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| {{History of Tibet}} | |||
| The '''history of Tibet from 1950 to the present''' started with the Chinese ] ] in 1950–51. Before then, ] had declared independence from China since 1913. In 1951, the Tibetans signed a seventeen-point agreement affirming China's sovereignty over Tibet and providing an autonomous administration led by Dalai Lama. In ] the 14th Dalai Lama fled Tibet to northern India where he established the ]. The ] within China was officially established in 1965.<ref>{{cite news|url =http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-16689779|title=Tibet profile}}</ref> | |||
| ==1950–1955: Traditional systems== | |||
| {{Further|Incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China}} | |||
| {{POV-section|date=July 2013}} | |||
| In 1949, seeing that the Communists were gaining control of China, the ] expelled all Chinese connected with the Chinese government, over the protests of both the Kuomintang and the Communists.<ref name="shakya7-8">Shakya 1999, pp. 7–8</ref> Both the ] and the ] have maintained ]'s claim to sovereignty over Tibet, even though it could be argued that it is merely a relic of the Chinese Empire. | |||
| The ] government led by ], which came to power in October, lost little time in asserting a new Chinese presence in Tibet. In June 1950 the ] Government in the ] stated that His Majesty's Government "have always been prepared to recognise Chinese suzerainty over Tibet, but only on the understanding that Tibet is regarded as autonomous"<ref></ref> On 7 October 1950,<ref name = "Laird301">Laird 2006, p. 301</ref> The ] ] the Tibetan area of ]. The large number of units of the PLA quickly surrounded the outnumbered Tibetan forces, and by October 19, 1950, 5,000 Tibetan troops had surrendered.<ref name = "Laird301"/> In 1951, representatives of Tibetan authority, with the Dalai Lama's authorization,<ref>Goldstein 2007, p96</ref> participated in negotiations with the Chinese government in Beijing. This resulted in a '']'' which established China's sovereignty over Tibet. The agreement was ratified in Lhasa a few months later.<ref>Goldstein 1989, pp. 812–813</ref> According to the ], some members of the Tibetan Cabinet (Kashag), for example, Tibetan Prime Minister Lukhangwa, never accepted the agreement.<ref>In 1952 Lukhangwa told Chinese Representative Zhang Jingwu "It was absurd to refer to the terms of the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Our people did not accept the agreement and the Chinese themselves had repeatedly broken the terms of it. Their army was still in occupation of eastern Tibet; the area had not been returned to the government of Tibet, as it should have been." ''My Land and My People'', Dalai Lama, New York, 1992, p.95</ref> But the National Assembly of Tibet, "while recognizing the extenuating circumstances under which the delegates had to sign the 'agreement', asked the government to accept the 'agreement'...the Kashag told Zhang Jingwu that it would radio its acceptance of the 'agreement'."<ref name="tibet.net"></ref> | |||
| Tibetan exile sources generally consider it invalid, as having been reluctantly or unwillingly signed under duress.<ref name="Powers116 7">Powers 2004, pp. 116–7</ref> On the path that was leading him into exile in India, the ] arrived March 26, 1959 at Lhuntse Dzong where he repudiated the "17-point Agreement" as having been "thrust upon Tibetan Government and people by the threat of arms."<ref name="tibet.net"/> and reaffirmed his government as the only legitimate representative of Tibet.<ref name="Michel Peissel">], "The Cavaliers of Kham, the secret war in Tibet" London: Heinemann 1972, and Boston: Little, Brown & Co. 1973</ref><ref name="Tenzin Gyatso">], '']'' Harper San Francisco, 1991</ref> According to this agreement between the Tibetan and Chinese central governments, the Dalai Lama-ruled Tibetan area was supposed to be a highly autonomous area of China. | |||
| From the beginning, it was obvious that incorporating Tibet into Communist China would bring two opposite social systems face-to-face.<ref name=goldstein2007-541>Goldstein 2007, p541</ref> In western Tibet, however, the Chinese Communists opted not to make social reform an immediate priority. On the contrary, from 1951 to 1959, traditional Tibetan society with its lords and manorial estates continued to function unchanged.<ref name=goldstein2007-541/> Despite the presence of twenty thousand PLA troops in Central Tibet, the Dalai Lama's government was permitted to maintain important symbols from its ''de facto'' independence period.<ref name=goldstein2007-541/> | |||
| Tibetan areas in ], which were outside the authority of the Dalai Lama's government, did not enjoy this same autonomy and had land redistribution implemented in full. Most lands were taken away from noblemen and monasteries and re-distributed to serfs. The Tibetan region of Eastern Kham, previously ] province, was incorporated into the province of Sichuan. Western Kham was put under the Chamdo Military Committee. In these areas, ] was implemented. This involved communist agitators designating "landlords"—sometimes arbitrarily chosen—for public humiliation in so-called "]",<ref>''thamzing'', {{Bo|w=‘thab-‘dzing|l={{IPA-bo|tʰʌ́msiŋ|}}}}</ref> torture, maiming, and even death.<ref>Craig (1992), pp. 76–78, 120–123.</ref><ref>Shakya (1999), pp. 245–249, 296, 322–323.</ref> It was only after 1959 that China brought the same practices to Central Tibet.<ref>Laird 2006, p. 318</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2008-04/17/content_7994146.htm |title=Unforgettable History—Old Tibet Serfdom System |accessdate=2008-04-29 |author=Guangming Daily |language=zh }}</ref> | |||
| The Chinese built ] that reached Lhasa, and then extended them to the ]n, ]ese and ]i borders. The traditional Tibetan aristocracy and government remained in place and were ] by the Chinese government.<ref name=goldstein2007-541/> The first national census in all of the ] was held in 1954, counting 2,770,000 ethnic Tibetans in China, including 1,270,000 in the Tibet Autonomous Region.<ref name="pop"> {{Link language|zh|Chinese}}</ref> | |||
| ==1956–1958: Trials and incremental reform== | |||
| By 1956 there was unrest in eastern Kham and Amdo, where land reform had been implemented in full. Rebellions erupted and eventually spread into western Kham and Ü-Tsang. In some parts of the country Chinese Communists tried to establish rural communes, as they were in the whole of China.{{Citation needed|date=July 2010}} | |||
| A rebellion against the Chinese occupation was led by noblemen and monasteries and broke out in ] and eastern ] in June 1956. The insurrection, supported by the American ],<ref>{{cite news|title=Revolt of the Monks: How a Secret CIA Campaign Against China 50 Years Ago Continues to Fester; A Role for Dalai Lama's Brother|first=Peter|last=Wonacott|work=]|date=2008-08-30|archiveurl=http://chinhdangvu.blogspot.com/2008/08/revolt-of-monks.html|url=http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122005956740185361.html?mod=googlenews_wsj|archivedate=2008-08-30}}</ref> eventually spread to Lhasa. | |||
