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{{Short description|Critical review and debates against Hinduism and its practices}} {{Short description|none}}
{{Short description|Religion}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2022}}{{use British English|date=February 2022}}
{{Criticism of religion sidebar}} {{Criticism of religion sidebar}}


'''Criticism of Hinduism''' has been applied to both historical and current aspects of Hinduism, notably ] and the ]. '''Criticism of Hinduism''' has been applied to both the historical and the current aspects of Hinduism, notably the ] and the ] practice.


==Historical background== ==Historical background==
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=== Early opposition === === Early opposition ===
Some of the earliest criticism of Brahminical texts, including the ] and especially the ], comes from the ] (or renunciate) traditions, including ] and ]. Sramana scholars viewed Brahminical philosophy as "heretical." In particular Sramanas denied the ''sruti'' (divine) nature of the Vedas and opposed sacrificial rituals which were at the heart of Brahminical philosophy at the time.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Thapar|first=Romila|date=1989|title=Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/312738|journal=Modern Asian Studies|volume=23|issue=2|pages=209–231|issn=0026-749X}}</ref> Some of the earliest criticism of ] texts, including the ] and especially the ], come from the ] (or renunciate) traditions, including ] and ]. Sramana scholars viewed Brahminical philosophy as "heretical".{{Citation needed|date=August 2024}} In particular, Sramanas denied the ''sruti'' (divine) nature of the Vedas and opposed sacrificial rituals which were at the heart of Brahminical philosophy at the time.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Thapar|first=Romila|date=1989|title=Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/312738|journal=Modern Asian Studies|volume=23|issue=2|pages=209–231|doi=10.1017/S0026749X00001049 |jstor=312738 |s2cid=145293468 |issn=0026-749X}}</ref>


The criticisms of Hinduism and Brahminical philosophy by Sramana scholars occurred primarily during the 6th century BCE to around 8th century CE in ancient India.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://cdn.visionias.in/value_added_material/1a628-religion-and-philosophy.pdf|publisher=Vision IAS|title=Quick Revision Module (UPSC Prelims 2024) Art & Culture Religion & Philosophy-1|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240930162603/https://cdn.visionias.in/value_added_material/1a628-religion-and-philosophy.pdf|archive-date=30 September 2024|url-status=live}}</ref> This period witnessed a flourishing of diverse philosophical schools, including Yoga, Buddhism, Jainism, ], and other Sramana traditions that engaged in debates with orthodox Vedic practices.{{citation needed |date=December 2024}}
== Caste system ==
<!-- How is the caste-system a defining feature of Hinduism, and not of South Asian society? Criticisms by Buddhists, Bhakti traditions, Islam, British rulers & evangelists, contemporary Dalit activists and international NGO's. -->
{{Main|Caste system in India}}
{{See also|Anti-Brahminism}}
According to Indian political theorist and writer ] (2009), the 'caste-based cultural system that Hinduism has constructed and nurtured for centuries' has empowered three castes (the ]s, ]s, and ]s/], who constitute about 10–12% of the populations of ] and ]) to oppresses the ']–]' castes (also known as the ]), creating enormous ], and stifling ] and socio-economic ].{{sfn|Ilaiah|2009|p=ix, xii}} He blamed medieval ] for developing the 'anti-scientific and anti-egalitarian' '']]'' system in which the Brahmins (priestly caste) would hold supreme power in society, and adopting the word ''Hinduism'' (from the term ''Hind'' taken from Muslim scholars, especially ]'s 1017 ''Tārīkh al-Hind'') as the name for this 'cast-ridden, primitivist, superstitious and barbaric religion'.{{sfn|Ilaiah|2009|p=xiii}} Next, the Brahmins imposed this religion on the rest of the population (now known as the Dalit–Bahujan castes), who were given a ''Hindu'' identity.{{sfn|Ilaiah|2009|p=xiii}} In his 1996 book ''Why I Am Not a Hindu'', Ilaiah argued that most Dalit–Bahujan people had local religious traditions, gods and goddesses, festivals and practices; they had generally not self-identified as 'Hindus' until the late 20th century, when the modern ] movement 'suddenly' started claiming that every Indian who was not a Muslim, a Christian, a Sikh or a ] was a Hindu by default, and regularly pressured them to identify as such.{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=14–18}} Ilaiah hypothesised that the inequality caused by the caste system, as opposed to 'spiritually democratic religions' (such as Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism), would eventually lead to the demise of Hinduism, as the ] of the world that was fuelling the emancipation of the Dalit–Bahujan population would over time end (either through civil war, or a non-violent transformation of society) the hegemony of the three upper castes, and with it Hinduism as a cultural and a spiritual system.{{sfn|Ilaiah|2009|p=ix–x, xiv}}


