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{{Short description|Anti-Soviet American Cold War foreign policy}}
], ]. Photo courtesy of the Truman Presidential Library and Museum.]]
{{Use mdy dates|date=October 2023}} {{Use American English|date=October 2023}}
] Harry Truman]]
{{Harry S. Truman series}}
The '''Truman Doctrine''' is an ] that pledges American support for ] against ] threats.<ref>{{Cite web |title=The Truman Doctrine, 1947 |url=https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/truman-doctrine |access-date=2022-09-24 |website=Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, United States Department of State |archive-date=2017-05-16 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170516181411/https://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/truman-doctrine |url-status=live }}</ref> The doctrine originated with the primary goal of countering the growth of the ] during the ]. It was announced to ] by President ] on March 12, 1947,<ref name=DM/> and further developed on July 4, 1948, when he pledged to oppose the ] ] and ]. More generally, the Truman Doctrine implied American support for other nations threatened by ]. It led to the formation of ] in 1949. Historians often use Truman's speech to Congress on March 12, 1947, to date the start of the Cold War.<ref>{{Cite web|date=November 10, 2020|title=The Truman Doctrine's Significance|url=https://www.historyonthenet.com/truman-doctrine-significance|website=History on the Net|access-date=November 10, 2020|archive-date=May 1, 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210501090818/https://www.historyonthenet.com/truman-doctrine-significance|url-status=live}}</ref>


Truman told Congress that "it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures."<ref>{{cite book|author=Michael Beschloss|title=Our Documents: 100 Milestone Documents From The National Archives|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qqDA6OGvhmUC&pg=PA194|year=2006|publisher=Oxford University Press|pages=194–199|isbn=978-0-19-530959-1|access-date=2015-10-27|archive-date=2023-06-30|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230630110920/https://books.google.com/books?id=qqDA6OGvhmUC&pg=PA194|url-status=live}}</ref> Truman contended that because ] regimes coerced free peoples, they automatically represented a threat to international peace and the ]. Truman argued that if Greece and Turkey did not receive the aid, they would inevitably fall out of the United States' sphere of influence and into the ], with ] throughout the region.
'''The Truman Doctrine''' was an ] foreign policy designed to contain ] by giving ] and ] economic aid. Gaining the support of the Republicans who controlled Congress, President ] proclaimed the Doctrine on ], ]. It stated that the U.S. would support Greece and Turkey with economic and military aid to prevent their falling into the Soviet sphere. The Doctrine shifted ] towards the ] from ] to, as ] phrased it, a policy of ] of Soviet expansion. It is often used by historians as the starting date of the ]. Katie was here.


The Truman Doctrine was informally extended to become the basis of American Cold War policy throughout Europe and around the world.<ref name="MerrillTruDoct" /> It shifted U.S. policy toward the ] from a wartime alliance to ] of Soviet expansion, as advocated by diplomat ].
==History==
Truman's decision, supported by Senator ] and the Republican-controlled Congress, came after the British urgently informed Washington that it was no longer able to support the Greece government's efforts to fight its civil war against Communist insurgents. Aide was given to Turkey because of the historic tensions with Greece. In an early response to political aggression by the Soviet Union in Europe and the Middle East, illustrated through the Communist movements in Turkey and Greece. The Truman Doctrine was the first in a succession of containment moves by the United States, followed by economic restoration of Western Europe through the ] and military containment by the creation of ] in 1949. In President ]'s words, it became "''the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures''." Truman reasoned, because these "totalitarian regimes" coerced "free peoples," they represented a threat to international peace and the national security of the United States.
President Truman made the proclamation in an address to the ] on ], ], amid the crisis of the ] (]-]). Truman insisted that if Greece and Turkey did not receive the aid that they needed, they would inevitably fall to communism with consequences throughout the region.
Truman signed the act into law on May 22, 1947. It granted $400 million ($300 million to Greece and $100 million to Turkey) in military and economic aid. The economic aid was to be used in repairing the infrastructure of these countries and military aid came in the form of military personnel supervising and helping with the reconstruction of these countries while training soldiers. This aid was to help Greece and Turkey get back on their feet so they could both support and defend themselves from coercive forces. It should be noted however that this American aid was in many ways a replacement for British aid which the British were no longer financially in a position to give. The policy of containment and opposition to communists in Greece for example was carried out by the British before 1947 in many of the same ways it was carried out afterward by the Americans.


