, years after Byron and Giraud parted company, Byron changed his will to remove Giraud. Outside of his involvement with Byron, little is known of Giraud's life. | ||
| The friendship between Byron and Giraud has become a topic of interest among biographers and scholars of Byron. Many believe that the pair's relationship was platonic, but correspondence between Byron and his friends has been used since the late 20th century to argue that the two were engaged in a love affair. The earliest claim of a sexual relationship between Giraud and Byron comes from ]'s poem ''Don Leon'', in which Byron is the principal character and Giraud is portrayed as his liberator from the sexual prejudices in Britain. The poem is not biographical; it promotes Colman's own social and political views.<ref>Kellogg 1983, p.58</ref> | |||
| ==Life== | ==Life== | ||
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| During the following year, Giraud was working at a ] monastery when he was assigned to teach Byron Italian after the latter's return to Greece. The two spent their days studying, swimming, and taking in the landscape as Byron composed poetry.<ref name="Longford p. 40">Longford 1976 p. 40</ref> In a letter to ], dated 23 August 1810 and written at the Capuchin monastery of ] near Athens where he was residing, Byron states: | During the following year, Giraud was working at a ] monastery when he was assigned to teach Byron Italian after the latter's return to Greece. The two spent their days studying, swimming, and taking in the landscape as Byron composed poetry.<ref name="Longford p. 40">Longford 1976 p. 40</ref> In a letter to ], dated 23 August 1810 and written at the Capuchin monastery of ] near Athens where he was residing, Byron states: | ||
| <blockquote>But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his "Padrone" and his "amico", and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but "''morire insieme''" . The latter I hope to avoid – as much of the former as he pleases.<ref>Marchand 1957 qtd. p. 254</ref></blockquote> | <blockquote>But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his "Padrone" and his "amico", and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but "''morire insieme''" . The latter I hope to avoid – as much of the former as he pleases.<ref>Marchand 1957 qtd. p. 254</ref></blockquote> | ||
| Byron took Giraud to visit Charles Meryon, an English doctor who recounted the visit in his memoirs and noted Byron's vivid interest in the boy |
Byron took Giraud to visit Charles Meryon, an English doctor who recounted the visit in his memoirs and noted Byron's vivid interest in the boy. In the summer of 1810, Giraud acted as Byron's ] on their travels to the ], and took care of Byron during his illness while at ], eventually becoming sick himself.<ref>MacCarthy 2002 pp. 128–129</ref> After recovering, although still weak, the pair continued on their travels, arriving at Athens on 13 October. By November they were joined by Lusieri, Louis-Francois-Sebastien Fauvel, who was a French consul, and a group of German academics.<ref>Marchand 1957 pp. 260–261</ref> | ||
| Byron and Giraud eventually parted ways in ], ]. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in communication through letters, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will a bequest of £7,000 (£{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} as of {{CURRENTYEAR}}),{{Inflation-fn|UK}}<ref name="MacCarthy p. 135">MacCarthy 2002 p. 135</ref> almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy.<ref>Knight 1952 p.185</ref> The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of Rochdale, Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud ... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years."<ref>Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30</ref> However Byron later removed Giraud from his will, as he did with his other boyish companions including John Edleston.<ref>Quennell 1967 p. 32</ref> | Byron and Giraud eventually parted ways in ], ]. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in communication through letters, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will a bequest of £7,000 (£{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} as of {{CURRENTYEAR}}),{{Inflation-fn|UK}}<ref name="MacCarthy p. 135">MacCarthy 2002 p. 135</ref> almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy.<ref>Knight 1952 p.185</ref> The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of Rochdale, Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud ... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years."<ref>Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30</ref> However Byron later removed Giraud from his will, as he did with his other boyish companions including John Edleston.<ref>Quennell 1967 p. 32</ref> | ||