The Sramanas rejected the rigid social hierarchy enforced by the Brahmins, which placed individuals into fixed social classes from birth. Sramana scholars criticized the emphasis on elaborate rituals and sacrificial practices in Brahminical philosophy. They believed that true spiritual progress could not be achieved through external ceremonies, but rather through internal transformation and self-realization.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Johri |first=Arushi |title=Brahminic and Shramanic Traditions in Ancient India |url=https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/political-science/brahminic-and-shramanic-traditions-in-ancient-india/12388292}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite journal |volume=5|year=2018|journal=Than Hsiang Buddhist Research e-Journal |edition=Special|publisher=Than Hsiang Buddhist Research Centre|url=http://research.thanhsiang.org/sites/default/files/attachment/th2018v5.pdf#page=38|title=Origin of Indian Buddhism|first=Ludovic|last=Corsini|pages=35-43|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240825062659/http://research.thanhsiang.org/sites/default/files/attachment/th2018v5.pdf#page=38|archive-date=25 August 2024|url-status=live}}</ref> While Brahminical philosophy placed a strong emphasis on the authority of the Vedas as the sacred text, Sramana scholars questioned this authority severely.{{citation needed |date=December 2024}} They advocated for individual experience, and the direct faithful realizations regardless of worldly or societal hierarchy, over 'blind' faith in scriptures.<ref name=":0" />
] describes the caste system as a "discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment"<ref name="hidden apartheid"/> of over 165 million people in India. The justification of the act on the basis of ], which according to HRW, "a defining feature of Hinduism,"<ref name="hrw"/> has repeatedly been noticed and described by the United Nations and HRW, along with criticism of other ] worldwide.<ref name="hrw">{{Cite web|title=CASTE DISCRIMINATION:|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/globalcaste/caste0801-03.htm|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.hrw.org}}</ref><ref name="hidden apartheid">{{Cite web|date=2007-02-12|title=Hidden Apartheid|url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/02/12/hidden-apartheid/caste-discrimination-against-indias-untouchables|access-date=2021-01-09|website=Human Rights Watch|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=OHCHR {{!}} Caste systems violate human rights and dignity of millions worldwide – New UN expert report|url=https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=18497&LangID=E|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.ohchr.org}}</ref><ref>"". CBC News. 2 March 2007.</ref>


Another point of contention was the contrast between ] favored by many Sramanas and the ritualistic approach promoted by Brahminical traditions.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Main Answer Writing Practice |url=https://www.drishtiias.com/mains-practice-question/question-638 |access-date=2024-06-13 |website=Drishti IAS |language=en}}</ref> The Sramanas believed in renunciation and austerity as paths to spiritual liberation, while criticizing excessive ] and attachment to worldly possessions.<ref>Robertson, S., 2003. Periyar EV Ramasami's critique of priestly Hinduism and its implications for social reforms. ''Indian Journal of Theology'', ''45'',
== Hierarchism ==
Ilaiah (1996, 2019) stated that, aside from the inequality between castes, Hinduism also upholds various other forms of hierarchy, such as inside families. 'Gils must obey boys, children must obey elders.'{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=25}} Aside from a ] on talking about ] (a taboo Ilaiah claimed does not exist amongst Dalit–Bahujans), it is not possible in Hindu (Brahmin or Baniya) families to discuss ].{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=25}} 'In Hindu families the father can abuse the mother, but the mother is not supposed to retort. A wife is supposed to put up with all the atrocities that a husband commits against her; the more a wife puts up with the husband's atrocities the more she is appreciated.'{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=25}} Unlike the localised religious practices of Dalit–Bahujans, wherein anyone can worship or talk to the gods and goddesses in their native language, Hinduism requires a ] to talk to deities in ] on behalf of ].{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=24–25}}


