Misplaced Pages

Revision as of 22:55, 1 May 2017

A request that this article title be changed to Rape in Kashmir conflict is under discussion. Please do not move this article until the discussion is closed.

Since the onset of the insurgency in Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir in 1988, rape has been used as a weapon of war by Indian security forces; comprising the Indian Army, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Border Security personnel, against the Kashmiri population. The frequent rape of Kashmiri Muslim women by Indian state security forces routinely goes unpunished. Many women have become victims of rape and sexual assault in the conflict. According to scholars Seema Kazi and Jeffrey Kenney, separatist militants have also committed rape to some extent, although not comparable in scale with that by the Indian state forces.

Background

In the aftermath of the rigged 1987 elections in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, where Islamic parties were prevented from winning several seats in the State Assembly, a popular anti-Indian separatist movement gained momentum in the Kashmir Valley, a territory disputed between India and Pakistan since 1947. To counter the insurgency, India militarised the Valley, deploying a huge amount of troops in the region. Opponents of Indian military occupation in the valley maintain that 600,000 troops are stationed throughout the state, according to which the region possesses the highest ratio of troops to civilians in the world. Since January 1990, Indian forces committed a number of human rights violations against civilians, including mass rape.

Rape as a weapon of war

According to a report by Human Rights Watch in 1993, the security forces use rape as a method of retaliation against Kashmiri civilians during reprisal attacks after militant ambushes. Most rape cases, according to the same report, have occurred during cordon-and-search operations. Scholar Inger Skhjelsbaek states that the pattern of rape in Kashmir is that soldiers enter the homes of civilians, kill or evict the men and then rape the women present. Scholar Shubh Mathur calls rape an essential element of the Indian military strategy in Kashmir.

According to Seema Kazi, the motive of rape in Kashmir is no different to the rapes which were committed in Rwanda and the Balkans. Kazi opines that rape in Kashmir is a cultural weapon of war and the rape of Kashmiri women by Indian security forces, in the context of a predominantly Hindu state repressing a Muslim minority population, functions as a tool of subordinating Kashmiri men and the Kashmiri community at large. She also states that rape is used to demoralize the Kashmiri resistance and that there have been documented cases of soldiers confessing that they were ordered to rape women.

Professor William Baker stated at the 52nd United Nations Commission on Human Rights that rape in Kashmir was not the result of a few undisciplined soldiers but an active strategy of the security forces to humiliate and intimidate the Kashmiri population. He cited as evidence his interviews with several rape victims who were raped by soldiers in front of their families, including husbands and children. An Amnesty International report in 1992 stated that rape in Kashmir was a systematic attempt to humiliate the local population during counter-insurgency operations.

Extent

A study in 2008 by Médecins Sans Frontières concluded that Kashmiri women are among the worst sufferers of sexual violence in the world, with 11.6% of respondents in the survey saying they had been sexually abused. The study also found that the number of people who had witnessed a rape in Kashmir was far higher than other conflict zones such as Chechnya, Sierra Lone and Sri Lanka. 13% of responents reported having witnessed a rape since 1989, and 63% reported having heard about rape since that year. 59.9% of respondents had heard of more than 5 rapes and 5.1% of respondents had themselves witnessed more than five rapes. According to scholars Rawwida Baksh and Wendy Harcourt, the high rate of sexual violence in Kashmir is little known internationally. Scholar Dara Kay Cohen lists the conflict in Kashmir among the worst of the so-called mass rape wars including Bosnia and Rwanda.

According to Human Rights Watch:

There are no reliable statistics on the number of rapes committed by security forces in Kashmir. Human rights groups have documented many cases since 1990, but because many of the incidents have occurred in remote villages, it is impossible to confirm any precise number. There can be no doubt that the use of rape is common and routinely goes unpunished.

Many cases are not reported because of the shame and stigma associated with rape in Kashmir. Human rights groups state that 150 top officers, of the rank of major or above, have participated in torture as well as sexual violence and that the Indian government was covering up such acts.

Notable cases of rape by Indian security forces

The following is a list of some of the notable rape cases, committed by Indian security forces, in the conflict.

