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{{Short description|Social system in South Asia}} {{Short description|Social system in South Asia}}
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{{MI|
] communities in South Asia have a system of ]<ref>{{Cite news |author=Pratik Patnaik |title=Caste Among Indian Muslims Is a Real Issue. So Why Deny Them Reservation? |url=https://thewire.in/caste/caste-among-indian-muslims-real-why-deny-reservation |date=December 2, 2020 |newspaper=The Wire}}</ref> arising from concepts other than "pure" and "impure", which are integral to the ].{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=120–121}}<ref name="Webner">{{Cite book |title=The Migration Process: Capital, Gifts and Offerings among British Pakistanis |last1=Webner |first1=Pnina |date=2007 |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing Plc |access-date=30 October 2016 |isbn=9781472518477 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1O2kBgAAQBAJ&q=caste+purity+among+Muslims&pg=PT84}}</ref> It developed as a result of relations among foreign conquerors, local ] ] convert to Islam ('']'', also known as ''tabqa-i ashrafiyya''{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=4}}) and local lower-caste converts (''ajlaf''), as well as the continuation of the Indian caste system by converts.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Gautier |first1=Laurence |last2=Levesque |first2=Julien |date=July 2020 |title=Introduction: Historicizing Sayyid-ness: Social Status and Muslim Identity in South Asia |journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society |language=en |volume=30 |issue=3 |pages=383–393 |doi=10.1017/S1356186320000139 |issn=1356-1863 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Non-''ashrafs'' are ] converts.<ref>{{cite web |title=Ashraf: Islamic Caste Group |publisher=Britannica |year=2021 |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/ashraf-Islamic-caste-group}}</ref> The concept of ''"pasmanda"'' includes ''ajlaf'' and ''arzal'' Muslims; ''ajlaf'' status is defined by descent from converts to Islam and by ''pesha'' (profession).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} These terms are not part of the sociological vocabulary in regions such as ] and ], and say little about the functioning of Muslim society.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
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The ] system is social stratification in ] and, to an extent, India.<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk">{{citation |author=Mughees Ahmed |year=2009 |title=Local-bodies or local "biradari" system: An analysis of the role of burglaries in the local bodies system of Punjab |journal=Pakistan Journal of History and Culture |volume=30 |number=1 |pages=81–92 |url=http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/Local-Bodies.pdf }}</ref> The South Asian Muslim caste system includes hierarchical classifications of ''khandan'' (dynasty, family, or lineage).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
] communities in ] apply a system of ].<ref>{{Cite news |author=Pratik Patnaik |title=Caste Among Indian Muslims Is a Real Issue. So Why Deny Them Reservation? |url=https://thewire.in/caste/caste-among-indian-muslims-real-why-deny-reservation |date=December 2, 2020 |newspaper=The Wire}}</ref> The stratification that operates among Muslims arises from concerns other than in the concepts of ''pure'' and ''impure'' that are integral to the Indian caste system.{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=120-121}}<ref name="Webner">{{Cite book |title=The Migration Process: Capital, Gifts and Offerings among British Pakistanis |last1=Webner |first1=Pnina |date=2007 |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing Plc |access-date=30 October 2016 |isbn=9781472518477 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1O2kBgAAQBAJ&q=caste+purity+among+Muslims&pg=PT84}}</ref> It developed as a result of relations between the foreign conquerors and local ] ] who converted to Islam ('']'') (also known as ''tabqa-i ashrafiyya''{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=4}}) and the local ] converts (''Ajlaf'') as well as the continuation of the ] among local converts.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Gautier |first1=Laurence |last2=Levesque |first2=Julien |date=July 2020 |title=Introduction: Historicizing Sayyid-ness: Social Status and Muslim Identity in South Asia |journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society |language=en |volume=30 |issue=3 |pages=383–393 |doi=10.1017/S1356186320000139 |issn=1356-1863 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Non-Ashrafs are backward caste converts.<ref>{{cite web |title=Ashraf: Islamic Caste Group |publisher=Britannica |year=2021 |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/ashraf-Islamic-caste-group}}</ref> The ]{{clarify|date=February 2023|reason=A "neologism" is a "new term"; this seems to be a "novel CONCEPT", hard to see how this is relevant. Can "Pasmandas" be defined? The next sentence says what it includes, but not what is IS.}} ''"Pasmanda"'' includes ''Ajlaf'' and ''Arzal'' Muslims, and Ajlafs' statuses are defined by them being the descendants of converts to Islam and are also defined by their ''pesha'' (profession).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} These terms are not used in local, sociological vocabulary in places such as ] and ], and therefore tell us very little about the functioning of Muslim society.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}


== {{anchor|Historical development}}History ==
The ] System is how social stratification manifests itself in ], and to an extent also ].<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk">{{citation |author=Mughees Ahmed |year=2009 |title=Local-bodies or local "biradari" system: An analysis of the role of burglaries in the local bodies system of Punjab |journal=Pakistan Journal of History and Culture |volume=30 |number=1 |pages=81–92 |url=http://www.nihcr.edu.pk/Latest_English_Journal/Local-Bodies.pdf }}</ref> The South Asian Muslim caste system also includes hierarchical classifications of ''khandan'' (dynasty, family, or lineage descent) and nasal (a group based on blood ties and lineage).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
Although ] requires ]ism and does not recognize any ] (only ] ]),{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=27}} existing divisions in ] and India were adopted by local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification exists in later Persian works such as ]'s 11th-century {{transl|fa|]}}, ]'s 13th-century {{transl|fa|]}}, and the 17th-century {{transl|fa|Jam-i-Mufidi}}.{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=29}}


After ]'s death in the seventh century CE, tribes and families fought a war of succession.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} After this, a determinant for social stratification in Arab society included being part of Muhammad's close family ({{transl|ar|]|}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} This factor was present in ancient ] among Muslims since the eighth century.
== Historical development ==
While ] requires ]ism and does not recognize any ], only ] ],{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=27}} when it came to ] and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as {{transl|fa|]}} of ] (11th century), {{transl|fa|]}} of ] (13th century), and {{transl|fa|Jam-i-Mufidi}} (17th century).{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=29}}


This led to a further hierarchical determinant: ] versus non-Arabs.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Among non-Arabs, further divisions were made between Muslims who were converted in early Islamization campaigns ({{transl|ar|khadim-al islam}}) and those who converted more recently ({{transl|ar|jadid-al islam}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} South Asian Muslims are divided by classifications that have resulted in Arab-origin higher castes ({{transl|ur|unch zat}}) and descendants of lower-caste converts ({{transl|ur|nich zat}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} ] sultans were high-caste.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
After ] died in the 7th century, there was the war of succession which had tribes and families fighting each other.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} After this, a determinant for social stratification in Arab society included being part of the close family of Muhammad ({{transl|ar|]|}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} This alleged {{transl|ar|ahl al-bayt}} determinant had its presence in ancient ] among Muslims since the 8th century.