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| Early 20th-century biographer André Maurois argues that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness"<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 555</ref> and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions".<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 140</ref> Likewise, ], in his 1953 biography of Byron, believes that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 77</ref> However, Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in{{'"}}.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 72</ref> In ''Byron: A Biography'', published in 1957, Marchand points out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment.<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 255</ref> Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 256</ref> | Early 20th-century biographer André Maurois argues that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness"<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 555</ref> and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions".<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 140</ref> Likewise, ], in his 1953 biography of Byron, believes that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 77</ref> However, Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in{{'"}}.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 72</ref> In ''Byron: A Biography'', published in 1957, Marchand points out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment.<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 255</ref> Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 256</ref> | ||
| A few critics disagree with the speculation over Giraud's and Byron's relationship. The early 20th-century biographer, Ethel Mayne, points out both the commonality of such a relationship to Byron and the inherent ambiguity when she says, "His stay was also marked by one of those ambiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life ... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811 ... a considerable sum of money".<ref>Mayne 1913 pp. 179–180</ref> ], in her 1976 biography, disagrees with the claims that there was a physical relationship between the two and argues, "Byron's especial favorite among the 'ragazzi' was Nicolo Giraud. He had first taken up with Nicolo while Hobhouse was away in ] the year before, but there is no evidence that his feelings for Nicolo were anything but romantic and protective."<ref name="Longford p. 40"/> Jerome Christensen followed this view in 1993 and adds, "we know little more than what Byron tells us".<ref>Christensen 1993 p. 59</ref> |
A few critics disagree with the speculation over Giraud's and Byron's relationship. The early 20th-century biographer, Ethel Mayne, points out both the commonality of such a relationship to Byron and the inherent ambiguity when she says, "His stay was also marked by one of those ambiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life ... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811 ... a considerable sum of money".<ref>Mayne 1913 pp. 179–180</ref> ], in her 1976 biography, disagrees with the claims that there was a physical relationship between the two and argues, "Byron's especial favorite among the 'ragazzi' was Nicolo Giraud. He had first taken up with Nicolo while Hobhouse was away in ] the year before, but there is no evidence that his feelings for Nicolo were anything but romantic and protective."<ref name="Longford p. 40"/> Jerome Christensen followed this view in 1993 and adds, "we know little more than what Byron tells us".<ref>Christensen 1993 p. 59</ref> | ||
| However, Christensen is quick to point out that "Although there is no evidence that Lord Byron, ''padrone'' and ''amico'', was ever so vulgar as to set an exact market value on his sexual arrangements in Greece, Nicolo Giraud, Eustathius's replacement in Byron's affections, was employed as 'dragoman and Major Domo', a position that almost certainly entailed payment in love ''and'' money".<ref>Christensen 1993 p. 61</ref> D. L. MacDonald's 1986 biography simply describes Giraud as "The great love of Byron's Eastern tour",<ref>MacDonald 1986 p. 61</ref> and D. S. Neff's 2002 work describes the two as part of "an amorous relationship".<ref>Neff 2002 p. 408</ref> Others, like Jay Losey and William Brewer in their analysis of 19th-century sexuality, speculate that Byron's relationship with Giraud was modeled on a Grecian form of pederasty,<ref>Losey and Brewer 2000 p. 75</ref> and homosexual studies scholar Louis Crompton believes that pederasty was a facet of Byron's life and that his letters hinted towards a sexual relationship between Byron and Giraud.<ref>Crompton 1998 p. 148</ref> As Paul Douglass, in an analysis of Byron biographical studies, points out, Crompton also claims that biographers like Leslie Marchand ignored the nature of Byron's relationship with Giraud. However, Douglass also mentions that Crompton's work, ''Byron and Greek Love'' "focuses Byron's life around a single issue, rather than attempting to create a larger view. Such studies prompt negative responses from those who feel the writer warps Byron to fit the theme, presenting a one-sided account".<ref>Douglass 2004 p. 22</ref> | |||
| Benita Eisler, in 2000, argues that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Although, as Eisler claims, Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, he wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions.<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 273</ref> During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and Lady Melbourne that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course."<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 274</ref> However, Nigel Leask, in 2004, argues that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud,<ref>Leask 2004 p. 111</ref> and Fiona MacCarthy notes in her 2002 biography that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female".<ref>MacCarthy 2002 p. 129</ref> In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".<ref>Douglass 2004 pp. 22–23</ref> | Benita Eisler, in 2000, argues that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Although, as Eisler claims, Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, he wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions.<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 273</ref> During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and Lady Melbourne that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course."<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 274</ref> However, Nigel Leask, in 2004, argues that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud,<ref>Leask 2004 p. 111</ref> and Fiona MacCarthy notes in her 2002 biography that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female".<ref>MacCarthy 2002 p. 129</ref> In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".<ref>Douglass 2004 pp. 22–23</ref> | ||