== Turkish Straits crisis ==
The doctrine also had consequences elsewhere in Europe. Governments in Western Europe with powerful communist movements such as ] and ] were given a variety of assistance and encouraged to keep communist groups out of governments. In some respects, these moves were in response to moves made by the Soviet Union to purge opposition groups in Eastern Europe out of existence.
{{Main|Turkish Straits crisis}}
]


At the conclusion of World War II, Turkey was pressured by the Soviet government to allow Russian shipping to flow freely through the ], which connected the ] to the Mediterranean. As the Turkish government would not submit to the Soviet Union's requests, tensions arose in the region, leading to a show of naval force on the site of the Straits. Since British assistance to Turkey had ended in 1947, the U.S. dispatched military aid to ensure that Turkey would retain chief control of the passage. Turkey received $100 million in economic and military aid and the U.S. Navy sent the ] {{USS|Franklin D. Roosevelt}}.<ref>Barın Kayaoğlu, "Strategic imperatives, Democratic rhetoric: The United States and Turkey, 1945–52." ''Cold War History,'' Aug 2009, Vol. 9(3) pp. 321–345</ref>
In 1950, Truman signed the top-secret policy plan ] which shifted foreign policy from passive to active containment. The document differed from George F. Kennan's original notion of containment outlined in his "X" article, containing much harsher anti-communist rhetoric. NSC-68 explicitly stated that the Communists planned for world domination.


== Greek crisis ==
The Truman Doctrine also contributed to and became rationale for America's first involvements in the ]. Starting shortly after the outbreak of the ], Truman attempted to aid France's bid to hold onto its Vietnamese colonies. The United States supplied French forces with equipment and military advisors in order to combat ] and anti-colonial communist revolutionaries.
{{Main|White Terror (Greece)|Greek Civil War}}
] (r. 1922–1924, 1935–1947), whose rule was opposed by a communist insurgency in the Greek Civil War]]


In October 1944, ] and ] forces ] following the gradual withdrawal of ] from the country. Despite the ] stipulating that all ] factions would join a new ] under British command, General ] ordered the ]'s armed wing, ], to unilaterally disarm on December, 1 1944. EAM responded to the "Scobie Order" by organizing a rally in ] on December 3 in protest, which was shot at by Greek security forces, killing 28 protestors. This sparked the ], a series of clashes between EAM and Greek government forces along with their British allies. It ended in EAM's defeat and disarmament under the terms of the ], which marked the end of ELAS and broke EAM's power. This was followed by the ], a period of persecution against Greek leftists, which contributed to the outbreak of the ] in 1946.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jJoqDQAAQBAJ&q=Athens+December+&pg=PA376|title=An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949|last=Gerolymatos|first=André|date=2017|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0300180602|pages=100–111|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jJoqDQAAQBAJ&q=White+Terror&pg=PA376|title=An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949|last=Gerolymatos|first=André|date=2017|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0300180602|pages=194–203|language=en|access-date=2020-11-03|archive-date=2023-06-30|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230630110921/https://books.google.com/books?id=jJoqDQAAQBAJ&q=White+Terror&pg=PA376|url-status=live}}</ref>
==Metaphor==
The Truman Doctrine has become a metaphor for emergency aid to keep a nation from communist influence. Truman used disease imagery not only to communicate a sense of impending disaster in the spread of communism but also to create a "rhetorical vision" of containing it by extending a protective shield around noncommunist countries throughout the world. It echoed the "quarantine the aggressor" policy Franklin Roosevelt asked Morgan to propose in 1937. The medical metaphor extended beyond the immediate aims of the Truman Doctrine in that the imagery combined with fire and flood imagery evocative of disaster provided the United States with an easy transition to direct military confrontation in later years with communist forces in Korea and Vietnam. By presenting ideological differences in life or death terms, Truman was able to garner support for this communism-containing policy.


