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Militant anti-fascism is a form of anti-fascism that advocates the use of direct action against fascism.

Militant anti-fascists believe in physical confrontations with fascists. They argue that fascists use non-legal means and depend on a physical presence on the streets, so violence is essential to stop it. While liberal anti-fascists call on the state to outlaw hate speech or prosecute fascists under existing laws, militant anti-fascists either oppose — or do not put energy into — such calls.

Militant anti-fascists are usually supporters of a class struggle view of politics, and view fascism as primarily anti-working class. Because of this, militant anti-fascists tend to promote radical anti-capitalist transformation of society, rather than defending the status quo of liberal democracy.

The term antifa

The word Antifa derives from Antifaschismus, German for "anti-fascism". It refers to individuals and groups that are dedicated to fighting fascism. These groups sometimes include the word antifa in their names.

During the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s, the Soviet Union sponsored various anti-fascist movements, usually using the name Antifa to describe the organizations. POWs captured by the Soviets during the Great Patriotic War in the 1940s were encouraged to undertake Antifa training. For example, Pál Maléter, a Hungarian POW, became a Communist after undergoing Antifa training in Kiev.

Today, the term Antifa refers to individuals and groups that are dedicated to fighting what they call fascist tendencies. These include: racism, nationalism, anti-Semitism, and sometimes capitalism. There is a network of such groups, but they do not constitute a homogeneous movement. Depending on the particular group or individual, the ultimate goals may be quite different.

The terms "anti-fascist" and "Antifa" are almost exclusively used by left-wing groups. For these groups, the struggle against fascism, racism and nationalism is usually associated with a broader view that holds society (or aspects of it) responsible, and therefore seeks radical social change. Antifa groups most often view capitalism as related to fascism and racism, as well as sexism, homophobia and other perceived forms of oppression, while seeing communism, socialism or anarchism as desirable forms of social organization.

Groups which use the term Antifa sometimes use illegal methods in fighting fascism, and some elements within these groups espouse violent methods. According to the German intelligence agency Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, the Antifa is a violent left-wing extremist movement.

Germany

Communist Party and Social Democratic Party (SPD) members at different times in the 1920s and 1930s advocated both the use of violence and mass agitation amongst the working class in an effort to stop Hitler's Nazi party. Leon Trotsky was one advocate of militant anti-fascism’s use of violence in Germany. He wrote that "fighting squads must be created… nothing increases the insolence of the fascists so much as 'flabby pacifism' on the part of the workers' organisations… political cowardice without organised combat detachments, the most heroic masses will be smashed bit by bit by fascist gangs."

Italy

The rise of fascist leader Benito Mussolini in the 1920s was resisted violently by Italian socialists, anarchists and communists, such as the Arditi del Popolo.

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Spain

In the Spanish Civil War of the 1930s, the Republican army, the International Brigades and particularly the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) and anarchist militias are examples of militant anti-fascism who fought the rise of Francisco Franco with military force. The Friends of Durruti were one particularly militant group, associated with the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI). Spanish anarchist guerrilla Sabate fought against Franco’s regime up until 1960 from a base in France.

The struggle against fascism in Spain attracted strong international support from leftist and working class people, many of whom went to Spain in support of the anti-fascist cause (e.g., the International Brigades such as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion and the Naftali Botwin Company). Notable anti-fascists who worked internationally against Franco were: George Orwell, who fought in the POUM militia and wrote Homage to Catalonia about this experience, Ernest Hemingway, a supporter of the International Brigades who wrote For Whom the Bell Tolls about this experience, and radical journalist Martha Gellhorn.

Britain

The rise of Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) was challenged by the Communist Party of Great Britain, socialists in the Labour Party and Independent Labour Party and working class Jews in Londons east end. A high point in the struggle was the Battle of Cable Street, when thousands of eastenders and others turned out to stop the BUF marching. Initially, the national Communist Party leadership wanted a mass demonstration at Hyde Park in solidarity with Republican Spain instead of a mobilisation against the BUF, but local party activists argued against this. (However, the campaigns against fascism in Spain and in England were explicitly linked when local activists ralled suppport with the chalked slogan on the streets of East London They shall not pass, taken from the slogan of Republican Spain, No Pasaran.) After World War II, Jewish war veterans continued the tradition of militant confrontation with the BUF in the 43 Group.

