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Allegations of Israeli apartheid are based on a controversial analogy between Israel's treatment of Arabs living in the West Bank and Israel and the treatment of blacks in South Africa during Apartheid. Critics of the allegation argue that it is a factually inaccurate political epithet that is used to isolate Israel, and cite Israeli security needs for the practises that have prompted the analogy.

Use of the term

The term has been used by diverse groups and individuals across the political spectrum, including many South African anti-apartheid activists and leaders, Bishop Desmond Tutu; peace activist Arun Ghandhi; Meron Benvenisti, an Israeli political scientist; left-wing members of the Knesset; Palestinian-rights activists, the Syrian government; student groups in Britain, the U.S. and Canada, where "Israeli apartheid week" is held on many campuses; and the Congress of South African Trade Unions.

The term has also been used by far right elements, including white supremacist David Duke, Holocaust denier Paul Grubach of the Institute for Historical Review, and anti-Semitic groups such as Jew Watch.

The Economist, in an article on the debate over withdrawal from the Occupied Territories, asserted that "Keeping the occupied land will force on Israel the impossible choice of being either an apartheid state, or a binational one with Jews as a minority." Oren Yiftachel of the Ben Gurion University of the Negev warned that Israel unilateral disengagement plan would result in "creeping apartheid" in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel.

In January 2004, Ahmed Qureia, then Prime Minister of the Palestinian National Authority, said that Israel's unilateralism could prompt an end to Palestinian efforts towards a two-state solution: "This is an apartheid solution to put the Palestinians in cantons." Colin Powell, then U.S. Secretary of State, stated in response that the U.S. government is committed to a two-state solution. "I believe that's the only solution that will work: a state for the Palestinian people called Palestine and a Jewish state, state of Israel. I don't believe that we can accept a situation that results in anything that one might characterize as apartheid or Bantuism." Ehud Olmert, then Deputy Prime Minister of Israel, said in April 2004 that: "More and more Palestinians are uninterested in a negotiated, two-state solution, because they want to change the essence of the conflict from an Algerian paradigm to a South African one. From a struggle against 'occupation,' in their parlance, to a struggle for one-man-one-vote. That is, of course, a much cleaner struggle, a much more popular struggle - and ultimately a much more powerful one. For us, it would mean the end of the Jewish state."

Other individuals who have used the term include:

• Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Prize winner and Catholic Archbishop supported this analogy first in 1989 when he said in a Haaretz article dated 12-25-89, "I am a black South African, and if I were to change the names, a description of what is happening in Gaza and the West Bank could describe events in South Africa." Later, in 2002, Tutu said that he was "very deeply distressed" by a visit to the Holy Land, adding that "it reminded me so much of what happened to us black people in South Africa" and that he saw "the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about". Tutu also added that "Many South Africans are beginning to recognize the parallels to what we went through", and stated that a letter signed by "several hundred other prominent Jewish South Africans" had drawn "an explicit analogy between apartheid and current Israeli policies."
• Shulamit Aloni, former Education minister and a former leader of Meretz, has said "if we are not an apartheid state, we are getting much, much closer to it." This comment was in response to a proposal by the then-government of Ariel Sharon to bar Arabs from buying homes in "Jewish townships" within Israel proper. The proposed bill was narrowly defeated in the Knesset. At the time, Tommy Lapid, leader of the liberal Shinui party, said he opposed the bill because it "smells of apartheid".

• Ami Ayalon, Israeli admiral and former leader of Shin Beth, Israel's domestic security agency stated in December 2000: "Israel must decide quickly what sort of environment it wants to live in because the current model, which has some apartheid characteristics, is not compatible with Jewish principles."

• Jimmy Carter, former President of the United States wrote a book entitled Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid that is critical of Israel's treatment of minority groups. ]

• Uri Davis, an Israeli-born academic and Jewish member of the Palestine Liberation Organization, wrote a book Israel: An Apartheid State (1987) that drew parallels between Israel and South Africa.

• John Dugard, a South African professor of international law and an ad hoc Judge on the International Court of Justice, serving as the Special Rapporteur for the United Nations on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories described the situation in the West Bank as "an apartheid regime ... worse than the one that existed in South Africa." . Dugard has since become an outspoken critic of Israel.