| The ] began with isolated resistance to PRC control in 1956. Initially there was considerable success and with CIA support and aid much of southern Tibet fell into Tibetan ]s hands. During this campaign, tens of thousands of Tibetans were killed.<ref>Laird 2006, pp. 320–328</ref> | |||
| In 1959, China's socialist land reforms and military crackdown on rebels in Kham and Amdo led to the "]." In an operation launched in the wake of the National Uprising of 10 March 1959 in Lhasa, 10,000 to 15,000 Tibetans were killed within three days.<ref name="friendsoftibet.org">http://www.friendsoftibet.org/main/concerns.html</ref> Resistance spread throughout Tibet. Fearing capture of the Dalai Lama, unarmed Tibetans surrounded his residence, at which point the Dalai Lama fled<ref>"Witness: Reporting on the Dalai Lama's escape to India." Peter Jackson. ''Reuters''. Feb 27, 2009.</ref> with the help of the ] to India.<ref>The CIA's secret war in Tibet, Seattle Times, January 26, 1997, Paul Salopek Ihttp://www.timbomb.net/buddha/archive/msg00087.html</ref> On 28 March,<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/20/world/asia/20tibet.html|title=Holiday for Tibet Is a Swipe at the Dalai Lama|last=Wong|first=Edward|date=20 January 2009|work=The New York Times|page=13|accessdate=28 March 2011}}</ref> the Chinese set the ] (who was virtually their prisoner<ref>Shakya (1999), p. 193.</ref>) as a figurehead in Lhasa, claiming that he headed the legitimate Government of Tibet in the absence of the Dalai Lama, the traditional ruler of Tibet.<ref>Shakya (1999), p. 128.</ref> | |||
| After this, resistance forces operated from ]. Operations continued from the semi-independent ] with a force of 2000 rebels; many of them trained at ] near ], ]<ref>''Air America'', Corgi Books. Tim Robbins. 1988.</ref> Guerrilla warfare continued in other parts of the country for several years. | |||
| In 1969, on the eve of ] overtures to China, American support was withdrawn and the Nepalese government dismantled the operation. | |||
| ==1959–1976: Uprising and upheaval== | |||
| Mao's ] (1959–1962) led to famine in Tibet. "In many parts of Tibet people have ].. . . In some places, whole families have perished and the ] is very high. This is very abnormal, horrible and grave," according to a confidential report by the ] sent to Chinese Premier ] in 1962.<ref name="Panchen">""</ref> "In the past Tibet lived in a dark barbaric feudalism but there was never such a shortage of food, especially after Buddhism had spread....In Tibet from 1959 to 1961, for two years almost all animal husbandry and farming stopped. The nomads have no grain to eat and the farmers have no meat, butter or salt," the report continued.<ref name="Panchen"/> It was the opinion of the Panchen Lama that these deaths were a result of ], not of any ], which was the situation understood in Beijing by Chairman Mao and the Central People's Government.<ref name="subliminal.org">http://www.subliminal.org/tibet/testimony/1962-panchen.html</ref> Panchen Lama also states the uniqueness of the famine that Tibet suffered from, "There was never such an event in the history of Tibet. People could not even imagine such horrible starvation in their dreams. In some areas if one person catches a cold, then it spreads to hundreds and large numbers simply die."<ref name="subliminal.org"/> The destruction of most of Tibet's more than 6,000 monasteries happened between 1959 and 1961.<ref name="Craig 1992, p. 125">Craig (1992), p. 125.</ref> Of the 6,259 monasteries in Tibet before the Chinese occupation, only eight remained in 1976.<ref>http://www.cosmicharmony.com/Tibet/TibetBefore.htm</ref> | |||
| According to ] from ], P.R. China, called an advocate of the PRC line on Tibet by exile Tibetan writer Jamyang Norbu,<ref>Jamyang Norbu. Running-Dog Propagandists. – http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=21945&t=1</ref> the 10th panchen-lama is purported to have visited three counties before writing his report: the xian of Ping’an, the Hui autonomous xian of Hualong and the Salar autonomous xian of Xunhua. His description of a ] concerns only Xunhua, his native region. All three xians are in the Haidong prefecture, a part of the Qinghai province whose population is 90% non-Tibetan and does not belong to “cultural Tibet”. | |||
| Sautman also stated that the claim that Tibet was the region most hit by China’s famine of 1959-1962 is based not on statistics gathered in Tibetan areas, but on anonymous refugee reports lacking in numerical specificity ».<ref>Barry Sautman, "Demographic Annihilation" and Tibet, pp. 230–257, in Barry Sautman, June Teufel Dreyer (eds), ''Contemporary Tibet: politics, development, and society in a disputed region'', M. E. Sharpe, 2006, 360 p.</ref> Sautman's conclusions recently subjected to criticism.<ref></ref> | |||
| In 1960 the western-based ] ] (ICJ) gave a report titled ''Tibet and the Chinese People's Republic to the United Nations''. The report was prepared by the ICJ's Legal Inquiry Committee, composed of eleven international lawyers from around the world. This report accused the Chinese of the crime of ] in Tibet, after nine years of full occupation, six years before the devastation of the ] began.<ref name="tibetjustice.org">http://www.tibetjustice.org/materials/govngo/govngo2.html</ref> The ICJ also documented accounts of massacres, tortures and killings, bombardment of monasteries, and extermination of whole nomad camps<ref name="friendsoftibet.org"/> Declassified Soviet archives provides data that Chinese communists, who received a great assistance in military equipment from the USSR, broadly used Soviet aircraft for bombing monasteries and other punitive operations in Tibet.<ref></ref> | |||
| The ICJ examined evidence relating to human rights within the structure of the ] as announced by the ]. After taking into account the human, economic and ], they found that the Chinese communist authorities had violated Article 3, 5, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26 and 27 of the ] in Tibet.<ref name="tibetjustice.org"/> | |||
| The Tibetans were not allowed to participate in the ] life of their own community, a culture which the Chinese have ], according to the ICJ. The ICJ discovered that Chinese allegations that the Tibetans enjoyed no human rights before the entry of the Chinese were based on distorted and exaggerated accounts of life in Tibet. Accusations against the Tibetan "rebels" of rape, plunder and torture were found in cases of plunder to have been deliberately fabricated and in other cases unworthy of belief for this and other reasons.<ref name="tibetjustice.org"/> | |||
| Under the ] the Central People's Government of the Chinese People's Republic gave a number of undertakings, among them: promises to maintain the existing political system of Tibet, to maintain the status and functions of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, to protect freedom of religion and the monasteries and to refrain from compulsion in the matter of reforms in Tibet. The ICJ found that these and other undertakings had been violated by the Chinese People's Republic, and that the ] was entitled to repudiate the Agreement as it did on March 11, 1959.<ref name="tibetjustice.org"/> | |||
