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For the religious terminology see Macedonianism.

Macedonism (Greek: Μακεδονίας, Macedonian and Serbian: Македонизам, Bulgarian: Македонизъм) is a term mostly used in Bulgaria, and to some extent in Greece (Kofos) and in Republic of Macedonia (Srbinovski, Markovski, the Ratko organization) to describe the perceived negative aspects of Macedonian National Movement. In an extreme context, the word itself means that there is no true, but only contrived Macedonian nationhood, an ideological mindset imposed by Yugoslav socialism (Titoism). In Bulgaria, to some extent in Greece and the Republic of Macedonia, this term is used primarily by the nationalists to describe a political ideology or an extreme form of ethnic nationalism and a regional linguistic separatist movement, according to which the Slavic-speaking population in Macedonia forms a separate ethnic group, possessing unique language and separate history, independent first and foremost of the Bulgarian, and to a lesser extent from the Serbian and Greek language and history respectively. In Greece this term is used almost exclusively by Kofos in the context of United Macedonia related subjects.

The term is chiefly a Balkan regionalism, rarely used in the English historiography. It is not found neither in Enciclopedia Britanica nor in the Oxford English Dictionary.

In the article The Macedonian Question published on 18th January 1871 in the "Macedonia" newspaper in Constaninople by Petko Rachev Slaveikov, Macedonism was critized, his adherants were named Macedonists, and this may be one of the earliest surviving indirect references to it, although Slaveikov never used the word Macedonism. The term's first recorded use is from 1887 by Stojan Novakovich to describe Macedonism as a potential ally for the Serbian nationalist strategy to expand its teritory toward Macedonia, assimilating population largely identifying as Bulgarian at the time (See Demographic history of Macedonia).

This term is widely used in Bulgaria due to the Bulgarian nationalists reaction against alleged attempts at falsification of history by the Republic of Macedonia. It is often used by nationalists, like Dr. Bozhidar Dimitrov, the author of The Ten Lies of Macedonism. The term is also used in the Republic of Macedonia, mainly to address issues raised by the critics of Macedonism, though in some cases it used to describe the emergence of Serbian propaganda in Macedonia in the late 19th century.

The term can also be used as an epithet by Bulgarians or their supporters against any Macedonians from the Republic of Macedonia seeking to downplay their connections with Bulgarians, or in some way exert claims of Macedonian heritage over certain groups of people outside the Republic of Macedonia - e.g. "macedonistic organization", "macedonistic orientation"

Claims

The following are some of the major claims put forward by the Macedonism supporters:

Claim 1

The Slav-speaking inhabitants of the contemporary region of Macedonia constitute a separate ethnic group (regardless of their self-determination). In other words, ethnicity is prescribed on a regional basis, rather than being self-expressed. Additionally, the Macedonian ethnic group is the only indigenous ethnic group to Macedonia, with the Greeks (who also are historically known as Macedonians in this region), who at present form the majority of the population of Macedonia, being immigrants (or the descendents of immigrants) settled in Aegean Macedonia by the Greek government in the 1920s in order to alter the ethnic composition, which Macedonism supporters claim to have been ethnic Macedonian before the event.

Claim 2

The inhabitants of the Republic of Macedonia are largely the descendants of the Ancient Macedonians, because of which claims are made over various insignia from the kingdom of Macedon, notably the Vergina Star, which is presented as "symbol of all ethnic Macedonians"

Claim 3

There existed a distinct Macedonian ethnic group in the Middle Ages, culminating with the rule of Tsar Samuil and his Macedonian/Slavic kingdom, despite Samuil being internationally recognized as "King of all Bulgarians" and various stone tablets and historic references from the time period confirming the Bulgarian ethnic character of his kingdom.

Claim 4

There exist large and oppressed ethnic Macedonian minorities in the region of Macedonia, located in neighboring Albania (up to 350,000 people), Bulgaria (up to 200,000, mainly in Blagoevgrad Province), Greece (up to 1 million in Greek Macedonia) and Serbia (about 20,000 in Pčinja District). Because of those claims, irredentist proposals are being made calling for the expansion of the borders of the Republic of Macedonia to encompass the territories allegedly populated with ethnic Macedonians, either directly or through initial independence of Blagoevgrad province and Greek Macedonia, followed by their incorporation into a single state. (See United Macedonia).