After the civil war broke out, ] (KKE) guerrillas revolted against the internationally recognized Greek government which was formed after ] which were boycotted by the KKE. The British realized that the KKE were being directly funded by ] in neighboring ]. In line with the Anglo-Soviet ], the KKE received no help from the ], and Yugoslavia provided them support and sanctuary against ]'s wishes.<ref>Bærentzen, Lars, John O. Iatrides, and Ole Langwitz. Smith. ''Studies in the History of the Greek Civil War, 1945–1949''. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 1987. 273–280. Google Books. Web. 28 Apr. 2010. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406193744/https://books.google.com/books?id=zMr7EK3ms7AC&dq=%22Soviet+Union%22+%22Greek+Civil+War%22&pg=PA267 |date=2023-04-06 }}</ref> By late 1946, Britain informed the United States that due to its own declining economy, it could no longer continue to provide military and economic support to the Greek government.<ref>Bullock, ''Ernest Bevin: Foreign Secretary'' (1983) ch 8</ref>
==References==
* Frazier, Robert. "Acheson and the Formulation of the Truman Doctrine" ''Journal of Modern Greek Studies'' 1999 17(2): 229-251. ISSN 0738-1727 Fulltext online in Project Muse
* Gaddis, John Lewis. "Reconsiderations: Was the Truman Doctrine a Real Turning Point?" ''Foreign Affairs'' 1974 52(2): 386-402. ISSN 0015-7120
* Ivie, Robert L. "Fire, Flood, and Red Fever: Motivating Metaphors of Global Emergency in the Truman Doctrine Speech." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 1999 29(3): 570-591. ISSN 0360-4918
* Jeffrey, Judith S. ''Ambiguous Commitments and Uncertain Policies: The Truman Doctrine in Greece, 1947-1952'' Lexington, 2000. 257 pp.
* Jones, Howard. ''"A New Kind of War": America's Global Strategy and the Truman Doctrine in Greece'' Oxford U. Press, 1989. 327 pp
* Leffler, Melvyn P. "Strategy, Diplomacy, and the Cold War: the United States, Turkey, and NATO, 1945-1952" ''Journal of American History'' 1985 71(4): 807-825. ISSN 0021-8723 Fulltext in JSTOR
* McGhee, Goerge. ''The U.S.-Turkish-NATO Middle East Connection: How the Truman Doctrine and Turkey's NATO Entry Contained the Soviets in the Middle East.'' St. Martin's, 1990. 224 pp.
* Merrill, Dennis. "The Truman Doctrine: Containing Communism and Modernity" ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 2006 36(1): 27-37. ISSN 0360-4918
* Offner, Arnold A. "'Another Such Victory': President Truman, American Foreign Policy, and the Cold War." ''Diplomatic History'' 1999 23(2): 127-155. ISSN 0145-2096
* Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. ''The First Cold Warrior: Harry Truman, Containment, And the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism'' (2006)


] (1904–2005) proposed the doctrine of ] in 1946]]
==External links==
{{wikisource|Truman Doctrine}}


In 1946–47, the United States and the Soviet Union moved from being wartime allies to Cold War adversaries. The breakdown of Allied cooperation in Germany provided a backdrop of escalating tensions for the Truman Doctrine.<ref name="MerrillTruDoct" /> To Truman, the growing unrest in Greece began to look like a ] against the oil-rich areas of the Middle East and the warm-water ports of the Mediterranean.<ref name="Painter 2012 29">{{Harvnb|Painter|2012|p=29}}: "Although circumstances differed greatly in Greece, Turkey, and Iran, U.S. officials interpreted events in all three places as part of a Soviet plan to dominate the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. Mention of oil was deliberately deleted from Truman's March&nbsp;12, 1947, address before Congress pledging resistance to communist expansion anywhere in the world; but guarding access to oil was an important part of the Truman Doctrine. The Truman Doctrine was named after Harry S. Truman. This doctrine stated that the United States would provide political, military and economic assistance to all democratic nations under threat from external or internal authoritarian forces."<p>One draft, for example, of Truman's speech spoke of the "great natural resources" of the Middle East at stake ({{Harvnb|Kolko|Kolko|1972|p=341}}).</p></ref> In February 1946, Kennan, an American diplomat in Moscow, sent his famed "]", which predicted the Soviets would only respond to force and that the best way to handle them would be through a long-term strategy of containment; that is, stopping their geographical expansion. After the British warned that they could no longer help Greece, and following Prime Minister ]'s visit to Washington in December 1946 to ask for American assistance,<ref>{{cite book |author=Freeland, Richard M. |title=The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthyism |publisher=Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. |year=1970 |pages=g. 90}}</ref> the U.S. State Department formulated a plan. Aid would be given to both Greece and Turkey, to help cool the long-standing rivalry between them.{{Citation needed|date=March 2020}}
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American policy makers recognized the instability of the region, fearing that if Greece was lost to communism, Turkey would not last long. Similarly, if Turkey yielded to Soviet demands, the position of Greece would be endangered.<ref>{{cite book |author=Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards |title=The First Cold Warrior: Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism |publisher=The University Press of Kentucky |year=2006 |pages=64}}</ref> A regional ] threat therefore guided the American decision. Greece and Turkey were strategic allies important for geographical reasons as well, for the fall of Greece would put the Soviets on a particularly dangerous flank for the Turks, and strengthen the Soviet Union's ability to cut off allied supply lines in the event of war.<ref>{{cite book |author=McGhee, George |title=The US-Turkish-NATO Middle East Connection: How the Truman Doctrine Contained the Soviets in the Middle East |publisher=St. Harry's Press |year=1990 |pages=g. 21}}</ref>
==See also==
*]


