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The Democratic-Republican Party (1792-1825) is an antiquated name for the party that dominated U.S. political life during the first party system of the early 19th century. From its inception in 1792, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison chose the name Republican Party for the group. Many history textbooks now call the party Republican or Jeffersonian Republican.

Jefferson and Madison created the party in order to oppose the economic and foreign policies of the ruling Federalist Party, led by Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton. In foreign policy, Republicans generally favored France (until 1801) and opposed Britain. The party promoted states' rights and the rights of the yeoman farmer. At first, the party opposed such Federalist policies as high tariffs, a navy, military spending, a national debt, and a national bank. After 1816, the party split on these issues.

The Republicans elected presidents Thomas Jefferson (1800 and 1804), James Madison (1808 and 1812), and James Monroe (1816 and 1820). The party's presidential candidates were nominated by a Congressional caucus. Presidents John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson identified themselves as "Republicans," but were not nominated in this fashion.

The party soon dominated Congress and most state governments outside of New England. By 1820, the Federalists were no longer acting as a national party; and there was little to hold the party together. William H. Crawford in 1824 was the last nominee by caucus; but the caucus had been boycotted by most of the Party. He finished third in the election that year, behind John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson.

Founding 1792

Jefferson and Madison started the party among Congressmen in Philadelphia (the national capital), then reached out to include state and local leaders around the country, especially the South. The new party set up newspapers that made withering critiques of Hamiltonianism, extolled the yeomen farmer, argued for strict construction of the Constitution, supported France against Britain, and called for a weaker federal government.

The name "Republican Party" emphasizes devotion to republicanism. According to Federalist Noah Webster, the choice of the name was "a powerful instrument in the process of making proselytes to the party". The word "republican" was used by all Americans in the late 18th century to indicate the new nation's political values, especially its opposition to aristocracy and corruption.

A related grass roots movement, the Democratic-Republican Societies was supported by French minister Citizen Genet in 1793–94. It was not officially affiliated with the new party, although many local Jeffersonian leaders were also leaders of the societies. The party was ridiculed as the "Democratic Party" by some Federalist opponents. In 1793, "democratic" and "republican" were used equivalently, but "democracy" became tained by association with Genet, the government of ancient Athens (under the influence of William Mitford, who viewed it as anarchic) and to the Jacobins (French radicals) who cited Athens as a model.

Presidential Elections of 1792 and 1796

The elections of 1792 were the first ones to be contested on anything resembling a partisan basis. In most states the congressional elections were recognized in some sense, as Jefferson strategist John Beckley put it, as a "struggle between the Treasury department and the republican interest." In New York, the candidates for governor were John Jay, a Federalist, and incumbent George Clinton, who was allied with Jefferson and the Republicans.

In 1796, the party made its first bid for the presidency with Jefferson as its presidential candidate and Aaron Burr as its vice presidential candidate. Jefferson came in second in the electoral college and became vice president. He was a consistent and strong opponent of the policies of the Adams administration. Jefferson and Madison, through the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, announced the “Principles of 1798,” which became the hallmark of the party. The most important of these principles were states' rights, opposition to a strong national government, skepticism in regard to the federal courts, and opposition to a Navy and a National Bank. The party saw itself as a champion of republicanism and viewed its opponents as supporters of the aristocracy, not the people.

The party itself originally coalesced around Jefferson, who diligently maintained extensive correspondence with like-minded republican leaders throughout the country. Washington frequently decried the growing sense of "party" emerging from the internal battles between Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, Adams and others in his administration. As tensions in Europe increased, the two factions increasingly found themselves on different sides of foreign policy issues, with the Republicans favoring France over England. The Republicans opposed Hamilton's national bank and his belief that a national debt was good for the country. They strongly distrusted the elitism of Hamilton's circle, denouncing it as "aristocratic"; and they called for state's rights. Above all they disagreed with Hamilton's sense of the Constitution as an elastic, growing document. They feared this interpretion would allow the national government to centralize power.

The fierce debate over the Jay Treaty in 1794-95, transformed the Republicans from a loose movement into a true political party. To fight the treaty the Jeffersonians "established coordination in activity between leaders at the capital, and leaders, actives and popular folowings in the states, counties and towns."