The Muslims who ] were already divided into vocation-based social "classes", including priests, nobles, and others, and racial segregation separated local Muslim converts from foreign-origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed superior status, since they were associated with the conquerors and considered themselves as '']'' ("noble").{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} Indian Muslim society also split in accordance with the Hindu caste system.{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} According to ] (1986) and R. K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their caste system to the region's Muslim society.{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=116}} ], however, believed that the Islamic conquerors adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=115–116}}
Then this allegedly led to a further hierarchical determinant, which was Arabs versus non-Arabs.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Later on, among non-Arabs, further divisions took place between Muslims who were converted in early Islamization campaigns ({{transl|ar|khadim-al islam}}) and Muslims who converted more recently ({{transl|ar|jadid-al islam}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Today, ] Muslims are divided by the classifications above that have resulted in Arab-origin higher castes ({{transl|ur|unch zat}}) and those that are descendants of lower castes converts ({{transl|ur|nich zat}}).{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} The Sultans during the ] were all high caste.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}


], a 14th-century Indian political thinker in the ], suggested that the "sons of Mohamed" receive a higher social status than the low-born. His most significant contribution to the ] was his analysis of castes and Islam. Barani said that castes would be mandated through state laws (''zawabi''), which would take precedence over ] in a conflict. According to Barani, every act "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominy, comes elegantly ". He developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of imperial officers ('']''), primarily based on caste.<ref>{{cite book |quote= Barani never called himself Turk for one intention that he wanted to be an Indian than anything else |title=Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rXmCAAAAMAAJ&q=Barani+never+called+himself+Turk+for+one+intention+that+he+wanted+to+be+an+Indian+than+anything+else |page=144 |author= Arbind Das · |date=1996 |publisher=Pratibha Prakashan |isbn=9788185268453 }}</ref><ref name="Das">Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, {{ISBN|81-85268-45-2}} pp. 124-143</ref><ref>{{citation |last=Sikand |first=Yoginder |title=Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RBkwnoDPKgUC&pg=PA7 |year=2003 |publisher=Penguin Books India |isbn=978-0-14-302931-1 |pages=7–}}</ref> Barani's opinions were not followed by his own sultanate. He accused the Tughlaq Sultans of appointing "low-born" people to high office; they included ]<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L5eFzeyjBTQC |title=Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals-Delhi Sultanat (1206–1526) – Part One |author= Satish Chandra |date=2004 |page=99 |publisher=Har-Anand Publications |isbn=9788124110645 }}</ref> and ], Barani's patron in Delhi, who appointed a former slave captured from ] and converted as his ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=un4WcfEASZwC&dq=firuz+shah+khan+jahan+convert&pg=RA1-PA4 |title=Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art & Architecture|id=Three-volume set |editor1=Jonathan Bloom|editor2=Sheila Blair|editor3=Sheila S. Blair |date=2009 |page=4 |publisher=Oup USA |isbn=978-0-19-530991-1 }}</ref>
The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century ] were allegedly already divided into vocation-based social "classes", including priests, nobles, and others. Further, racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from foreign-origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors and categorized themselves as ] ("noble").{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} Over time, the Indian Muslim society also allegedly split based on the existing ].{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} According to ] (1986) and R.K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam, brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region.{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=116}} On the other hand, ] (1957) believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=115-116}}


Muslims from the ''julaha'' (weaver) caste began to identify as "Ansaris", butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and ''bhishti'' castes as "Sheikh".<ref name="Sanober"/> The Muslim concept of hereditary '']'', which the '']'' use to support ], justifies South Asian Muslim caste practices.{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=14}}{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
], an ethnic Indian 14th-century political thinker of the ], recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" (i.e., Ashrafs) be given a higher social status than the low-born (i.e., Ajlaf). His most significant contribution to the ] was his analysis of the castes concerning Islam. He asserted that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over ] law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominy, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("]") that was primarily based on their caste.<ref>{{cite book |quote= Barani never called himself Turk for one intention that he wanted to be an Indian than anything else |title=Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatawa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barani|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rXmCAAAAMAAJ&q=Barani+never+called+himself+Turk+for+one+intention+that+he+wanted+to+be+an+Indian+than+anything+else |page=144 |author= Arbind Das · |date=1996 |publisher=Pratibha Prakashan |isbn=9788185268453 }}</ref><ref name="Das">Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, {{ISBN|81-85268-45-2}} pp. 124-143</ref><ref>{{citation |last=Sikand |first=Yoginder |title=Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RBkwnoDPKgUC&pg=PA7 |year=2003 |publisher=Penguin Books India |isbn=978-0-14-302931-1 |pages=7–}}</ref> His opinions were not followed by his own Sultanate, as he accuses the Tughlaq Sultans of appointing "low-born" people to high offices, including ],<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L5eFzeyjBTQC |title=Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals-Delhi Sultanat (1206-1526) - Part One |author= Satish Chandra |date=2004 |page=99 |publisher=Har-Anand Publications |isbn=9788124110645 }}</ref> and Barani's own patron ] in ], who appointed a former slave captured and converted from ] as his ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=un4WcfEASZwC&dq=firuz+shah+khan+jahan+convert&pg=RA1-PA4 |title=Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art & Architecture|id=Three-volume set |editor1=Jonathan Bloom|editor2=Sheila Blair|editor3=Sheila S. Blair |date=2009 |page=4 |publisher=Oup USA |isbn=978-0-19-530991-1 }}</ref>


=== {{anchor|Ashrafization and Syedization}}Ashrafization ===
Historically, many Muslims from the julaha or weaver caste began to identify as "Ansaris", the butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and ''bhishti'' caste Muslims as "Sheikh".<ref name="Sanober"/>
Ashrafization (or sharifization) includes adopting upper-caste Muslim practices to climb the social ladder.<ref>{{cite journal |title=Collective and Elective Ethnicity: Caste among Urban Muslims in India |first=Syed |last= Ali |date=December 2002 |journal=Sociological Forum |volume=17 |number=4 |publisher=Springer |page=602 |jstor=3070361 |doi=10.1023/A:1021077323866|s2cid=146701489 }}</ref> The ] of ] of the Delhi Sultanate was founded by a ].<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CHbiAAAAMAAJ&q=and+rested+chiefly+on+its+causal+recognition+by+the+famous+saint+Sayyid+Jal%C3%A1l|title=The Cambridge History of India|date=1958|publisher=S. Chand|location=The claim of Khizr Khān , who founded the dynasty known as the Sayyids , to descent from the prophet of Arabia was dubious, and rested chiefly on its causal recognition by the famous saint Sayyid Jalāl – ud – dīn of Bukhārā .|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title= India in the Persianate Age: 1000–1765 |author= Richard M. Eaton |year= 2019 | isbn=978-0520325128 |page=117|publisher= University of California Press |language=en|quote=The career of Khizr Khan, a Punjabi chieftain belonging to the Khokar clan...}}</ref>