Militant anti-fascism in the UK since the 1970s

In the 1970s, fascist and far right parties like the National Front (NF) and British Movement were making significant gains electorally and were increasingly confident in their public appearances. This was challenged in 1977 with the Battle of Lewisham, when thousands of black and white people physically stopped an NF march in South London. Shortly after this, the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) was launched by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). The ANL had a campaign of high profile propaganda, as well as anti-fascist squads which attacked NF meetings and paper sales to disrupt their ability to organise.

Margaret Thatcher's successful Conservative Party election campaign in 1979 used a lot of the far right, anti-immigration rhetoric of the NF. The success of the ANL's propaganda and physical campaigns, combined with Thatcher's right wing politics meant the end to the NF's period of growth. The SWP, whose theoretician Tony Cliff described the period as one of "downturn" in class struggle, wound up the ANL. Many squad members, however, refused to disband. They were expelled from the party in 1981, many going on to form the group Red Action. The SWP used the term squadism to dismiss these militant anti-fascists as essentially thugs.

In 1985, Red Action and the anarcho-syndicalist Direct Action Movement launched Anti-Fascist Action (AFA), which was to be the focus of militant anti-fascism in the UK for the next 15 years. Thousands of people took part in militant AFA mobilisations like the Remembrance Day demonstrations in 1986 and 1987, the Unity Carnival and Battle of Cable Street 55th anniversary march in 1991, and the Battle of Waterloo against the British National Party in 1992.

Criticisms of militant anti-fascism

Critics of militant anti-fascism tend to focus on its use of political violence. Pacifists and many liberals condider the use of violence as essentially wrong, and see militant anti-fascists as mirroring the fascists they oppose. This criticism suggests that by mirroring fascist violence with anti-fascist violence, the struggle against fascism is reduced to a game. Historian Dave Renton, in his book Fascism: Theory and Practice, writes that "for anti-fascists, violence is not part of their world view", and calls militants "professional anti-fascists."

Left wing critics of militant anti-fascism contrast the violence of small militant groups with mass action. Communist Party of Great Britain leader Phil Piratin denounced squads and called for large actions. However, most militant anti-fascists argue that the two strategies are complimentary — as exemplified by the combination of mass action (including Rock Against Racism events) and squadism by the first incarnation of the Anti-Nazi League in the late 1970s.

Some anti-racists and multiculturalism advocates argue that by focusing on the (white) working class, the militant anti-fascist movement sidelines issues related to racial minorities' struggles against racism and for cultural recognition. Some anti-racists argue that by focusing on fascism to the exclusion of racism, militant anti-fascists trivialise more pervasive forms of racial prejudice and institutional racism unconnected to organised fascist parties. These anti-racists disagree with the Marxist view of fascism as primarily anti-working class, a view that characterises many militant anti-fascists.

References

1. Template:De icon Verfassungsschutz-bericht 2004, p. 168-172
2. quoted Fighting Talk no.22 October 1999, p.11
3. Fascism: Theory and Practice. Pluto Press, ISBN 0-7453-1470-8

• Bullstreet, K. Bash the Fash: Anti-Fascist Recollections 1984-1993. ISBN 1-873605-87-0.
• Key, Anna (ed.) (ed.). Beating Fascism: Anarchist anti-fascism in theory and practice. ISBN 1-873605-88-9. {{cite book}}: |editor= has generic name (help)

See also

• Anti-fascism
• Anti-Fascist Action
• Anti-racism
• Anti-Racist Action
• RASH
• Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice
• United Front

External links

• Antifa Portal
• British Antifa
• AntiFaNet
• Antifa Scotland
• German Federal Agency for the Protection of the Constitution
• KP B3RLIN
• Antifaschistische Linke Berlin

• Anti-fascism