https://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/ijt/45_075.pdf</ref> Sramana traditions, such as Jainism, placed a strong emphasis on non-violence (ahimsa), which stood in contrast to certain ].<ref name=":1" />
== Hindutva ==
{{Main|Hindutva#Criticism and apologetics}}
The phenomenon of ], particulary in its modern ] form, has been criticised by many individuals and groups, especially for stimulating discrimination and hostility against non-Hindus.{{sfn|Ilaiah|2019|p=14–18}} There is no consensus on whether Hindutva is an inherent part of Hinduism, or a political corruption or abuse of Hinduism. The answer to this question determines whether any criticism of Hindutva is thereby also criticism of Hinduism as a whole, or not.

=== Cow vigilante violence ===
{{Main|Cow vigilante violence in India}}
{{See also|Cow protection movement|Cattle slaughter in India}}
One example in which Hindu nationalism has been having a negative effect, especially after the Hindu nationalist ]'s electoral victory in 2014, is the rise in ]:<ref name="Biswas"/> in the name of "]", who are widely considered to be sacred animals in modern Hinduism (from whence the English expression "]" stems), Hindu mobs have attacked and killed a lot of Muslims rumoured of having harmed cattle, or having slaughtered them for food (]).<ref name="Biswas">{{Cite news |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-34513185 |title=Why the humble cow is India's most polarising animal |author=Soutik Biswas |work=BBC News |date=15 October 2015 |access-date=12 February 2022}}</ref> There is ongoing debate about whether ] and beef consumption has always been forbidden within Hinduism and its ], or is a modern prohibition, partially stimulated by ]'s veneration of the cow in the 20th century.<ref name="Biswas"/> While Hindutva groups claim that cattle slaughter did not exist in South Asia until Muslims arrived in the Subcontinent, Indian historian ] (2002) has cited religious scriptures and ancient texts to show that Vedic believers did consume beef in ].<ref name="Biswas"/>


== Sati == == Sati ==
] ]
{{Main|Sati (practice)|l1=Sati}} {{Main|Sati (practice)|l1=Sati}}


Sati was a historical ] practice, in which a widow sacrifices herself by sitting atop her deceased husband's funeral ].<ref>, Routledge, Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson, Sharlene Mollett</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last1=Gilmartin|first1=Sophie|year=1997|title=The Sati, the Bride, and the Widow: Sacrificial Woman in the Nineteenth Century|journal=Victorian Literature and Culture |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=141–158 | doi =10.1017/S1060150300004678 | jstor =25058378 | quote =Suttee, or sati, is the obsolete Hindu practice in which a widow burns herself upon her husband's funeral pyre...}}</ref>{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=19–21}}<ref name="julialeslie">On attested Rajput practice of sati during wars, see, for example {{cite book|last1=Leslie|first1=Julia|title=Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader|publisher=Routledge|year=1993|isbn=978-0700702848|editor-last=Arnold|editor-first=David|volume=10|location=London|page=46|chapter=Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?|editor-last2=Robb|editor-first2=Peter|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdYkFguJ8IC&pg=PA46}}</ref> ] states that sati was introduced late into Indian society, and became regular only after 500 CE.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=50}} The practice became prevalent from 7th century onwards and declined to its elimination in 17th century to gain resurgence in Bengal in 18th century.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Nandy|first=Ashis|title=Sati: A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and Protest in the book "At the Edge of Psychology"|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1980|pages=1}}</ref> Roshen Dalal postulated that its mention in some of the ] indicates that it slowly grew in prevalence from 5th-7th century and later became an accepted custom around 1000 CE among those of higher classes, especially the ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DH0vmD8ghdMC&q=sati+shiva+greeks+widow&pg=PA363|last=Dalal |first=Roshen |year=2010 |title=Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide |publisher=Penguin Books India |page=363 |isbn=9780143414216 }}</ref>{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} Sati was a historical ] practice, in which a widow sacrifices herself by sitting atop her deceased husband's funeral ].<ref>, Routledge, Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson, Sharlene Mollett</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last1=Gilmartin|first1=Sophie|year=1997|title=The Sati, the Bride, and the Widow: Sacrificial Woman in the Nineteenth Century|journal=Victorian Literature and Culture |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=141–158 | doi =10.1017/S1060150300004678 | jstor =25058378 |s2cid=162954709 | quote =Suttee, or sati, is the obsolete Hindu practice in which a widow burns herself upon her husband's funeral pyre...}}</ref>{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=19–21}}<ref name="julialeslie">On attested Rajput practice of sati during wars, see, for example {{cite book|last1=Leslie|first1=Julia|title=Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader|publisher=Routledge|year=1993|isbn=978-0700702848|editor-last=Arnold|editor-first=David|volume=10|location=London|page=46|chapter=Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?|editor-last2=Robb|editor-first2=Peter|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdYkFguJ8IC&pg=PA46}}</ref> ] states that sati was introduced late into the Indian society, and became regular only after 500 CE.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=50}} The practice became prevalent from 7th century onwards, and declined to its elimination in the 17th century, to then gain resurgence in Bengal in the 18th century.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Nandy|first=Ashis|title=Sati: A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and Protest in the book "At the Edge of Psychology"|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1980|pages=1}}</ref> Roshen Dalal postulated that its mention in some of the ] indicates that it slowly grew in prevalence from 5th-7th century and later became an accepted custom around 1000 CE among those of higher classes, especially the ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DH0vmD8ghdMC&q=sati+shiva+greeks+widow&pg=PA363|last=Dalal |first=Roshen |year=2010 |title=Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide |publisher=Penguin Books India |page=363 |isbn=9780143414216 }}</ref>{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}}