Claim 5

The Macedonian language has evolved largely independently of the Bulgarian language, rooted at the Macedonian dialects of Old Church Slavonic.

Claim 6

The name Bulgarian meant Christian or Slav before the beginning of the 20th century, instead of referring to the Bulgarian people. For that reason, people born in the region such as Goce Delchev, Kuzman Shapkarev and Grigor Parlichev were declaring that they are Bulgarian. Also Macedonists use this claim to explain the fact that no Macedonians were recorded in any census conducted prior to the 1920s, rather a mixture of Albanians, Aromanians, Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbs and Turks. See Demographic history of Macedonia#Statistical data.

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Generally, the term is considered a prejudice by many ethnic Macedonians, as well as being offensive and directly attacking the Republic of Macedonia. It is claimed that it is prevalently used in Bulgaria, as a direct expresion of the claim that the Macedonians are in fact part of the Bulgarian ethnic group, as well as to justify alleged Bulgarian irredentist claims towards the Republic of Macedonia, and that it represents an indoctrinative idea. Ethnic Macedonians rather use the term Makedonsko nacionalno dvizhenje, Macedonian National Movement.

Nonetheless, the following claims in support of Macedonism are made:

Claim 1

The critics of this claim usually ignore the concept of self determination . Macedonian groups in the country have reported official harassment, with the Bulgarian Constitutional Court banning a small Macedonian political party in 2000 as separatist and Bulgarian local authorities banning political rallies.

Claim 2

It is indisputable that in the Macedonian ethnogenesis, Slavic component is very significant. However according to Macedonian Slav authors, there is rich oral tradition mentioning Justinian I (Shapkarev 1889, p. 154) , Alexander the Great , Phillip II (Miladinov, #8; Pulevski), even Karanus of Macedon (Isaija Mazhovski, Spomeni, Sophija, 1922) founder of Macedon 8th century BC. There are no tales about Bulgarian tsars on the other hand, including Tsar Samuil , whatever that might imply about the origins of the Macedonian people. This does not explain why overwhelming number of the intelectuals in 19th century were linking the origin of Macedonian people with Ancient Macedonians . This was, according to the supporters of Macedonism, confirmed with the proclamation of Kresna Uprising. On the other hand, the Bulgarian side specifies that the folklore sources about Alexander the Great is widespread in the wide region - right up to Far East and there are many folksongs from Macedonia about the last Bulgarian ruller - Ivan Shishman.

Claim 3

According to Macedonian Slav and other historians from the former Yugoslavia, Samuil Empire had some unique differences from its predecessors . For more details, see the Samuil_of_Bulgaria#Other_theories. There are number of documents mentioning Macedonians. Macedonian people were first mentioned in 1027 („natio macedonum“) in the three most important documents of Bari (Annales Barenses, Lupi Protospatharii и Anonymi barensis chronicon.). Macedonians as an ethnic group were first mentioned in early 13th century (J. Pitra, Analecta sacra et classica specilegio Solesmensi parta, t. VI Juris ecclesiastici graecorum selecta paralipomena). Cardinal J Rita in (Collection of Canon laws Parissis et Romae 1891, col. 315) there are 50 family with Macedonian ethnicity during Ohrid Archbishop Demetrius Homatian (1216-1235). Similar thing of this time can be find at Bulgarian historian D. Angelov work (Prinot KJM Narodostite i Pozemleni Otnoshenja vo Makedonija pp. 11-12 et. seq.; 43). But perhaps the most interesting is the manifesto of Leopold I from 1690 inviting Macedonian people to be under imperial protection (along with separate letters made for Bulgaria and Serbia) (J. Ronic, Prilozi za istoriju Srba u Ugarskoj u XVI, XVII и XVIII veku, Prva Knjiga, Matice srpske, br 25 - 26, Novi Sad , p. 52-53). Regarding the Bitola Inscription the critics points that the word “by birth” in the Slavic languages shows the origin (geographical, ethnic, confessional, religious. Many parallel in that relation could be found in Byzantium, for Romei, Macedonians, Thracians etc. by birth). Regarding Samuil origin, despite Bitola Inscription , there are four theories: Armenian, Bulgar, Macedonian Slav (Brsjak), or Christianized Jew.

