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During the 1971 Bangladesh war for independence, members of the Pakistani military and supporting militias raped between two and four hundred thousand Bangladeshi women in a systematic campaign of genocidal rape. Scholars have suggested that rape was used to terrorise both the Bengali-speaking Muslim majority and the Hindu minority of Bangladesh. The rapes caused thousands of pregnancies, births of war babies, abortions, incidents of infanticide and suicide, and, in addition, led to ostracisation of the victims. Recognised as one of the major occurrences of wartime rape anywhere, the atrocities ended after armed forces from neighbouring India intervened. Initially India claimed its intervention was on humanitarian grounds, but after the UN rejected this argument, India claimed intervention was needed to protect its own security, and it is now widely seen as a humanitarian move. Despite the Pakistani government's attempts to censor news during the conflict, reports of atrocities filtered out, attracting international media and public attention, and drawing widespread outrage and criticism.

After liberation, rape and other atrocities were also committed on a much smaller scale by the Bangladeshi resistance group Mukti Bahini ("Liberation Army"), which targeted the Urdu-speaking Bihari minority, rumoured to have collaborated with the Pakistanis.

In 2009, almost 40 years after the events of 1971, a report published by the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee of Bangladesh accused 1,597 people of war crimes, including rape. Since 2010 the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) has indicted, tried and sentenced several people to life imprisonment or death for their actions during the conflict.

The stories of the rape victims have been told in movies and literature, and depicted in art.

Background

Following the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan the East and West wings were not only separated geographically, but also culturally. The authorities of the West viewed the Bengali Muslims in the East as "too Bengali" and their application of Islam as "inferior and impure", and this made them unreliable. To this extent the West began a strategy to forcibly assimilate the Bengalis culturally. The Bengali-speaking people of East Pakistan were chiefly Muslim, but their numbers were interspersed with a significant Hindu minority. Very few spoke Urdu, which in 1948 had been declared the national language of Pakistan. To express their opposition, activists in East Pakistan founded the Bengali language movement in February 1952. Earlier, in 1949, other activists had founded the Awami League as an alternative to the ruling Muslim League in West Pakistan. In the next decade and half, Bengalis became gradually disenchanted with the balance of power in Pakistan, which was under military rule during much of this time; eventually some began to call for secession. By the late 1960s, a perception had emerged that the people of East Pakistan were second-class citizens. It did not help that General A. A. K. Niazi, head of Pakistani Forces in East Pakistan, called East Pakistan a "low-lying land of low, lying people".

There had been opposition to military rule in West Pakistan as well. Eventually the military relented, and in December 1970 the first ever elections were held. To the surprise of many, East Pakistan's Awami League, headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a clear majority. The West Pakistani establishment was displeased with the results. In Dacca following the election a general said "Don't worry, we will not allow these black bastards to rule over us". Soon President Yahya Khan banned the Awami League and declared martial law in East Pakistan.

With the goal of putting down Bengali nationalism, the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight on 25 March 1971. According to Eric Heinze the Pakistani forces targeted both Hindus and Bengali-speaking Muslims. In the ensuing 1971 Bangladesh genocide, the army caused the deaths of up to 3 million people, created up to 10 million refugees who fled to India, and displaced a further 30 million within East Pakistan.

Rounaq Jahan alleges elements of racism in the Pakistan army, who he says considered the Bengalis "racially inferior—a non-martial and physically weak race", and has accused the army of using organised rape as a weapon of war. According to the political scientist R J Rummel, the Pakistani army looked upon the Bengalis as "subhuman" and that the Hindus were "as Jews to the Nazis, scum and vermin that best be exterminated". This racism was then expressed in that the Bengalis, being inferior, must have their gene pool "fixed" through forcible impregnation. Belén Martín Lucas has described the rapes as "ethnically motivated".

Pakistani Army actions

The attacks were led by General Tikka Khan, who was the architect of Operation Searchlight and was given the name the "butcher of Bengal" by the Bengalis for his actions. Khan said—when reminded on 27 March 1971 that he was in charge of a majority province—"I will reduce this majority to a minority". Bina D'Costa believes an anecdote used by Khan is significant, in that it provides proof of the mass rapes being a deliberate strategy. In Jessore, while speaking with a group of journalists Khan was reported to have said, "Pehle inko Mussalman karo" (First, make them Muslim). D'Costa argues that this shows that in the highest echelons of the armed forces the Bengalis were perceived as being disloyal Muslims and unpatriotic Pakistanis.