| According to various authors, the 1959 and 1960 ICJ reports date back to a time when that organization was funded by the CIA. ] asserts that the United States took advantage of the Dalai Lama's leaving Tibet by prodding its clandestinely funded Cold War International Commission of Jurists to prepare propagandistic reports attacking China.<ref>A. Tom Grunfeld, Tibet and the United States, in Barry Sautman and June Teufel Dreyer (eds), ''Contemporary Tibet: politics, development, and society in a disputed region'', M. E. Sharpe, 2006, 360 p., pp. 319–349, p. 329: {{quote|The United States also took advantage of the Dalai Lama's having left Tibet by having the CIA revive its Cold War propaganda machine, creating supposedly popular organizations such as the American Emergency Committee for Tibetan Refugees, prodding its clandestinely funded Cold War human rights organizations such as the International Commission of Jurists to prepare propagandistic reports attacking China}}.</ref> In his 1994 book ''The International Commission of Jurists, Global Advocates for Human Rights'',<ref>Howard B. Tolley Jr., ''The International Commission of Jurists, Global Advocates for Human Rights'', Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1944, XVII p. + 344 p.</ref> Howard B. Tolley Jr. explains how the ICJ was created and bankrolled by the CIA from 1952 to 1967 as an instrument of the Cold War without most ICJ officers and members knowing about it.<ref>Richard Pierre Claude, of Howard B. Tolley Jr., ''The International Commission of Jurists: Global Advocates for Humam Rights'', in ''Human Rights Quarterly'', August 1994: {{quote|Based on the documentation and named respondents, the authors present the tale of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in secretly bankrolling the formation of the ICJ as an instrument of the cold war. (...) Tolley shows that the tainted source of funding was unknown to most ICJ officers and members}}.</ref> The connection between the CIA and the early ICJ is also mentioned by Dorothy Stein in her book ''People Who Count. Population and Politics, Women and Children'', published in 1995. She accuses the Commission of growing out of a group created by American intelligence agents whose purpose was dissiminating ] propaganda.<ref>Dorothy Stein, ''People Who Count. Population and Politics, Women and Children'', Earthscan Publications, London, 1995, XI + 239 p., pp. 193–104, note 27: {{quote|The ICJ itself grew out of a group created by American intelligence agents whose purpose was disseminating anti-communist propaganda. It too has received funds from the CIA, which is not a notable rights organization, nor, which is more to the point, particularly noted for its interest in truth. The 1960 LIC report, ''Tibet and the Chinese People's Republic'' (ICJ, Geneva: 1990), shows strong signs of bias in accepting or rejecting the testimonies cited}}.</ref> This contrasts with the official overview of the ], which is "dedicated to the primacy, coherence and implementation of international law and principles that advance human rights" and the "impartial, objective and authoritative legal approach to the protection and promotion of human rights through the rule of law" while providing "legal expertise at both the international and national levels to ensure that developments in international law adhere to human rights principles and that international standards are implemented at the national level."<ref>http://www.icj.org/default.asp?nodeID=441&langage=1&myPage=Overview</ref> | |||
| Warren W. Smith, a broadcaster of ] (which was established by the US government), extrapolated a death figure of 400,000 from his calculation of census reports of Tibet which show 200,000 "missing" people.<ref>''Tibet, Tibet'' ISBN 1-4000-4100-7, pp. 278–82</ref><ref>Smith 1997, p. 600</ref> The ] claimed that the number that have died of starvation, violence, or other indirect causes since 1950 is approximately 1.2 million.<ref name="'Tibet: Proving Truth from Facts'">, ''The Department of Information and International Relations: Central Tibetan Administration'', 1996. p. 53</ref> According to ], the former director of the London-based ] and a supporter of the Tibetan cause who was able to view the data and calculations, the estimate is not reliable because the Tibetans were not able to process the data well enough to produce a credible total. French says this total was based on refugee interviews, but prevented outsider access to the data. French, who did gain access, found no names, but "the insertion of seemingly random figures into each section, and constant, unchecked duplication."<ref name="barry">Barry Sautman, June Teufel Dreyer, ''Contemporary Tibet: Politics, Development, And Society In A Disputed Region'' pp. 239</ref> Furthermore, he found that of the 1.1 million dead listed, only 23,364 were female (implying that 1.07 million of the total Tibetan male population of 1.25 million had died).<ref name="barry"/> ] ] also finds that the figure is "without documentary evidence."<ref>Grunfeld 1996, p. 247.</ref> There were, however, many casualties, perhaps as many as 400,000.<ref>French 2003, pp. 278–82</ref> Smith, calculating from census reports of Tibet, shows 144,000 to 160,000 "missing" from Tibet".<ref>Smith 1997, p. 600–1 n. 8</ref> Courtois ''et al.'' forward a figure of 800,000 deaths and allege that as many as 10% of the Tibetan populace were interned, with few survivors.<ref name="Kewly, p. 255">Courtois 1997, p. 545–6, (cites Kewly, ''Tibet'' p. 255)</ref> Chinese demographers have estimated that 90,000 of the 300,000 "missing" Tibetans fled the region.<ref>Yan Hao, , ''Asian Ethnicity'', Volume 1, No. 1, March 2000, p.24</ref> The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) denies this. Its official toll of deaths recorded for the whole of China for the years of the Great Leap Forward is 14 million, but scholars have estimated the number of the famine victims to be between 20 and 43 million.<ref>Peng Xizhe (彭希哲), "Demographic Consequences of the Great Leap Forward in China's Provinces," ''Population and Development Review'' 13, no. 4 (1987), 639–70.<br>For a summary of other estimates, please refer to this </ref> | |||