The ] who were ] in the ], originated from a marginal Indian peasant community in ] who claimed Sayyid ancestry. Mughal emperor ] wrote, "Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids".<ref name="kolff" /> This indicated that the brothers had assumed Sayyid identity due to military service rather than descent.<ref name=kolff>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SrdiVPsFRYIC&dq=barha+peasant+syeds&pg=PA18 |title=Naukar, Rajput, and Sepoy: The Ethnohistory of the Military Labour Market of Hindustan, 1450–1850 |page=18 |author= Dirk H. A. Kolff |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9780521523059 }}</ref>
The Muslim concept of ''kafa'a/kufu/kafa'ah'', which ulama use to support endogamy, justifies South Asian Muslim caste practices.{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=14}} ] is hereditary.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}


==== {{anchor|Caste Associations}}Caste associations ====
=== Ashrafization and Syedization ===
Another type of ashrafization is the establishment of caste associations to promote a community's interests and provide social support.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} These {{transliteration|fa|anjuman}} ('forum', 'society') is commonly termed {{transliteration|fa|jama'at}} ({{lang|fa|جماعت}}{{hairspace}}; 'congregation', 'group', 'community'), replacing the use of {{transliteration|ur|zat}} ('birth or origin group').{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} The Khoja caste, Ismaili Shias primarily in ] and ], are an example.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Other significant Muslim caste associations are those of the Memons and the Bohras in Sindh and ].{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}
Ashrafization includes adopting upper-caste Muslim practices to achieve social climbing.<ref>{{cite journal |title=Collective and Elective Ethnicity: Caste among Urban Muslims in India |first=Syed |last= Ali |date=December 2002 |journal=Sociological Forum |volume=17 |number=4 |publisher=Springer |page=602 |jstor=3070361 |doi=10.1023/A:1021077323866|s2cid=146701489 }}</ref> The ] of ] of the Delhi Sultanate was founded by a ], who claimed Sayyid descent based on unsubstantiated evidence.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CHbiAAAAMAAJ&q=and+rested+chiefly+on+its+causal+recognition+by+the+famous+saint+Sayyid+Jal%C3%A1l|title=The Cambridge History of India|date=1958|publisher=S. Chand|location=The claim of Khizr Khān , who founded the dynasty known as the Sayyids , to descent from the prophet of Arabia was dubious, and rested chiefly on its causal recognition by the famous saint Sayyid Jalāl - ud - dīn of Bukhārā .|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title= India in the Persianate Age: 1000–1765 |author= Richard M. Eaton |year= 2019 | isbn=978-0520325128 |page=117|publisher= University of California Press |language=en|quote=The career of Khizr Khan, a Punjabi chieftain belonging to the Khokar clan...}}</ref>

The ] who rose as ] of the ], originated from a marginal Indian peasant community of ] who claimed Sayyid ancestry, although their claim to be true Syeds was generally not admitted. The Mughal Emperor ] wrote that "some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids". This showed that they had assimilated into Sayyid identity merely due to military service rather than through true descent.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SrdiVPsFRYIC&dq=barha+peasant+syeds&pg=PA18 |title=Naukar, Rajput, and Sepoy: The Ethnohistory of the Military Labour Market of Hindustan, 1450-1850 |page=18 |author= Dirk H. A. Kolff |date=2002 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9780521523059 }}</ref>

==== Caste Associations ====
Another type of Ashrafization is the establishment of caste associations to promote a community's interests and, especially, social support.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} These {{transliteration|fa|anjuman}} ('forum', 'society') is commonly termed {{transliteration|fa|jama'at}} ({{lang|fa|جماعت}}{{hairspace}}; 'congregation', 'group', 'community'), replacing in the associations' names the use of {{transliteration|ur|zat}}, which signifies 'birth or origin group'.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} The Khoja caste, who are Ismaili Shias found particularly in Karachi and Sindh, are prominent in this regard.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Other significant Muslim caste associations are those of the Memons and the Bohras in Sindh and Gujarat.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}

=== History of research ===
There are various definitions of the term ''caste'', and therefore, diverse, contested opinions on whether this term can be used to denote ] among non-Hindu communities (e.g. ] ] or ]s of the ]). Ghaus Ansari (1960) uses the term "caste" to describe the Muslim social groups with the following characteristics: ] within a given social group, hierarchical gradation of social groups, determination of the group membership by birth, and in some cases, an association of occupation with the social group.{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}}

Beginning in the ], Western ]s first catalogued the various Muslim castes:{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}}


=== {{anchor|History of research}}Research ===
{{see also|Varna (Hinduism)}}
Definitions of ''caste'' vary, and opinions differ on whether the term can be used to denote ] in non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari uses the term "caste" to describe Muslim social groups with the following characteristics: ] within the group; hierarchical gradation of groups; determination of group membership by birth; and, in some cases, association by occupation with a social group.{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}} Western ]s began to catalogue Muslim castes during the 19th century in:
* ]'s ''Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms'' (1844), later amplified into ''Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India'' * ]'s ''Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms'' (1844), later amplified into ''Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India''
* John Charles Williams's ''The Report on the Census of Oudh'' (1869) * John Charles Williams's ''Report on the Census of Oudh'' (1869)
* ]'s Census Report of Punjab (1883), later adapted into '']'' * ]'s ''Census Report of Punjab'' (1883), later adapted into '']''
* ]'s ''Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh'' (1885) * ]'s ''Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh'' (1885)
* ]'s ''Tribes and castes of Bengal'' (1893) * ]'s ''Tribes and castes of Bengal'' (1893)
* ]'s ''The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh'' (1896) * ]'s ''Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh'' (1896){{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}}


Nelson's book, in particular, included a whole chapter dedicated to the primarily ] ] derived ] of Muslim "castes". In 20th-century British India, several works included Muslim social groups in their descriptions of the Indian castes. These included ]'s '']'' (1911).{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=2}} In 20th-century British India, several works included Muslim social groups in their descriptions of Indian castes. These included ]'s '']'' (1911).{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=2}} Around 1915, Mirza Muhammad Hassan Qatil wrote about the four {{lang|und|firqa}} (classes) of the ''ashraf''.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} He described how people in the following occupations were considered {{lang|und|paji}} (contemptible): elephant caretaking, bread- and perfume-making, and dealing in bazaars.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} Ghaus Ansari began an academic discussion in 1960 about the concept of a Muslim caste system, and Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated on the subject in ''Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims'' (1973).{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|p=115}}

In independent India, Ghaus Ansari (1960) initiated an academic discussion over the ] of the Muslim "caste" system. Subsequently, Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated on the topic in his ''Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims'' (1973).{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|p=115}}

About 1915, Mirza Muhammad Hassan Qatil wrote about the four {{lang|und|firqa}} (classes) of the Ashraf.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} He describes how people are considered to be {{lang|und|paji}} (contemptible) in the following occupations: elephant caretaking, bread business, perfume business, and businesses in bazaars.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}

== Syedism, Ashrafism, Biradarism, Zatism, Sharifism, Arab Supremacy, and Divisions ==
Zat is sometimes considered a broader category than Biradari. In Pakistani Punjab, being relatives is the main criterion to comprise a Biradari.


