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Partido da Imprensa Golpista (PIG, Template:Lang-en) is a term which became widely used among left-wing Brazilian websurfers since 2007 to characterize the attitude of the Brazilian mass media towards President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during the 2006 presidential election. The term was popularized by journalist Paulo Henrique Amorim in his blog. Whenever he uses the term, Amorim writes it with an "i" in lowercase as a pun with the name of the web portal "iG". where he was an articulist, before being abruptly dismissed on March 18, 2008, in an action which he describes as a process of "ideological cleansing".

The term is also constantly used by journalists Luiz Carlos Azenha and Rodrigo Vianna on their blogs, which also helped to spread its popularity. However, the term gained wider notoriety when it was first used in the Brazilian Congress on a speech by Pernambuco Congressman Fernando Ferro, a member of the Workers' Party. He ironically suggested that film director and Rede Globo commentator Arnaldo Jabor should run for "President of the PIG".

Definition

Paulo Henrique Amorim's own explanation for the meaning of the expression appears whenever he mentions it in his articles. According to him, "In no serious democracy in the world, conservative, low-quality and even sensationalistic newspapers, and one single television network matter as much as they do in Brazil. They have become a political party – the PiG, Pro-coup Press Party".

Amorim argues that even some politicians have become part of the PiG. He argues that "the political parties are no longer an instrument of the coup but they have become the coup itself. Pretending objective journalism, they not only do the job of a press that omits information; but do the job of a press that lies, distorts and deceits. Former President FHC was among the first politicians who realized that the political strength he needed could be found in the PIG, and thus nowadays he enjoys the image of being a prominent world leader".

According to journalist Maurício Dias, which draws a parallel between the Brazilian mass media and the Fox News Channel, frequently accused of having a conservative bias, the Brazilian media is operated by a single guideline: "The Workers' Party candidate can't win"

Historical background

Paulo Henrique maintains that the mainstream Brazilian press historically defends coup d'états whenever the Brazilian President is not elected from among members of the ruling elites. The PIG, according to Amorim, had its origin with Carlos Lacerda, whom he says "helped to kill Getúlio Vargas". It continued its "struggle against democracy" throughout the governments of Juscelino Kubitscheck and João Goulart, when finally "it openly defended and promoted the Brazilian military putsch of March 1964". According to him, the mass media also "hammered Rio's governor Brizola throughout his two terms in office, and now conspires against Lula".

Political scientist Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos, which had predicted the overthrow of President João Goulart in 1964, argued in an interview given to CartaCapital in 2005 that the "mainstream media led Vargas to commit suicide based on nothing; it almost prevented Juscelino from taking office based on nothing; it led to Jânio resignation, taking advantage of his craziness, based on nothing; it tried to prevent Goulart's inauguration based on nothing".

Role of the internet

According to writer Fernando Soares Campos, "without the internet, Lula would have hardly been elected; if he had, he would not take office; if he had taken office, he would have been ousted with ease". He argues that "the PIG is strong, is Goliath, but the internet is filled with Davids". Campos says that the mere existence of the internet interferes with the monopoly of information by large media groups, and this interference hampers coups.

Members

There is no such thing as public opinion. There is only published opinion. – Winston Churchill

According to Paulo Henrique Amorim, only three Brazilian families control the whole of the mainstream Brazilian media: the Marinhos (Roberto Marinho, Organizações Globo), the Mesquitas (Julio de Mesquita, Grupo Estado) and the Frias (Octávio Frias, Grupo Folha). According to Amorim, they dominate and condition news in Brazil, through their various newspapers, radio stations, news agencies and internet blogs. They have provoked what Amorim calls "a massacre" of the smaller Brazilian regional press, as a consequence of the control they exert on all of the mainstream information, in order to manipulate the Brazilian public opinion.

Professor Sérgio Mattos, writing in 2005 on the media control and censorship (in Brazil and the world), also cited the influence of these tycoons, adding, however, two other groups (one of which, the Sirotsky, represent a "monopoly in cross," explained further below):

The Marinho family has always been close to the political power, taking advantage of the privileged position that helped it to build and dominate the Brazilian communications industry. However, other families also maintain the concentration of media ownership in the country, such as the Civita, owners of the Abril Group, the Sirotsky, of the RBS Group, the Frias, of the Folha Group, among other regional groups in the ownership of multimedia networks.

Mattos's work, however, precedes the creation of the word "PIG" and although talk about the manipulation of information by the media, is much more a warning about the dangers of state control (open or hidden) over the press, warning which was hailed as "very useful" in the book review done by the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo in 2006.