| The Government of Tibet in Exile quotes an issue of '']'' published in 1959 to claim that the Tibetan population has dropped significantly since 1959, counting the population of the Tibet Autonomous region but Qinghai, Gansu, and other regions inhabited by Tibetans, as the "Tibetan population". Compared as a whole to the 2000 numbers, the population in these regions has decreased, it says.<ref>People's Daily, Beijing, 10 November 1959, in </ref> These findings are in conflict with a 1954 Chinese census report that counted ethnic Tibetans.<ref> {{Link language|zh|Chinese}}</ref> This is because in all of these provinces, Tibetans were not the only traditional ethnic group. This is held to be so especially in Qinghai, which has a historical mixture of different groups of ethnics. In 1949, Han Chinese made up 48.3% of the population, the rest of the ethnic groups make up 51.7% of the 1.5 million total population.<ref>{{zh icon}} Qinghai Population </ref> As of today, Han Chinese account for 54% of the total population of Qinghai, which is slightly higher than in 1949. Tibetans make up around 20% of the population of Qinghai.{{Citation needed|date=November 2010}} Detailed analysis of statistical data from Chinese and Tibetan emigrant sources revealed errors in estimates of Tibetan population by regions. Although it may contain errors, data from the Government of Tibet in Exile was found to be in better correspondence with the known facts than any other existing estimates. With respect to total population of the whole Tibet in 1953 and 1959, the Tibetan side appears to provide numbers that are too high, while the Chinese side provides numbers that are too low.<ref></ref> | |||
| On June 20, 1959 in ] during a ], the Dalai Lama stated: | |||
| ''"The ultimate Chinese aim with regard to Tibet, as far as I can make out, seems to attempt the extermination of religion and culture and even the absorption of the Tibetan race...Besides the civilian and military personnel already in Tibet, five million Chinese settlers have arrived in eastern and north-eastern Tso, in addition to which four million Chinese settlers are planned to be sent to U and Sung provinces of Central Tibet. Many Tibetans have been deported, thereby resulting in the complete absorption of these Tibetans as a race, which is being undertaken by the Chinese." ''<ref>http://www.tibetjustice.org/materials/govngo/govngo1.html</ref> | |||
| Reprisals for the ] involved the killing of 87,000 Tibetans by the Chinese count, according to a Radio Lhasa broadcast of 1 October 1960, although Tibetan exiles claim that 430,000 died during the Uprising and the subsequent 15 years of ], which continued until the US withdrew support.<ref>http://www.tibet.org/Why/occupation.html</ref> | |||
| In spite of claims by the Chinese that most of the damage to Tibet's institutions occurred subsequently during the ] (1966–1976), it is well established that the destruction of most of Tibet's more than 6,000 monasteries happened between 1959 and 1961.<ref name="Craig 1992, p. 125"/> During the mid-1960s, the monastic estates were broken up and ]. During the Cultural Revolution, ], which included Tibetan members,<ref>Shakya (1999), p. 320.</ref> inflicted a campaign of organized vandalism against cultural sites in the entire PRC, including Buddhist sites in Tibet.<ref>Shakya (1999), pp. 314–347.</ref> According to at least one Chinese source, only a handful of the most important monasteries remained without major damage.<ref>Wang 2001, pp. 212–214</ref> | |||
| In 1965, the area that had been under the control of the Dalai Lama's government from 1951 to 1959 (Ü-Tsang and western Kham) was renamed the ] or TAR. Autonomy provided that ] would be an ethnic Tibetan; however, the TAR head is always subordinate to the First Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Regional Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, who was not a Tibetan.<ref>Dodin (2008), pp. 205.</ref> The role of ethnic Tibetans in the higher levels of the TAR Communist Party was very limited.<ref>Dodin (2008), pp. 195–196.</ref> | |||
| The ] launched in 1966 was a ] for Tibet, as it was for the rest of the PRC. Large numbers of Tibetans died violent deaths due to it, and the number of intact monasteries in Tibet was reduced from thousands to less than ten. Tibetan resentment towards the Chinese deepened.<ref name="Powers141 2">Powers 2004, pp. 141–2</ref> Tibetans participated in the destruction, but it is not clear how many of them actually embraced the Communist ideology and how many participated out of fear of becoming targets themselves.<ref name="Powers185">Powers 2004, pg. 185</ref> Resistors against the Cultural Revolution included Thrinley Chodron, a nun from ], who led an armed rebellion that spread through eighteen xians (counties) of the TAR, targeting Chinese Party officials and Tibetan collaborators, that was ultimately suppressed by the PLA. Citing Tibetan Buddhist symbols which the rebels invoked, Shakya calls this 1969 revolt "a millenarian uprising, an insurgency characterized by a passionate desire to be rid of the ]."<ref name="shakyawang">{{cite web|url=http://www.friendsoftibet.org/databank/tibethistory/tibeth3.html|title=Blood in the Snows(Reply to Wang Lixiong)|accessdate=2009-03-02}}</ref> | |||
| ==1976–1987: Rapprochement and internationalization== | |||
| Following Mao's death in 1976, ] launched initiatives of rapprochement with the exiled Tibetan leaders, hoping to persuade them to come to live in China. ], who was Communist Party Secretary in Tibet, thought that Tibetans in Tibet were happy under Chinese Communist rule and that they shared the Chinese Communist views of the pre-Communist Tibetan rulers as oppressive despots. So, when delegations from the Tibetan government in exile visited Tibet in 1979-80, Chinese officials expected to impress the Tibetan exiles with the progress that had occurred since 1950 and with the contentment of the Tibetan populace. Ren even organized meetings in Lhasa to urge Tibetans to restrain their animosity towards the coming representatives of an old, oppressive regime. The Chinese, then, were astonished and embarrassed at the massive, tearful expressions of devotion which Tibetans made to the visiting Tibetan exiles. Thousands of Tibetans cried, prostrated, offered scarves to the visitors, and strove for a chance to touch the Dalai Lama's brother.<ref name="Goldstein613">Goldstein 1997, pp. 61–3</ref> | |||
| These events also prompted Party Secretary ] and Vice Premier ] to visit Tibet, where they were dismayed by the conditions they found. Hu announced a reform program intended to improve economic standards for Tibetans and to foster some freedom for Tibetans to practice ethnic and cultural traditions. In some ways, this was a return from the hard line authoritarianism and assimilation policies of the 1960s to Mao's more ethnically accommodating policies of the 1950s, with the major difference that there would be no separate Tibetan government as there had been in the 1950s.<ref name="Goldstein636">Goldstein 1997, pp. 63–66</ref> Hu ordered a change in policy, calling for the revitalization of Tibetan culture, religion, and language, the building of more ], and an increase in the number of ethnic Tibetans in the local government.<ref>http://cc.purdue.edu/~wtv/tibet/article/art4.html ''Tibet, China and the United States: Reflections on the Tibet Question,''by Melvyn C. Goldstein</ref> Concurrent liberalizations in ] and ] have also resulted in Tibet seeing more ] ], though the actual number of this ] remains disputed. | |||
| New meetings between Chinese officials and exiled leaders took place in 1981–1984, but no agreements could be reached.<ref name="Goldstein674">Goldstein 1997, pp. 67–74</ref> | |||