According to Dehejia, sati originated within the ] (warrior) ] and remained mostly limited to the warrior class among Hindus.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=51-53}} Yang adds that the practice was also emulated by those seeking to achieve high status of the royalty and the warriors.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} The increase of sati may also be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}}<ref name=ssshashi>{{cite book|last=Sashi|first=S.S.|page=115|title=Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh|volume=100|year=1996|publisher=Anmol Publications|isbn=9788170418597}}</ref> It acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain,{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} especially with the variant of mass sati called '']'', practiced especially among the Rajputs as a direct response to the onslaught they experienced.<ref>{{cite book|title=Social Problems And Welfare In India|year=1992|publisher=Ashish Publishing House|author=Jogan Shankar}}</ref><ref name="julialeslie" /> According to Dehejia, sati originated within the ] (warrior Caste) ], and remained mostly limited to the warrior class among Hindus.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=51-53}} Yang adds that the practice was also emulated by those seeking to achieve high status among the royalty and the warriors.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} The increase of the sati practice may also be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}}<ref name=ssshashi>{{cite book|last=Sashi|first=S.S.|page=115|title=Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh|volume=100|year=1996|publisher=Anmol Publications|isbn=9788170418597}}</ref> It acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain,{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} especially with the variant of a mass sati called '']'', practiced especially among the Rajputs as a direct response to the onslaught they had experienced.<ref name="julialeslie" /><ref>{{cite book|title=Social Problems And Welfare In India|year=1992|publisher=Ashish Publishing House|author=Jogan Shankar}}</ref>