• Jamir Qadeem (1990): On June 26 1990, a twenty-four year old woman from Jamir Qadeem was raped during a search of her neighbourhood by the BSF. Police in Sopore registered a case against the BSF in July of that year.

• Anantnag (1990)

• Chhanpora (1990): On March 7, CRPF raided several houses in the Chhanpora locality of Srinagar. During the raids a number of women were raped. The 'Committee for Initiative in Kashmir' which visited the Valley between March 12 to 16, 1990 interviewed the victims. Rape victim Noora (24) was forcefully dragged out of her kitchen by 20 men from the CRPF and raped, along with her sister-in-law Zaina. The rape victims also witnessed two minor girls being molested.
• Panzgam (1990)
• Trehgam (1990)
• Kunan Poshpora (1991): On February 23, 1991, a unit of the Indian army launched a search and interrogation operation in the twin villages of Kunan Poshpora, in the Valley's Kupwara district. Soldiers repeatedly gang-raped many women, with estimates of the number of victims ranging from 23 to 100.
• Pazipora-Ballipora (1991): On 20 August 1991 soldiers carried out mass rape in this hamlet, which is only a few kilometres away from Kunan Poshpora. The number of rape victims in this case varied between eight to fifteen or more.
• Chak Saidpora (1992): On October 10, 1992, an army unit of the 22nd Grenadiers entered the village of Chak Saidapora. Several army soldiers gang-raped between six to nine women, including an 11 year old girl and a 60 year old woman.
• Haran (1992): On July 20, 1992 women were raped during an army search operation. One victim, interviewed by Asia Watch and PHR, reported being gang-raped by two soldiers in turns. Another victim in the same incident was raped by a Sikh soldier while another stood guard.
• Hyhama (1994): On June 17, 1994, seven women were raped by troops of Rashtriya Rifles, including two officers Major Ramesh and Raj Kumar in the village Hyhama.
• Gurihakhar: On October 1, 1992, after killing ten people in the hamlet of Bakhikar, BSF forces entered the nearby village of Gurihakhar and raped women. One woman, interviewed by Asia Watch, tried to hide her daughter's identity as a rape victim by describing herself as the rape victim, to protect her daughter from public humiliation.
• Kangan (1994): A woman and her 12 year old daughter were raped by Indian security forces at Theno Budapathary.
• Wavoosa (1997): On 22 April 1996, several Indian armed forces personnel entered the house of a 32 year old woman in the village of Wavoosa. They molested her 12 year old daughter and raped three other daughters, aged 14, 16 and 18. Another woman was beaten for preventing the rape of her daughters by soldiers.
• Doda (1998): A fifty year old resident of the villlage Ludna in Doda district told Human Rights Watch that on October 5, 1998 the Eighth Rashtriya Rifles came to her house, took her and beat her. She was then raped by a captain who was a Hindu and said to her: "You are Muslims, and you will all be treated like this."
• Bihota (2000): On 29 October 2000, there was a cordon and search operation in Bihota by the 15 Bihar Regiment. during which one woman was picked up and taken away to a camp. The following day twenty women went a long with a few men to get the woman released. However, the women were detained for four to five hours and sexually assaulted.
• Pahalgam (2002)
• Zachaldara (2004)
• Shopian (2009): Two women, Asiya and Nelofar Jan, were allegedly abducted, raped and murdered by Indian troops between 29 and 30 May at Bongam in Kashmir's Shopian district.
• Gujjardara-Manzgam (2011)

Aftermath

Prosecution

In 1994, due to the international pressure, the Indian government made public some court-martials of soldiers accused of rape. In one such case, two soldiers were sentenced to twelve year imprisonment, on July 29 1994, for raping a village girl in Kashmir. However, several documented cases of rape were refused to be prosecuted by the authorities. According to Kazi, of all the human rights violations in Kashmir rape has drawn the least investigations and prosecutions. In the case of the February 1991 mass rapes in Kunan Poshpora, the "Indian Government issued a statement saying that the sexual assaults never took place," according to the New York Times. Human Rights Watch also highlighted the fact in its 1993 report that despite the evidence of widespread sexual violence perpetrated by the Indian army and paramilitary forces, few of the incidents were ever investigated by the authorities and no prosecution of alleged rapists ever occurred.