| In 1986–1987, the Tibetan government in exile in Dharamshala launched a new drive to win international support for their cause as a human rights issue. In response, the ] in June 1987 passed a resolution in support of Tibetan human rights.<ref name="Goldstein758">Goldstein 1997, pp. 75–78</ref> Between ], four major demonstrations occurred in Lhasa against Chinese rule.<ref name="Goldstein7983">Goldstein 1997, pp. 79–83</ref> American Tibetologist ] considered the riots to be spontaneous mass expressions of Tibetan resentment, sparked in part by hope that the United States would soon provide support or pressure enabling Tibet to become independent.<ref name="Goldstein837">Goldstein 1997, pp. 83–87</ref> In 1987, the Panchen Lama delivered a speech estimating the number of prison deaths in Qinghai at approximately 5 percent of the total population in the area.<ref>Barnett, Robert, in: ''Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China's 100 Questions'', edited by Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille. (2008), pp. 89–90. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24464-1 (cloth); ISBN 978-0-520-24928-8 (pbk).</ref> The United States passed a 1988–1989 Foreign Relations Act which expressed support for Tibetan human rights.<ref name="Goldstein758" /> The riots ironically discredited Hu's more liberal Tibetan policies and brought about a return to hard-line policies; Beijing even imposed martial law in Tibet in 1989. Emphasis on economic development brought increasing numbers of non-Tibetans to Lhasa, and the economy in Tibet became increasingly dominated by Han. Lhasa became a city where non-Tibetans equalled or outnumbered Tibetans.<ref name="Goldstein8799">Goldstein 1997, pp. 87–99</ref> | |||
| When the 10th Panchen Lama addressed the Tibet Autonomous Region Standing Committee Meeting of the National People’s Congress in 1987, he detailed mass imprisonment and killings of Tibetans in Amdo (Qinghai): "there were between three to four thousand villages and towns, each having between three to four thousand families with four to five thousand people. From each town and village, about 800 to 1,000 people were imprisoned. Out of this, at least 300 to 400 people of them died in prison...In Golok area, many people were killed and their dead bodies were rolled down the hill into a big ditch. The soldiers told the family members and relatives of the dead people that they should all celebrate since the rebels had been wiped out. They were even forced to dance on the dead bodies. Soon after, they were also massacred with machine guns. They were all buried there"<ref name="acme">{{cite web|url=http://www.tibetwrites.org/?Acme-of-Obscenity|title=Acme of Obscenity|accessdate=2010-03-28}}</ref> | |||
| ==1988–present== | |||
| ], Tibet, 1993]] | |||
| ] became the Party Chief of the Tibet Autonomous Region in 1988. In 1989, the ] died. Many Tibetans believe that Hu was involved in his unexpected death.<ref></ref> A few months later, according to ], a dissident journalist, the police in Lhasa received orders from General ] to provoke an incident. Peaceful demonstrations lead to the death of 450 Tibetans that year.<ref></ref> The fourth national census was conducted in 1990, finding 4,590,000 ethnic Tibetans in China, including 2,090,000 in the TAR. The Chinese government compares these numbers to the first national census to conclude that the Tibetan population has doubled since 1951.<ref name="pop"/> | |||
| In 1995, the Dalai Lama named 6 year old ] as the 11th Panchen Lama without the approval of the government of China, while the PRC named another child, ] in conflict with the Dalai Lama's choice. Gyaincain Norbu was raised in Tibet and Beijing and makes frequent public appearances in religion and politics. The PRC-selected Panchen Lama is rejected by exiled Tibetans who commonly refer to him as the "Panchen Zuma" (literally "fake Panchen Lama").<ref name="web.amnesty.org">http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/ENGASA170071996 'Tibet: 6-year old boy missing and over 50 detained in Panchen Lama dispute', ''Amnesty International'', 18 January 1996</ref> Gedhun Choekyi Nyima and his family are missing: kidnapped, says Amnesty International, or living under a secret identity for protection and privacy, says Beijing.<ref name="web.amnesty.org"/> | |||
| ===Economic development=== | |||
| ] to Lhasa]] | |||
| In 2000, the Chinese government launched its ] aimed at boosting the economies of its poorer western regions. The strategy has featured a strong bias for large-scale, capital-intensive projects such as the ]. Such projects however, have roused fears of facilitating military mobilisation and Han migration.<ref name="sfgate.com"></ref> Robert Barnett reports that the economic stimulus was used by hardliners to stimulate Han migration to Tibet as a control mechanism, and that 66% of official posts in Tibet are held by Han.<ref name=leh>],] '''', Umbrage Editions, New York, 1998., </ref> There is still an ethnic imbalance in appointments and promotions to the civil and judicial services in the Tibetan Autonomous Region, with disproportionately few ethnic Tibetans appointed to these posts.<ref name="savetibet.org"></ref> | |||
| The PRC government claims that its rule over Tibet has provided economic development to Tibetan people, and that the ] plan is a benevolent and patriotic undertaking by the wealthier east coast to help the western parts of China catch up in terms of prosperity and living standards. On the other hand, the government maintains that the Tibetan Government did almost nothing to improve the Tibetans' material standard of life during its rule from 1913–59, and that they opposed any reforms proposed by the Chinese government. According to the Chinese government, this is the reason for the tension that grew between some central government officials and the local Tibetan government in 1959.<ref name="Wang 194-7">Jiawei, Wang, "The Historical Status of China's Tibet", 2000, pp 194–7</ref> | |||
| These claims are, however, disputed by many Tibetans. In 1989, the Panchen Lama, finally allowed to return to Shigatse, addressed a crowd of 30,000 and described what he saw as the suffering of Tibet and the harm being done to his country in the name of socialist reform under the rule of the PRC in terms reminiscent of the petition he had presented to Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in 1962.<ref>The petition of 10th Panchen Lama in 1962</ref> | |||
| The government, in turn, rejects claims that the lives of Tibetans have deteriorated, and states that the lives of Tibetans have been improved immensely compared to self-rule before 1950.<ref>Peter Hessler, , ''The Atlantic Monthly'', Feb. 1999</ref> This contrasts with reports by ], which document widespread abuses committed by Chinese security forces<ref>http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/09/24/statement-tibet-human-rights-council</ref> and torture by Chinese police and security forced.<ref>http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2011/01/10/beijings-broken-promises-human-rights-0</ref> | |||