The ] (1526–1857) rulers and the Muslim population were ambivalent about the practice,<ref name=annemarie113>{{cite book|author=Annemarie Schimmel|editor=Burzine K. Waghmar|title=The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture|url=https://archive.org/details/empireofgreatmug00anne|url-access=registration|year=2004|publisher=Reaktion|isbn=978-1-86189-185-3|pages=–114}}</ref>{{Sfn|Sharma|2001|p=23}}<ref name=pirbhai108>{{cite book|author=M. Reza Pirbhai|title=Reconsidering Islam in a South Asian Context |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=szKwCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 | year=2009| publisher=Brill Academic| isbn=978-90-474-3102-2|page=108}}</ref> with ] forbidding the practice,<ref name=Columbia/> and later European travelers record that ''sati'' was not much practiced in the Mughal empire.<ref name=Columbia> from ''Muslim Civilization in India'' by S. M. Ikram, edited by Ainslie T. Embree New York: Columbia University Press, 1964</ref> It was notably associated with elite Hindu ] clans in western ], marking one of the points of divergence between Hindu Rajputs and the Muslim ]s.<ref name="AsherTalbot2006">{{citation|last1=Asher|first1=Catherine B.|last2=Talbot|first2=Cynthia|title=India before Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1GEWAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT268|year=2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-139-91561-8|pages=268–}}</ref> The ] (1526–1857) rulers and the Muslim population were ambivalent about the practice,<ref name=annemarie113>{{cite book|author=Annemarie Schimmel|editor=Burzine K. Waghmar|title=The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture|url=https://archive.org/details/empireofgreatmug00anne|url-access=registration|year=2004|publisher=Reaktion|isbn=978-1-86189-185-3|pages=–114}}</ref>{{Sfn|Sharma|2001|p=23}}<ref name=pirbhai108>{{cite book|author=M. Reza Pirbhai|title=Reconsidering Islam in a South Asian Context |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=szKwCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 | year=2009| publisher=Brill Academic| isbn=978-90-474-3102-2|page=108}}</ref> with many Mughal emperors forbidding the practice,<ref name=Columbia/> and later the European travelers record that ''sati'' was not much practiced in the Mughal empire.<ref name=Columbia> from ''Muslim Civilization in India'' by S. M. Ikram, edited by Ainslie T. Embree New York: Columbia University Press, 1964</ref> It was notably associated only with elite Hindu ] clans in western ], marking one of the points of divergence between the Hindu Rajputs and the Muslim ]s.<ref name="AsherTalbot2006">{{citation|last1=Asher|first1=Catherine B.|last2=Talbot|first2=Cynthia|title=India before Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1GEWAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT268|year=2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-139-91561-8|pages=268–}}</ref>


With the onset of the British Raj, opposition against sati grew. The principal campaigners against Sati were ] and ] reformers such as ] and ].{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=6–7}}<ref name="marshman">{{cite book|last=Marshman|first=John Clark|title=History of India from the earliest period to the close of the East India Company's government |publisher= Edinburgh: W. Blackwood |year=1876|page=374|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tbmT_Tv-VGUC&pg=PA357|isbn=9781108021043}}</ref> In 1829 Lord Bentinck issued Regulation XVII declaring ''Sati'' to be illegal and punishable in criminal courts.<ref>Sharma pp. 7–8.</ref> On 2 February 1830 this law was extended to ] and ].<ref name=hist>{{cite book|last=Rai|first=Raghunath|title=History |page=137|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z4-8Z0gqBkoC&q=RAM+MOHAN+ROY+SATI+PRACTICE&pg=PA137|isbn=9788187139690}}</ref> The ban was challenged by a petition signed by “several thousand… Hindoo inhabitants of Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc”<ref>Dodwell 1932 p. 141.</ref> and the matter went to the ] in London. Along with British supporters, Ram Mohan Roy presented counter-petitions to parliament in support of ending Sati. The Privy Council rejected the petition in 1832, and the ban on ''Sati'' was upheld.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kulkarni|first1=A.R.|last2=Feldhaus|first2=Anne|page=192|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1YSU9Qp9w0MC&pg=PA192|title=Images of Women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion|chapter=Sati in the Maratha Country|publisher=SUNY Press|year=1996|location=Albany, NY|isbn=978-0791428382}}</ref> With the onset of the British Raj, opposition against sati grew. The principal campaigners against Sati were ] and Hindu reformers such as ] and ].{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=6–7}}<ref name="marshman">{{cite book|last=Marshman|first=John Clark|title=History of India from the earliest period to the close of the East India Company's government |publisher= Edinburgh: W. Blackwood |year=1876|page=374|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tbmT_Tv-VGUC&pg=PA357|isbn=9781108021043}}</ref> In 1829, Lord Bentinck issued Regulation XVII, declaring ''Sati'' to be illegal and punishable in criminal courts.<ref>Sharma pp. 7–8.</ref> On 2 February 1830, this law was extended to ] and ].<ref name=hist>{{cite book|last=Rai|first=Raghunath|title=History|page=137|publisher=FK Publications |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z4-8Z0gqBkoC&q=RAM+MOHAN+ROY+SATI+PRACTICE&pg=PA137|isbn=9788187139690}}{{Dead link|date=December 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> The ban was challenged by a petition signed by "several thousand... Hindoo inhabitants of Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc"<ref>Dodwell 1932 p. 141.</ref> and the matter went to the ] in London. Along with British supporters, Ram Mohan Roy presented counter-petitions to parliament in support of ending Sati. The Privy Council rejected the petition in 1832, and the ban on ''Sati'' was upheld.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kulkarni|first1=A.R.|last2=Feldhaus|first2=Anne|page=192|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1YSU9Qp9w0MC&pg=PA192|title=Images of Women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion|chapter=Sati in the Maratha Country|publisher=SUNY Press|year=1996|location=Albany, NY|isbn=978-0791428382}}</ref>