According to Kazi, this indicates tolerance, if not official consent, of the State to such crimes. According to Mathur, the Indian government provides legal immunity to its personnel who are accused of rape. Skhjelsbaek states that the denial of rape by Indian authorities is systematic and the lack of prosecution allows acts of sexual violence to be perpetrated with impunity in Kashmir. Scholars Christine De Matos and Rowena Ward have observed that the official cover-ups follow a pattern of labelling the victims as 'militant sympathisers' and persecuting human rights activists and medical personnel who try to assist the rape victims.

According to scholars Om Prakash Dwivedi and V. G. Julie Rajan, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) has enabled the Indian military and security personnel to commit war crimes with impunity, which would otherwise be tried in the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Indian military was given special powers under AFSPA in Kashmir in July 1990. Human rights groups criticize this law, stating it gives immunity to armed forces personnel who have committed crimes. Kashmiris who need to go to court to press charges against security forces for human rights violations are required to first seek the permission of the Indian government. According to Kazi, such permission is 'never forthcoming'. The legislation has been described as “hated” and “draconian'' by members of Kashmir's State Human Rights Commission. The local judiciary in Kashmir is unable to function normally because of the privileges granted to the security forces.

Khurram Parvez remarks that women fear reprisals from the Army to file the cases of rape. He says, "this is because there are cases in which when rape was reported, members of their families were attacked or prosecuted." He also states that it would be technically very difficult to prove rape, since the incidents happen in the areas which are completely under the Army’s control.

Dwivedi and Rajan point out that India has been able to commit crimes against humanity, such as mass rape, with impunity in Kashmir because of its alliance with permanent members in the United Nations Security Council, such as the USA, and also because it is not part of the International Criminal Court. India refuses to join the ICC by contending that its own judicial system is competent enough to address war crimes. However, law expert Usha Ramanathan labels this argument misleading.

In 2013, 50 women filed a public interest litigation (PIL) in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court in order to reopen investigations of the alleged mass rapes of February 1991 in Kunan Poshpora.

Reactions

Human Rights Watch stated in its 1993 report that, when confronted with the evidence of rape, Indian authorities have denied the charges. The report says they have either attempted to question the integrity of the witnesses or discredit the testimony of physicians, without ordering a full inquiry. Commissioner in charge of magistrates for Kashmir, Wajahat Habib-ullah, chose to resign after India denied the charges in 1991.

In 1993, Lt. General D. S. R. Sahni, General Officer Commanding in Chief of the Northern Command, when asked about the charges of rape by the security forces in Kashmir, has alleged that the militants "trump up" charges of rape against the forces. He said, "A soldier conducting an operation at the dead of night is unlikely to think of rape when he is not even certain if he will return alive."

According to Kazi, the Indian media has ''displayed unseemly haste in exonerating security forces'' from rape allegations. In 2016, JNU student union president Kanhaiya Kumar became the centre of controversy after speaking out on the rape of women in Kashmir by Indian security forces. The BJP youth wing filed a complaint against him, calling him 'anti-national'.

According to the report of Human Rights Watch, the common use of rape by Indian security forces in the conflict drew little international condemnation, despite reports in the international press and by Indian human rights groups. According to scholar Amit Ranjan, the Indian state has always sided with the perpetrators and not the rape victims and Indian society is generally not disturbed by rapes in Kashmir due to Kashmiri Muslims being considered the 'other'. At the same time, Ranjan says that the Kashmir Valley's disputed status between India and Pakistan has given it the advantage of some international attention. Former Pakistani Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, in her address to the Fourth World Conference on Women at Beijing in 1995, called the use of rape as a weapon of war in Jammu and Kashmir ''reprehensible'' and ''depraved''.