| Despite China's claims that the lives of Tibetans have improved immensely, some 3,000 Tibetans brave hardship and danger to flee into exile every year.<ref name="Powers143">Powers 2004, pg. 143</ref> | |||
| The PRC claims that: From 1951 to 2007, the Tibetan population in Lhasa administered Tibet has increased from 1.2 million to almost 3 million. The ] of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) today is thirty times that of before 1950. Workers in Tibet have the second highest wages in China.<ref>, Asian Labour News, 21 February 2005,</ref> The TAR has 22,500 km of highways, as opposed to none in 1950. All secular education in the TAR was created after the revolution. The TAR now has 25 scientific research institutes as opposed to none in 1950. ] has dropped from 43% in 1950 to 0.661% in 2000.<ref name=autogenerated8>, Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, November 2001</ref> (The United Nations reports an infant mortality rate of 3.53% in 2000, fallen from 43.0% in 1951.<ref>{{cite web| title = Tibet: Basic Data | url = http://www.unescap.org/esid/psis/population/database/chinadata/tibet.htm | publisher = United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific | accessdate=2008-04-22}}</ref>) ] has risen from 35.5 years in 1950 to 67 in 2000. It points to the collection and publishing of the traditional '']'', which is the longest ] in the world and had only been handed down orally before. (However, corresponding Tibetan texts exist from the 18th century, and in the late 19th and early 20th centuries a ] of the story was compiled by a scholar-monk from ] (a small kingdom north-east of sDe-dge) with inspiration from the prolific Tibetan philosopher ]) It also highlights the allocation of 300 million ] since the 1980s for the maintenance and protection of Tibetan monasteries.<ref name=autogenerated8 /> The ] and the cultural damage it wrought upon the entire PRC is generally condemned as a nationwide catastrophe, whose main instigators, in the PRC's view, the ], have been brought to justice. The ] plan is viewed by the PRC as a massive, benevolent, and patriotic undertaking by the wealthier eastern coast to help the western parts of China, including Tibet, catch up in prosperity and living standards.{{Citation needed|date=November 2010}} | |||
| In 2008 the Chinese government "launched a 570-million-yuan (81.43 million U.S. dollars) project to preserve 22 historical and cultural heritage sites in Tibet, including the Zhaxi Lhunbo Lamasery, the Jokhang, Ramogia, Sanyai and Samgya-Goutog monasteries."<ref> ] on-line news on Tibet</ref> | |||
| ===Tibetan language=== | |||
| According to Barry Sautman, 92–94% of ethnic Tibetans speak ]. Those that don't are small Tibetan minorities in areas such as ]. Instruction in primary school is pretty universally in Tibetan. Chinese is bilingual from secondary school onward. Since ], the official language of China, is the language of government and many of the businesses, Tibetans who do not speak it are finding it increasingly difficult to compete in the market place. | |||
| ] ] has also noted that "within certain limits the PRC does make efforts to accommodate Tibetan cultural expression (and) the cultural activity taking place all over the Tibetan plateau cannot be ignored".<ref>], Exile and Dissent: The Historical and Cultural Context, in TIBET SINCE 1950: SILENCE, PRISON, OR EXILE 31-36 (Melissa Harris & Sydney Jones eds., 2000), see </ref> Currently, "cultural Tibet" boasts three Tibetan-language television channels, one for each of the three main dialects spoken in China's Tibetan areas. The Tibet Autonomous Region possesses a 24-hour Central Tibetan-language TV channel (launched in 1999).<ref>, ''PTI'', rediff NEWS, October 1, 2007: "China launched the first-ever 24-hour Tibetan language television channel on Monday to mark its 58th National Day (...). The channel only broadcast 11 hours a day when it was opened in 1999."</ref> For speakers of ] Tibetan, there is an Amdo Tibetan-language TV channel in Qinghai<ref>, ''China Digital Times'', March 27, 2009: "At present, the two most popular television channels in the Tibetan areas are the Qinghai Tibetan language channel and the Tibet Tibetan language channel"</ref> and for speakers of ] Tibetan a recently launched TV satellite channel in Chengdu, the provincial capital of Sichuan.<ref>Zhang Mingyu, , ''tibet.new.cn'', January 17, 2010.</ref> | |||
| In October 2010, Tibetan students protested after the Chinese government published rules supporting the use of Mandarin Chinese in lessons and textbooks by 2015, with the exception of Tibetan language and English classes.<ref>, ''The Guardian'', 22 October 2010</ref> | |||
| ==Human rights in Tibet== | |||
| {{Main|Human rights in Tibet}} | |||
| ] | |||
| After the ], Tibetan-populated areas of China remained tightly sealed off from outside scrutiny, according to Amnesty International. While Chinese authorities announced after the protests that over 1,000 individuals detained had been released, overseas Tibetan organizations claimed that at least several hundred remained in detention by the start of 2009. Following the detentions were reports of torture and other ill-treatment in detention, some cases resulting in death.<ref name=amnesty09>Amnesty International, , 2009, accessed 16 March 2010</ref> Religious repression included locking down major monasteries and nunneries, and a propaganda campaign where local authorities renewed “Patriotic Education,” which required Tibetans to participate in criticism sessions of the Dalai Lama and sign written denunciations of him, according to Amnesty's 2009 China report. Tibetan members of the ] were also targeted, including being made to remove their children from Tibet exile community schools where they would have received a religious education.<ref name=amnesty09/> According to former political prisoners Tibet is virtually a big prison.<ref>http://www.thetibetpost.com/en/news/exile/3487-tibet-is-virtually-a-big-prison-former-political-prisoners</ref> | |||
| ===2008 unrest=== | |||
| {{main|2008 Tibetan unrest}} | |||
| ] in which Tibetan mobs attacked Han and Hui people in ]. The Chinese government reacted curtly, imposing curfews and pressuring journalists in Lhasa to leave the region.<ref name="HRW323">{{cite web|url=http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2008/07/06/china-s-forbidden-zones-0|title=China's Forbidden Zones|accessdate=2010-03-11|pages=32–33}}</ref> The international response was measured, with a number of leaders expressing concern. Some people protested in large European and North American cities and chanted slogans, with some supporting China's actions and some supporting the protesters in Tibet. | |||