The perpetrators conducted nighttime raids, assaulting women in their villages, often in front of their families, as part of the terror campaign. Victims aged 8 to 75 were also kidnapped and held in special camps where they were repeatedly assaulted. Many of those held in the camps were murdered or committed suicide, with some taking their own lives by using their hair to hang themselves, the soldiers responded to these suicides by cutting the women's hair off. Time magazine reported on 563 girls who had been kidnapped and held by the military; all of them were between three and five months pregnant when the military began to release them. Some women were forcibly used as prostitutes. While the Pakistani government estimated the number of rapes in the hundreds, other estimates range between 200,000 and 400,000. The Pakistani government had tried to censor reports coming out of the region, but media reports on the atrocities did reach the public worldwide, and gave rise to widespread international public support for the liberation movement.

In what has been described by Jenneke Arens as a deliberate attempt to destroy an ethnic group, many of those assaulted were raped, murdered and then bayoneted in the genitalia. Adam Jones, a political scientist, has said that one of the reasons for the mass rapes was to undermine Bengali society through the "dishonoring" of Bengali women and that some women were raped until they died or were killed following repeated attacks. The Pakistani army also raped Bengali males. The men, when passing through a checkpoint, would be ordered to prove they were circumcised, and this is where the rapes usually happened. The International Commission of Jurists concluded that the atrocities carried out by the Pakistan armed forces "were part of a deliberate policy by a disciplined force". The writer Mulk Raj Anand said of the Pakistani army actions, "The rapes were so systematic and pervasive that they had to be conscious Army policy, "planned by the West Pakistanis in a deliberate effort to create a new race" or to dilute Bengali nationalism". Amita Malik, reporting from Bangladesh following the Pakistan armed forces surrender, wrote that one West Pakistani soldier said: "We are going. But we are leaving our Seed behind".

Not all Pakistani military personnel supported the violence: General Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, who advised the president against military action, and Major Ikram Sehgal both resigned in protest, as did Air Marshal Asghar Khan. Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, a Balochi politician, and Khan Abdul Wali Khan, leader of the National Awami Party, protested over the actions of the armed forces. Those imprisoned for their dissenting views on the violence included Sabihuddin Ghausi and I. A. Rahman, who were both journalists, the Sindhi leader G. M. Syed, the poet Ahmad Salim, Anwar Pirzado, who was a member of the air force, Professor M. R. Hassan, Tahera Mazhar and Imtiaz Ahmed. Malik Ghulam Jilani, who was also arrested, had openly opposed the armed action in the East; a letter he had written to Yahya Khan was widely publicised. Altaf Hussain Gauhar, the editor of the Dawn newspaper, was also imprisoned. In 2013 Jilani and Faiz Ahmad Faiz, a poet, were honoured by the Bangladeshi government for their actions.

Militias

According to Peter Tomsen, a political scientist, Pakistan's secret service, in conjunction with the political party Jamaat-e-Islami, formed militias such as Al-Badr ("the moon") and the Al-Shams ("the sun") to conduct operations against the nationalist movement. These militias targeted non-combatants and committed rapes as well as other crimes. Local collaborators known as Razakars also took part in the atrocities. The term has since become a pejorative akin to the western term "Judas".

Members of the Muslim league, such as Nizam-e-Islam, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema Pakistan, who had lost the election, collaborated with the military and acted as an intelligence organisation for them. Members of Jamaat-e-Islami and some of its leaders collaborated with the Pakistani forces in rapes and targeted killings. The atrocities by Al-Badr and the Al-Shams garnered worldwide attention from news agencies; accounts of massacres and rapes were widely reported.

Mukti Bahini actions

The Mukti Bahini rebels targeted the minority Biharis, who had given support to the West Pakistan regime. Bihari women were raped and tortured during the war and in its aftermath by Bengali males. The killing of 300 Biharis in Chittagong was used by the Pakistani government as a justification to launch their crackdown on the Bengali nationalist movement. The Pakistani General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi wrote in his memoirs that thousands of men and women had been killed or raped in Chittagong.

International reaction

There is an academic consensus that the events of the nine-month conflict were a genocide. The atrocities in East Pakistan were the first instances of war rape to attract international media attention, and Sally J. Scholz has written that this was the first genocide to capture the interest of the mass media. The women's human rights organisation Bangladesh Mahila Parishat took part in the war by publicising the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani army.