• Farid Esack, a South African Muslim writer, scholar and anti-apartheid activist, and currently William Henry Bloomberg Visiting Professor at Harvard Divinity School, stated that "the logic of Apartheid is akin to the logic of Zionism", "life for the Palestinians is infinitely worse than what we ever had experienced under Apartheid", and "and the price they (Palestinians) have had to pay for resistance much more horrendous".

• Zehava Gal-On of the Meretz party said of an Israeli Supreme Court ruling upholding the country's citizenship law: "The Supreme Court could have taken a braver decision and not relegated us to the level of an apartheid state."

• Ronnie Kasrils, a South African anti-apartheid activist stated that there are stark parallels between the Middle East and the old South Africa and that Israel's apartheid wall will create Palestinian bantustans.

• Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, former president of the African National Congress Women's League, anti-apartheid activist, and former wife of South African Nelson Mandela stated: "Apartheid Israel can be defeated, just as apartheid in South Africa was defeated".

• Yakov Malik, the Soviet ambassador to the United Nations, accused Israel in December 1971 of promulgating a "racist policy of apartheid against Palestinians.

• Hendrik Verwoerd, the prime minister of South Africa, widely considered the architect of South Africa's apartheid policies, stated in 1961 that "Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state".

Criticism of the term

Critics argue that the term is inaccurate, anti-Semitic, dangerous, and used as a rhetorical device to isolate Israel.

David Matas, senior counsel to B'nai Brith Canada, argues that the starting point for anti-Zionists is the "vocabulary of condemnation", rather than specific criticism of the practises of Israel. He writes that "any unsavoury verbal weapon that comes to hand is used to club Israel and its supporters. The reality of what happens in Israel is ignored. What matters is the condemnation itself. For anti-Zionists, the more repugnant the accusation made against Israel the better." Because apartheid is universally condemned, and a global coalition helped to bring down the South African apartheid regime, anti-Zionists "dream of constructing a similar global anti-Zionism effort", writes Matas. "The simplest and most direct way for them to do so is to label Israel as an apartheid state. The fact that there is no resemblance whatsoever between true apartheid and the State of Israel has not stopped anti-Zionists for a moment."

In 2004, Jean-Christophe Rufin, former vice-president of Médecins Sans Frontières and president of Action Against Hunger, recommended in a report about anti-Semitism commissioned by French Interior Minister Dominique de Villepin that the charge of apartheid and racism against Israel be criminalized in France. He wrote:

here is no question of penalising political opinions that are critical, for example, of any government and are perfectly legitimate. What should be penalised in the perverse and defamatory use of the charge of racism against those very people who were victims of racism to an unparalleled degree. The accusations of racism, of apartheid, of Nazism carry extremely grave moral implications. These accusations have, in the situation in which we find ourselves today, major consequences which can, by contagion, put in danger the lives of our Jewish citizens. It is why we invite reflection on the advisability and applicability of a law ... which would permit the punishment of those who make without foundation against groups, institutions or states accusations of racism and utilise for these accusations unjustified comparisons with apartheid or Nazism.

In 2003, South Africa's minister for home affairs Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi said that "The Israeli regime is not apartheid. It is a unique case of democracy".

In her book, The Trouble with Islam Today, Irshad Manji lists numerous reasons why Israel is not an apartheid state. Arabs can run for office, and there are several Arab political parties. Arab Muslim legistlators have veto powers. In 2003, when two Arab political parties were disqualified for supporting terrorism, the judiciary, free from political interference, overturned the disqualifications. Women and the poor can vote. Emile Habibi, and Arab, was awarded the Israel Prize for literature. Hebrew speaking children are encouraged to learn Arabic. Road signs are bilingual. Arabs study side by side in universities, and live in the same apartment buildings. Palestians who commute from the West Bank have state benefits and legal protections. Israel has a free Arab Press, Al-Quds.

Issues

Issues cited by proponents of the term

Occupation of the West Bank

Palestinians living in the non-annexed portions of the West Bank do not have Israeli citizenship or voting rights in Israel, but are subject to the policies of the Israeli government. Israel has created roads and checkpoints in the occupied territories that isolate Palestinian communities. Policies also restrict the movement of goods between Israel and the West Bank, and into the Gaza Strip. Marwan Bishara, a teacher of international relations at the American University of Paris, has compared the restrictions on movement to apartheid pass laws. Israel maintains that these roads and checkpoints are important to its self-defense.