== Truman's address ==
{{Cold War}}
{{multiple image
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| footer = President Truman's 1947 Message to Congress, Recommending Assistance to Greece and Turkey
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To pass any legislation Truman needed the support of the ], who controlled both houses of Congress. The chief Republican spokesman Senator ] strongly supported Truman and overcame the doubts of isolationists such as Senator ].<ref name=JTP/>{{rp|127}} Truman laid the groundwork for his request by having key congressional leaders meet with himself, Secretary of State ], and Undersecretary of State ]. Acheson laid out the "domino theory" in the starkest terms, comparing a communist state to a rotten apple that could spread its infection to an entire barrel. Vandenberg was impressed, and advised Truman to appear before Congress and "scare the hell out of the American people."<ref name=JTP/>{{rp|127–128}} On March 7, Acheson warned Truman that the communists in Greece could win within weeks without outside aid.<ref name=DM/>{{rp|545}}


When a draft for Truman's address was circulated to policymakers, Marshall, Kennan, and others criticized it for containing excess "rhetoric." Truman responded that, as Vandenberg had suggested, his request would only be approved if he played up the threat.<ref name=DM/>{{rp|546}}
{{US Foreign Doctrine}}


On March 12, 1947, Truman appeared before a joint session of Congress. In his eighteen-minute speech, he stated:
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{{Blockquote|I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.
]
I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.
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I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.<ref name=DM/>{{rp|547}}}}
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The domestic reaction to Truman's speech was broadly positive, though there were dissenters. Anti-communists in both parties supported both Truman's proposed aid package and the doctrine behind it, and '']'' described it as a "popularity jackpot" for the President.<ref name=DM/>{{rp|548}}<ref name=JTP/>{{rp|129}} Influential columnist ] was more skeptical, noting the open-ended nature of Truman's pledge; he felt so strongly that he almost came to blows while arguing with Acheson over the doctrine.<ref name=DM/>{{rp|549}}<ref name="Herring" />{{rp|615}} Others argued that the Greek monarchy Truman proposed to defend was itself a repressive government, rather than a democracy.<ref name="Herring" />{{rp|615}}
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Despite these objections, the fear that there was a growing communist threat almost guaranteed the bill's passage.<ref name="Herring" />{{rp|616}} In May 1947, two months after Truman's request, a large majority of Congress approved $400 million in military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey.<ref name="DM">{{cite book|url=https://archive.org/details/truman00mccu|url-access=registration|title=Truman|last=McCullough|first=David|date=1992|publisher=Simon & Schuster|location=New York|pages=|isbn=978-0671456542 }}</ref>{{rp|553–554}}<ref name=JTP/>{{rp|129}} Increased American aid assisted the Greek government's defeat of the KKE, after interim defeats for government forces from 1946 to 1948.<ref name="Herring">{{cite book |last= Herring |first= George C. |title= From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776 |year= 2008 |location= New York |publisher= Oxford University Press |isbn= 978-0195078220 |url-access= registration |url= https://archive.org/details/fromcolonytosupe00herr }}</ref>{{rp|616–617}} The Truman Doctrine was the first in a series of containment moves by the United States, followed by economic restoration of Western Europe through the ] and military containment by the creation of ] in 1949.{{cn|date=January 2024}}
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== Long-term policy and metaphor ==
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{{See also|Cold War|Foreign policy of the United States}}
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Historian ] writes that the doctrine "set a precedent for American assistance to ] regimes throughout the world, no matter how undemocratic, and for the creation of a set of global military alliances directed against the Soviet Union."<ref>Eric Foner, ''Give Me Liberty! An American History'' (2nd ed., 2008) p. 892</ref>
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The Truman Doctrine underpinned American Cold War policy in Europe and around the world. In the words of historian ]:
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<blockquote>The Truman Doctrine was a highly publicized commitment of a sort the administration had not previously undertaken. Its sweeping rhetoric, promising that the United States should aid all 'free people' being subjugated, set the stage for innumerable later ventures that led to globalisation commitments. It was in these ways a major step.<ref name=JTP>{{cite book |last=Patterson |first=James T. |date=1996 |title=Grand Expectations |url=https://archive.org/details/grandexpectation00patt |url-access=registration |location=New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-507680-6 }}</ref>{{rp|129}}</blockquote>
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The doctrine endured, historian Dennis Merill argues, because it addressed broader cultural insecurity regarding modern life in a globalized world. It dealt with Washington's concern over communism's domino effect, it enabled a media-sensitive presentation of the doctrine that won ] support, and it mobilized American economic power to modernize and stabilize unstable regions without direct military intervention. It brought nation-building activities and modernization programs to the forefront of foreign policy.<ref name="MerrillTruDoct">{{Harvnb|Merrill|2006}}.</ref>
]