Owing to the scale of the atrocities, US embassy staff had sent telegrams indicating that a genocide was occurring. One, which became known as the Blood telegram, was sent by Archer Blood, the US Consul General in Dhaka, and was signed by him as well as US officials from USAID and USIS who at the time were serving in Dhaka. In it, the signatories denounced American "complicity in Genocide". In an interview in 1972, Indira Gandhi, the Indian prime minister, justified the use of military intervention, saying, "Shall we sit and watch their women get raped?" The events were discussed extensively in the British House of Commons. John Stonehouse proposed a motion supported by a further 200 members of parliament condemning the atrocities being carried out by the Pakistani armed forces. Although this motion was presented twice before parliament, the government did not find time to debate it.

Before the end of the war the international community had begun to provide aid in large quantities to the refugees living in India. Although humanitarian aid was given, there was little support for the war crimes trials which Bangladesh proposed at the end of the war. Critics of the United Nations have used the atrocities of 1971 to argue that military intervention was the only thing to stop the mass murder. Writing to The New York Times, a group of women said in response to women being shunned by family and husbands, "It is unthinkable that innocent wives whose lives were virtually destroyed by war are now being totally destroyed by their own husbands". International aid was also forthcoming owing to the issue of war rape.

According to Susan Brownmiller, mass rape during wartime is not a new phenomenon. She argues that what was unique to the Bangladesh Liberation War was that the international community, for the first time, recognised that systematic rape could be used as a weapon to terrorise the people.

Aftermath

In the year following the war, there was a Bangladeshi government-mandated victim relief programme, supported by the World Health Organization and International Planned Parenthood Federation. Dr. Geoffrey Davis, a physician who participated in the programme, estimated that the commonly cited figure of 200,000 was probably "very conservative" compared with the real numbers. Davis has also said he heard of numerous suicides by victims and of infanticides during the course of his work and estimated that around 5,000 rape victims had performed self-induced abortions. Estimates of forced pregnancies vary. A doctor at the rehabilitation centre in Dhaka reported 170,000 abortions of pregnancies caused by the rapes, and the births of 30,000 war babies. Davis estimated that between 150,000 and 170,000 women had abortions before the state-mandated programme had even started. Other estimates of the number of pregnancies resulting in births range from 25,000 to the Bangladeshi government's figure of 70,000, while one publication by the Centre for Reproductive Law and Policy gave a total of 250,000. Many of the victims suffered from sexual infections and feelings of intense shame and humiliation, and a number were ostracised by their families and communities or committed suicide. According to one Australian doctor who had spoken to the New York Times, the majority of the women who were raped had contracted venereal disease.

The feminist writer Cynthia Enloe has written that some of the pregnancies were intended by the soldiers and perhaps their officers as well. A report from the International Commission of Jurists said, "Whatever the precise numbers, the teams of American and British surgeons carrying out abortions and the widespread government efforts to persuade people to accept these girls into the community, testify to the scale on which raping occurred". The commission also said that Pakistani officers not only allowed their men to rape, but enslaved women themselves.

Following the conflict the rape victims were seen as a symbol of "social pollution" and shame. Few were able to return to families or old homes because of this. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called the victims birangona ("heroine"), but this served as a reminder that these women were now deemed socially unacceptable as they were "dishonored", and the term became associated with barangona ("prostitute"). The official strategy of marrying the women off and encouraging them to be seen as war heroines failed as few men came forward, and those who did expected the state to provide a large dowry. Those women who did marry were usually mistreated, and the majority of men, once having received a dowry, abandoned their wives.

On 18 February 1972 the state formed the Bangladesh Women's Rehabilitation Board, which was tasked with helping the victims of rape and to help with the adoption programme. Several international agencies took part in the adoption programme, such as Mother Teresa's Sisters of Charity. The majority of the war babies were adopted in the Netherlands and Canada as the state wished to remove the reminders of Pakistan from the newly formed nation. However, not all women wanted their child taken, and some were forcibly removed and sent for adoption, a practice which was encouraged by Rahman, who said, "I do not want those polluted blood in this country". While many women were glad for the abortion programme, as they did not have to bear a child conceived of rape, others had to go full term, filled with hatred towards the child they carried. Others, who had their children adopted out so as to return to "mainstream life", would not look at their newborn as it was taken from them. In the 1990s many of these children returned to Bangladesh to search for their birth mothers. In 2008, D'Costa attempted to find those who had been adopted, however very few responded, one who did said "I hated being a kid, and I am angry at Bangladesh for not taking care of me when I needed it most. I don’t have any roots and that makes me cry. So that is why I am trying to learn more about where I was born."