According to Leila Farsakh, after 1977, "he military government in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (WBGS) expropriated and enclosed Palestinian land and allowed the transfer of Israeli settlers to the occupied territories: they continued to be governed by Israeli laws. The government also enacted different military laws and decrees to regulate the civilian, economic and legal affairs of Palestinian inhabitants. These strangled the Palestinian economy and increased its dependence and integration into Israel ..." Many view these Israeli policies of territorial integration and societal separation as apartheid, even if they were never given such a name."

Israeli West Bank barrier

The Israeli West Bank barrier, which has also been called the "apartheid wall" — 88% of barrier is currently fenced and 11.5% walled — isolates Palestinian communities in the West Bank and consolidates the annexation of Palestinian land by Israeli settlements. According to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, over one million Arabs on the Israeli side of the barrier are citizens of Israel and constitute 15% of Israel's population.

The Israeli foreign ministry says that the West Bank barrier will cause no transfer of population and that none of the estimated 10,000 Palestinians (0.5%) who will be left on the Israeli side of the barrier (based on the February 2005 route) will be forced to migrate. The barrier has been presented as a reasonable and necessary security precaution to protect Israeli civilians from Palestinian terrorism. Supporters of the barrier consider it to be largely responsible for reducing incidents of terrorism by 90% from 2002 to 2005. Israel's foreign minister, Silvan Shalom, stated in 2004 that the barrier is not a border but a temporary defensive measure designed to protect Israeli civilians from terrorist infiltration and attack, and can be dismantled if appropriate. The Supreme Court of Israel ruled that the barrier is defensive and accepted the government's position that the route is based on security considerations.

Land policy inside the Green Line

93.5% of the land inside the Green Line is not held by private owners. 79.5% of the land is owned by the Israeli Government through the Israeli Land Authority, and 14% is privately owned by the Jewish National Fund. Under Israeli law, both ILA and JNF lands may not be sold, and are leased under the administration of the ILA.

Critics say that as a result of this leasing arrangement, the vast majority of land in Israel is not available to non-Jews. In response, Alex Safian has argued that this is not true -- according to Safian, the 79.5% of Israeli land owned directly by the ILA is available for lease to both Jews and Arabs, sometimes on beneficial terms to Arabs under Israeli affirmative action programs. While Safian concedes that the 14% of Israeli land owned by the JNF is not legally available for lease to Israel's arab citizens, he argues that the ILA often ignores this restriction in practice.

In March 2000, Israel's High Court ruled in Qaadan v. Katzir that the government's use of the JNF to develop public land was discriminatory due to the agency's prohibition against leasing to non-Jews. According to Dr. Alexandre Kedar of the Haifa University Law School "Until the Supreme Court Qaadan v. Katzir decision, Arabs could not acquire land in any of the hundreds of settlements of this kind existing in Israel..

Although there are formal restrictions on the lease of JNF land, which is privately owned by the JNF , "in practice JNF land has been leased to Arab citizens of Israel, both for short-term and long-term use. To cite one example of the former, JNF-owned land in the Besor Valley (Wadi Shallaleh) near Kibbutz Re'em has been leased on a yearly basis to Bedouins for use as pasture."

Employment

18% of the population within Israel's pre-1967 borders is Arab. "Only 3.7 percent of Israel's employees are Arabs; Arabs hold only 50 out of 5,000 university faculty positions; and of the country's 61 poorest towns, 48 are Arab."

Identity cards

"In recent decades, partly as a result of international action against the former Apartheid policies in South Africa, ID cards or documents with racial categories have come to be viewed with international disapproval." Israeli identity cards, required of all residents over the age of 16, indicate whether holders are Jewish or not by adding the person's Hebrew date of birth.

In a controversial article in the Guardian, journalist Chris McGreal reported that having indications of Jewish ethnicity on national identification cards is "in effect determining where they are permitted to live, access to some government welfare programmes, and how they are likely to be treated by civil servants and policemen." The same article also compared Israel's Population Registry Act, which calls for the gathering of ethnic data, to South Africa's Apartheid-era Population Registration Act.