]
The Truman Doctrine became a metaphor for aid to keep a nation from communist influence. Truman used disease imagery not only to communicate a sense of impending disaster in the spread of communism but also to create a "rhetorical vision" of containing it by extending a protective shield around non-communist countries throughout the world. It echoed the "]" policy Truman's predecessor, ], had sought to impose to contain ] and ] expansion in 1937 ("quarantine" suggested the role of public health officials handling an infectious disease). The medical metaphor extended beyond the immediate aims of the Truman Doctrine in that the imagery, combined with fire and flood imagery evocative of disaster, provided the United States with an easy transition to direct military confrontation in later years with the ] and the ]. By framing ideological differences in life or death terms, Truman was able to garner support for this communism-containing policy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Ivie|1999}}.</ref>
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== See also ==
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* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== Bibliography ==
{{Refbegin|40em}}
* Beisner, Robert L. ''Dean Acheson: A Life in the Cold War'' (2006)
* Bostdorff, Denise M. ''Proclaiming the Truman Doctrine: The Cold War Call to Arms'' (2008) {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230630110922/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1603440321 |date=2023-06-30 }}
* Brands, H. W. ''Into the Labyrinth: The United States and the Middle East, 1945–1993'' (1994) {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230630110923/https://books.google.com/books?id=xV1tAAAAMAAJ |date=2023-06-30 }} pp 12–17.
* Bullock, Alan. ''Ernest Bevin: Foreign Secretary, 1945–1951'' (1983) on British roles
* Capaccio, George. ''The Marshall Plan and the Truman Doctrine'' (Cavendish Square, 2017).
* Edwards, Lee. "Congress and the Origins of the Cold War: The Truman Doctrine," ''World Affairs,'' Vol. 151, 1989
* Frazier, Robert. "Acheson and the Formulation of the Truman Doctrine" ''Journal of Modern Greek Studies'' 1999 17(2): 229–251. {{ISSN|0738-1727}}
* Frazier, Robert. "Kennan, 'Universalism,' and the Truman Doctrine," ''Journal of Cold War Studies,'' Spring 2009, Vol. 11 Issue 2, pp 3–34
* Gaddis, John Lewis. "Reconsiderations: Was the Truman Doctrine a Real Turning Point?" ''Foreign Affairs'' 1974 52(2): 386–402. {{ISSN|0015-7120}}
* Gleason, Abbott. "The Truman Doctrine and the Rhetoric of Totalitarianism." in ''The Soviet Empire Reconsidered'' (Routledge, 2019) pp.&nbsp;11–25.
* Haas, Lawrence J. ''Harry and Arthur: Truman, Vandenberg, and the Partnership That Created the Free World'' (U of Nebraska Press, 2016).
* Hinds, Lynn Boyd, and Theodore Otto Windt Jr. ''The Cold War as Rhetoric: The Beginnings, 1945–1950'' (1991)
* Iatrides, John O. and Nicholas X. Rizopoulos. "The International Dimension of the Greek Civil War." ''World Policy Journal'' 2000 17(1): 87–103. {{ISSN|0740-2775}} Fulltext: in Ebsco
* {{Cite journal
| last = Ivie | first = Robert L. | author-link = Robert Ivie | year = 1999
| title = Fire, Flood, and Red Fever: Motivating Metaphors of Global Emergency in the Truman Doctrine Speech
| journal = Presidential Studies Quarterly | volume = 29 | number = 3 | pages = 570–591
| doi = 10.1111/j.0268-2141.2003.00050.x }}
* Jeffrey, Judith S. ''Ambiguous Commitments and Uncertain Policies: The Truman Doctrine in Greece, 1947–1952'' (2000). 257 pp.
* Jones, Howard. ''"A New Kind of War": America's Global Strategy and the Truman Doctrine in Greece'' (1989). 327 pp
* Kayaoğlu, Barın. "Strategic imperatives, Democratic rhetoric: The United States and Turkey, 1945–52.," ''Cold War History,'' Aug 2009, Vol. 9(3). pp.&nbsp;321–345
* Kiliç, Emrullah Can, and İ. M. E. R. İtır. "Legacy of the Truman Doctrine on Turkish-American Relations: A Political Economy Perspective." ''Sosyoekonomi'' 29.50 (2021): 109-130; {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230618225025/https://dergipark.org.tr/en/download/article-file/877086 |date=2023-06-18 }}.
* {{Cite book |last1=Kolko |first1=Joyce |last2=Kolko |first2=Gabriel |author2-link=Gabriel Kolko |year=1972 |title=The Limits of Power: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1945–1954 |location=New York |publisher= ] |isbn= 978-0-06-012447-2 }}
* Leffler, Melvyn P. "Strategy, Diplomacy, and the Cold War: the United States, Turkey, and NATO, 1945–1952" ''Journal of American History'' 1985 71(4): 807–825. {{ISSN|0021-8723}}
* Lykogiannis, Athanasios. ''Britain and the Greek Economic Crisis, 1944–1947: From Liberation to the Truman Doctrine.'' (U. of Missouri Press, 2002). 287 pp.
* McGhee, George. ''The U.S.-Turkish-NATO Middle East Connection: How the Truman Doctrine and Turkey's NATO Entry Contained the Soviets in the Middle East.'' (1990). 224 pp.
* {{Cite journal
| last = Merrill | first = Dennis | year = 2006
| title = The Truman Doctrine: Containing Communism and Modernity
| journal = Presidential Studies Quarterly | volume = 36 | number = 1 | pages = 27–37
| doi = 10.1111/j.1741-5705.2006.00284.x }}
* Meiertöns, Heiko: ''The Doctrines of US Security Policy – An Evaluation under International Law'' (2010), {{ISBN|978-0-521-76648-7}}.
* Offner, Arnold A. "'Another Such Victory': President Truman, American Foreign Policy, and the Cold War." ''Diplomatic History'' 1999 23(2): 127–155.{{ISSN|0145-2096}}
* Pach, Chester J. Jr. ''Arming the Free World: The Origins of the United States Military Assistance Program, 1945–1950,'' (1991)
* {{Cite journal
|last= Painter |first= David S. |author-link= David S. Painter |year= 2012
|title= Oil and the American Century
|journal= ] |volume= 99 |issue= 1 |pages= 24–39
|doi= 10.1093/jahist/jas073 |doi-access= free}}
* {{cite web|url=http://www.studentpulse.com/articles/672/containment-and-the-cold-war-reexaming-the-doctrine-of-containment-as-a-grand-strategy-driving-us-cold-war-interventions|title=Containment and the Cold War: Reexaming the Doctrine of Containment as a Grand Strategy Driving US Cold War Interventions|author=Pieper, Moritz A.|publisher=StudentPulse.com|year=2012|access-date=22 August 2012|archive-date=9 August 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120809044433/http://www.studentpulse.com/articles/672/containment-and-the-cold-war-reexaming-the-doctrine-of-containment-as-a-grand-strategy-driving-us-cold-war-interventions|url-status=live}}
* Purvis, Hoyt. "Tracing the Congressional Role: US Foreign Policy and Turkey." in ''Legislating Foreign Policy'' (Routledge, 2019) pp.&nbsp;23–76.
* Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. ''The First Cold Warrior: Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism'' (2006)
* Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. "The enduring significance of the Truman doctrine." ''Orbis'' 61.4 (2017): 561–574.
{{Refend}}