Forty years after the war, two sisters who had been raped were interviewed by Deutsche Welle. Aleya stated she had been taken by the Pakistani army when she was thirteen, and was gang raped repeatedly for seven months. She states she was tortured and was five months pregnant when she returned to her home. Her sister, Laily, says she was pregnant when she was taken by the armed forces, and lost the child. Later she fought alongside the Mukti Bahini. Both say that the state has failed the birangona, and that all they received was "humiliation, insults, hatred, and ostracism."

Pakistani government reaction

After the conflict the Pakistani government decided on a policy of silence regarding the rapes. They set up the Hamoodur Rahman Commission, a judicial commission to prepare an account of the circumstances surrounding the atrocities of the 1971 war and Pakistan's surrender. The commission was highly critical of the army. The chiefs of staff of the army and the Pakistan Air Force were removed from their positions for attempting to interfere with the commission. The Commission based its reports on interviews with politicians, officers and senior commanders. The final reports were submitted in July 1972, but all were subsequently destroyed except for one held by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the Pakistani president. The findings were never made public.

In 1974 the commission was reopened and issued a supplementary report, which remained classified for 25 years until published by the magazine India Today. The report said that 26,000 people were killed, rapes numbered in the hundreds, and that the Mukti Bahini rebels engaged in widespread rape and other human rights abuses. Sumit Ganguly, a political scientist, believes that the Pakistani establishment has yet to come to terms with the atrocities carried out, saying that, in a visit to Bangladesh in 2002, Pervez Musharraf expressed regret for the atrocities rather than accepting responsibility.

War Crimes prosecutions

In 2008, after a 17-year investigation, the War Crimes Fact Finding Committee released documentation identifying 1,597 people who had taken part in the atrocities. The list included members of the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, a political group founded in 1978. In 2010 the government of Bangladesh set up the ICT to investigate the atrocities of that era. While Human Rights Watch has been supportive of the tribunal, it has also been critical of reported harassment of lawyers representing the accused. Brad Adams, director of the Asia branch of Human Rights Watch, has said that those accused must be given the full protection of the law to avoid the risk of the trials not being taken seriously, and Irene Khan, a human rights activist, has expressed doubt about whether the mass rapes and killings of women will be addressed. Khan has said of her government's reaction:

A conservative Muslim society has preferred to throw a veil of negligence and denial on the issue, allowed those who committed or colluded with gender violence to thrive, and left the women victims to struggle in anonymity and shame and without much state or community support.

The deputy leader of Jamaat-e-Islami, Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the first person to face charges related to the conflict, was indicted by the ICT on twenty counts of war crimes, which included murder, rape and arson. He denied all charges. On 28 February 2013, Sayeedi was found guilty of genocide, rape and religious persecution, and was sentenced to death by hanging. Four other members of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, including Motiur Rahman Nizami, have also been indicted for war crimes. Abul Kalam Azad, a member of the Razakars, was the first person to be sentenced for crimes during the war. He was found guilty of murder and rape in absentia, and was sentenced to death. Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, senior assistant secretary general of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, faced seven charges of war crimes, including planning and advising on the rape of women in the village of Shohaghpur on 25 July 1971. The ICT sentenced him to death by hanging on 9 May 2013. In July 2013 Ghulam Azam was given a ninety-year sentence for rape and mass murder during the conflict.

In literature and media

A photograph taken during the conflict of a woman who had been assaulted featured in a photography exhibition in London. Titled Shamed Woman, but also called Brave Woman, the image was taken by a Bangladeshi photographer, Naib Uddin Ahmed. The image is considered by John Tulloch to be as "classical a pose as any Madonna and Child". One of the more emotive photographs at the exhibition, the woman has her hands clenched, her face completely covered by her hair. Tulloch describes the image as having the "Capability to reveal or suggest what is unsayable"

Orunodoyer Ognishakhi (Pledge to a New Dawn), the first film about the war, was screened in 1972 on the first Bangladeshi Independence Day celebration. It draws on the experiences of an actor called Altaf. While trying to reach safe haven in Calcutta he encounters women who have been raped. The images of these birangona, stripped and vacant-eyed from the trauma, are used as testimony to the assault. Other victims Altaf meets are shown committing suicide or having lost their minds.