Separation program

In response to the Intifada, under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, Israel began in 2002 to implement a "separation program" (Hebrew Hafrada) designed to physically separate Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank. The program includes fences and walls between Israeli and Palestinian areas, limitations on travel by Palestinians within the West Bank, and Israeli-only roads . Some critics of Israeli policy consider this program, and the philosophy behind it, to be a form of apartheid .

Israel described the features of the separation program not as methods of enforcing apartheid rule of Israel over the Palestinians, but rather as an unilateral approach to a two-state solution. Israel has dismantled Israeli settlements and withdrawn the army from the Gaza Strip. The 2006 realignment plan of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert called for withdrawing the army from most of the West Bank. The West Bank barrier has been portrayed as one approach to such a solution.

Issues cited by critics of the term

Legal status of Israeli Arabs

• Israeli law does not differentiate between Israeli citizens based on ethnicity. Israeli Arabs have the same rights as all other Israelis, whether they are Jews, Christians, Druze, etc. These rights include suffrage, political representation and recourse to the courts. Israeli Arabs are represented in the Knesset (Israel's legislature) and participate fully in Israeli political, cultural, and educational life. In apartheid South Africa, "Blacks" and "Coloureds" could not vote and had no representation in the South African parliament.

• Black labour was exploited in slavery-like conditions under apartheid; Arabs who are not citizens of Israel have the same rights and privileges as all other non-citizen foreign workers in Israel.

• The features of legal apartheid do not exist in Israel. Jews and Arabs use the same hospitals, Jewish and Arab babies are born in the same delivery room, Jews and Arabs eat in the same restaurants, and Jews and Arabs travel in the same buses, trains and taxis without being segregated.

• According to StandWithUs, a pro-Israel advocacy organisation, Arab Israelis are often eligible for special perks. The organisation has pointed out that the city of Jerusalem gives Arab residents free professional advice to assist with the house permit process and structural regulations, advice which is not available to Jewish residents on the same terms.
• According to StandWithUs, a pro-Israel advocacy organisation, "FACT: Apartheid was an official policy, enacted in law and brutally enforced through police violence, of political, legal and economic discrimination against blacks. Apartheid is a political system based upon minority control over a majority population. In South Africa, blacks could not be citizens, vote, participate in the government or fraternize with whites. Israel, a majority-rule democracy like the U.S., gives equal rights and protections to all of its citizens. It grants full rights and protections to all Arab inhabitants inside of Israel, a reality best exemplified by Israel’s Arab members of parliament. Israeli citizens struggle with prejudices amongst its many minorities, just as all multi-racial, multi-ethnic democracies do, but Israel’s laws try to eradicate – not endorse – prejudices. The Palestinian Authority, not the Israeli government, governs the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. Like many Arab nations, the PA does not offer equal rights and protections to its inhabitants. Branding Israel an apartheid state is inaccurate – and emotional propaganda.

Demographics

• The concept that Jews and Palestinians are distinct races is highly controversial.
• Unlike South Africa, where Apartheid prevented Black majority rule, in Israel (including the occupied territories) there is currently a Jewish majority.

Differences between Israel and South Africa

• Dr. Moshe Machover, professor of philosophy in London and co-founder of Matzpen, argues against the use of the term on the basis that the situation in Israel is worse than apartheid. Machover points out some significant differences between the policy of the Israeli government and the apartheid model. According to Machover, drawing a close analogy between Israel and South Africa is both a theoretical and political mistake.

• Israel never formally annexed the West Bank or Gaza, and the Palestinians are not Israeli citizens, and they don't want to be. Palestinians have their own government, the Palestinian Authority.

• The director the "Program on Conflict Management" at Bar-Ilan University, and editor of NGO Monitor, argued in a Jerusalem Post Op-Ed piece:

• The analogy "demean(s) Black victims of the real apartheid regime in South Africa."
• Zionism is not a manifestation of European colonialism.