== {{anchor|Syedism, Ashrafism, Biradarism, Zatism, Sharifism, Arab Supremacy, and Divisions}}Divisions ==
{{see also|List of Muslim Other Backward Classes communities in India}} {{see also|List of Muslim Other Backward Classes communities in India}}
Ghaus Ansari (1960) identified the following four categories of Muslim social divisions in India:
*''Ashrafs'', who claim foreign-origin descent
*] converts
*Converts from other Indian ]
*Converts from ] castes{{page needed|date=May 2024}}


''Ashraf'' hierarchy is determined by the degree of nearness to Muhammad and country of origin; Syeds (who trace descent from Fatima, Muhammad's daughter) have the highest status.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=887}} Non-Ashrafs are categorized as ''ajlaf'', with untouchable Hindu converts also categorized as ''arzal'' ("degraded").<ref name="Ambedkar">{{cite book |last=Ambedkar |first=Bhimrao |author-link=B.R. Ambedkar |title=Pakistan or the Partition of India |publisher= Thackers Publishers }}</ref><ref name="Ambedkaronline"></ref>{{better source needed|date=February 2023|reason=Need peer-reviewed content}} They are relegated to menial professions, such as scavenging and carrying ].<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/dereserve-these-myths/12109/ |title=Dereserve these myths – Indian Express |website=archive.indianexpress.com |language=en-gb |access-date=2017-09-30}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Falahi |first1=Masood |title=Caste and caste-based discrimination s Among Indian Muslims' |url=http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/5664/1/AHRC_16,_Caste_and_Caste_Based_Discriminations_Among_Indian_Muslims.pdf |website=SAS |access-date=5 January 2015}}</ref>
Ghaus Ansari (1960) named the following four broad categories of Muslim social divisions in India:


In ], social groups known as {{transliteration|ur|quoms}} have a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The {{transliteration|ur|quoms}} differ widely in power, privilege, and wealth. Ethnic affiliation (such as ], ], ], and ], etc.) and membership in a ] are components of social identity.<ref name="barth">{{cite book |last=Barth |first=Fredrik |editor=E. R. Leach |title=The System Of Social Stratification In Swat, North Pakistan (Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North-West Pakistan) |url=https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=2995517 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=113 |year=1962 |access-date=2017-08-25 |archive-date=2012-04-06 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120406091830/http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=2995517 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Within the bounds of endogamy, close ] are preferred due to a unity of group- and individual factors. McKim Marriott said that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous, and hereditary is prevalent, particularly in western Pakistan.<ref>{{cite journal |title=Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups in Swat, North Pakistan |author=Fredrick Barth |journal=American Anthropologist |doi=10.1525/aa.1956.58.6.02a00080 |volume=58 |issue=6 |pages=1079–1089 |date=December 1956 |doi-access=free}}</ref>{{sfn|Zeyauddin Ahmad|2011}}<ref>{{cite book |title=Caste ranking and community structure in five regions of India and Pakistan |author=McKim Marriott |year=1960 |publisher=Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute |oclc=186146571}}</ref> Numerically- and socially-influential tribes in Pakistani Punjab include the agricultural tribes of ], ], ], and ].<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk"/><ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=Punjab Province, Pakistan |encyclopedia=] |id=483579 |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Punjab-province-Pakistan |access-date=22 March 2022}}h</ref>
*''Ashrafs'', who claim foreign-origin descent.
**e.g. ], ], ], ]
*Converts from ] or ]
**e.g. ], ], ], ], ]
*Converts from other Indian ]
**e.g. ], Mansoori, ], ], ] (Nai), ], ], ], ], ], and ]
*Converts from ] castes
**e.g. ], ]


In Nepal, the castes of Muslims rank differ according to the criteria applied.<ref>{{cite book |title=Encyclopaedia of the World Muslims: Tribes, Castes and Communities, Volume 1 |author=Nagendra Kr Singh, Abdul Mabud Khan |page=1124 |publisher=Global Vision Pub House |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zzfs_G7QHoAC&pg=PA1124 |isbn=9788187746072 |year=2001}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=Islamic Culture - Volume 52 |page=207 |author=Marmaduke William Pickthall, Muhammad Asad |year=1978}}</ref> In India, most ''ulemas'' (theologians or doctors of the law) are part of the Syed; many Ashrafs are businessmen, landowners, and traders.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} A regional "marriage circle" can be formed, where marriage alliances occur.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} A Syed's status is sometimes based more on male descendants and ] marriage than ancestry.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}} Early Turks had subdivisions.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}}
There is a hierarchy among Ashrafs that is determined by the degree of nearness to Muhammad and which country they originate from; accordingly, the Syeds (who trace descent from Fatima, Muhammad's daughter) have the highest status.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=887}}


In the ''Rasum-i Hind'', a textbook compiled by Master Pyare Lal in 1862, four ''firqa'' (''ashraf'' subdivisions) are explained and ''nasl'' (lineage) is described.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} Ancestors of the Mughal caste are said to be descended from the Biblical Noah,{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} and ancestors of the Pathans are said to be Israelites from the time of ].{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}} In the Mughal Empire ruling class, Muslims were classified as native ]i, Afghan, Turani, and Irani.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}
The non-Ashrafs are categorized as ''Ajlaf''. The untouchable Hindu converts are also categorized as ''Arzal'' ("degraded").<ref name="Ambedkar">{{cite book |last=Ambedkar |first=Bhimrao |author-link=B.R. Ambedkar |title=Pakistan or the Partition of India |publisher= Thackers Publishers }}</ref><ref name="Ambedkaronline"></ref>{{better source needed|date=February 2023|reason=Need peer-reviewed content}} They are relegated to menial professions such as scavenging and carrying ].<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/dereserve-these-myths/12109/ |title=Dereserve these myths - Indian Express |website=archive.indianexpress.com |language=en-gb |access-date=2017-09-30}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Falahi |first1=Masood |title=Caste and caste-based discrimination s Among Indian Muslims' |url=http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/5664/1/AHRC_16,_Caste_and_Caste_Based_Discriminations_Among_Indian_Muslims.pdf |website=SAS |access-date=5 January 2015}}</ref>

], citing the Superintendent of the Census for 1901 for the Province of Bengal, mentions that the Ajlaf primarily include:
* Cultivating Sheikhs and others who were originally Hindus but who do not belong to any functional group and have not gained admittance to the Ashraf Community, e.g. Pirali and Thakrai.
* Darzi, Jolaha, Fakir, and Rangrez.
* Barhi, Bhalhiara, Chik, Churihar, Dai, Dhawa, Dhunia, Gaddi, Kalal, Kasai, Kula Kunjara, Laheri, Mahifarosh, Mallah, Naliya, Nikari.
* Abdal, Bako, Bediya, Bhal, Chamba, Dafali, Dhobi, Hajjam, Mucho, Nagarchi, Nal, Panwaria, Madaria, Tunlia.