| For a time after the 2008 unrest, Tibetan-populated areas of China remained off-limits to journalists, and major monasteries and nunneries were locked down, according to Amnesty International. While Chinese authorities announced after the unrest that over 1,000 individuals detained had been released, Tibetan exile organizations claimed that at least several hundred remained in detention by the start of 2009. Tibetan members of the Chinese Communist Party were told to remove their children from Tibet exile community schools.<ref name="amnesty09"/> | |||
| ==Ethnic composition== | |||
| The issue of the proportion of the Han Chinese population in Tibet is a politically sensitive one and is disputed, involving the ], the PRC, and the Tibetan independence movement. | |||
| The Government of Tibet in Exile has said that government policies are ] by encouraging the migration of non-ethnic Tibetans, especially ] and ] Chinese, so that they outnumber ethnic Tibetans in the Tibetan region.<ref name="tibet.com">http://www.tibet.com/HumanRights/poptrans.html</ref> The PRC gives the number of Tibetans in the ] as 2.4 million, as opposed to 190,000 non-Tibetans, and the number of Tibetans in all Tibetan autonomous entities combined (slightly smaller than the Greater Tibet claimed by exiled Tibetans) as 5.0 million, as opposed to 2.3 million non-Tibetans. In the TAR itself, much of the Han population is to be found in ].<ref name="stats.gov.cn"> {{Link language|zh|Chinese}}</ref> | |||
| This statistic is in dispute primarily based on the distinction between ], in which ethnic Tibetans are not a majority, and the ], in which ethnic Tibetans are a majority.<ref name="tibet.com"/> Referencing the population figures of ], the ] has recently accused China of "demographic aggression" while stating that the Tibetans had been reduced to a minority "in his homeland".<ref></ref> Exiled Tibetans have also expressed concern that the ] (] to ]) is intended to further facilitate the influx of Chinese migrants.<ref>{{cite news| url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/5133220.stm | work=BBC News | title=Hu opens world's highest railway | date=2006-07-01 | accessdate=2010-05-25}}</ref> The PRC does not recognize ] as claimed by the government of Tibet in Exile.<ref>In aninterview May 31, 2008, the Dalai Lama declared: « "Greater Tibet", now, this very word comes from the Chinese government side. We never state the greater Tibet » .</ref> The PRC government claims that the ethnically Tibetan areas outside the TAR were not controlled by the Tibetan government before 1959 in the first place, having been administered instead by other surrounding provinces for centuries. It further alleges that the idea of "Greater Tibet" was originally engineered by foreign ] in order to divide China amongst themselves (] being a striking precedent, gaining independence with ] backing and subsequently aligning itself with the ]).<ref> {{Link language|zh|Chinese}}</ref> | |||
| The Government of Tibet in Exile disputes most demographic statistics released by the PRC government since they do not include members of the ] garrisoned in Tibet, or the floating population of unregistered migrants, and states that China is attempting to assimilate Tibet and further diminishing any chances of Tibetan political independence.<ref name="tibet.com"/> CCP member ], chairman of the TAR, has said that the central government has no policy of migration into Tibet due to its harsh high-altitude conditions, that the 6% Han in the TAR is a very fluid group mainly doing business or working, and that there is no immigration problem. (This report includes both permanent and temporary residences in Tibet, but excludes Tibetans studying or working outside of the TAR).<ref> {{Link language|zh|Chinese}}</ref> By 2006, 3% of the permanent residences in Tibet were of Han ethnicity, according to National Bureau of Statistics of China.<ref name="stats.gov.cn"/> The TAR has the lowest population density among China's province-level administrative regions, mostly due to its mountainous and harsh geographical features. As of 2000, 92.8% of the population were ethnic Tibetans, while Han Chinese comprised 6.1% of the population. In Lhasa, the capital of TAR, Hans made up 17%, far less than what many activists have claimed. Population control policies like the ] apply only to ], not to minorities such as Tibetans.<ref></ref> | |||
| ] | |||
| Barry Sautman accused pro-independence forces of wanting the Tibetan areas cleansed of Han and the Dalai Lama of consistently misrepresenting the present situation as one of a Han majority. The Tibetan countryside, where three-fourths of the population lives, has very few non-Tibetans.<ref></ref> | |||
| Sautman also stated: | |||
| :: are not personally subsidized by the state; although like urban Tibetans, they are indirectly subsidized by infrastructure development that favors the towns. Some 85% of Han who migrate to Tibet to establish businesses fail; they generally leave within two to three years. Those who survive economically offer competition to local Tibetan business people, but a comprehensive study in Lhasa has shown that non-Tibetans have pioneered small and medium enterprise sectors that some Tibetans have later entered and made use of their local knowledge to prosper. | |||
| ::Tibetans are not simply an underclass; there is a substantial Tibetan middle class, based in government service, tourism, commerce, and small-scale manufacturing/ transportation. There are also many unemployed or under-employed Tibetans, but almost no unemployed or underemployed Han because those who cannot find work leave. | |||
| In a Writenet paper written for the ], Professor ] (using PRC censuses) expresses the view that claims such as that the Chinese are swamping Tibetans in their own country and that 1.2 million Tibetans have died due to Chinese occupation "should be treated with the deepest skepticism":<ref>, A Writenet Report by Professor Colin P. Mackerras, p. 19–20.</ref> {{Cquote|The figures show that since the early 1960s, the Tibetan population has been increasing, probably for the first time for centuries. What seems to follow from this is that the TGIE’s allegations of population reduction due to Chinese rule probably have some validity for the 1950s but are greatly exaggerated. However, since the 1960s, Chinese rule has had the effect of increasing the population of the Tibetans, not decreasing it, largely due to a modernization process that has improved the standard of living and lowered infant, maternity and other mortality rates.}} | |||
| ===Statistics according to the National Bureau of Statistics of China=== | |||
| {| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right" | |||
| !align="center" colspan="8"| Major ethnic groups in Greater Tibet by region, 2000 census. | |||
| |- | |||
| ! | |||
| ! Total | |||
| !colspan="2"| ] | |||
| !colspan="2"| ] | |||
| !colspan="2"| others | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| ]: | |||
| | 2,616,329 | |||
| | 2,427,168 | |||
| | '''92.8%''' | |||
| | 158,570 | |||
| | 6.1% | |||
| | 30,591 | |||
| | 1.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] PLC | |||
| | 474,499 | |||
| | 387,124 | |||
| | '''81.6%''' | |||
| | 80,584 | |||
| | 17.0% | |||
| | 6,791 | |||
| | 1.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 586,152 | |||