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| :Within that monkish cell was gratified. | :Within that monkish cell was gratified. | ||
| G. Wilson Knight, unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, although he says that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature".<ref name="Grebanier p. 77"/> However, Grebanier believes that Colman, as "a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense ... must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain."<ref>Grebanier 1970 pp. 77–78</ref> Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, the reason for his exile. |
G. Wilson Knight, unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, although he says that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature".<ref name="Grebanier p. 77"/> However, Grebanier believes that Colman, as "a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense ... must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain."<ref>Grebanier 1970 pp. 77–78</ref> Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, the reason for his exile. | ||
| Byrne Fone, a historian of homosexuality-related issues, emphasizes how the poem and the fictional discussion of Giraud and Byron's relationship reveal insights into 19th-century British views on homosexuality. To Fone, the poem was written by one who knew Byron and reveals Byron's homosexuality. Fone also argues that the 1833 publication of the poem was prompted by the arrest of William Bankes, a homosexual friend of Byron's, and the execution of Henry Nicholls for homosexual activity. The opening lines of the poem mention "crippled ]", ] and ]. Fone argues that the references to Beckford and Courtenay are used both to talk about the unfair treatment of homosexual men who had committed no real crime, and to emphasise England's hypocrisy when it comes to sex. The poem then claims that England's treatment of homosexuals forces Don Leon to travel to Greece in order to fulfill his desires and be free of intellectual control, which is fulfilled when Don Leon is able to be with Giraud. The fictional Giraud, according to Fone, allows Don Leon to break free of the homophobia of England. The poem, as he points out, tries to convince Moore to mention Byron's homosexual desires. Fone concludes, "It is not only the poem that is an effective attack on homophobic prejudice, but the example of the poet himself."<ref>Fone 2001 pp. 258–265</ref> | |||
| ==Notes== | ==Notes== | ||
Revision as of 07:05, 25 April 2011
Nicolo or Nicolas Giraud (born c. 1795–unknown) met the poet George Gordon Byron in about 1810 while the latter was staying in Athens. Giraud was reported to have taught Byron Italian, and was his travel companion in Greece. Byron paid for the boy's education and wrote in his will that Giraud was to receive £7,000 (about £630,000 as of 2024) upon Byron's death. However, years after Byron and Giraud parted company, Byron changed his will to remove Giraud. Outside of his involvement with Byron, little is known of Giraud's life.
Life
Nicolas Giraud was born in Greece to French parents; the name by which he is most commonly known, Nicolo, was given to him by Byron. Giraud may have been the brother-in-law of Giovanni Battista Lusieri, a Roman painter and broker for Lord Elgin. However, Demetrius Zograffo, Byron's guide in Greece, informed Byron that the 60-year-old Lusieri was unmarried, and was courting two women each of whom believed that Lusieri was to marry her. Lusieri certainly had a close relationship with Giraud, so it is possible that the two were related in another way, perhaps as father and son. In January 1809, Byron met Giraud in Athens during his travels, and the two were companions until Byron resumed his travels in March.
During the following year, Giraud was working at a Capuchin monastery when he was assigned to teach Byron Italian after the latter's return to Greece. The two spent their days studying, swimming, and taking in the landscape as Byron composed poetry. In a letter to John Hobhouse, dated 23 August 1810 and written at the Capuchin monastery of Mendele near Athens where he was residing, Byron states:
But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his "Padrone" and his "amico", and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but "morire insieme" . The latter I hope to avoid – as much of the former as he pleases.
Byron took Giraud to visit Charles Meryon, an English doctor who recounted the visit in his memoirs and noted Byron's vivid interest in the boy. In the summer of 1810, Giraud acted as Byron's majordomo on their travels to the Peloponnese, and took care of Byron during his illness while at Patras, eventually becoming sick himself. After recovering, although still weak, the pair continued on their travels, arriving at Athens on 13 October. By November they were joined by Lusieri, Louis-Francois-Sebastien Fauvel, who was a French consul, and a group of German academics.