Claim 4

Because separate ethnic status of Macedonians is not fully recognized in Bulgaria and Greece , there can be only speculation about the actual numbers, including the possibility that there is no Macedonian minority at all in those countries. In the censi of 1948 and 1956, where according to Macedonian Slav sources, Macedonians in Bulgaria were allowed to declare freely, and according to Bulgarians were forced under pressure from Moscow as a step towards planned incorporation of the entire region of Macedonia in Yugoslavia, showed overwhelming majority in Blagoevgrad Province. However, in subsequent censi, following the Tito-Stalin split, and at present where Bulgaria is in the process of acceding to the European Union, only a small number of ethnic Macedonians were recorded.

Claim 5

The Macedonian language evolved from Old Church Slavonic (in its Macedonian dialects) In the Middle Ages this language was also used in other countries as an official language, such as Serbia. In 1875, Gjorgi Pulevski published the first Macedonian dictionary. Fried. p 9,. As any other language, it is standardized set of dialects. Macedonian language is very close to the Bulgarian and they form a dialect continuum with Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, Slovenian and the Slavic spoken in northern Greece. Macedonian, Bulgarian and the Slavic spoken in northern Greece form the East South Slavic dialect continuum. Macedonian is based on its central dialects (Prilep-Bitola, whereas Bulgarian is based on northern Bulgarian dialects. As a result, literary Macedonian and literary Bulgarian are different. For more details, see Political views on the Macedonian language.

Claim 6

The adjective Bulgarian

Earlier in the nineteenth century ‘Rum’ millet was reinterpreted by Greek nationalists to mean ‘Greek’ in a national sense and was also used to refer to members of the Orthodox Christian merchant class regardless of their ‘ethnic origin’ or the language they spoke. ( L. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, Princeton University Press, 1995, p. 59; A.V. Amfiteatrov, Zemya na Razdorot, Moscow, 1903, pp. 51–52; Alexander Strahan, London, 1866, p. xxiii. ). Similarly, the term ‘Bulgarian’ had earlier been broadly used as a collective label in the Ottoman Empire but it too had no political significance, for the term ‘Bulgarian’ meant nothing more than peasant.(L. Danforth, op. cit. p. 59; A.V. Amfiteatrov, op. cit. pp. 51–52; The English historian, D. Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897–1913, Institute for Balkan Studies, Thessaloniki, 1966, p. 11). ‘Bulgarian’ and 'Greek' were not used to designate different ethnic or national groups; they were used to designate different socio-cultural categories.(L. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict, Princeton University Press, 1995, p. 59)

The perception of the Bulgarian character of Macedonians was historically linked to a similar fate shared by the Macedonian and Bulgarian people in a deeply rooted, dual Turkish-Greek oppression. In addition, Russia harboured expansionist designs towards the Balkan Peninsula, and ‘Slavophile’ propaganda was directed at awakening a ‘Slav consciousness’ amongst the Balkan peoples.(M. Dogo,Lingua e nazionalita in macedonia vicende e pensieri di profeti disarmati 1902–1903, Milano, 1985 p 215)

Macedonia and Bulgaria were particularly exposed to Russian influence, as Ottoman rule in both lands was firmly established in comparison to Greece and Serbia, which were geographically further from Turkey. (H.R. Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, A Review of the Ethnographic Cartograpy of Macedonia, Liverpool, 1951, p. 58.). Russian influence on the destiny of both Macedonians and Bulgarians was to create an entanglement of the separate identities of the two people, one that continued to be a matter of contention for nationalist propagandists well into the twentieth century. During the period from the 1820s to the 1860s, it was said of Russian Slavophiles that, ‘misinterpreting the Bulgarian kingdom of the middle ages, and its subjugation of Macedonia, they identify the Macedonian people with the Bulgarian, and as a single people they drive them to liberate themselves from Greek influence’ (Balkanicus, The Aspirations of Bulgaria, London, 1915, and M. Dogo, op. cit. pp. 215–216.). Russia saw it in her interests to encourage a Macedonian-Bulgarian union as it corresponded to her designs towards the Aegean Sea8 and, sponsored by the Russian Tsar, the Bulgarians set about ‘the Bulgarisation of Macedonia (commentator, C. Price, The Intervention of Bulgaria - and the Central Macedonian Question, London, 1915, p. 11)

Although an alliance was formed under the common struggle against Greek ecclesiastical domination, Bulgarian nationalists assumed a superior position, hijacking the struggle for domination over Macedonia. (Y. Belchovski, The Historical Roots of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, Skopje, 1987, p. 148; S. Pribitchevich, op. cit. p. 114).