According to journalist Syed Junaid Hashmi, both separatists and mainstream political parties in Kashmir have ignored the rape victims. Journalists Eric Margolis and Isaac Zolton have reported on refugee women in Azad Kashmir who were raped by Indian soldiers before they fled Indian administered Kashmir.

Studies have shown that nationalist resistance in Kashmir has been heightened because of sexual assaults and other atrocities Kashmiri women have experienced, mostly at the hands of Indian security forces.

Rape by militants

According to the 1993 Human Rights Watch report, rape by militants is less common but has increased in frequency over the years. A 2010 US state department report blamed separatist insurgents in Kashmir and other parts of the country of committing several serious abuses, including the killing of security personnel as well as civilians, and of engaging in widespread torture, rape, beheadings, kidnapping, and extortion.

Some incidents of rape by militants appear to have been motivated by the fact that the victims or their families are accused of being informers or of being opposed to the militants or supporters of rival militant groups.

In 1989, attacks on Pandits escalated and Muslim insurgents selectively raped, tortured and killed Kashmiri Pandits, burnt their temples, idols and holy books. The Pandits fled en masse from the state after which their houses were burnt by militants and their artwork and sculptures were destroyed.

According to Human Rights Watch, despite threats by Islamist groups to women since 1990, reports of rape by militants were rare in the early years of the conflict. Since 1991, reports of rape by Islamic miltants have increased. In some cases, women have been raped and then killed after being abducted by rival militant groups and held as hostages for their male relatives. In other cases, members of armed militant groups have abducted women after threatening to shoot the rest of the family unless she is handed over to a militant leader. Local people sometimes refer to these abductions and rapes as "forced marriages".

In 1992, a case of rape and murder by militants attracted publicity, partly because the incident provoked street protests condemning the militants for the crimes.

According to the Human Rights Watch, the rape victims of militants suffer ostracism and there is a "code of silence and fear" that prevents people from reporting such abuse. It says that the investigation of cases of rape by militants is difficult because many Kashmiris are reluctant to discuss it for the fear of violent reprisals. The increase in number of rape cases has resulted in an increased number of abortions, leading in one case to murder of a doctor. The doctor was accused of being an informer by the Islamic militant groups Hizbul Mujahideen and Al Jehad.

Notable cases

• In March 1990, Mrs. M. N. Paul, the wife of a BSF inspector was kidnapped, tortured and gang-raped for many days. Then her body with broken limbs was abandoned on a road.
• On April 14, 1990, Sarla Bhat (27), a Kashmiri Pandit nurse from the Soura Medical College Hospital in Srinagar was gang-raped and then beaten to death. Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) took responsibility for the crime, accusing Bhat of informing the police about the presence of militants in the hospital.
• On 6 June 1990, Girija Tickoo, a lab assistant at the Government Girls High School Trehgam, was kidnapped and gang raped for many days. Then she was sliced at a sawmill.
• Prana Ganjoo was abducted with her husband in Sopore. She was gang-raped for a number of days before the both were killed in November 1990.
• On 30 March 1992, armed militants demanded food and shelter from the family of the retired truck driver Sohanlal (60) in Nai Sadak, Kralkhud. The family complied, but the militants raped Sohanlal's daughter Archana. When he and his wife tried to stop them, Sohanlal was shot dead. His elderly wife was also raped. Then both the women were also shot dead.

Journalist Prakriiti Gupta writes that there have been many cases of militants raping the young girls by forcing them into temporary marriages (mutah in Islamic law) – these ceremonies are called "command marriages".

• In 2005, a 14-year-old Gujjar girl Roubia Kousar was abducted from Lurkoti village by the Lashkar-e-Taiba militants, and forced to marry one of them. She was gang-raped by her "husband" and his militant friends.