For the Arzal, the following cases are mentioned by the Superintendent of the Census: Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugta, Mehtar.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/410.html#part_2 |title=410}}</ref>{{better source needed|date=February 2023|reason=Need peer-reviewed content}}

In ], various social groups (called {{transliteration|ur|quoms}}) display a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The various {{transliteration|ur|quoms}} differ widely in power, privilege, and wealth. Both ethnic affiliation (e.g. ], ], ], ], etc.) and membership of specific ]s or {{transliteration|ur|zaat/quoms}} are additional integral components of social identity.<ref name="barth">{{cite book |last=Barth |first=Fredrik |editor=E. R. Leach |title=The System Of Social Stratification In Swat, North Pakistan (Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North-West Pakistan) |url=https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=2995517 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=113 |year=1962 |access-date=2017-08-25 |archive-date=2012-04-06 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120406091830/http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=2995517 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close ] are preferred due to a unity of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott adds that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous, and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan.<ref>{{cite journal |title=Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups in Swat, North Pakistan |author=Fredrick Barth |journal=American Anthropologist |doi=10.1525/aa.1956.58.6.02a00080 |volume=58 |issue=6 |pages=1079–1089 |date=December 1956 |doi-access=free}}</ref>{{sfn|Zeyauddin Ahmad|2011}}<ref>{{cite book |title=Caste ranking and community structure in five regions of India and Pakistan |author=McKim Marriott |year=1960 |publisher=Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute |oclc=186146571}}</ref> The numerically and socially influential tribes in Pakistani Punjab includes the agricultural tribes of ], ] and ] as well as Rajput.<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk"/><ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=Punjab Province, Pakistan |encyclopedia=] |id=483579 |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Punjab-province-Pakistan |access-date=22 March 2022}}h</ref>

In ], the castes of Muslims rank differs according to the criteria applied.<ref>{{cite book |title=Encyclopaedia of the World Muslims: Tribes, Castes and Communities, Volume 1 |author=Nagendra Kr Singh, Abdul Mabud Khan |page=1124 |publisher=Global Vision Pub House |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zzfs_G7QHoAC&pg=PA1124 |isbn=9788187746072 |year=2001}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=Islamic Culture - Volume 52 |page=207 |author=Marmaduke William Pickthall, Muhammad Asad |year=1978}}</ref>

In India, the Ajlaf comprise Qureshis, Ansaris, Saifis, and other groups of lower occupation.

Most ulemas (theologians/doctors of the law) are part of the Syed, and many Ashrafs are businessmen, landowners, and traders.{{citation needed|date=July 2022}}{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}

A "marriage circle" can be formed over an area, where a zat panchayat (caste council) can have the authority and where marriage alliances occur. {{citation needed|date=July 2022}}{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}

A Syed's status is sometimes based more on male descendants and hypergamous marriage than bloodline purity.{{sfn|Remy Delage|2014}}

The early Turks had subdivisions.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}}

In the ''Rasum-i Hind'', a textbook that was compiled by Master Pyare Lal in 1862, the four ''firqa'' (or subdivisions of the Ashraf) are explained, and ''nasl'' (lineage/pedigree) is elaborated:{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}
* The ancestors of the Mughal caste are said to be descended from the Biblical Noah.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}
* The ancestors of the Pathans are said to be Israelites from when Solomon was alive. {{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}

In the ruling class of the Mughal Empire, Muslims were classified as native ]i, Afghan, Turani, and Irani.{{sfn|David Lelyveld|2005}}


=== Pakistani Punjab === === Pakistani Punjab ===
==== {{anchor|Zamindars, Kammis, and the Seyp System|Elections}}Zamindars, Kammis, and the Seyp system ====
Zamindars (a landowning class) and Kammis, service-providing castes, are hierarchical groups in Pakistani Punjabi villages{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=ii}} which are based on parental occupation.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=ii}} In the Seyp system (contract labour), the Kammis provide work and services and receive favours, food, money, crops, and grains.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} Zamindars are considered a dominant caste and tend to be village and town leaders.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} Urban social, political, and economic affairs are dominated by Zamindars, and land is controlled by them;{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} Kammis are socially marginalized.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=8}} Kammis and Zamindars intermarry.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=4}} Ancestral land ownership and agriculture are ascribed to Zamindars.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=10}}{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=6}} Other castes are higher than the Kammis and below the Zamindars.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=74}}


Caste endogamy exists in Pakistan, with members of a ''quom'' tending to marry within it.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=17}} In rural areas of Pakistani Punjab, endogamy is vital to the caste system.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=17}} Kammis include artisans, labourers, and service providers such as barbers, cobblers, and carpenters.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} Most are labourers or perform low-ranking tasks.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=140}} According to a Kammi woman,
==== Zamindars, Kammis, and the Seyp System ====
{{blockquote|Even if a Kammi acquires 100 acres of land, he remains Kammi, and Zamindars will always consider him lower. A Zamindar who owns one acre of land would think, "If a Kammi has bought 2 acres, so what? After all, he remains a Kammi". They do not accept us as equals.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=136}}}}
Zamindars, a landowning class, and Kammis, service-providing castes, are caste-based status groups and are found in a hierarchical system in Pakistani Punjabi villages.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=ii}} Kammi Quoms and Zamindar Quoms are rigid birth-based groups based on parentage occupations.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=ii}} In the Seyp System, contractual labour, the Kammis provide work and services and receive favours, food, money, crops, and grains.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} Zamindars are considered a dominant caste, and leaders in the village and people who dominate the town's affairs tend to be Zamindars.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} Social, political, and economic affairs of the city are dominated by Zamindar Quoms in Pakistan, and land is controlled by Zamindar Quoms,{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=5}} while Kammi Quoms are socially marginalized and discriminated.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=8}} Inter-Quom endogamy is found between Kammi Quoms and Zamindar Quoms.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=4}} Ancestral land ownership and a parentage job being cultivation are what Punjabi Pakistanis ascribe to the Zamindar status.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=10}}


''Quoms'' influence marriage practices.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} Different Zamindar ''quoms'' sometimes intermarry, however, and may constitute a Biradari.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=139}} A study in a Pakistani Punjabi village found that in a ''seyp'' (contract) between Zamindar and Kammi families, Kammi families give goods to and perform services for the Zamindars, who provide the Kammis with grain. Kammi families also perform customary and ritual tasks, for example, a barber cooks in the Zamindar's house for special events and performs circumcisions.{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=10}}
"Zamindars", in modern-day Pakistani Punjabi villages, typically refers to a Quom that owns the land and has an occupation of agriculture - Zamindari.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=6}} Some castes are higher than the service-providing castes and below the landowning castes.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=74}}