Party Strength in Congress

Historians have used statistical techniques to estimate the party breakdown in Congress. Many Congressmen were hard to classify in the first few years, but after 1796 there was less uncertainty.

Federalist and Republican Strength in Congress

Source: Kenneth C. Martis, The Historical Atlas of Political Parties in the United States Congress, 1789-1989 (1989); the numbers are estimates by historians.

Organizational strategy

The new party invented some of the campaign and organizational techniques that were later adopted by the Federalists and became standard American practice. It was especially effective in building a network of newspapers in major cities to broadcast its statements and editorialize in its favor. Fisher Ames, a leading Federalist, used the term "Jacobin" to link members of Jefferson's party to the terrorists of the French Revolution. He blamed the newspapers for electing Jefferson; they were, he wrote, "an overmatch for any Government.... The Jacobins owe their triumph to the unceasing use of this engine; not so much to skill in use of it as by repetition."

As one historian explained, "It was the good fortune of the Republicans to have within their ranks a number of highly gifted political manipulators and propagandists. Some of them had the ability... to not only see and analyze the problem at hand but to present it in a succinct fashion; in short, to fabricate the apt phrase, to coin the compelling slogan and appeal to the electorate on any given issue in language it could understand." Outstanding phrasemakers included editor William Duane and party leaders Albert Gallatin, Thomas Cooper and Jefferson himself.

Just as important was effective party organization of the sort that John J. Beckley pioneered. In 1796, he managed the Jefferson campaign in Pennsylvania, blanketing the state with agents who passed out 30,000 hand-written tickets, naming all 15 electors (printed tickets were not allowed). Thus he told one agent, "In a few days a select republican friend from the City will call upon you with a parcel of tickets to be distributed in your County. Any assistance and advice you can furnish him with, as to suitable districts & characters, will I am sure be rendered." Beckley thus was the first American professional campaign manager, and his techniques were quickly adopted in other states.

The emergence of the new organizational strategies can be seen in the politics of Connecticut around 1806, which have been well-documented by Cunningham. The Federalists dominated Connecticut, so the Republicans had to work harder to win. In 1806, the state leadership sent town leaders instructions for the forthcoming elections. Every town manager was told by state leaders "to appoint a district manager in each district or section of his town, obtaining from each an assurance that he will faithfully do his duty." Then the town manager was instructed to compile lists and total up the number of taxpayers, the number of eligible voters, how many were "decided republicans," "decided federalists," or "doubtful," and finally to count the number of supporters who were not currently eligible to vote but who might qualify (by age or taxes) at the next election. These highly detailed returns were to be sent to the county manager. They in turn were to compile county-wide statistics and send it on to the state manager. Using the newly compiled lists of potential voters, the managers were told to get all the eligibles to the town meetings, and help the young men qualify to vote. At the annual official town meeting the managers were told to, "notice what republicans are present, and see that each stays and votes till the whole business is ended. And each District-Manager shall report to the Town-Manager the names of all republicans absent, and the cause of absence, if known to him." Of utmost importance the managers had to nominate candidates for local elections, and to print and distribute the party ticket. The state manager was responsible for supplying party newspapers to each town for distribution by town and district managers. This highly coordinated "get-out-the-vote" drive would be familiar to modern political campaigners, but was the first of its kind in world history.

Revolution of 1800

Jefferson's platform

Political parties in the 1790s did not issue official platforms, but Jefferson issued a major statement in January 1799 that was widely reprinted and circulated. It became the basis of his party's philosophy:

…In confutation of these and all future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to you a profession of my political faith; in confidence that you will consider every future imputation on me of a contrary complexion, as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood and calumny.

I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was advocated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended, who therefore became its enemies; and I am opposed to the monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate for life, and from that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, and thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division of powers.

And I am not for transferring all the powers of the States to the general government, nor all those of that government to the Executive branch. I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partisans, and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of it's being a public blessing.

I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced; and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy, which, by its own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us, grind us with public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.

And I am not for linking ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe; entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvers to bring about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another: for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents.