See also

• Kunan Poshpora
• Shopian Incident
• Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
• Kashmir conflict

References

1. Chinkin, Christine. "Rape and sexual abuse of women in international law." European Journal of International Law 5.3 (1994): 327. ''Numerous incidents of women raped in other international and internal armed conflicts can be cited to illustrate this point...women in Kashmir who have suffered rape and death under the administration of the Indian army.''
2. ^ Inger Skjelsbæk (2001) Sexual violence in times of war: A new challenge for peace operations?, International Peacekeeping, 8:2, 75-76.
3. Sharon Frederick (2001). Rape: Weapon of Terror. World Scientific. pp. 101–. ISBN 978-981-4350-95-2.
4. "RAPE IN KASHMIR: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 6.
5. ^ Rawwida Baksh; Wendy Harcourt (2015). The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements. Oxford University Press. pp. 683–. ISBN 978-0-19-994349-4.
6. Kazi, Seema. Gender and Militarization in Kashmir. Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Oxford University Press. Sordid and gruesome as the militant record of violence against Kashmiri women and civilians is, it does not compare with the scale and depth of abuse by Indian State forces for which justice has yet to be done.
7. ^ Jeffrey T. Kenney (15 August 2013). Islam in the Modern World. Routledge. pp. 156–. ISBN 978-1-135-00795-9. Studies on women's lives in contemporary Kashmir show how nationalist resistance has been heightened due to the sexual assaults, displacements and loss of life suffered by Kashmiri women, primarily at the hands of Indian security forces.
8. ^ Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 22–23.
9. Amin, Tahir; Schofield, Victoria. Kashmir. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World. Oxford University Press. ''The current phase of resistance against Indian rule began in 1987 when an alliance of several Islamic parties, the Muslim United Front (MUF), was expected to win several important seats in the state assembly elections but failed to win more than four seats, allegedly because of massive rigging. These elections proved the catalyst for a new phase of armed struggle against Indian rule. ''
10. Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict 2003, p. 168.
11. ^ Om Prakash Dwivedi; V. G. Julie Rajan (26 February 2016). Human Rights in Postcolonial India. Routledge. pp. 11–. ISBN 978-1-317-31012-9.
12. ^ "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 1.
13. Littlewood, Roland. “Military Rape.” Anthropology Today, vol. 13, no. 2, 1997, pp. 7–16.
14. ^ Mathur, Shubh (1 February 2016). The Human Toll of the Kashmir Conflict: Grief and Courage in a South Asian Borderland. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 60–. ISBN 978-1-137-54622-7.
15. Kazi, Seema. Kashmir, Gender and Militarization in. Oxford University Press. In this respect the motive and intent of rape in Kashmir was no different from the Balkans and Rwanda, where rape functioned as a cultural weapon of war against women and against the community at large (Kesic, 2000)…Rape and sexual abuse is an integral part of the Indian counteroffensive in Kashmir
16. Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 27.
17. ^ Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 29.
18. ^ Christine De Matos; Rowena Ward (27 April 2012). Gender, Power, and Military Occupations: Asia Pacific and the Middle East since 1945. Taylor & Francis. pp. 229–. ISBN 978-1-136-33934-9. These record a pattern of rape by soldiers who often claim to be following orders.
19. ^ Ranjan, Amit. "A Gender Critique of AFSPA: Security for Whom?." Social Change 45.3 (2015): 447.
20. Kazi, Seema (2014). "Rape, Impunity And Justice In Kashmir" (PDF). Socio-Legal Review. 10: 28.
21. Ganguly, Sumit (1 March 2004). The Kashmir Question: Retrospect and Prospect. Routledge. pp. 47–. ISBN 978-1-135-75658-1.
22. Deb, Sibnath (2015-08-05). Child Safety, Welfare and Well-being: Issues and Challenges. Springer. p. 85. ISBN 9788132224259.
23. Sibnath Deb (5 August 2015). Child Safety, Welfare and Well-being: Issues and Challenges. Springer. pp. 90–. ISBN 978-81-322-2425-9.
24. "Médecins Sans Frontières – Kashmir: Violence and Health" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 November 2013. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
25. Cohen, Dara Kay. "Explaining rape during civil war: Cross-national evidence (1980–2009)." American Political Science Review 107.03 (2013): 467.
26. "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 3.
27. Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 20.
28. Burke, Jason (16 December 2010). "WikiLeaks cables: India accused of systematic use of torture in Kashmir" – via The Guardian.
29. Burke, Jason (11 September 2015). "Indian forces in Kashmir accused of human rights abuses cover-up" – via The Guardian.
30. ^ Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 21-23.
31. CHAPTER-V PROBLEM OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR (PDF). p. 224.
32. "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 8.
33. "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 12.
34. ^ Hashmi, Syed Junaid (31 March 2007). "Conflict Rape Victims: Abandoned And Forgotten". Counter Currents. {{cite web}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
35. "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 13.