| | 563,831 | |||
| | '''96.2%''' | |||
| | 19,673 | |||
| | 3.4% | |||
| | 2,648 | |||
| | 0.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 318,106 | |||
| | 305,709 | |||
| | '''96.1%''' | |||
| | 10,968 | |||
| | 3.4% | |||
| | 1,429 | |||
| | 0.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 634,962 | |||
| | 618,270 | |||
| | '''97.4%''' | |||
| | 12,500 | |||
| | 2.0% | |||
| | 4,192 | |||
| | 0.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 366,710 | |||
| | 357,673 | |||
| | '''97.5%''' | |||
| | 7,510 | |||
| | 2.0% | |||
| | 1,527 | |||
| | 0.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 77,253 | |||
| | 73,111 | |||
| | '''94.6%''' | |||
| | 3,543 | |||
| | 4.6% | |||
| | 599 | |||
| | 0.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 158,647 | |||
| | 121,450 | |||
| | '''76.6%''' | |||
| | 23,792 | |||
| | 15.0% | |||
| | 13,405 | |||
| | 8.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"|] Province: | |||
| | 4,822,963 | |||
| | 1,086,592 | |||
| | 22.5% | |||
| | 2,606,050 | |||
| | '''54.0%''' | |||
| | 1,130,321 | |||
| | 23.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] PLC | |||
| | 1,849,713 | |||
| | 96,091 | |||
| | 5.2% | |||
| | 1,375,013 | |||
| | '''74.3%''' | |||
| | 378,609 | |||
| | 20.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 1,391,565 | |||
| | 128,025 | |||
| | 9.2% | |||
| | 783,893 | |||
| | '''56.3%''' | |||
| | 479,647 | |||
| | 34.5% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 258,922 | |||
| | 62,520 | |||
| | 24.1% | |||
| | 94,841 | |||
| | 36.6% | |||
| | 101,561 | |||
| | '''39.2%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 214,642 | |||
| | 142,360 | |||
| | '''66.3%''' | |||
| | 16,194 | |||
| | 7.5% | |||
| | 56,088 | |||
| | 26.1% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 375,426 | |||
| | 235,663 | |||
| | '''62.8%''' | |||
| | 105,337 | |||
| | 28.1% | |||
| | 34,426 | |||
| | 9.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 137,940 | |||
| | 126,395 | |||
| | '''91.6%''' | |||
| | 9,096 | |||
| | 6.6% | |||
| | 2,449 | |||
| | 1.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 262,661 | |||
| | 255,167 | |||
| | '''97.1%''' | |||
| | 5,970 | |||
| | 2.3% | |||
| | 1,524 | |||
| | 0.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 332,094 | |||
| | 40,371 | |||
| | 12.2% | |||
| | 215,706 | |||
| | '''65.0%''' | |||
| | 76,017 | |||
| | 22.9% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left" colspan="8"| Tibetan areas in ] province | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 847,468 | |||
| | 455,238 | |||
| | '''53.7%''' | |||
| | 209,270 | |||
| | 24.7% | |||
| | 182,960 | |||
| | 21.6% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 897,239 | |||
| | 703,168 | |||
| | '''78.4%''' | |||
| | 163,648 | |||
| | 18.2% | |||
| | 30,423 | |||
| | 3.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 124,462 | |||
| | 60,679 | |||
| | '''48.8%''' | |||
| | 27,199 | |||
| | 21.9% | |||
| | 36,584 | |||
| | 29.4% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left" colspan="8"| Tibetan areas in ] province | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 353,518 | |||
| | 117,099 | |||
| | 33.1% | |||
| | 57,928 | |||
| | 16.4% | |||
| | 178,491 | |||
| | '''50.5%''' | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left" colspan="8"| Tibetan areas in ] province | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 640,106 | |||
| | 329,278 | |||
| | '''51.4%''' | |||
| | 267,260 | |||
| | 41.8% | |||
| | 43,568 | |||
| | 6.8% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| – ] | |||
| | 221,347 | |||
| | 66,125 | |||
| | 29.9% | |||
| | 139,190 | |||
| | '''62.9%''' | |||
| | 16,032 | |||
| | 7.2% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left" colspan="8"| Total for Greater Tibet: | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| With Xining and Haidong | |||
| |10,523,432 | |||
| | 5,245,347 | |||
| | '''49.8%''' | |||
| | 3,629,115 | |||
| | 34.5% | |||
| | 1,648,970 | |||
| | 15.7% | |||
| |- | |||
| |align="left"| Without Xining and Haidong | |||
| | 7,282,154 | |||
| | 5,021,231 | |||
| | '''69.0%''' | |||
| | 1,470,209 | |||
| | 20.2% | |||
| | 790,714 | |||
| | 10.9% | |||
| |} | |||
| This table<ref name = "ZH">Department of Population, Social, Science and Technology Statistics of the National Bureau of Statistics of China (国家统计局人口和社会科技统计司) and Department of Economic Development of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission of China (国家民族事务委员会经济发展司), eds. ''Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China'' (《2000年人口普查中国民族人口资料》). 2 vols. Beijing: Nationalities Publishing House (民族出版社), 2003 (ISBN 7-105-05425-5).</ref> includes all Tibetan ] in the People's Republic of China, plus Xining PLC and Haidong P. The latter two are included to complete the figures for ], and also because they are claimed as parts of ] by the Government of Tibet in exile. | |||
| P = Prefecture; AP = Autonomous prefecture; PLC = Prefecture-level city; AC = Autonomous county. | |||
| Excludes members of the ] in active service. | |||
| Han settlers in the cities have steadily increased since then. But a preliminary analysis of the 2005 mini-census shows only a modest increase in Han population in the TAR from 2000–2005 and little change in eastern Tibet. | |||
| ==See also== | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| *] | |||
| == References == | |||
| === Citations === | |||
| {{Reflist|3}} | |||
| === Sources === | |||
| * Craig, Mary. ''Tears of Blood: A Cry for Tibet'' (1992) INDUS an imprint of HarperCollins Publishers. Calcutta. Second impression, 1993. ISBN 0-00-627500-1 | |||
| * Goldstein, Melvyn C. ''A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State'' (1989) University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-06140-8 | |||
| * Goldstein, Melvyn C. ''The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama'' (1997) University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21951-1 | |||
| * Goldstein, Melvyn C. ''A History of Modern Tibet, Volume 2: The Calm Before the Storm: 1951–1955'' (2007) University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24941-7 | |||
| * Kuzmin, Sergius. ''Hidden Tibet: History of Independence and Occupation'' (2011). Library of Tibetan Works & Archives. ISBN 978-93-80359-47-2 | |||
| * Laird, Thomas. ''The Story of Tibet: Conversations with the Dalai Lama'' (2006) Grove Press. ISBN 0-8021-1827-5 | |||
| * Powers, John. ''History as Propaganda: Tibetan Exiles versus the People's Republic of China'' (2004) Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517426-7 | |||
| * Shakya, Tsering. ''The Dragon In The Land Of Snows'' (1999) Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-11814-7 | |||
| * Smith, Warren W., Jr. ''Tibetan Nation: A History Of Tibetan Nationalism And Sino-Tibetan Relations'' (1997) Westview press. ISBN 978-0-8133-3280-2 | |||
| {{Tibet topics}} | |||
| {{DEFAULTSORT:Tibet Since 1950}} | |||
| ] | |||
| ] | |||
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