Notes

1. ^ Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Dundurn, 2005, pp. 53-55.
2. ^ Apartheid in the Holy Land in The Guardian by Desmond Tutu
3. ^ Tutu, D., and Urbina, I. 2002. Against Israeli apartheid. Nation 275:4-5. source
4. Arun Ghandhi, Occupation "Ten Times Worse than Apartheid", Speech, Palestinian International Press Center, August 29 2004, accessed September 17 2006
5. "Bantustan plan for an apartheid Israel" by Meron Benvenisti (The Guardian) April 26, 2004
6. Frenkel, Sheera Claire "Left appalled by citizenship ruling", Jerusalem Post, May 15, 2006
7. Davis, Uri. "The Movement against Israeli Apartheid in Palestine"
8. The Syrian government wrote in a letter to the UN Security Council that "Zionist Israeli institutional terrorism in no way differs from the terrorism pursued by the apartheid regime against millions of Africans in South Africa and Namibia ..., just as it in no way differs in essence and nature from the Nazi terrorism which shed European blood and visited ruin and destruction upon the peoples of Europe." (UN Doc S/16520 at 2 (1984), quoting from Israel Yearbook on Human Rights 1987. Edited by Y. Dinstein, M. Tabory, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3646-3 p.36)
9. "Oxford holds 'Apartheid Israel' week" at Jerusalem Post by Jonny Paul
10. The Congress of South African Trade Unions called Israel as an apartheid state and supported the boycott of the Canadian Union of Public Employees. ("South African union joins boycott of Israel". ynetnews.com. . {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help))
11. "The Hypocrisy of Jewish Supremacism", David Duke Online Radio Report, July 22, 2002.
12. Grubach, Paul. "Israel, Zionism, and the Racial Double Standard", The Revisionist, No 1, 2002.
13. Jew Watch.
14. "Israel's settlers: Waiting for a miracle", The Economist, August 11, 2005
15. Oren Yiftachel, Department of Geography and Environmental Development, Ben Gurion University of the Desert (2005) Neither two states nor one: The Disengagement and "creeping apartheid" in Israel/Palestine in The Arab World Geographer/Le Géographe du monde arabe 8(3): 125-129
16. Qureia: Israel's unilateral moves are pushing us toward a one-state solution, Haaretz, January 9 2004, accessed June 26 2006
17. PMO rejects Palestinian assertion on right to declare state, Haaretz, January 11 2004, accessed June 26, 2006
18. Is the two-state solution in danger?, Haaretz, April 13 2004, accessed June 26 2006
19. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1957644.stm
20. "EDITORIAL: An apartheid state?", Jerusalem Post, November 11, 2002
21. Eric Silver, "Israel Accused of 'Racist Ideology' with Plan to Prevent Arabs Buying Homes", The Independent (UK), July 9, 2002.
22. Ash, Lucy. "Battling against Israeli 'apartheid'", BBC News, December 23, 2004
23. Israel warned against emerging apartheid
24. Davis, Uri. Israel: An Apartheid State. 1987. ISBN 0-86232-317-7
25. Aluf Benn,UN agent: Apartheid regime in territories worse than S. Africa, Ha'aretz, August 24, 2004]
26. "Tear Down This Wall". John Dugard, International Herald Tribune, August 2, 2003
27. http://cjpip.org/0609_esack.html Audio: Learning from South Africa -- Religion, Violence, Nonviolence, and International Engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian Struggle
28. Left appalled by citizenship ruling at Jerusalem Post by Sheera Claire Frenkel
29. http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/2004/02/22/insight/in08.asp Israel's wall of shame will create poor Palestinian bantustans
30. Winnie Mandela on apartheid Israel
31. Summary of news events, New York Times, December 10, 1971.
32. ^ McGeal, Chris. "Worlds apart", The Guardian, February 6, 2006.
33. ^ Rufin, Jean-Christophe. "Chantier sur la lutte contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme", presented on October 19, 2004. Cited in Matas, David. Aftershock: Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. Dundurn, 2005, p. 54 and p. 243, footnotes 59 and 60.
34. "France: International Religious Freedom Report 2005", U.S. Department of State.
35. "French concern about race attacks", BBC News, October 2004.
36. S. African Minister: Israel is Not Apartheid by Yossi Melman (Haaretz) September 23, 2003
37. Manji, Irshad (2005). The Trouble with Islam Today: A Muslim's Call for Reform in Her Faith. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. pp. 108–109. ISBN 0312326998. {{cite book}}: |format= requires |url= (help)
38. Forbidden Checkpoints and Roads at B'Tselem
39. Pass Laws Will Wreck Peace Hopes, accessed October 21 2006
40. Farsakh, Leila "Israel an apartheid state?", Le Monde diploatique, November 2003
41. "Statistics", B'Tselem, October 2005.
43. "Humanitarian Aspects: Impact on Palestinians", Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, July 24, 2006.
44. Wall Street Journal, "After Sharon", January 6, 2006.
45. Not an "Apartheid Wall"
46. Fence? Security barrier? Apartheid wall?
47. "Statement by Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom", Israeli Foreign Ministry, March 17, 2004.
48. The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice Beit Sourik Village Council vs. The Government of Israel and Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank.(Articles 28-30)
49. ^ Alex Safian, Guardian Defames Israel with False Apartheid Charges, Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, February 20, 2006
50. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001: Israel Jewish Virtual Library
51. Dr. Alexandre Kedar, Haifa University Law School, "A First Step in a Difficult and Sensitive Road": Preliminary Observations on Qaadan v. Katzir
52. The Negev Bedouin and Livestock Raising", Berg Publishers Ltd, 1994, pgs 28, 36, 38.
53. , Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America, June 25, 1997
54. Flore de Préneuf, Israel's apartheid, November 3, 2000
55. Fussell, Jim }publisher= Prevent Genocide International. Also published in the anthology, National Identification Systems: Essays in Opposition, edited by Carl Watner with Wendy McElroy (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland: 2004) (2001-09-15). "Group Classification on National ID Cards as a Factor in Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing". Retrieved 22 October. {{cite web}}: |first= has generic name (help); Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |acccessyear= ignored (help); line feed character in |first= at position 4 (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
56. Davidson, Lawrence (2004). "Apartheid Israel". Retrieved 22 October. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |acccessyear= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)
57. McGreal, Chris (2006-02-06). "Worlds Apart". Guardian UK. Retrieved 22 October. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
60. http://www.metimes.com/articles/normal.php?StoryID=20060524-074634-8971r
61. ^ Israel Is Not An Apartheid State at Jewish Virtual Library
62. ^ Abusing 'Apartheid' for the Palestinian Cause Jerusalem Post op-ed by Gerald M. Steinberg
63. Jerusalem Houses
65. http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/Human_Rights/Israel_&_apartheid.html Israel Is Not An Apartheid State
66. Is it Apartheid? at Jewish Voice for Peace by Moshe Machover published 10 November 2004
67. Truth, Lies & Stereotypes...