And I am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of philosophy. For awing the human mind by stories of raw-head & bloody bones to a distrust of its own vision, & to repose implicitly on that of others, to go backwards instead of forwards to look for improvement, to believe that government, religion, morality, and every other science were in the highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect than what was established by our forefathers.

To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may end in the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic. But I have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they have committed on our commerce.

Election of 1800

The party's electors secured a majority in the 1800 election, but by an oversight, an equal number of electors cast votes for Jefferson and Burr. The tie sent the election to the House, and Federalists there blocked any choice. Finally Hamilton, believing that Burr would be a poor choice for president, arranged for Jefferson to win.

Starting with 1800 in what Jefferson called the “Revolution of 1800”, the Party took control of the presidency and both houses of Congress, beginning a quarter century of control of those institutions. A faction called “Old Republicans” opposed the nationalism that grew popular after 1815; and were stunned when party leaders started a Second Bank of the United States in 1816.

The opposition Federalist Party, suffering from a lack of leadership after the death of Hamilton and the retirement of Adams, quickly declined; it revived briefly in opposition to the War of 1812 but the extremism of its Hartford Convention of 1815 utterly destroyed it as a political force.

In 1804, the party's Congressional caucus for the first time created a sort of national committee, with members from 13 states charged with "promoting the success of the republican nominations." That committee later was disbanded and did not become permanent. Unlike the Federalists, the party never held a national convention but always relied on its Congressional caucus to select the national ticket. That caucus, however, did not deal with legislative issues, which were handled by the elected Speaker and informal floor leaders. The state legislatures often instructed members of Congress how to vote on specific issues. More exactly, they "instructed" the Senators (who were elected by the legislatures), and "requested" the Representatives (who were elected by the people.) On rare occasions a Senator resigned rather than follow instructions.

Monroe and Adams, 1816-1828

In rapidly expanding western states, the Federalists had few supporters. Every state had a distinct political geography that shaped party membership. In Pennsylvania, the Republicans were weakest around Philadelphia and strongest in Scotch-Irish settlements in the west. Members came from all social classes, but came predominantly from the poor, subsistence farmers, mechanics and tradesmen. After the stalemate in the War of 1812, partisanship subsided across the young republic -- people called it the Era of Good Feeling. James Monroe narrowly won the party's nomination for President in Congress over William Crawford in 1816. Monroe ran unopposed in 1820.

In the early years of the party, the key central organization grew out of caucuses of Congressional leaders in Washington. However, the key battles to choose electors occurred in the states, not in the caucus. In many cases, legislatures still chose electors; in others, the election of electors was heavily influenced by local parties that were heavily controlled by relatively small groups of officials. Without a significant Federalist opposition, the need for party unity was greatly diminished and the party's organization faded away.

James Monroe ran under the party's banner in 1820, building support by consensus. The party's historic domination by the Virginian delegation faded as New York and Pennsylvania became more important. In 1824, most Democratic-Republicans in Congress boycotted the caucus; only a small rump group backed William Crawford. The Crawford faction included most "Old Republicans," who remained committed to states' rights and the Principles of 1798, and distrustful of the nationalizing program promoted by Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun. By the late 1820s the Old Republicans mostly supported Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren.

Thomas Jefferson wrote on the state of party politics in the early 1820s:

An opinion prevails that there is no longer any distinction, that the republicans & Federalists are compleatly amalgamated but it is not so. The amalgamation is of name only, not of principle. All indeed call themselves by the name of Republicans, because that of Federalists was extinguished in the battle of New Orleans. But the truth is that finding that monarchy is a desperate wish in this country, they rally to the point which they think next best, a consolidated government. Their aim is now therefore to break down the rights reserved by the constitution to the states as a bulwark against that consolidation, the fear of which produced the whole of the opposition to the constitution at it's birth. Hence new Republicans in Congress, preaching the doctrines of the old Federalists, and the new nick-names of Ultras and Radicals. But I trust they will fail under the new, as the old name, and that the friends of the real constitution and union will prevail against consolidation, as they have done against monarchism. I scarcely know myself which is most to be deprecated, a consolidation, or dissolution of the states. The horrors of both are beyond the reach of human foresight.