==External links==
{{Wikisource|Truman Doctrine}}
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080930165903/http://trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/doctrine/large/doctrine.htm |date=2008-09-30 }}
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{{Harry S. Truman}}
{{Cold War}}
{{Greek Civil War}}
{{Turkey–United States relations}}
{{Foreign relations of the United States|expanded=DPC}}
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Latest revision as of 01:32, 13 January 2025

Anti-Soviet American Cold War foreign policy

Presidential portrait of U.S. President Harry Truman
This article is part of
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Senator from Missouri
33rd President of the United States
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Harry S. Truman's signature Seal of the President of the United States

The Truman Doctrine is an American foreign policy that pledges American support for democracies against authoritarian threats. The doctrine originated with the primary goal of countering the growth of the Soviet bloc during the Cold War. It was announced to Congress by President Harry S. Truman on March 12, 1947, and further developed on July 4, 1948, when he pledged to oppose the communist rebellions in Greece and Soviet demands from Turkey. More generally, the Truman Doctrine implied American support for other nations threatened by Moscow. It led to the formation of NATO in 1949. Historians often use Truman's speech to Congress on March 12, 1947, to date the start of the Cold War.

Truman told Congress that "it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures." Truman contended that because totalitarian regimes coerced free peoples, they automatically represented a threat to international peace and the national security of the United States. Truman argued that if Greece and Turkey did not receive the aid, they would inevitably fall out of the United States' sphere of influence and into the communist bloc, with grave consequences throughout the region.

The Truman Doctrine was informally extended to become the basis of American Cold War policy throughout Europe and around the world. It shifted U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union from a wartime alliance to containment of Soviet expansion, as advocated by diplomat George Kennan.

Turkish Straits crisis

Main article: Turkish Straits crisis
The Turkish straits

At the conclusion of World War II, Turkey was pressured by the Soviet government to allow Russian shipping to flow freely through the Turkish straits, which connected the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. As the Turkish government would not submit to the Soviet Union's requests, tensions arose in the region, leading to a show of naval force on the site of the Straits. Since British assistance to Turkey had ended in 1947, the U.S. dispatched military aid to ensure that Turkey would retain chief control of the passage. Turkey received $100 million in economic and military aid and the U.S. Navy sent the Midway-class aircraft carrier USS Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Greek crisis

Main articles: White Terror (Greece) and Greek Civil War
King George II of Greece (r. 1922–1924, 1935–1947), whose rule was opposed by a communist insurgency in the Greek Civil War