Byron and Giraud eventually parted ways in Valetta, Malta. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in communication through letters, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will a bequest of £7,000 (£630,000 as of 2024), almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy. The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of Rochdale, Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud ... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years." However Byron later removed Giraud from his will, as he did with his other boyish companions including John Edleston.
Giraud wrote to Byron in January 1815:
My most precious Master, I cannot describe the grief of my heart at not seeing you for such a long time. Ah, if only I were a bird and could fly so as to come and see you for one hour, and I would be happy to die at the same time. Hope tells me that I shall see you again and that is my consolation for not dying immediately. It is two years now since I spoke English. I have completely forgotten it.
Byron had not been responding to Nicolo's letters however, which Nicolo mentions in the letter: "It is now almost three years that I am at Athens; and have sent you many letters, but I have not received any answer". It is possible that Byron did not respond because he was married and, according to the 20th-century Byron biographer Phyllis Grosskurth, "Nicolo was the last person he would have wanted to hear from."
Relationship with Byron
Giraud's relationship with Byron has been a topic discussed by many of Byron's biographers. Moore, Byron's early biographer, described the relationship between Byron and Giraud as:
one of those extraordinary friendships – if attachment to persons so inferior to himself can be called by that name – of which I have already mentioned two or three instances in his younger days, and in which the pride of being a protector, and the pleasure of exerting gratitude, seem to have constituted to his mind the chief, pervading charm. The person, whom he now adopted in this manner, and from similar feelings to those which had inspired his early attachments to the cottage-boy near Newstead, and the young chorister at Cambridge, was a Greek youth, named Nicolo Giraud, the son, I believe, of a widow lady, in whose house the artist Lusieri lodged. In this young man he appear to have taken the most lively, and even brotherly, interest.
However, Moore's work was commented on by Byron's close friend, John Hobhouse, who noted that "Moore had not the remotest guess at the real reason which induced Lord B. at that time to prefer having no Englishman immediately or constantly near him." Regardless of Moore's bias against the lower class and Byron's spending time with other boys during his times in Greece, Byron was close to Giraud while the two were together.
Early 20th-century biographer André Maurois argues that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness" and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions". Likewise, G. Wilson Knight, in his 1953 biography of Byron, believes that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels. However, Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in'". In Byron: A Biography, published in 1957, Marchand points out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment. Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".
A few critics disagree with the speculation over Giraud's and Byron's relationship. The early 20th-century biographer, Ethel Mayne, points out both the commonality of such a relationship to Byron and the inherent ambiguity when she says, "His stay was also marked by one of those ambiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life ... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811 ... a considerable sum of money". Elizabeth Longford, in her 1976 biography, disagrees with the claims that there was a physical relationship between the two and argues, "Byron's especial favorite among the 'ragazzi' was Nicolo Giraud. He had first taken up with Nicolo while Hobhouse was away in Euboea the year before, but there is no evidence that his feelings for Nicolo were anything but romantic and protective." Jerome Christensen followed this view in 1993 and adds, "we know little more than what Byron tells us". Benita Eisler, in 2000, argues that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Although, as Eisler claims, Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, he wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions. During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and Lady Melbourne that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course." However, Nigel Leask, in 2004, argues that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud, and Fiona MacCarthy notes in her 2002 biography that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female". In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".
Don Leon
George Colman, Byron's friend, anonymously wrote a poem called Don Leon that, according to Bernard Grebanier, "depicts Byron as having wooed Giraud with gifts when they first met, and to have busied himself with developing the boy's mind".
The narrator of Don Leon praises Giraud and claims that Giraud was so beautiful that he:
- Gave pleasing doubts of what his sex might be;
- And who that saw him would perplexed have been,
- For beauty marked his gender epicoene.
Throughout the poem, the narrator describes how Byron (Don Leon) spent his time with Giraud:
- Spent half in love and half in poetry!
- The muse each morn I wooed, each eve the boy,
- And tasted sweets that never seemed to cloy.