In the aftermath of the disputed 1824 election, the separate factions took on many characteristics of parties in their own right. Adams' supporters, in league with Clay, favored modernization, banks, industrial development, and federal spending for roads and other internal improvements, which the Old Republicans and the Jackson men usually opposed. Writing in his personal journal on December 13, 1826, President Adams noted the difficulty he faced in attempting to be nonpartisan in appointing men to office:

And it is upon the occasion of appointments to office that all the wormwood and the gall of the old party hatred ooze out. Not a vacancy to any office occurs but there is a distinguished federalist started and pushed home as a candidate to fill it--always well qualified, sometimes in an eminent degree, and yet so obnoxious to the Republican party, that he cannot be appointed without exciting a vehement clamor against him and the Administration. It becomes thus impossible to fill any appointment without offending one half of the community--the federalists, if their associate is overlooked; the Republicans, if he is preferred.

After Jackson's victory in 1828, Henry Clay, longtime party leader in Congress, tried to create a National Republican Party. Former members of the defunct Federalist Party (including Daniel Webster) gravitated to Clay's new party. Clay was solidly defeated by Jackson in 1832. His National Republican Party disappeared and was soon superseded by the new, more permanent Whig Party.

Presidential electors were now all chosen by direct election, except in South Carolina, where the state legislatures chose them. White manhood suffrage was the norm throughout the West and in most of the East as well. The voters thus were much more powerful, and to win their votes required complex party organization. The Jacksonians, under the leadership of Martin Van Buren, built strong state and local organizations throughout the country. In 1832 they held their first national convention under the old name "Republican," but historians always refer to it as the Democratic party and note it has survived into the 21st century.

Terminology had not yet crystallized. In the 1828 election, both Adams and Jackson still thought of themselves as "Republicans," but ran under the names of their factions. Adams thought of himself as a "National Republican" while Jackson's supporters called themselves "Jackson Men" or "Jacksonians." The name "Democratic Party" was adopted in the mid 1830s. This was the beginning of the modern-day Democratic Party.

Modern claims to the party's heritage

The Jacksonians who founded the Democratic Party accused their Whig opponents of elitism, but there is little to distinguish the two groups ideologically. In the 1850s, the Democrats became the party of Southern rights against the anti-slavery Republican Party. The populists, led by 1896 presidental candidate William Jennings Bryan, gave the national Democratic party its modern ideology of anti-elitism, suspicion of big business, and support of greater government involvement in the economy. This left the party sharply split between its conservative Southern wing and a liberal Northern wing. The movement of Northerners to the South in the 1950s and 1960s caused the South to lose its distinctive political character and ended one-party control.

The Democratic Party traces its lineage to the party of Jefferson by way of Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. Martin Van Buren wrote in his Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States that the party's name had changed from Republican to Democratic and that Jefferson was the founder of the party. Thomas Jefferson Randolph, the eldest grandson of Jefferson, gave a speech on July 9, 1872, at the Democratic National Convention and said that he had spent eighty years of his life in the Democratic-Republican Party. On November 25, 1991, the United States Senate passed by voice vote "A bill to establish a commission to commemorate the bicentennial of the establishment of the Democratic Party of the United States." It was introduced by Democratic Senator Terry Sanford and cosponsored by 56 Senators. Sanford was inspired and encouraged to file the legislation based on research by UNC-Chapel Hill law student - and later State Representative - Wayne Goodwin of Hamlet, North Carolina. The Congressional Record of June 4, 1992 re-printed Goodwin's essay on the Party's bicentennial history. Many of the sponsoring Senators spoke about or referenced Goodwin's essay during festivities and Senate floor remarks on May 13, 1992 in the Capitol.

The coining of the name "Republican Party" in 1854 for the new anti-slavery party, was intended to harken back to Jeffersonian ideals of liberty, equality, limited government, and states rights, ideals that Abraham Lincoln and many members of the new party sought to revive together with the Adams National Republican - Clay Whig program of active government in economic affairs.

The Democratic Party is often called "the party of Jefferson and Jackson"; the Republican Party is often called "the party of Lincoln and Jefferson," notwithstanding the ideological shifts that all parties underwent over the years.