In May 2013, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Brazil, Joaquim Barbosa, in a speech in Costa Rica during the World Press Freedom Day, recognized not only that there is a lack of political and ideological diversity in the Brazilian press, but also identified a right-wing bias in that group:

(...)I would point out to the weak political and ideological diversity in the press business. Brazil now has only three major national and broad sheets, all of them more or less leaned to the right in the field of ideas.

Concentration of the media in Brazil

The concentration of media ownership is a global trend; in Brazil, however, seems to have manifested itself very early. In this regard, Dr. Venício A. de Lima noted in 2003:

It must be noted that in Brazil there is an environment very conducive to concentration. Sectorial legislation has historically been timid, by express intention of the legislator, by failing to include direct provisions that limit or control the concentration of ownership, which, incidentally, goes in the opposite direction of what happens in countries like France, Italy and the United Kingdom, which are concerned with the plurality and diversity in the new scenario of technological convergence (Lobato, Folha de S.Paulo, 10/14/2001)".

Lima also points to other factors that would make even easier the process of media concentration, particularly with regard to broadcasting: the failure of legal norms that limit the equity interest of the same economic group in various broadcasting organizations; a short period (five years) for resell broadcasting concessions, facilitating the concentration by the big media groups through the purchase of independent stations, and no restrictions to the formation of national broadcasting networks. He cites eloquent examples of horizontal, vertical, crossed and "in cross" concentration (a Brazilian peculiarity).

a) Horizontal concentration: oligopoly or monopoly produced within an area or industry; television (pay or free) is the Brazilian classical model. In 2002 the cable networks Sky and NET dominated 61% of the Brazilian market. In the same year, 58.37% of all advertising budgets were invested in TV - and in this aspect, TV Globo and its affiliates received 78% of the amount;

b) Vertical concentration: integration of the different phases of production and distribution, eliminating the work of others (independent producers). In Brazil, unlike the United States, it is common for a TV network to produce, advertise, market and distribute most of its programming. The aforementioned TV Globo is known for its soap operas exported to dozens of countries around the world; it keeps under permanent contract the actors, authors, and the whole production staff. The final product is broadcast by a network of newspapers, magazines, radio stations and websites owned by Globo Organizations.

c) Cross ownership: ownership of different kinds of media (TV, newspapers, magazines, etc.) by the same group. Initially, the phenomenon occurred in broadcasting (radio and television) and print media (newspapers and magazines), with emphasis on the group of "Diários Associados." At a later stage appeared the RBS Group (affiliated to TV Globo), with operations in the markets of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina. Besides being the owner of radio stations (AM and FM) and TV (free and paid), and of the main local newspapers, has two Internet portals. The opinion of its commentators is thus replicated by a multimedia system that makes extremely easy to spread the point of view (on any subject) advocated by the group;

d) Monopoly "in cross": reproduction into local level, of the particularities of cross ownership. Research carried out in the early 1990s, detected the presence of this singularity in 18 of the 26 Brazilian states. Manifests itself, almost always, a) by the presence of a TV channel with great audience, often linked to TV Globo and b) the existence of two daily newspapers, in which the one with the largest circulation, is linked to the major TV channel and to a network of AM and FM radio stations, that almost always reproduces articles and the editorial line of the newspaper "O Globo". In 2002, another survey (which did not include the pay TV), found the presence of the "monopoly in cross" in 13 major markets in Brazil.

Even the UNESCO office in Brasilia has expressed its concern over the existence of an outdated code of telecommunications (1962), which no longer meets the expectations generated by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 in the political and social fields, and the inability of the Brazilian government to establish an independent regulatory agency to manage the media. Attempts in this direction have been pointed by the mainstream media as "attacks on freedom of expression".

The Instituto Millenium

An important platform for the dissemination of the conservative ideology that guides the actions of the Brazilian mainstream press, the Instituto Millenium (sic), also known by the acronym Imil (or IMIL), seems to have come to fill the gap that was once occupied by the IPES and the IBAD in the period preceding the military coup of 1964. Founded in 2005 by Patrícia Carlos de Andrade and Denis Rosenfield as Instituto de Estudos da Realidade Nacional ("Institute of National Reality Studies" - a name that curiously resembles the "Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Nacional" where Armand Mattelart was a professor-researcher at the Salvador Allende's socialist Chile), and established in December 2009 as an OSCIP ("Civil Society Organization of Public Interest", the equivalent of a U.S. non-profit organization 501(c)(3)), the Imil has among its founders, supporters and maintainers, media groups (Grupo Abril, Grupo RBS and OESP), large industries (Gerdau, Suzano and the Norwegian giant Statoil), the second largest Brazilian private university (Estácio de Sá), the American Chamber of Commerce (AmCham Rio), and individuals like Armínio Fraga and Gustavo Franco (two former Central Bank's Presidents in the FHC administration), João Roberto Marinho (Vice President of Globo Organizations), the late Roberto Civita (Grupo Abril's chairman), Jorge Gerdau Johannpeter (chairman of the Gerdau Group), Veja's columnist Rodrigo Constantino and Pedro Bial (journalist and host of the "Big Brother Brazil", in Globo TV). The comedian (and "repentant ex-Communist") Marcelo Madureira and the anti-Castro Cuban blogger Yoani Sánchez are listed among the 180 experts from 38 categories covered by the Institute.