Caste endogamy is found in Pakistan, with members of a Quom tending to marry within the Quom.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=17}} In the rural parts of Pakistani Punjab, the lack of marriages between Kammi and Zamindar Quoms is vital to the caste system.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=17}} Kammis include artisan, labourer, and service providing Quoms (such as barbers, cobblers, and carpenters).{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} ''Quom'' loyalty is also evident in elections.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} Biradaris are the sole criteria in local Pakistani Punjab elections;{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=160}} Zamindars outnumber Kammis there,{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=139}} and Kammis do not generally stand for election due to financial considerations.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=161}}

A Kammi woman remarked how:{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=136}}
{{blockquote|Even if a Kammi acquires 100 acres of land, he remains Kammi, and Zamindars will always consider him lower. A Zamindar who owns one acre of land would think, "If a Kammi has bought 2 acres, so what? After all, he remains a Kammi". They do not accept us as equals.}}

Quoms are highly influential in marriage practices.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} However, different Zamindar Quoms sometimes intermarry, which may constitute a Biradari.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=139}} A large majority of Kammis perform daily wage labour or low-ranking tasks.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=140}}

A study in a Pakistani Punjabi village found that in the ''Seyp'' (contractual relationships) between a ''Zamindar'' (landholding) family and ''Kammi'' (artisan castes) families, Kammi families give goods and perform services to the Zamindars, which provide the Kammis with grain; the Kammi families also serve some customary and ritual tasks: for example, the barber cooks in the Zamindar's house on special events and performs circumcisions.{{sfn|Julien Levesque|2020|p=10}}

===== Elections =====
People also exhibit loyalty to their Quoms in elections.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=18}} In Pakistani Punjab, Biradaris are the sole criteria in local bodies' elections.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=160}} There are more Zamindars than Kammis in Pakistani Punjab.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=139}} Including because of the high financial costs of running in an election, Kammis do not generally run in elections.{{sfn|Ahmed Usman|2011|p=161}}


=== Bengal === === Bengal ===
Although class distinctions based on wealth and occupation exist, hereditary castes don't exist in mainstream Bangladeshis/Bengali Muslims, unlike Bangladeshi Hindus.<ref></ref> {{circular reference|date=May 2023|reason=the site uses Misplaced Pages as a source for its articles}}{{bsn|date=May 2023|reason=The site is maintained by someone who in their own words is "not a professor or an expert on the subjects I write about"}} There might be around 35 Muslim castes in West Bengal.{{sfn|Chowdhury|2009|p=8}} Muslim society might have been historically divided into three large groupings in Bengal, with the Sharif/Ashraf at the top, followed by the ''Atraf'' (low-born), and with the Arzal or Ajlaf at the bottom.{{sfn|Chowdhury|2009|p=8}} Although class distinctions based on wealth and occupation exist, hereditary castes do not exist for mainstream Bangladeshi and Bengali Muslims (unlike Bangladeshi Hindus).<ref></ref>{{circular reference|date=May 2023|reason=the site uses Misplaced Pages as a source for its articles}}{{bsn|date=May 2023|reason=The site is maintained by someone who in their own words is "not a professor or an expert on the subjects I write about"}} About 35 Muslim castes reportedly exist in Bihari Muslims in West Bengal.{{sfn|Chowdhury|2009|p=8}}

Other Muslim castes historically did not associate with Arzal castes.{{sfn|Chowdhury|2009|p=10}} Lower castes historically are not allowed to enter mosques or be buried in the public burial ground.{{sfn|Chowdhury|2009|p=10}}


=== Sharifism === === Sharifism ===
Sharifism refers to the special status given to claimants of prophetic ''nasab'' (also ''qarabah''), which means "closeness", or being descended from Muhammad, Muhammad's Quraysh tribe, or Muhammad's family.<ref>{{cite book |title=Islamic and Comparative Religious Studies: Selected Writings |publisher=Ashgate Publisher, Ltd. |year=2010 |page=30}}</ref> Sharifism is the status given to claimants of prophetic ''nasab'' (or ''qarabah'', "closeness"): descent from Muhammad, Muhammad's Quraysh tribe, or Muhammad's family.<ref>{{cite book |title=Islamic and Comparative Religious Studies: Selected Writings |publisher=Ashgate Publisher, Ltd. |year=2010 |page=30}}</ref>


== Discrimination == == Discrimination ==


=== Representation === === Representation ===
In 20th century India, the upper-class (''Ashraf'') Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include lower social classes among the groups eligible for ] under ''SC and STs provision act''.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/01-15Sep04-Print-Edition/011509200449.htm |title=On reservation for Muslims |author=Asghar Ali Engineer |work=The Milli Gazette |publisher=Pharos |access-date=2004-09-01 }}</ref> In 20th-century India, ''ashraf'' Muslims dominated government jobs and parliamentary representation. Campaigns exist to include lower Muslim social classes among groups eligible for ].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.milligazette.com/Archives/2004/01-15Sep04-Print-Edition/011509200449.htm |title=On reservation for Muslims |author=Asghar Ali Engineer |work=The Milli Gazette |publisher=Pharos |access-date=2004-09-01 }}</ref>


=== Burial === === Burial ===
In India's ] state, ] Muslims have opposed ] Muslims being buried in the same graveyard.<ref name="rediff_burial">{{cite web |url=http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/mar/06bihar.htm |title=Backward Muslims protest denial of burial |author=Anand Mohan Sahay |work=] |access-date=2003-03-06 }}</ref><ref>Ahmad, I., 2010. "Can There Be a Category Called Dalit Muslims?". ''Studies in Inequality and Social Justice'', p.79</ref> In India's ] state, ] Muslims have opposed the burial of ] Muslims with them.<ref name="rediff_burial">{{cite web |url=http://www.rediff.com/news/2003/mar/06bihar.htm |title=Backward Muslims protest denial of burial |author=Anand Mohan Sahay |work=] |access-date=2003-03-06 }}</ref><ref>Ahmad, I., 2010. "Can There Be a Category Called Dalit Muslims?". ''Studies in Inequality and Social Justice'', p.79</ref>


=== Cooking === === Cooking ===
A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in the Muslim community of the village. The sweeper group is ranked the lowest. The other Muslim communities do not allow the sweepers to touch the cooking vessels of the upper ranking groups of Muslims.<ref name="Donnan1988">{{cite book |author=Hastings Donnan |title=Marriage Among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PL_ACoFwJ2gC&pg=PR9 |year=1988 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-08416-2 |pages=51–56}}</ref> A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in its Muslim community. The sweeper group is ranked lowest, and other Muslim communities do not allow sweepers to touch their cooking vessels.<ref name="Donnan1988">{{cite book |author=Hastings Donnan |title=Marriage Among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PL_ACoFwJ2gC&pg=PR9 |year=1988 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-08416-2 |pages=51–56}}</ref>