== Caste system ==
<!-- How is the caste-system a defining feature of Hinduism, and not of South Asian society? Criticisms by Buddhists, Bhakti traditions, Islam, British rulers & evangelists, contemporary Dalit activists and international NGO's. -->
{{Main|Caste system in India}}
] describes the caste system as a "discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment"<ref name="hidden apartheid"/> of over 165 million people in India. The justification of the discrimination on the basis of ], which according to HRW is "a defining feature of Hinduism,"<ref name="hrw"/> has repeatedly been noticed and described by the United Nations and HRW, along with criticism of other ] worldwide.<ref name="hrw">{{Cite web|title=CASTE DISCRIMINATION|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/globalcaste/caste0801-03.htm|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.hrw.org}}</ref><ref name="hidden apartheid">{{Cite web|date=2007-02-12|title=Hidden Apartheid|url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/02/12/hidden-apartheid/caste-discrimination-against-indias-untouchables|access-date=2021-01-09|website=Human Rights Watch|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=OHCHR {{!}} Caste systems violate human rights and dignity of millions worldwide – New UN expert report|url=https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=18497&LangID=E|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.ohchr.org}}</ref><ref>"". CBC News. 2 March 2007.</ref>


==See also== ==See also==
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* {{Citation | last =Dehejia | first =Vidya | year =1994 | chapter =Comment: A Broader Landscape | editor-last =Hawley | editor-first =John Stratton | title =Sati, the Blessing and the Curse | publisher =Oxford University Press | isbn =978-0195077742}} * {{Citation | last =Dehejia | first =Vidya | year =1994 | chapter =Comment: A Broader Landscape | editor-last =Hawley | editor-first =John Stratton | title =Sati, the Blessing and the Curse | publisher =Oxford University Press | isbn =978-0195077742}}
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* {{Cite book |last=Ilaiah |first=Kancha |date=2009 |title=Post-Hindu India: A Discourse in Dalit-Bahujan, Socio-Spiritual and Scientific Revolution |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DpSHAwAAQBAJ |location=New Delhi |publisher=SAGE Publications India |pp=340 |isbn=9788132104339 |access-date=12 February 2022}}
* {{Cite book |last=Ilaiah |first=Kancha |date=2019 |title=Why I Am Not a Hindu: A Sudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy, Culture and Political Economy (2nd edition) |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Znt8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT14 |location=New Delhi |publisher=SAGE Publications India |pp=192 |isbn=9789353282639 |access-date=12 February 2022}} (originally published in 1996)
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* {{cite book|last= Sharma|first=Arvind|title=Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UJmWgz2mv5oC|year=2001|publisher=Motilal Banarsidass |isbn=978-81-208-0464-7}} * {{cite book|last= Sharma|first=Arvind|title=Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UJmWgz2mv5oC|year=2001|publisher=Motilal Banarsidass |isbn=978-81-208-0464-7}}
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{{Criticism of religion}} {{Criticism of religion}}

Latest revision as of 15:06, 11 December 2024

This article is of a series on
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Criticism of Hinduism has been applied to both the historical and the current aspects of Hinduism, notably the caste system and the sati practice.