The Imil share the same principles and values of known liberal (or libertarian) "think tanks" as the Cato Institute, the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the Instituto Liberal (one of his partners), and the lesser known Atlas Economic Research Foundation: Democracy promotion, Market economy, Rule of law and Freedom. Does not explicitly advocates the minimal state, but sets itself strongly against direct democracy. It is linked to other neoliberal Latin American "think tanks" through the network LatinoaméricaLibre (which presents itself innocuously as "a web page of political and economic analysis from the point of view of a free society"), but avoids a direct linkage with the best known figures of the Brazilian conservative thought, as Reinaldo Azevedo, Olavo de Carvalho and Demétrio Magnoli. These have their works and articles cited in the Imil's site (especially the first), but are not listed among the experts of the institution.

Right face

However, a more revealing aspect of the Imil's ideological matrix was the link - removed in 2013 - to the Movimento Endireita Brasil (something like Straighten Up Brazil Movement), both in the named Câmara de Instituições ("Chamber of Institutions") as among the Instituições Nacionais ("National Institutions"), where was profiled below the Instituto Liberal. The Movement's site (www.endireitabrasil.com.br) seems to have been cancelled in mid-2011, and a blog related to it (endireitabrasil.blogspot.com.br) had its last post on April 30, 2010. The Endireita Brasil, symptomatically based in São Paulo (from where arise the fiercest manifestations against the PT's governments), aims (or aimed) to "Straighten Up Brazil" (a mischievous reference to endireitar - "straighten up", "fix" - and "lead to right"), "anchored in the liberal New Right thinking, and with  the commitment to fight for smaller government and the end of all the mechanisms that limit or violate the freedom of the citizen." Not by coincidence, members of Endireita Brasil proudly proclaimed that they have done a "leadership course at the Leadership Institute in the USA." The Leadership Institute displays on their home page the motto "training conservative activists, students, and leaders since 1979." Paradoxically, while the Cato Institute disavows the term "conservative," preferring to use "libertarian", the Leadership Institute bears the "damn" word almost as a symbol of their ideological purity.

The Endireita Brasil was founded in 2006 by the Paulistano lawyer Ricardo "Rick" Salles. Although the movement was self-declared nonpartisan and "against almost all Brazilian politicians," in the 2010 elections, "Rick" Salles launched himself as a candidate for state representative in São Paulo, by the DEM (in coalition with PSDB). Even with slogans like for a New Right and Enough of PT, he received not enough 26,522 votes and was not elected.

In 2012, he presented himself as a PSDB's candidate for councilman of São Paulo, but resigned before the election. In March 2013, he was nominated Private Secretary of Geraldo Alckmin, São Paulo's Governor. The presence of Salles, who denies the existence of political crimes committed by the Brazilian military regime and that was against the creation of the National Truth Commission by the Brazilian government, has caused embarrassment to the state government. The "CartaCapital" magazine recently described him as "the perfect Paulistano idiot."

Criticism

As one of the mains drivers of the word "PiG", Paulo Henrique Amorim is accused by the conservative journalist Reinaldo Azevedo to promote two eternal campaigns: one electoral, and another against the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo and your managing editor. Azevedo said that everything would be done under the auspices of the Brazilian Government, through the advertising budget of a state bank, the Caixa Econômica Federal.

According to opponents of the term, the press just denounce irregularities in public administration, like several well-known cases of corruption. J.R. Guzzo, "Veja"'s columnist, questioned the word "PiG", saying that when the press publishes complaints is accused by government of "destabilizing" Brazil. So, the use of the term would be an attempt to put the population against the press.

According to journalist Pedro Doria, the manifestation of an ideological polarity is intolerant and unable to explain a complex social reality.

In turn, Sergio Leo believes that the mainstream press is too complex to be labeled this way because it would encompass very different opinions and agendas.