36. Bhat, Aashaq Hussain, and R. Moorthy. "Impact of Security Provisions in Kashmir." (2016).
37. "India: High Time to Put an End to Impunity in Jammu and Kashmir" (PDF). 15 May 1997. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 October 2013. Retrieved 8 January 2010.
38. "Under Siege: Doda and the Border Districts". Human Rights Watch. {{cite web}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
39. Kumar, Anuradha (2002). "Rape by Security Forces: The Pattern of Impunity". Human Rights. New Delhi: Sarup & Sons. pp. 129-. ISBN 9788176253222.
40. ^ Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 25-26.
41. ^ Crossette, Barbara (1991-04-07). "India Moves Against Kashmir Rebels". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-05-01. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
42. Shubh Mathur (1 February 2016). The Human Toll of the Kashmir Conflict: Grief and Courage in a South Asian Borderland. Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 63–. ISBN 978-1-137-54622-7.
43. Om Prakash Dwivedi; V. G. Julie Rajan (26 February 2016). Human Rights in Postcolonial India. Routledge. pp. 11–. ISBN 978-1-317-31012-9.
44. Egyesült, Államok (2008). Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2007. House, Committee on Foreign Affairs, and Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations. p. 2195. ISBN 9780160813993.
45. Kazi, Seema (2014). "Rape, Impunity And Justice In Kashmir" (PDF). Socio-Legal Review. 10: 30.
46. Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 33.
47. Ranjan, Amit. "A Gender Critique of AFSPA: Security for Whom?." Social Change 45.3 (2015): 440-457.
48. Ashraf, Ajaz. "'Do you need 700,000 soldiers to fight 150 militants?': Kashmiri rights activist Khurram Parvez". Scroll.in. Retrieved 2017-04-21.
49. Pandit, M. Saleem (30 April 2013). "PIL seeks reopening of 1991 Kashmir 'mass rapes'". Times of India. Retrieved 1 May 2017. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
50. Pervez, Ayesha (21 May 2013). "The long struggle against systematic rape in conflict-ridden Kashmir". Women Under Siege. Women's Media Center. Retrieved 1 May 2017. {{cite news}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
51. ^ "Rape In Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 16-17. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |(empty string)= (help)
52. Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014): 38-39.
53. "In Kashmir, women are raped by security personnel: Kanhaiya Kumar". The Indian Express. 2016-03-09. Retrieved 2017-04-19.
54. "Rape in Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 2.
55. Ranjan, Amit. "A Gender Critique of AFSPA: Security for Whom?." Social Change 45.3 (2015): 446.
56. Ranjan, Amit. "A Gender Critique of AFSPA: Security for Whom?." Social Change 45.3 (2015): 450. ''Against such a background, it is difficult to garner solidarity over the issue of rapes in India....The feeling of otherness is strong in Indian society, which is socially, culturally and religiously based on the practice of discrimination against the outsider....Muslims, especially from Kashmir, in the popular imagination, are seen as the ‘other’, so if anything untoward happens in these areas, it does not disturb the popular definition of ‘security’.''
57. "95-09-04: Statement by Pakistan, HE Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto". {{cite web}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |dead-url= (help)
58. Eric Margolis (23 November 2004). War at the Top of the World: The Struggle for Afghanistan, Kashmir and Tibet. Routledge. pp. 80–. ISBN 978-1-135-95559-5.
59. Istvan, Zoltan (13 March 2003). "Refugee Crisis Worsening In Western Kashmir". National Geographic. Retrieved 15 January 2017.
60. "Rape In Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 4. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |(empty string)= (help)
61. "2010 Human Rights Reports: India". State.gov. Retrieved 2012-03-10.
62. ^ "Rape In Kashmir: A Crime of War" (PDF). Asia Watch & Physicians for Human Rights A Division of Human Rights Watch. 5 (9): 15. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |(empty string)= (help)
63. Knuth, Rebecca (2006). Burning books and leveling libraries: extremist violence and cultural destruction. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 77–79. ISBN 978-0-275-99007-7. Retrieved 15 March 2012.
64. ^ The Human Rights Crisis in Kashmir. Asia Watch, a division of Human Rights Watch. Lat accessed on 10 March 2012. Also published as a book: Asia Watch Committee (U.S.); Human Rights Watch (Organization); Physicians for Human Rights (U.S.) (1993). The Human rights crisis in Kashmir: a pattern of impunity. Human Rights Watch. p. 154. ISBN 978-1-56432-104-6. Retrieved 10 March 2012.
65. Manoj Joshi (January 1999). The Lost Rebellion. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-14-027846-0.
66. "19/01/90: When Kashmiri Pandits fled Islamic terror". rediff. 19 January 2005. Retrieved 10 March 2012.
67. Urvashi Butalia (2002). Speaking peace: women's voices from Kashmir. Zed Books. p. 187. ISBN 978-1-84277-209-6.
68. Ved Marwah; Centre for Policy Research (New Delhi, India). Uncivil wars: pathology of terrorism in India. HarperCollins. p. 381. ISBN 978-81-7223-251-1. {{cite book}}: |author2= has generic name (help)
69. ^ "Married to brutality". Deccan Herald. 25 February 2006. Retrieved 10 March 2012.