In 1995 Gita Sahgal produced the documentary War Crimes File, which was screened on Channel 4. In 2011 the film Meherjaan was shown at the Guwahati International Film Festival. It explores the war from two perspectives: that of a woman who loved a Pakistani soldier and that of a person born from rape.

In 1996 the book Ami Birangana Bolchi (The Voices of War Heroines) written by Nilima Ibrahim was released. It is a collection of eyewitness testimony from seven rape victims, which she documented while working in rehabilitation centres. The narratives of the survivors in this work, is heavily critical of pre war Bangladeshi society`s failure to support the victims of rape.

Published in 2012, the book Rising from the Ashes: Women's Narratives of 1971 includes oral testimonies of women affected by the Liberation War. As well as an account from Taramon Bibi, who fought and was awarded the Bir Protik (Symbol of Valour) for her actions, there are nine interviews with women who were raped. The book's publication in English at the time of the fortieth anniversary of the war was noted in the New York Times as an "important oral history".

The 2014 movie Children of War tries to capture this horror on celluloid. The film By Mrityunjay Devvrat starring Farooq Sheikh, Victor Banerjee, Raima Sen, among others is meant to "send shivers down the viewers' spine. We want to make it so repulsive that no one even entertains the thought of pardoning rapists, let alone commit the crime. The shoot took its toll on all of us."

Footnotes

1. "Rape can be especially effective as a tactic of genocide when used against females of communities that cast shame upon the rape victim rather than the rapist. In such communities, the rape forever damages the social standing of the survivor. Bengali girls and women who endured the genocidal rape had to cope not only with their physical injuries and trauma, but with a society hostile to violated women. The blame for loss of honor falls not upon the rapist, but upon the raped.".