Republican presidents

The following United States Presidents were elected following a process that selected them as a national nominee of the Democratic-Republican party:

• Thomas Jefferson (1801–1809)
• James Madison (1809–1817)
• James Monroe (1817–1825)

In addition, John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson identified themselves and their administrations as Republican, but ran in elections where opponents did as well.

Candidates

• Jefferson did not win the presidency, and Burr did not win the vice presidency. However, under the pre-12th Amendment election rules, Jefferson won the Vice Presidency due to lack of discipline among Federalist electors.
• Crawford and Gallatin were nominated by a small group of their supporters in Congress. Gallatin later withdrew from the contest. Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and Henry Clay also ran as Republicans, although they were not nominated. While Jackson won a plurality in the electoral college and popular vote, he did not win the constitutionally required majority of electoral votes to be elected president. The contest was thrown to the House of Representatives, where Adams won with Clay's support. John C. Calhoun won the vice presidency.

See also

• List of political parties in the United States

References

• Banning, Lance. The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology (1980)
• Beard; Charles A. Economic Origins of Jeffersonian Democracy (1915)
• Brown; Stuart Gerry. The First Republicans: Political Philosophy and Public Policy in the Party of Jefferson and Madison 1954.
• Chambers, William Nisbet. Political Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 1776-1809 (1963)
• Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. Jeffersonian Republicans: The formation of Party Organization: 1789-1801 (1957)
• Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party Operations 1801-1809 (1963)
• Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Process of Government Under Jefferson (1978)
• Dawson, Matthew Q. Partisanship and the Birth of America's Second Party, 1796-1800: Stop the Wheels of Government. Greenwood, 2000.
• Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric McKitrick. The Age of Federalism (1995), detailed political history of 1790s
• Ferling, John. Adams Vs. Jefferson: The Tumultuous Election of 1800 (2004)(ISBN: 0195167716)
• Kelley, Robert. The Cultural Pattern in American Politics: The First Century (1979)
• Pasley, Jeffrey L. et al eds. Beyond the Founders: New Approaches to the Political History of the Early American Republic (2004)
• Sharp, James Roger. American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (1993) detailed narrative of 1790s
• Smelser, Marshall. The Democratic Republic 1801-1815 (1968), survey of political history
• Taylor, Jeff. Where Did the Party Go?: William Jennings Bryan, Hubert Humphrey, and the Jeffersonian Legacy (2006)
• Wiltse, Charles Maurice. The Jeffersonian Tradition in American Democracy (1935)
• Wilentz, Sean. The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (2005), detailed narrative history, 1800-1860

Biographies

• Cunningham, Noble E. In Pursuit of Reason The Life of Thomas Jefferson (ISBN: 0345353803) (1987)
• Miller, John C. Alexander Hamilton: Portrait in Paradox (1959), full-scale biography
• Peterson; Merrill D. Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography (1975), full-scale biography
• Rutland, Robert A., ed. James Madison and the American Nation, 1751-1836: An Encyclopedia. (1994)
• Schachner, Nathan. Aaron Burr: A Biography (1961),full-scale biography

State Studies

• Beeman, Richard R. The Old Dominion and the New Nation, 1788-1801 (1972), on Virginia politics
• Gilpatrick, Delbert Harold. Jeffersonian Democracy in North Carolina, 1789-1816 (1931)
• Goodman, Paul. The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts (1964)
• Klein, Philip Shriver. Pennsylvania Politics, 1817-1832: A Game without Rules 1940.
• Prince, Carl E. New Jersey’s Jeffersonian Republicans: The Genesis of an Early Party Machine, 1789-1817 (1967)
• Tinkcom, Harry M. The Republicans and Federalists in Pennsylvania, 1790–1801 (1950)
• Young, Alfred F. The Democratic Republicans of New York: The Origins, 1763-1797 (167)

Newspapers

• Humphrey, Carol Sue The Press of the Young Republic, 1783-1833 (1996)
• Knudson, Jerry W. Jefferson And the Press: Crucible of Liberty (2006) how 4 Republican and 4 Federalist papers covered election of 1800; Thomas Paine; Louisiana Purchase; Hamilton-Burr duel; impeachment of Chase; and the embargo
• Stewart, Donald H. The Opposition Press of the Federalist Era (1968), highly detailed study of Republican newspapers