=== Racial and historical === === {{anchor|Racial and historical}}Historical racism ===
Barani also explained at one point how Turkish sultans discriminated against Muslims of local descent.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} He explains how Iltutmish discriminated against low-birth Muslims by letting go of 33 of them from the government.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} Additionally, Iltutmish appointed Jamal Marzuq to the post of Mutassarif of Kanauj; Aziz Bahruz disagreed due to low birth status, which resulted in Marzuq no longer being the Mutassarif.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} Low-born people were not allowed to be in the mudabbiri or khwajgi post and could not be eligible for an iqta recommendation.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} According to ], Turkish sultans discriminated against Muslims of local descent;{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} ] discriminated against low-birth Muslims by firing 33 of them from the government,{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} and appointed Jamal Marzuq as ] of ]. Aziz Bahruz disagreed because of Marzuq's low birth status, and Marzuq was removed from his post.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} Low-born people could not be a ''mudabbiri'' or ''khwajgi'',{{clarify|date=May 2024|reason="Mudabbiri" and "khwajgi" need to be defined.}} and were not eligible for an ] recommendation.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}}


Balban prevented low-birth people from being in important offices, and he also criticized how Kamal Mohiyar was selected for mutassarif of Amroaha.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} A letter by Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains how Balban thoroughly researched the ancestry of every single one of his government servants and officers; he had genealogists met in Delhi to ascertain these ancestries.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} ] kept low-birth people from important offices, and criticized the appointment of Kamal Mohiyar as mutassarrif of Amroaha.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} A letter by Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains that Balban researched the ancestry of his government servants and officers with genealogists in Delhi.{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}}


Tughlaq had a policy of giving "preference to foreign-born Muslims in administration and government" and "systematically ignored the claims of Indian Muslims".{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains how:{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} Tughlaq gave "preference to foreign-born Muslims in administration and government" and "systematically ignored the claims of Indian Muslims".{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}} According to Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri,
{{blockquote|The Sultan went to the extent of offering the most responsible and distinguished offices of the kingdom for instance, those of a Wazir, a Dabir, a military commander, a judge, a professor of theology, or a Shaikhul-Islam to almost any foreigner of some learning. Foreigners coming to India were collectively known as 'the Honourables' (A'izza)}} {{blockquote|The Sultan went to the extent of offering the most responsible and distinguished offices of the kingdom for instance, those of a Wazir, a Dabir, a military commander, a judge, a professor of theology, or a Shaikhul-Islam to almost any foreigner of some learning. Foreigners coming to India were collectively known as "the Honourables" (''A'izza'').{{sfn|Imtiaz Ahmed|1967|p=889}}}}


Historians and Urdu writers (including Masood Alam Falahi) have explained how discrimination of Ashraf Muslims towards lower caste Muslims and Dalit Muslims was often disguised under claims of class and "{{transl|ur|khandaani}}" (family line) values among Uttar Pradesh Muslims.<ref name="Sanober">{{cite journal |title= The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure: Urdu and the Racialized-Decastification of the "Backward Musalmaan" in India |first=Sanober |last=Umar |publisher=] |journal=Caste: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion |date=14 February 2020 |volume=1 |issue=1 |doi=10.26812/caste.v1i1.29 |page=187|doi-access=free }}</ref> Historians and Urdu writers, including Masood Alam Falahi, have explained how discrimination by ''ashraf'' Muslims against lower-caste and ]s was often disguised as claims of class and {{transl|ur|khandaani}} (family line) values by Uttar Pradesh Muslims.<ref name="Sanober">{{cite journal |title= The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure: Urdu and the Racialized-Decastification of the "Backward Musalmaan" in India |first=Sanober |last=Umar |publisher=] |journal=Caste: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion |date=14 February 2020 |volume=1 |issue=1 |doi=10.26812/caste.v1i1.29 |page=187|doi-access=free }}</ref>


==See also== ==See also==
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Social system in South Asia
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Muslim communities in South Asia have a system of social stratification arising from concepts other than "pure" and "impure", which are integral to the caste system in India. It developed as a result of relations among foreign conquerors, local upper-caste Hindus convert to Islam (ashraf, also known as tabqa-i ashrafiyya) and local lower-caste converts (ajlaf), as well as the continuation of the Indian caste system by converts. Non-ashrafs are backward-caste converts. The concept of "pasmanda" includes ajlaf and arzal Muslims; ajlaf status is defined by descent from converts to Islam and by pesha (profession). These terms are not part of the sociological vocabulary in regions such as Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh, and say little about the functioning of Muslim society.

The Biradari system is social stratification in Pakistan and, to an extent, India. The South Asian Muslim caste system includes hierarchical classifications of khandan (dynasty, family, or lineage).

History

Although Islam requires egalitarianism and does not recognize any castes (only socio-economic classes), existing divisions in Persia and India were adopted by local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification exists in later Persian works such as Nizam al-Mulk's 11th-century Siyasatnama, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi's 13th-century Akhlaq-i Nasiri, and the 17th-century Jam-i-Mufidi.

After Muhammad's death in the seventh century CE, tribes and families fought a war of succession. After this, a determinant for social stratification in Arab society included being part of Muhammad's close family (ahl al-bayt). This factor was present in ancient South Asia among Muslims since the eighth century.

This led to a further hierarchical determinant: Arabs versus non-Arabs. Among non-Arabs, further divisions were made between Muslims who were converted in early Islamization campaigns (khadim-al islam) and those who converted more recently (jadid-al islam). South Asian Muslims are divided by classifications that have resulted in Arab-origin higher castes (unch zat) and descendants of lower-caste converts (nich zat). Mughal Empire sultans were high-caste.

The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century were already divided into vocation-based social "classes", including priests, nobles, and others, and racial segregation separated local Muslim converts from foreign-origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed superior status, since they were associated with the conquerors and considered themselves as sharif ("noble"). Indian Muslim society also split in accordance with the Hindu caste system. According to M. N. Srinivas (1986) and R. K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their caste system to the region's Muslim society. Louis Dumont, however, believed that the Islamic conquerors adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."

Ziauddin Barani, a 14th-century Indian political thinker in the Delhi Sultanate, suggested that the "sons of Mohamed" receive a higher social status than the low-born. His most significant contribution to the fatwa was his analysis of castes and Islam. Barani said that castes would be mandated through state laws (zawabi), which would take precedence over sharia in a conflict. According to Barani, every act "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominy, comes elegantly ". He developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of imperial officers (wazirs), primarily based on caste. Barani's opinions were not followed by his own sultanate. He accused the Tughlaq Sultans of appointing "low-born" people to high office; they included Sultan Muhammad Shah and Sultan Firuz Shah, Barani's patron in Delhi, who appointed a former slave captured from Telangana and converted as his grand vizier.