Historical background

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (January 2021)

Early opposition

Some of the earliest criticism of Brahminical texts, including the Vedas and especially the Dharmashastras, come from the Sramana (or renunciate) traditions, including Buddhism and Jainism. Sramana scholars viewed Brahminical philosophy as "heretical". In particular, Sramanas denied the sruti (divine) nature of the Vedas and opposed sacrificial rituals which were at the heart of Brahminical philosophy at the time.

The criticisms of Hinduism and Brahminical philosophy by Sramana scholars occurred primarily during the 6th century BCE to around 8th century CE in ancient India. This period witnessed a flourishing of diverse philosophical schools, including Yoga, Buddhism, Jainism, Ajivikas, and other Sramana traditions that engaged in debates with orthodox Vedic practices.

The Sramanas rejected the rigid social hierarchy enforced by the Brahmins, which placed individuals into fixed social classes from birth. Sramana scholars criticized the emphasis on elaborate rituals and sacrificial practices in Brahminical philosophy. They believed that true spiritual progress could not be achieved through external ceremonies, but rather through internal transformation and self-realization. While Brahminical philosophy placed a strong emphasis on the authority of the Vedas as the sacred text, Sramana scholars questioned this authority severely. They advocated for individual experience, and the direct faithful realizations regardless of worldly or societal hierarchy, over 'blind' faith in scriptures.

Another point of contention was the contrast between ascetic practices favored by many Sramanas and the ritualistic approach promoted by Brahminical traditions. The Sramanas believed in renunciation and austerity as paths to spiritual liberation, while criticizing excessive materialism and attachment to worldly possessions. Sramana traditions, such as Jainism, placed a strong emphasis on non-violence (ahimsa), which stood in contrast to certain Vedic rituals that involved animal sacrifices.

Sati

An 18th-century painting depicting sati
Main article: Sati

Sati was a historical Hindu practice, in which a widow sacrifices herself by sitting atop her deceased husband's funeral pyre. Vidya Dehejia states that sati was introduced late into the Indian society, and became regular only after 500 CE. The practice became prevalent from 7th century onwards, and declined to its elimination in the 17th century, to then gain resurgence in Bengal in the 18th century. Roshen Dalal postulated that its mention in some of the Puranas indicates that it slowly grew in prevalence from 5th-7th century and later became an accepted custom around 1000 CE among those of higher classes, especially the Rajputs.

According to Dehejia, sati originated within the Kshatriyas (warrior Caste) aristocracy, and remained mostly limited to the warrior class among Hindus. Yang adds that the practice was also emulated by those seeking to achieve high status among the royalty and the warriors. The increase of the sati practice may also be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia. It acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain, especially with the variant of a mass sati called jauhar, practiced especially among the Rajputs as a direct response to the onslaught they had experienced.

The Mughal Empire (1526–1857) rulers and the Muslim population were ambivalent about the practice, with many Mughal emperors forbidding the practice, and later the European travelers record that sati was not much practiced in the Mughal empire. It was notably associated only with elite Hindu Rajput clans in western India, marking one of the points of divergence between the Hindu Rajputs and the Muslim Mughals.

With the onset of the British Raj, opposition against sati grew. The principal campaigners against Sati were Christian and Hindu reformers such as William Carey and Ram Mohan Roy. In 1829, Lord Bentinck issued Regulation XVII, declaring Sati to be illegal and punishable in criminal courts. On 2 February 1830, this law was extended to Madras and Bombay. The ban was challenged by a petition signed by "several thousand... Hindoo inhabitants of Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc" and the matter went to the Privy Council in London. Along with British supporters, Ram Mohan Roy presented counter-petitions to parliament in support of ending Sati. The Privy Council rejected the petition in 1832, and the ban on Sati was upheld.

Caste system

Main article: Caste system in India

Human Rights Watch describes the caste system as a "discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment" of over 165 million people in India. The justification of the discrimination on the basis of caste, which according to HRW is "a defining feature of Hinduism," has repeatedly been noticed and described by the United Nations and HRW, along with criticism of other caste systems worldwide.