In 1903 the Macedonian intellectual Krste Missirkov described relations with the Bulgarians as having been: extremely close as the result of the general situation in Turkey: we were brothers through destiny and our relations were equal towards the government and the Phanariot Order. We were given, in our common fate, the common name of Bulgarians right up to the liberation of Bulgaria, and even after the liberation of Bulgaria this remained a tradition in Macedonia. This was the basis on which the Bulgarians established their pretensions to Macedonia; but the Macedonians had expected to be liberated by the Bulgarians. (Za Makedonskite Raboti, Sofia, 1903).

As early as 1874 a distinctly Macedonian national individuality was apparent, according to one of the leaders of the Bulgarian national revival, Petko Rachev Slaveykov. Sent to Macedonia by the Exarchate, he reported details of his findings and clearly described the national individuality of the Macedonians, in the words, ‘the Macedonians are not Bulgarians (Petko Rachev Slaveykov letter dated February 1874).

It was not unique for a Macedonian to identify oneself as Christian; indeed, in Bulgaria prior to statehood, Bulgarians commonly declared themselves ‘Christian’ in answer to the question, ‘What are you?’ The term ‘Christian’ specifically meant ‘Orthodox’ and was understood to be ‘Bulgarian’. The Russian Tsar therefore was understood by Bulgarian peasants to be a ‘Bulgarian Tsar’, not by nationality, but by Orthodox Christianity. (H.G. Lunt, Some Sociolinguistic Aspects of Macedonian and Bulgarian, University of Michigan, 1984, p. 104., Bulgarian A. T. BaIan, Edna makedonska teorija, Periodichesko Spisanie LXV, 1904, p.818 )

The historian Perry points out that those living along the border regions with Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece respectively sometimes claimed to be Serbs, Bulgarians or Greeks, ‘but for many this was a religious affiliation and not an ethnic identity’. (D.M. Perry, The Politics of Terror - The Macedonian Liberation Movements 1893–1903, London, 1988, p. 19) It is not unusual in history to find other Europeans using different labels of identification in place of their own national name. For example, Poles have in the past referred to themselves as Germans, Ukrainians as Russian, and Finns as Swedes.In each instance there are historical reasons for such processes occurring.

Without a recognised church, national recognition was impossible (Balkanicus, op. cit. p. 226), and attemts to create Macedonian church in the early 1890s failed.

Censi

The statistical data available concerning turn of the century Macedonia serves graphically to underscore the fact that such data are extremely unreliable. Most figures are based upon the estimates of politically motivated parties who used them as an exercise for numerical manipulation for political ends. (D.M. Perry, The Politics of Terror - The Macedonian Liberation Movements 1893–1903, London, 1988, op. cit. p 19)

Criticism

According to the critics of Macedonism, its usage of historical sources and documents is generally selective and inconsistent, as anything adverse to the Macedonistic perspective is deemed to be foreign (usually Bulgarian, Greek or Serbian) propaganda, with the intent to deny the Macedonian nation (see also petitio principii). For example, throughout high schools in the Republic of Macedonia, the organization of revolutionaries from the late 19th century is presented under the name Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees, instead of its true name - Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees. Until the early 1990's the name of the collection entitled Bulgarian Folk Songs by Miladinov Brothers was presented as Macedonian Folk Songs.

Claim 1 and 4

The supporters of Macedonism generally ignore censi conducted in Albania, Bulgaria and Greece, which show minimal presence of ethnic Macedonians. They consider those censi flawed, without presenting evidence in support, and accusing the governments of neighboring countries of continued propaganda. Additionally, the presence of ethnic Greeks in Macedonia has been documented for centuries before the 1920s, with the Ottoman census of 1911 showing Greeks as being the largest Christian population in the vilayets of Thessaloniki and Bitola, even superseding Bulgarians (ethnic Macedonians were not recorded). According to Encyclopædia Britannica, Macedonia had an ethnic Greek composition before the arrival of the Slavs in the 6th century - the claim that the only Greeks in Macedonia are the immigrants of the 1920s, has no basis in fact.