In October 1944, British and Greek forces landed in Greece following the gradual withdrawal of Axis occupational forces from the country. Despite the Caserta Agreement stipulating that all Greek resistance factions would join a new Greek army under British command, General Ronald Scobie ordered the EAM's armed wing, ELAS, to unilaterally disarm on December, 1 1944. EAM responded to the "Scobie Order" by organizing a rally in Athens on December 3 in protest, which was shot at by Greek security forces, killing 28 protestors. This sparked the Dekemvriana, a series of clashes between EAM and Greek government forces along with their British allies. It ended in EAM's defeat and disarmament under the terms of the Treaty of Varkiza, which marked the end of ELAS and broke EAM's power. This was followed by the White Terror, a period of persecution against Greek leftists, which contributed to the outbreak of the Greek Civil War in 1946.

After the civil war broke out, Communist Party of Greece (KKE) guerrillas revolted against the internationally recognized Greek government which was formed after elections in 1946 which were boycotted by the KKE. The British realized that the KKE were being directly funded by Josip Broz Tito in neighboring Yugoslavia. In line with the Anglo-Soviet percentages agreement, the KKE received no help from the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia provided them support and sanctuary against Joseph Stalin's wishes. By late 1946, Britain informed the United States that due to its own declining economy, it could no longer continue to provide military and economic support to the Greek government.

George F. Kennan (1904–2005) proposed the doctrine of containment in 1946

In 1946–47, the United States and the Soviet Union moved from being wartime allies to Cold War adversaries. The breakdown of Allied cooperation in Germany provided a backdrop of escalating tensions for the Truman Doctrine. To Truman, the growing unrest in Greece began to look like a pincer movement against the oil-rich areas of the Middle East and the warm-water ports of the Mediterranean. In February 1946, Kennan, an American diplomat in Moscow, sent his famed "Long Telegram", which predicted the Soviets would only respond to force and that the best way to handle them would be through a long-term strategy of containment; that is, stopping their geographical expansion. After the British warned that they could no longer help Greece, and following Prime Minister Konstantinos Tsaldaris's visit to Washington in December 1946 to ask for American assistance, the U.S. State Department formulated a plan. Aid would be given to both Greece and Turkey, to help cool the long-standing rivalry between them.

American policy makers recognized the instability of the region, fearing that if Greece was lost to communism, Turkey would not last long. Similarly, if Turkey yielded to Soviet demands, the position of Greece would be endangered. A regional domino effect threat therefore guided the American decision. Greece and Turkey were strategic allies important for geographical reasons as well, for the fall of Greece would put the Soviets on a particularly dangerous flank for the Turks, and strengthen the Soviet Union's ability to cut off allied supply lines in the event of war.

Truman's address

President Truman's 1947 Message to Congress, Recommending Assistance to Greece and Turkey

To pass any legislation Truman needed the support of the Republicans, who controlled both houses of Congress. The chief Republican spokesman Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg strongly supported Truman and overcame the doubts of isolationists such as Senator Robert A. Taft. Truman laid the groundwork for his request by having key congressional leaders meet with himself, Secretary of State George Marshall, and Undersecretary of State Dean Acheson. Acheson laid out the "domino theory" in the starkest terms, comparing a communist state to a rotten apple that could spread its infection to an entire barrel. Vandenberg was impressed, and advised Truman to appear before Congress and "scare the hell out of the American people." On March 7, Acheson warned Truman that the communists in Greece could win within weeks without outside aid.

When a draft for Truman's address was circulated to policymakers, Marshall, Kennan, and others criticized it for containing excess "rhetoric." Truman responded that, as Vandenberg had suggested, his request would only be approved if he played up the threat.

On March 12, 1947, Truman appeared before a joint session of Congress. In his eighteen-minute speech, he stated:

I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The domestic reaction to Truman's speech was broadly positive, though there were dissenters. Anti-communists in both parties supported both Truman's proposed aid package and the doctrine behind it, and Collier's described it as a "popularity jackpot" for the President. Influential columnist Walter Lippmann was more skeptical, noting the open-ended nature of Truman's pledge; he felt so strongly that he almost came to blows while arguing with Acheson over the doctrine. Others argued that the Greek monarchy Truman proposed to defend was itself a repressive government, rather than a democracy.

Despite these objections, the fear that there was a growing communist threat almost guaranteed the bill's passage. In May 1947, two months after Truman's request, a large majority of Congress approved $400 million in military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey. Increased American aid assisted the Greek government's defeat of the KKE, after interim defeats for government forces from 1946 to 1948. The Truman Doctrine was the first in a series of containment moves by the United States, followed by economic restoration of Western Europe through the Marshall Plan and military containment by the creation of NATO in 1949.