Further reading

• Avnery, Uri. "An Eskimo in Bantustan".
• Bard, Mitchell. "Myths & Facts Online. Human Rights in Israel and the Territories", American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.
• Barghouti, Omar. "Israeli Apartheid - Time for the South African Treatment".
• Buruma, Ian. "Do not treat Israel like apartheid South Africa", The Guardian, July 23, 2002.
• Carey Ron et al. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid. Verso, 2001. ISBN 1-85984-377-8
• Carter, Jimmy. Palestine: Peace not Apartheid. Simon & Schuster, 2006. ISBN 07432-8502-6
• Davis, Uri. Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within. Zed Books, 2004. ISBN 1-84277-339-9
• Dugard, John. Statement by MR. JOHN DUGARD, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967 59th Session of the General Assembly Third Committee, Item 105, 28 October 2004 Template:PDFlink
• Falkson, Jock L. "An Apartheid State? Or The Greatest Lie Ever Told?"
• Löwstedt, Anthony. "Apartheid - Ancient, Past, and Present: Systematic Gross Human Rights Violations in Graeco-Roman Egypt, South Africa, and Israel/Palestine".
• Pogrund, Benjamin. "Apartheid? Israel is a democracy in which Arabs vote", MidEastWeb.
• Siegel, Jennifer. "Carter Book Slaps Israel With ‘Apartheid’ Tag, Provides Ammo to GOP", The Forward, October 17, 2006.
• Tutu, Desmond & Urbina Ian. Against Israeli apartheid.
• Briefing to the committee on the elimination of racial discrimination Template:PDFlink, United Nations, January 2006.
• Is Zionism Apartheid? at Zionism On The Web

See also

• Apartheid (disambiguation) for other uses of the term
• Arab anti-Zionism
• Hafrada, a Hebrew term for "separation"
• Intifada
• Israeli West Bank barrier
• Jewish exodus from Arab lands
• New anti-Semitism
• New Historians
• Zionism and racism

• Zionism
• Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• Discrimination