Claim 2

The general consensus is that at the time the Slavs settled in the region of Macedonia in the 6th century, Macedonia had a Greek ethnic composition . Finally, most supporters of Macedonism are likely to interpret "Bulgarian" as meaning Slav or Christian when it is used in reference to the population of Macedonia in historical archives, whereas they are equally likely to interpret "Macedonian" as meaning ethnic Macedonian, while ignoring the fact that historically other ethnic groups, including Greeks and Bulgarians widely used it as a regional designation.

Claim 3

The general consesus is that Tsar Samuil was indeed ruler of Bulgaria, fact stated by Byzantine historians from the period, as well as confirmed by the Bitola inscription.

Claim 6

The millets of the Ottoman Empire were not homogenous, and there were often divisions within them. Sources from that period use terms such as "party," "side," and "wing" when referring to various Christian camps. Scholars from that period distinguished between Greeks, Vlachs, Albanians, Bulgarians and Serbs, although frequently, all Slavs of Macedonia were recorded as Bulgarians. Serbian policy in Macedonia had a distinctively anti-Bulgarian flavour, and aimed to prevent the Bulgarian Exarchate (established in 1870) influencing the inhabitants of Macedonia; this would have the effect of justifying Serbian territorial claims over Macedonia. While the Bulgarian schools focused on eliminating any ethnic diversity between the Slavs of Macedonia, Serbian propaganda was aimed at preventing the Slavic-speaking Macedonians from acquiring Bulgarian identity. According to David Kertzer, at that time, Bulgarian and Serbian nationalists would present the Slavic languages of Macedonia as dialects of their own languages. This situation prompted certain intellectuals from that period such as Krste Misirkov to mention the necessity of creating a Macedonian national identity which would distinguish the Macedonian Slavs from Bulgarians, Serbians or Greeks, there is no evidence those people from the region who delcared as Bulgarians (Goce Delchev, Kuzman Shapkarev and Grigor Parlichev) ever had any other identity than Bulgarian. The perception of the existence of a Macedonian ethnicity at that time or earlier in the absence of any evidence emerges as a historical hindsight.

Serbian Invention

Many critics claim that Macedonism is a Serbian invention, not just of the word, but the very concept. They argue that without Serbian support, the idea of separate Macedonian conscience would never prevail. However, according to the supporters of Macedonism, every Serbian action was a well calculated move in the opposite direction.

After their unexpected defeat in Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885, Serbia decisively determined her position on Macedonia. Propaganda in Macedonia was systematically expanded. Serbian ethnographers produced maps of Macedonia claiming that the Serbians made up the principal element in Macedonia (Veselinovic, 1886 , Karich 1887, Gopchevich 1889, Ivanic 1908). In 1886 the St Sava Association was set up, seeking to establish Serbian schools in Macedonia.

Serbian religious propaganda began to penetrate Macedonia from the mid-1880s. It sought to substitute Bulgarian influence in central and northern Macedonia with their own. Serbia and Greece were natural allies in fighting the Bulgarian propaganda. This is plainly seen through an agreement accomplished between Pezas, the Greek Consul at Bitola and Ristich, the Serbian Consul. The agreement set that north of Prilep and Krushevo, the Serbian movement could act without obstruction, and the Serbs could rely on Greek support. South of Bitola, however, Serbian propaganda would be forbidden, but the Greek movement could rely on Serbian support. Lastly, in the region between Prilep, Krushevo and Bitola, ‘Greeks and Serbians would work together to subdue the Bulgarian movement (Vakalopoulos,Modern History of Macedonia 1830-1912, Thessaloniki, 1988, pp. 184-185 ). The recipient of Novakovich letter, Vladan Djordjevich was sent in 1891 to Athens as a Serbian envoy to propose joint action by Serbia and Greece against the Exarchate. (M.B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia 1804–1918, New York, 1976, p. 497.).