However, the President of the Associação Nacional de Jornais – ANJ ("National Newspaper Association") herself, Maria Judith Brito, said that Brazilian press has assumed the role of a political agent in the 2010 presidential election. Brito herself is an executive of the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper. Interestingly, she was once a candidate for councilwoman for the Workers' Party. In her own words, Judith argues that the media has taken the role of the opposition to the Lula administration:

Press freedom is a greater good that should not be limited. In this general right, the counterpoint is always a question of media responsibility and, of course, the media are doing, in fact, the role of opposition in this country since the opposition is deeply weakened. And this role of opposition and investigation, no doubt, greatly bothers the government.

About her speech, journalist Luciano Martins Costa, from Observatório da Imprensa, commented that:

The biggest risk to the press comes from the press itself, when the newspapers come together to act as a political party.(...) When the press abandons its axis, we all lose. Especially the press.

Manifesto "For democracy and press freedom"

On September 22, 2010, in an act outside the law school at the University of São Paulo (USP), conservative lawyers, artists and intellectuals launched a document that claimed to be "a manifesto in defense of democracy and freedom of press and expression". The meeting, an initiative of intellectuals linked to the opposition, was attended by former minister of the Brazilian Supreme Court Carlos Veloso, and lawyers as Hélio Bicudo and Miguel Reale Jr., former minister of the ex-president Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

Hélio Bicudo was vice-mayor of São Paulo in the Marta Suplicy's administration, having been away from the Workers Party in 2005. Bicudo declared his vote in the conservative candidate José Serra at the Brazilian presidential election, 2010, and said that the victory of Dilma Rousseff would endanger the Brazilian democracy.

The response for this document was the "Manifesto Filósofos Pró-Dilma" ("Scholars Supporting Dilma Rousseff for President"), of October 6, 2010. The document criticizes the surrender of José Serra, a moderate politician, to the impositions of the conservative coalition that gave him support, particularly with regard to the smear campaign against the religious belief (or lack thereof) of the opposing candidate and her position on the abortion question as a public health issue. Serra was also criticized for having pledged to maintain and expand one of the major social programs of Lula, the "Bolsa Familia" - after having spent several years denouncing it as mere "handouts to the poor:"

Citizenship requires what Kant characterized as independence: the citizen must be "his own master" with access to "some property (and any skill, craft, art or science may count as property) that allows him to support himself". The wealth distribution programs implemented by Lula protected the country against the global economic crisis by strengthening internal market's growth. They also enhanced democracy by creating a solid basis for citizenship for millions of Brazilians. It is clear that such programs empower people so they can achieve greater autonomy, rather than keeping them in permanent need.

Globo's mea culpa

Since the June protests, a chorus returned to the streets: "The truth is hard, Globo supported the dictatorship." In fact, it is a truth, and, in fact, a hard truth. Following many years of internal discussions, the Globo Organizations recognizes that, in the light of history, this support was a mistake.

On August 31, 2013, the newspaper "O Globo" published an editorial that recognized for the first time its support to the 1964 coup d'état that overthrew elected President João Goulart and established a military dictatorship that lasted until 1985. The editorial came out about two months after the violent protests in all of Brazil, initially seen only as against the government (at all levels - municipal, regional, and federal), but which eventually reach the very Rede Globo, historically criticized for its explicit support of the military dictatorship. The editorial caused little or no impact on other organs of the Brazilian mass media (some of them also identified in the editorial as supporters of the generals' regime). For example, the Rede Record, Rede Globo's main competitor, whose current owners has no links with the dictatorial period, merely reproduced the editorial in your site R7, without comments.

See also

• 2002 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt
• Beyond Citizen Kane
• Chojoongdong, a similar South Korean phenomenon

References

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2. Gilberto de Souza (2012-01-22). Correio do Brasil (ed.). "As Ilhas Malvinas e o fim do Império Britânico na América Latina" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2012-01-31. No Brasil, o mesmo esquema, patrocinado por Londres e Washington, sacramentou o império da Rede Globo e a ascensão de outras poucas empresas do hoje conhecido Partido da Imprensa Golpista (PIG), em um movimento semelhante ao ocorrido na vizinhança.
3. Bahia Todo Dia (ed.). "'O PIG é o Partido da Imprensa Golpista'" (in Portuguese). Retrieved 2012-01-31. Responsável pela popularização da sigla PIG (Partido da Imprensa Golpista) - usada para se referir a órgãos de imprensa considerados tendenciosos -, o jornalista Paulo Henrique Amorim esteve em Salvador no último dia 8 de julho
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External links

• UNESCO releases three publications analyzing media regulation and freedom of expression in Brazil
• Reporters Without Borders. "Template:PDFlink"
• O partido mídia e o crime organizado Template:Pt icon

• Internet culture
• Internet memes
• Words coined in the 2000s
• Brazilian media
• Media bias controversies