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• Friend, Theodore (2011). Woman, Man, and God in Modern Islam. Wm. B. Eerdmans. ISBN 978-0-8028-6673-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Ganguly, Sumit (2010). "Pakistan: Neither state nor nation". In Jacques Bertrand, André Laliberté (ed.). Multination States in Asia: Accommodation or Resistance. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-14363-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Gerlach, Christian (2010). Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World (1 ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-70681-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Ghadbian, Najib (2002). "Political Islam: Inclusion or violence?". In Kent Worcester, Sally A. Bermanzohn, Mark Ungar (ed.). Violence and Politics: Globalization's Paradox. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-93111-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
• Gotam, Nachiketa (1971). The Traitors of Pakistan. Press & Publication Agency. OCLC 657534665. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Hagerty, Devin T.; Ganguly, Šumit (2005). Fearful Symmetry: India-Pakistan Crises in the Shadow of Nuclear Weapons. University of Washington Press. ISBN 978-0-295-98635-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Hansard (17 June 1971). "Business of the House". 819. House of Commons. Retrieved 24 February 2012. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
• Ḥaqqānī, Ḥusain (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Carnegie. ISBN 978-0-87003-214-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Huq, M. Zahurul (2011). "Case against Delwar Hossain Sayeedi". In Michael N. Schmitt, Louise Arimatsu, T. McCormack (ed.). Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law – 2010: 13. Springer. pp. 462 f. ISBN 978-90-6704-810-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
• International Commission of Jurists (1972). The Events in East Pakistan, 1971: A Legal Study. Secretariat of the International Commission of Jurists Geneva. OCLC 842410.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
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• Jahan, Rounaq (2008). "Genocide in Bangladesh". Century of Genocide: Critical Essays and Eyewitness Accounts (3rd ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-99084-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)
• Jones, Adam (2010). Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-48618-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Jones, Owen Bennett (2003). Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10147-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Kabia, John M. (2008). Humanitarian Intervention and Conflict Resolution in West Africa: From ECOMOG to ECOMIL. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-7444-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• "Kamaruzzaman: The Charges". BD News 24. 9 May 2013. Retrieved 12 August 2013.
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• Lee, Steven P. (2011). Ethics and War: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-72757-0. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Linton, Suzannah (2010). "Completing the Circle: Accountability for the Crimes of the 1971 Bangladesh War of Liberation". Criminal Law Forum. 21 (2). Springer: 191–311. doi:10.1007/s10609-010-9119-8. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Malik, Anas (2010). Political Survival in Pakistan: Beyond Ideology. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-77924-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Martin-Lucas, Belen (2010). "Mum is the Word". In Sorcha Gunne, Zoë Brigley (ed.). Feminism, Literature and Rape Narratives: Violence and Violation. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-80608-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Midlarsky, Manus I. (2011). Origins of Political Extremism: Mass Violence in the Twentieth Century and Beyond. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-87708-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Minegar, Benjamin (21 January 2013). "Bangladesh war crimes tribunal sentences Jamaat-e-Islami member to death". Jurist. Retrieved 21 October 2013.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2006). "Muktir Gaan, the raped woman and migrant identities of the Bangladesh war". In Navnita Chadha Behera (ed.). Gender, Conflict and Migration. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3455-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2007). "Available Motherhood: Legal technologies, 'state of exception' and the dekinning of 'war-babies' in Bangladesh". Childhood. 14 (339). Sage: 339–355. doi:10.1177/0907568207079213. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009). "Denunciatory Practices and the Constitutive Role of Collaboration in the Bangladesh War". In Sharika Thiranagama, Tobias Kelly (ed.). Traitors: Suspicion, Intimacy, and the Ethics of State-Building. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4213-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mohaiemen, Naeem (2011). "Flying Blind: Waiting for a Real Reckoning on 1971". Economic & Political Weekly. XLVI (36): 40–52. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mohsin, Amena (2005). "Gendered nation, gendered peace: A study of Bangladesh". In Samir Kumar Das (ed.). Peace Processes and Peace Accords. Sage. ISBN 978-0-7619-3391-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Molla, Gyasuddin (2004). "The Awami League: From Charismatic Leadership to Political Party". Political Parties in South Asia. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-96832-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009a). "Denunciatory practices and the constitutive role of collaboration in the Bangladesh War". In Sharika Thiranagama, Tobias Kelly (ed.). Traitors: Suspicion, Intimacy, and the Ethics of State-Building. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-4213-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2009b). "Friendships and Encounters on the Political Left in Bangladesh". Taking Sides: Ethics, Politics, and Fieldwork in Anthropology. Berghahn. ISBN 978-1-84545-701-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)
• Mookherjee, Nayanika (2012). "Mass rape and the inscription of gendered and racial domination during the Bangladesh War of 1971". In Raphaelle Branche, Fabrice Virgili (ed.). Rape in Wartime. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-36399-1. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Mustafa, Sabir (21 January 2013). "Bangladesh's watershed war crimes moment". British Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 12 August 2013.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