The poem ends with Giraud's beauty conquering any fears that Byron may have about their relationship:
- But thou, Giraud, whose beauty would unlock
- The gates of prejudice, and bid me mock
- The sober fears that timid minds endure,
- Whose ardent passions women only cure,
- Receive this faithful tribute to thy charms,
- Not vowed alone, but paid too in thy arms.
- For here the wish, long cherished, long denied,
- Within that monkish cell was gratified.
G. Wilson Knight, unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, although he says that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature". However, Grebanier believes that Colman, as "a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense ... must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain." Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, the reason for his exile.
Notes
- Some biographers, such as Fiona MacCarthy, simply declare Giraud as "brother to Lusieri's French wife" (MacCarthy p. 128). Other biographers, including Phyllis Grosskurth, are unwilling to make such declarations with such certainty and instead say Giraud was "supposedly the brother of Lusieri's 'wife'" (Grosskurth p. 103). Neither provide a source of the declaration of "brother-in-law".
References
- MacCarthy 2002 p. 128
- Grosskurth 1997 pp. 101–103
- Grebanier 1970 p. 69
- ^ Longford 1976 p. 40
- Marchand 1957 qtd. p. 254
- MacCarthy 2002 pp. 128–129
- Marchand 1957 pp. 260–261
- UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved May 7, 2024.
- ^ MacCarthy 2002 p. 135
- Knight 1952 p.185
- Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30
- Quennell 1967 p. 32
- Grosskurth 1997 qtd. p. 126
- Grosskurth 1997 p. 126
- Moore 1835 p. 114
- Crompton 1998 qtd. p. 375
- Knight 1953 pp. 71–72
- Maurois 1930 p. 555
- Maurois 1930 p. 140
- Knight 1953 p. 77
- Knight 1953 p. 72
- Marchand 1957 p. 255
- Marchand 1957 p. 256
- Mayne 1913 pp. 179–180
- Christensen 1993 p. 59
- Eisler 2000 p. 273
- Eisler 2000 p. 274
- Leask 2004 p. 111
- MacCarthy 2002 p. 129
- Douglass 2004 pp. 22–23
- ^ Grebanier 1970 p. 76
- ^ Grebanier 1970 p. 77
- Grebanier 1970 pp. 77–78
Sources
- Christensen, Jerome (1993), Lord Byron's Strength, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 0-8018-4355-3
- Crompton, Louis (1998), Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-century England, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, ISBN 0-85449-263-1
- Douglass, Paul (2004), "Byron's life and his biographers", in Bone, Drummond (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Byron, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 7–26, ISBN 0-521-78676-2
- Eisler, Benita (2000), Byron: Child of Passion, Fool of Fame, New York: Vintage Books, ISBN 0-679-74085-6
- Fone, Byrne (2001), Homophobia: A History, New York: Macmillan, ISBN 0-312-42030-7
- Grebanier, Bernard (1970), The Uninhibited Byron: An Account of His Sexual Confusion, New York: Crown Publishers, OCLC 96183
- Grosskurth, Phyllis (1997), Byron: The Flawed Angel, London: Hodder and Stoughton, ISBN 0-340-68886-6
- Kellogg, Stuart (1983), Literary Visions of Homosexuality, New York: Haworth Press, ISBN 0-340-68886-6
- Knight, G. Wilson (1952), Lord Byron: Christian Virtues, New York: Oxford University Press, OCLC 5795106
- Leask, Nigel (2004), "Byron and the Eastern Mediterranean: Child Harold II and the 'polemic of Ottoman Greece'", in Bone, Drummond (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Byron, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 99–117, ISBN 0-521-78676-2
- Longford, Elizabeth (1976), The Life of Byron, Boston: Little, Brown and Company, ISBN 0-316-53192-8
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- Marchand, Leslie (1957), Byron: A Biography, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, OCLC 357767
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{{citation}}: External link in|title= - Moore, Thomas (1839), The works of Lord Byron : with his letters and journals, and his life, London: J. Murray, OCLC 166069835
{{citation}}: External link in|title= - Neff, D. S. "Bitches, Mollies, and Tommies: Byron, Masculinity, and the History of Sexualities" Journal of the History of Sexuality, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Jul., 2002), pp. 395–438
- Quennell, Peter (1967), Byron: The Years of Fame, London: Collins, OCLC 954942
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