See also

References

  1. Thapar, Romila (1989). "Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity". Modern Asian Studies. 23 (2): 209–231. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00001049. ISSN 0026-749X. JSTOR 312738. S2CID 145293468.
  2. "Quick Revision Module (UPSC Prelims 2024) Art & Culture Religion & Philosophy-1" (PDF). Vision IAS. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 September 2024.
  3. ^ Johri, Arushi. "Brahminic and Shramanic Traditions in Ancient India".
  4. ^ Corsini, Ludovic (2018). "Origin of Indian Buddhism" (PDF). Than Hsiang Buddhist Research e-Journal. 5 (Special ed.). Than Hsiang Buddhist Research Centre: 35–43. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 August 2024.
  5. "Main Answer Writing Practice". Drishti IAS. Retrieved 2024-06-13.
  6. Robertson, S., 2003. Periyar EV Ramasami's critique of priestly Hinduism and its implications for social reforms. Indian Journal of Theology, 45, https://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/ijt/45_075.pdf
  7. Feminist Spaces: Gender and Geography in a Global Context, Routledge, Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson, Sharlene Mollett
  8. Gilmartin, Sophie (1997). "The Sati, the Bride, and the Widow: Sacrificial Woman in the Nineteenth Century". Victorian Literature and Culture. 25 (1): 141–158. doi:10.1017/S1060150300004678. JSTOR 25058378. S2CID 162954709. Suttee, or sati, is the obsolete Hindu practice in which a widow burns herself upon her husband's funeral pyre...
  9. Sharma 2001, pp. 19–21.
  10. ^ On attested Rajput practice of sati during wars, see, for example Leslie, Julia (1993). "Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?". In Arnold, David; Robb, Peter (eds.). Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader. Vol. 10. London: Routledge. p. 46. ISBN 978-0700702848.
  11. Dehejia 1994, p. 50.
  12. Nandy, Ashis (1980). Sati: A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and Protest in the book "At the Edge of Psychology". Oxford University Press. p. 1.
  13. Dalal, Roshen (2010). Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide. Penguin Books India. p. 363. ISBN 9780143414216.
  14. ^ Yang 2008, p. 21–23.
  15. Dehejia 1994, p. 51-53.
  16. Sashi, S.S. (1996). Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh. Vol. 100. Anmol Publications. p. 115. ISBN 9788170418597.
  17. Jogan Shankar (1992). Social Problems And Welfare In India. Ashish Publishing House.
  18. Annemarie Schimmel (2004). Burzine K. Waghmar (ed.). The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture. Reaktion. pp. 113–114. ISBN 978-1-86189-185-3.
  19. Sharma 2001, p. 23.
  20. M. Reza Pirbhai (2009). Reconsidering Islam in a South Asian Context. Brill Academic. p. 108. ISBN 978-90-474-3102-2.
  21. ^ XVII. "Economic and Social Developments under the Mughals" from Muslim Civilization in India by S. M. Ikram, edited by Ainslie T. Embree New York: Columbia University Press, 1964
  22. Asher, Catherine B.; Talbot, Cynthia (2006), India before Europe, Cambridge University Press, pp. 268–, ISBN 978-1-139-91561-8
  23. Sharma 2001, pp. 6–7.
  24. Marshman, John Clark (1876). History of India from the earliest period to the close of the East India Company's government. Edinburgh: W. Blackwood. p. 374. ISBN 9781108021043.
  25. Sharma pp. 7–8.
  26. Rai, Raghunath. History. FK Publications. p. 137. ISBN 9788187139690.
  27. Dodwell 1932 p. 141.
  28. Kulkarni, A.R.; Feldhaus, Anne (1996). "Sati in the Maratha Country". Images of Women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion. Albany, NY: SUNY Press. p. 192. ISBN 978-0791428382.
  29. ^ "Hidden Apartheid". Human Rights Watch. 2007-02-12. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
  30. ^ "CASTE DISCRIMINATION". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
  31. "OHCHR | Caste systems violate human rights and dignity of millions worldwide – New UN expert report". www.ohchr.org. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
  32. "UN report slams India for caste discrimination". CBC News. 2 March 2007.

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