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• Nasreen, Taslima (1998). "The contest over gender in Bangladesh". In Herbert L. Bodman, Nayereh E. Tohidi (ed.). Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity Within Unity. Lynne Rienner. ISBN 978-1-55587-578-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Payaslian, Simon. "20th Century Genocides". Oxford Bibliographies. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/OBO/9780199743292-0105. Retrieved 21 October 2013. A consensus has formed among scholars that genocides in the 20th century encompassed (although were not limited to) the following cases: Herero in 1904–1907, the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire in 1915–1923, the Holodomor in the former Soviet Ukraine in 1932–1933, the Jewish Holocaust in 1938–1945, Bangladesh in 1971, Cambodia in 1975–1979, East Timor in 1975–1999, Bosnia in 1991–1995, and Rwanda in 1994.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
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• Roy, Srila (2010c). "Wounds and Cures in South Asian Gender and Memory Politics". Global Perspectives on War, Gender and Health. Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-7523-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |editors= ignored (|editor= suggested) (help)
• Rummel, R.J. (1997). Death by Government: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900. Transaction. ISBN 978-1-56000-927-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
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• Sahgal, Gita (18 December 2011). "Dead Reckoning: Disappearing stories and evidence". The Daily Star. {{cite news}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Saikia, Yasmin (2011a). Women, War, and the Making of Bangladesh: Remembering 1971. Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-5038-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Saikia, Yasmin (2011b). "War as history, humanity in violence: Women, men and memories of 1971, East Pakistan/Bangladesh". In Elizabeth D. Heineman (ed.). Sexual Violence in Conflict Zones: From the Ancient World to the Era of Human Rights. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 152–170. ISBN 978-0-8122-4318-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Sajjad, Tazreena (2012). "The Post-Genocidal Period and its Impact on Women". In Samuel Totten (ed.). Plight and Fate of Women During and Following Genocide (Reprint ed.). Transaction. pp. 219–248. ISBN 978-1-4128-4759-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Schmid, Alex, ed. (2011). The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-41157-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link)
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• Scholz, Sally J. (2011). "Genocide". In Deen K. Chatterjee (ed.). Encyclopedia of Global Justice. Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-9159-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Sharlach, Lisa (2000). "Rape as Genocide: Bangladesh, the Former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda". New Political Science. 1 (22): 89. doi:10.1080/713687893. It is also rape unto death, rape as massacre, rape to kill and to make the victims wish they were dead. It is rape as an instrument of forced exile, rape to make you leave your home and never want to go back. It is rape to be seen and heard and watched and told to others: rape as spectacle. It is rape to drive a wedge through a community, to shatter a society, to destroy a people. It is rape as genocide {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Shehabuddin, Elora (2010). "Bangladeshi civil society and Islamist politics". In Ali Riaz, C. Christine Fair (ed.). Political Islam and Governance in Bangladesh. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-57673-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Siddiqi, Dina M. (1998). "Taslima Nasreen and Others: The Contest over Gender in Bangladesh". In Herbert L. Bodman, Nayereh Esfahlani Tohidi (ed.). Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity Within Unity. Lynne Rienner. ISBN 978-1-55587-578-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Siddiqi, Dina M. (2008). Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History. Vol. 1. Oxford University Press. pp. 201 f. ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Simms, Brendan (2011). "Towards a history of humanitarian intervention". In Brendan Simms, D. J. B. Trim (ed.). Humanitarian Intervention: A History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-19027-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Sisson, Richard (1992). War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07665-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
• Smith, Karen E. (2010). Genocide and the Europeans. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-13329-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Southwick, Katherine (2011). "The Urdu-speakers of Bangladesh: an unfinished story of enforcing citizenship rights". In Brad K. Blitz, Maureen Jessica Lynch (ed.). Statelessness and Citizenship: A Comparative Study on the Benefits of Nationality. Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 115–141. ISBN 978-1-78195-215-3. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Thomas, Dorothy Q. (1994). "Rape in War: Challenging the Tradition of Impunity". SAIS Review. 14 (1). Johns Hopkins University Press: 82–99. doi:10.1353/sais.1994.0019. {{cite journal}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
• Thomas, Dorothy Q. (1998). "Rape in War: The case of Bosnia". In Sabrina P. Ramet (ed.). Gender Politics in the Western Balkans: Women and Society in Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Successor States. Pennsylvania State University. ISBN 978-0-271-01802-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
• Thompson, Hanne-Ruth (2007). "Bangladesh". In Andrew Simpson (ed.). Language and National Identity in Asia. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-926748-4. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Tomsen, Peter (2011). The Wars of Afghanistan: Messianic Terrorism, Tribal Conflicts, and the Failures of Great Powers. Public Affairs. ISBN 978-1-58648-763-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Totten, Samuel (1998). Dictionary of Genocide: A-L. Volume 1: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-32967-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help); Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: location (link)
• Tulloch, John; Blood, Richard Warwick (2010). "Iconic photojournalism and absent images: Democratization and memories of terror". In Stuart Allan (ed.). The Routledge Companion to News and Journalism. Routledge. pp. 507–519. ISBN 978-0-415-66953-5. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Tulloch, John; Blood, Richard Warwick (2012). Icons of War and Terror: Media Images in an Age of International Risk. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-69804-7. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Weiss, Thomas George (2005). Military-Civilian Interactions: Humanitarian Crises and the Responsibility to Protect. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8476-8746-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Wheeler, Nicholas J. (2000). Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-829621-8. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)
• Wynbrandt, James (2009). A Brief History of Pakistan (1st ed.). Facts on File. ISBN 978-0-8160-6184-6. {{cite book}}: Invalid |ref=harv (help)