From the beginning of 20th century, Serbian armed bands were sent to Macedonia under the direct control of Serbian government. ((B. Petrovich, op. cit. p. 546.). From 1905, Serbian armed bands were controlled by ‘Serbian Defense Chief Committee’ in Belgrade. Like the Greek bands, the Serbs also attempted to ‘encourage’ villages to abandon the Exarchate. For example, by April 1905, ‘they had persuaded twenty-four villages to petition for Patriarchistic registration’. (D. Dakin, op. cit. p. 241)

Newspapers published by Macedonian émigré communities in Serbia advocating an autonomous Macedonia or a distinct Macedonina conscience were banned from sale. B. Mokrov, and T. Gruevski, Pregled na Makedonskiot Pechat (1885–1992)

Whatever considerations Serbia had related to supporting Macedonism, their actions, until 1944 at least, when the People's Republic of Macedonia was established and there was active promotion of a distinct Macedonian identity, were aimed to complete suppression of distinctive Macedonian conscience and direct Serbianisation.

Quotes

About the term Macedonism

Stojan Novakovich

Excerpt from the letter of the Serbian professor and politician Stojan Novakovich to Vladan Djordjevich, minister of education of Serbia, 1887

Since the Bulgarian idea, as we all very well know, has deep roots in Macedonia, I think that it is impossible to exterminate it if we oppose to it the Serbian idea alone. I doubt that this idea will be able to suppress the Bulgarian idea as long as it is a mere confrontation. Therefore, we would greatly profit from an ally, sharply confronted with Bulgarianism, and including in itself elements that would attract the people and which would be intimate to his feelings - it is precisely they that will split it from Bulgarianism. This ally in my view is Macedonism, or in definite and wisely set boundaries, presentation of Macedonian dialect and Macedonian specifics. There is nothing more opposing to Bulgarian tendencies than this — there is no other situation where Bulgarians can find themselves in more unrest than against Macedonism.

Miodrag Drugovac

Excerpts from a textbook published in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia of former Yugoslavia, in 1990, authored by Miodrag Drugovac:

At this time of intense Bulgarian and Greek ecclesiastic and cultural propaganda, in Macedonia a new face of the Serbian ecclesiastic and cultural propaganda appears — Macedonism.

Macedonism is an attempt at neutralization of the Bulgarian and Greek influences.

About the term Macedonist

Petko Racev Slaveykov

The Macedonian question, article published 18th January 1871 in the "Macedonia" newspaper in Constaninople, containing one of the earliest known references to the word Macedonist:

The Macedonian question has at last reached the public and the press. We say 'at last', because this question is not a new problem. We heard it from some people from Macedonia as long as about ten years ago. We first considered the words of those young patriots... of our not so serious disputes. We had also thought so until a year or two ago, when new discussions with some Macedonians showed us that the problem was not only vain words, but an idea that many would like to put into practice. And we were sorry and it was difficult for us to hear such words, because the problem seemed to us a highly delicate one, especially in the conditions in which we found ourselves.

Some Macedonists distinguish themselves from the Bulgarians upon another basis -- they are pure Slavs, while the Bulgarians are Tartars and so on... In order to give credibility to their arbitrary view, the Macedonists point out the difference between the Macedonian and High Bulgarian dialects, of which the former is closer to the Slav language while the latter is mixed with Tartarisms, etc.

The entire text of the article.

Notes

1. Macedonia. (2006). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved June 16, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service:
2. Дипломатски архив — Дубровник, ПП одель., ф. I — 251/1888 г.
3. Друговац, Миодраг. Историjа на македонската книжевност ХХ век, Скопиje 1990, с. 73

See also

• History of the Republic of Macedonia
• Demographic history of Macedonia
• Macedonian Question
• Titoism
• Moldovenism
• The Ten Lies of Macedonism
• Nationalism
• Chauvinism
• Irredentism
• Propaganda
• Extremism
• United Macedonia
• Conformism
• Indoctrination
• Bulgarians
• Ethnic Macedonians
• Macedonian language
• Bulgarian language

External links

• Template:En icon Macedonia and Bulgarian National Nihilism
• Template:En icon Article on Macedonism
• Template:En icon The creators of Macedonism
• Template:En icon Evangelos Kofos, THE VISION OF "GREATER MACEDONIA"
• Template:En icon Greece’s Macedonian Adventure: The Controversy over FYROM’s Independence and Recognition
• Template:Mk icon Explanation of the term Macedonism by the organization "Ratko" (RoM)
• Template:Bg icon Venko Markovski on Macedonism

• Politics of Bulgaria
• Politics of the Republic of Macedonia
• Nationalism