Bibliography

• Chinkin, Christine. "Rape and sexual abuse of women in international law." European Journal of International Law 5.3 (1994)
• Christine De Matos; Rowena Ward (27 April 2012). Gender, Power, and Military Occupations: Asia Pacific and the Middle East since 1945. Taylor & Francis
• Cohen, Dara Kay. Explaining rape during civil war: Cross-national evidence (1980–2009). American Political Science Review 107.03 (2013): 461-477.
• Inger Skjelsbæk (2001) Sexual violence in times of war: A new challenge for peace operations?, International Peacekeeping, 8:2,
• Kazi, Seema. Gender and Militarization in Kashmir. Oxford Islamic Studies Online. Oxford University Press.
• Kazi, Seema. "Rape, Impunity and Justice in Kashmir." Socio-Legal Rev. 10 (2014).
• Jeffrey T. Kenney (15 August 2013). Islam in the Modern World. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-00795-9.
• Littlewood, Roland. “Military Rape.” Anthropology Today, vol. 13, no. 2, 1997
• Om Prakash Dwivedi; V. G. Julie Rajan (26 February 2016). Human Rights in Postcolonial India. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-31012-9.
• Sumit Ganguly (2004). The Kashmir Question: Retrospect and Prospect. Routledge.
• Ranjan, Amit. "A Gender Critique of AFSPA: Security for Whom?." Social Change 45.3 (2015)
• Rawwida Baksh; Wendy Harcourt (2015). The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-994349-4.
• Sharon Frederick (2001). Rape: Weapon of Terror. World Scientific. ISBN 978-981-4350-95-2.
• Shubh Mathur (2016). The Human Toll of the Kashmir Conflict: Grief and Courage in a South Asian Borderland. Palgrave Macmillan US. ISBN 978-1-137-54622-7.
• Sibnath Deb (2015). Child Safety, Welfare and Well-being: Issues and Challenges. Springer.

Further reading

• Kazi, Seema. In Kashmir: gender, militarization, and the modern nation-state. South End Press, 2010.
• Shekhawat, Seema. Gender, Conflict and Peace in Kashmir. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
• Shekhawat, Seema, ed. Female Combatants in Conflict and Peace: Challenging Gender in Violence and Post-Conflict Reintegration. Springer, 2015.

• Rape in India
• Kashmir
• Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
• Human rights abuses in India
• Sexual abuse
• Controversies in India
• Kashmir conflict