External links

• Case Study: Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971
• Report from the International Commission of Jurists

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Origins of the Bangladeshi Revolution Philosophy Bengali Renaissance Muslim nationalism in South Asia Two-nation theory Bengali nationalism Bengal studies Bangamata Joy Bangla Pakistan Movement Partition of Bengal (1905) Eastern Bengal and Assam All-India Muslim League Indian independence movement Pakistan Movement Lahore Resolution United Bengal Muslim National Guard Direct Action Day Noakhali riots Partition of India Partition of Bengal (1947) East Pakistan Dominion of Pakistan East Bengal Pakistan Muslim League Objectives Resolution All Pakistan Awami Muslim League Awami League United Front Bengali language movement One Unit East Pakistan Constitution of Pakistan of 1956 1958 Pakistani coup d'état Constitution of Pakistan of 1962 Bengali self-determination Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Parishad Six point movement Agartala Conspiracy Case 1969 uprising in East Pakistan 1970 Bhola cyclone 1970 Pakistani general election Declaration of war Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's speech of 7 March Non-cooperation movement Rodionov message Admiral Ahsan Mission Operation Searchlight Proclamation of Bangladeshi Independence
Combatants Campaigns Theaters Battles Events Massacres Combatants Bangladesh Provisional Government of Bangladesh Mukti Bahini Bangladesh Army K Force S Force Z Force Bangladesh Navy Bangladesh Air Force Bangladesh Rifles Bangladesh Ansar Bangladesh Police Special Guerrilla Forces Gono Bahini Mujib Bahini Kader Bahini Baten Bahini Afsar Bahini Hemayet Bahini Crack Platoon Pakistan Pakistan Armed Forces Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines Jamaat-e-Islami Central Peace Committee Razakars Al-Badr Al-Shams Indian allies Parliament of India Indian Armed Forces Army, Navy, Air Force Mitro Bahini (Indo-Bangali group) Campaigns and theaters Pakistan Eastern Command Operation Searchlight Order of Battle Operation Barisal Cable 1971 Sectors in the Bangladesh Liberation War Military plans of the Bangladesh Liberation War Eastern Command (India) Meghna Heli Bridge Operation Jackpot Mutiny on PNS Mangro in Toulon Operation Python Operation Trident Pakistan Army order of battle, December 1971 Mitro Bahini Order of Battle December 1971 Sinking of PNS Ghazi East Pakistan Air Operations, 1971 Operation Chengiz Khan Operation Cactus-Lilly Major battles Battle of Daruin Battle of Rangamati-Mahalchari waterway Battle of Goalhati Battle of Dhalai Outpost Battle of Dhalai Battle of Ajmiriganj Battle of Garibpur Battle of Hilli Battle of Longewala Battle of Basantar Battle of Kushtia Battle of Boyra Battle of Atgram Other events Blood Telegram Bangladesh genocide 1971 killing of Bengali intellectuals Rape during the Bangladesh Liberation War Refugees in India Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra Shadhin Bangla Football Team The Concert for Bangladesh Album Film List of massacres 1971 Dhaka University massacre Shankharibazar massacre Ramna massacre Sutrapur massacre Jinjira massacre Akhira massacre Jathibhanga massacre Demra massacre Chuknagar massacre Madhyapara massacre Bakhrabad massacre Burunga massacre Sohagpur massacre more Related conflicts Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 Indo-Pakistani Naval War of 1971
Leaders Bangladesh Military M. A. G. Osmani Ziaur Rahman Khaled Mosharraf K M Shafiullah Shafaat Jamil A. K. Khandker Muhammad Hamidullah Khan Matiur Rahman Civilian Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Syed Nazrul Islam Tajuddin Ahmad AHM Qamaruzzaman Muhammad Hamidullah Khan Serajul Alam Khan Dhirendranath Datta Kazi Nuruzzaman Chitta Ranjan Dutta Muhammad Mansur Ali Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad M. A. Hannan Abu Sayeed Chowdhury Pakistan Military Yahya Khan Tikka Khan S.M. Ahsan A.K. Niazi Yaqub Ali Khan Mohammad Shariff Rao Farman Ali A.O. Mitha Khadim Hussain Mitty Masud Ahmad Zamir Inamul Haque Siddique Salik K.M. Arif Civilian Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Dr. Abdul Motaleb Malik Nurul Amin Shah Azizur Rahman Ghulam Azam Motiur Rahman Nizami J.A. Rahim Tridev Roy Indian allies Military Sam Manekshaw S. M. Nanda P. C. Lal Jagjit Singh Aurora K. P. Candeth Gopal Gurunath Bewoor Sourendra Nath Kohli Nilakanta Krishnan Minoo Merwan Engineer Hari Chand Dewan Sagat Singh T. N. Raina Khem Karan Singh Sartaj Singh Inderjit Singh Gill J. F. R. Jacob E. C. Kuruvila S. H. Sarma Civilian Indira Gandhi V. V. Giri Gopal Swarup Pathak Rameshwar Kao Swaran Singh Jagjivan Ram Dilip Mahalanabis
Aftermath Pakistani Instrument of Surrender International recognition of Bangladesh Simla Agreement Delhi Agreement Stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh Hamoodur Rahman Commission War Report 1971 Prisoners of War Investigation Bangladeshi nationalism Bangladesh–India relations Indira-Mujib Treaty 2001 Indo-Bangla skirmishes Deaths along the Bangladesh–India border Bangladesh–Pakistan relations 2013 Pakistan Embassy siege 2015 Expulsion of Pakistani diplomats from Dhaka
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