Long-term policy and metaphor

See also: Cold War and Foreign policy of the United States

Historian Eric Foner writes that the doctrine "set a precedent for American assistance to anticommunist regimes throughout the world, no matter how undemocratic, and for the creation of a set of global military alliances directed against the Soviet Union."

The Truman Doctrine underpinned American Cold War policy in Europe and around the world. In the words of historian James T. Patterson:

The Truman Doctrine was a highly publicized commitment of a sort the administration had not previously undertaken. Its sweeping rhetoric, promising that the United States should aid all 'free people' being subjugated, set the stage for innumerable later ventures that led to globalisation commitments. It was in these ways a major step.

The doctrine endured, historian Dennis Merill argues, because it addressed broader cultural insecurity regarding modern life in a globalized world. It dealt with Washington's concern over communism's domino effect, it enabled a media-sensitive presentation of the doctrine that won bipartisan support, and it mobilized American economic power to modernize and stabilize unstable regions without direct military intervention. It brought nation-building activities and modernization programs to the forefront of foreign policy.

The Truman Doctrine became a metaphor for aid to keep a nation from communist influence. Truman used disease imagery not only to communicate a sense of impending disaster in the spread of communism but also to create a "rhetorical vision" of containing it by extending a protective shield around non-communist countries throughout the world. It echoed the "quarantine the aggressor" policy Truman's predecessor, Franklin D. Roosevelt, had sought to impose to contain German and Japanese expansion in 1937 ("quarantine" suggested the role of public health officials handling an infectious disease). The medical metaphor extended beyond the immediate aims of the Truman Doctrine in that the imagery, combined with fire and flood imagery evocative of disaster, provided the United States with an easy transition to direct military confrontation in later years with the Korean War and the Vietnam War. By framing ideological differences in life or death terms, Truman was able to garner support for this communism-containing policy.

See also

References

  1. "The Truman Doctrine, 1947". Office of the Historian, Foreign Service Institute, United States Department of State. Archived from the original on May 16, 2017. Retrieved September 24, 2022.
  2. ^ McCullough, David (1992). Truman. New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 547–549. ISBN 978-0671456542.
  3. "The Truman Doctrine's Significance". History on the Net. November 10, 2020. Archived from the original on May 1, 2021. Retrieved November 10, 2020.
  4. Michael Beschloss (2006). Our Documents: 100 Milestone Documents From The National Archives. Oxford University Press. pp. 194–199. ISBN 978-0-19-530959-1. Archived from the original on June 30, 2023. Retrieved October 27, 2015.
  5. ^ Merrill 2006.
  6. Barın Kayaoğlu, "Strategic imperatives, Democratic rhetoric: The United States and Turkey, 1945–52." Cold War History, Aug 2009, Vol. 9(3) pp. 321–345
  7. Gerolymatos, André (2017). An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949. Yale University Press. pp. 100–111. ISBN 978-0300180602.
  8. Gerolymatos, André (2017). An International Civil War: Greece, 1943–1949. Yale University Press. pp. 194–203. ISBN 978-0300180602. Archived from the original on June 30, 2023. Retrieved November 3, 2020.
  9. Bærentzen, Lars, John O. Iatrides, and Ole Langwitz. Smith. Studies in the History of the Greek Civil War, 1945–1949. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 1987. 273–280. Google Books. Web. 28 Apr. 2010. online Archived 2023-04-06 at the Wayback Machine
  10. Bullock, Ernest Bevin: Foreign Secretary (1983) ch 8
  11. Painter 2012, p. 29: "Although circumstances differed greatly in Greece, Turkey, and Iran, U.S. officials interpreted events in all three places as part of a Soviet plan to dominate the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. Mention of oil was deliberately deleted from Truman's March 12, 1947, address before Congress pledging resistance to communist expansion anywhere in the world; but guarding access to oil was an important part of the Truman Doctrine. The Truman Doctrine was named after Harry S. Truman. This doctrine stated that the United States would provide political, military and economic assistance to all democratic nations under threat from external or internal authoritarian forces."

    One draft, for example, of Truman's speech spoke of the "great natural resources" of the Middle East at stake (Kolko & Kolko 1972, p. 341).

  12. Freeland, Richard M. (1970). The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthyism. Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. pp. g. 90.
  13. Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards (2006). The First Cold Warrior: Harry Truman, Containment, and the Remaking of Liberal Internationalism. The University Press of Kentucky. p. 64.
  14. McGhee, George (1990). The US-Turkish-NATO Middle East Connection: How the Truman Doctrine Contained the Soviets in the Middle East. St. Harry's Press. pp. g. 21.
  15. ^ Patterson, James T. (1996). Grand Expectations. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507680-6.
  16. ^ Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195078220.
  17. Eric Foner, Give Me Liberty! An American History (2nd ed., 2008) p. 892
  18. Ivie 1999.

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