Primary sources

• Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., ed. The Making of the American Party System 1789 to 1809 (1965) excerpts from primary sources
• Cunningham, Noble E., Jr., ed. Circular Letters of Congressmen to Their Constituents 1789-1829 (1978), political reports sent by Congressmen to local newspapers

External links

• Democratic-Republican Party, Encyclopædia Britannica Profile on the American Presidency.
• Lalor, John J. Democratic-Republican Party, Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and the Political History of the United States by the Best American and European Writers. New York: Maynard, Merrill, and Co., 1899.
• Democratic Party. Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition. 1911. Covers the history of both the Democratic-Republican and Democratic Parties.
• American Patriot Party. Jeffersonian Democratic Republican Party.

Notes

1. For Niles, see Dictionary of American English. A few local party organizations started to refer to themselves as Democratic Republicans as early as 1803. Some Democratic Republican examples: 1802, 1803, 1804, 1804, 1805, 1806, 1807, 1808, 1809
2. Chambers, Political Parties in a New Nation 81-91
3. Cornell, Saul (1999). The Other Founders: Anti-Federalism and the Dissenting Tradition in America, 1788-1828. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-2503-4.
4. Miller p. 320
5. Banning, The Jeffersoinian Persuasion 79-90
6. Elkins and McKitrick, p. 288
7. Onuf, Peter S. (ed.), ed. (1993). Jeffersonian Legacies. University Press of Virginia. ISBN 0-8139-1462-0. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)
8. Chambers, William Nisbet (1963). Political Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 1776-1809. Oxford University Press. p. 80. ISBN 0195005066.
9. Cunningham, Jr., Noble E. (1957). The Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789-1801. University of North Carolina Press. p. 167.
10. Tinkcom, Harry (1950). Republicans and Federalists in Pennsylvania 1790-1801: A Study in National Stimulus and Local Response. Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission. p. 271.
11. Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., "John Beckley: An Early American Party Manager," William and Mary Quarterly, 13 (Jan. 1956), 40-52
12. Cunningham, Jr., Noble E. (1963). The Jeffersonian Republicans in Power: Party Operations, 1801-1809. FUDGE of North Carolina Press. p. 129.
13. "Thomas Jefferson to Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799, with Draft". Retrieved 2006-08-10. See also: Peterson, Merrill D. (1975). Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 627.
14. Cunningham, Jr., Noble E. (1978). The Process of Government Under Jefferson. Princeton University Press. pp. 278–279.
15. Cunningham, Jr., Noble E. (1978). The Process of Government Under Jefferson. Princeton University Press. p. 288.
16. Klein, Philip Shriver (1940). Pennsylvania Politics, 1817-1832: A Game without Rules. Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania. p. 44.
17. "Thomas Jefferson to William Johnson, October 27, 1822". Retrieved 2006-10-02. See also: "Thomas Jefferson to William Johnson, June 12, 1823". Transcript. "Thomas Jefferson to Edward Livingston, April 4, 1824". Transcript. "Thomas Jefferson to William Short, January 8, 1825".
18. Adams, John Quincy (1875). Adams, Charles Francis (ed.) (ed.). Memoirs of John Quincy Adams: Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co. pp. 207–208. ISBN 0-8369-5021-6. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)
19. Summary of the Proceedings of a Convention of Republican Delegates...Held at Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, May, 1832. Albany: Packard and Van Benthuysen. 1832.
20. Gammon, Samuel Rhea (1922). The Presidential Campaign of 1832. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press.
21. Van Buren, Martin (1867). Van Buren, Abraham, Van Buren, John (ed.) (ed.). Inquiry Into the Origin and Course of Political Parties in the United States. New York: Hurd and Houghton. pp. 5, 242, 270, 383, 424. ISBN 1-4181-2924-0. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link)
22. Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, Held at Baltimore, July 9, 1872. Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, Printers. 1872. pp. 5–6.
23. "S. 2047, 102nd Cong., 1st Sess". Retrieved 2006-08-10.
24. Gould, Lewis (2003). Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans. Random House. p. 14. ISBN 0-375-50741-8.

• Historical political parties of the United States
• 1792 establishments
• 1825 disestablishments