Muslims from the julaha (weaver) caste began to identify as "Ansaris", butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and bhishti castes as "Sheikh". The Muslim concept of hereditary kafa'ah, which the ulama use to support endogamy, justifies South Asian Muslim caste practices.

Ashrafization

Ashrafization (or sharifization) includes adopting upper-caste Muslim practices to climb the social ladder. The Sayyid dynasty of Khizr Khan of the Delhi Sultanate was founded by a Punjabi Muslim.

The Sayyid brothers who were king-makers in the Mughal Empire, originated from a marginal Indian peasant community in Muzaffarnagar who claimed Sayyid ancestry. Mughal emperor Jahangir wrote, "Some people make remarks about their lineage, but their bravery is a convincing proof of their being Sayyids". This indicated that the brothers had assumed Sayyid identity due to military service rather than descent.

Caste associations

Another type of ashrafization is the establishment of caste associations to promote a community's interests and provide social support. These anjuman ('forum', 'society') is commonly termed jama'at (جماعت ; 'congregation', 'group', 'community'), replacing the use of zat ('birth or origin group'). The Khoja caste, Ismaili Shias primarily in Karachi and Sindh, are an example. Other significant Muslim caste associations are those of the Memons and the Bohras in Sindh and Gujarat.

Research

See also: Varna (Hinduism)

Definitions of caste vary, and opinions differ on whether the term can be used to denote social stratification in non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari uses the term "caste" to describe Muslim social groups with the following characteristics: endogamy within the group; hierarchical gradation of groups; determination of group membership by birth; and, in some cases, association by occupation with a social group. Western Indologists began to catalogue Muslim castes during the 19th century in:

  • Henry Miers Elliot's Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms (1844), later amplified into Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India
  • John Charles Williams's Report on the Census of Oudh (1869)
  • Denzil Ibbetson's Census Report of Punjab (1883), later adapted into Panjab Castes
  • John Nesfield's Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (1885)
  • Herbert Hope Risley's Tribes and castes of Bengal (1893)
  • William Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh (1896)

In 20th-century British India, several works included Muslim social groups in their descriptions of Indian castes. These included H. A. Rose's A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province (1911). Around 1915, Mirza Muhammad Hassan Qatil wrote about the four firqa (classes) of the ashraf. He described how people in the following occupations were considered paji (contemptible): elephant caretaking, bread- and perfume-making, and dealing in bazaars. Ghaus Ansari began an academic discussion in 1960 about the concept of a Muslim caste system, and Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated on the subject in Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims (1973).

Divisions

See also: List of Muslim Other Backward Classes communities in India

Ghaus Ansari (1960) identified the following four categories of Muslim social divisions in India:

Ashraf hierarchy is determined by the degree of nearness to Muhammad and country of origin; Syeds (who trace descent from Fatima, Muhammad's daughter) have the highest status. Non-Ashrafs are categorized as ajlaf, with untouchable Hindu converts also categorized as arzal ("degraded"). They are relegated to menial professions, such as scavenging and carrying night soil.

In Pakistan, social groups known as quoms have a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The quoms differ widely in power, privilege, and wealth. Ethnic affiliation (such as Pathan, Sindhi, Baloch, and Punjabi, etc.) and membership in a biraderi are components of social identity. Within the bounds of endogamy, close consanguineous unions are preferred due to a unity of group- and individual factors. McKim Marriott said that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous, and hereditary is prevalent, particularly in western Pakistan. Numerically- and socially-influential tribes in Pakistani Punjab include the agricultural tribes of Awan, Rajput, Jat Muslim, and Gujjar.

In Nepal, the castes of Muslims rank differ according to the criteria applied. In India, most ulemas (theologians or doctors of the law) are part of the Syed; many Ashrafs are businessmen, landowners, and traders. A regional "marriage circle" can be formed, where marriage alliances occur. A Syed's status is sometimes based more on male descendants and hypergamous marriage than ancestry. Early Turks had subdivisions.

In the Rasum-i Hind, a textbook compiled by Master Pyare Lal in 1862, four firqa (ashraf subdivisions) are explained and nasl (lineage) is described. Ancestors of the Mughal caste are said to be descended from the Biblical Noah, and ancestors of the Pathans are said to be Israelites from the time of Solomon. In the Mughal Empire ruling class, Muslims were classified as native Hindustani, Afghan, Turani, and Irani.

Pakistani Punjab

Zamindars, Kammis, and the Seyp system

Zamindars (a landowning class) and Kammis, service-providing castes, are hierarchical groups in Pakistani Punjabi villages which are based on parental occupation. In the Seyp system (contract labour), the Kammis provide work and services and receive favours, food, money, crops, and grains. Zamindars are considered a dominant caste and tend to be village and town leaders. Urban social, political, and economic affairs are dominated by Zamindars, and land is controlled by them; Kammis are socially marginalized. Kammis and Zamindars intermarry. Ancestral land ownership and agriculture are ascribed to Zamindars. Other castes are higher than the Kammis and below the Zamindars.

Caste endogamy exists in Pakistan, with members of a quom tending to marry within it. In rural areas of Pakistani Punjab, endogamy is vital to the caste system. Kammis include artisans, labourers, and service providers such as barbers, cobblers, and carpenters. Most are labourers or perform low-ranking tasks. According to a Kammi woman,

Even if a Kammi acquires 100 acres of land, he remains Kammi, and Zamindars will always consider him lower. A Zamindar who owns one acre of land would think, "If a Kammi has bought 2 acres, so what? After all, he remains a Kammi". They do not accept us as equals.

Quoms influence marriage practices. Different Zamindar quoms sometimes intermarry, however, and may constitute a Biradari. A study in a Pakistani Punjabi village found that in a seyp (contract) between Zamindar and Kammi families, Kammi families give goods to and perform services for the Zamindars, who provide the Kammis with grain. Kammi families also perform customary and ritual tasks, for example, a barber cooks in the Zamindar's house for special events and performs circumcisions.

Quom loyalty is also evident in elections. Biradaris are the sole criteria in local Pakistani Punjab elections; Zamindars outnumber Kammis there, and Kammis do not generally stand for election due to financial considerations.

Bengal

Although class distinctions based on wealth and occupation exist, hereditary castes do not exist for mainstream Bangladeshi and Bengali Muslims (unlike Bangladeshi Hindus). About 35 Muslim castes reportedly exist in Bihari Muslims in West Bengal.

Sharifism

Sharifism is the status given to claimants of prophetic nasab (or qarabah, "closeness"): descent from Muhammad, Muhammad's Quraysh tribe, or Muhammad's family.

Discrimination

Representation

In 20th-century India, ashraf Muslims dominated government jobs and parliamentary representation. Campaigns exist to include lower Muslim social classes among groups eligible for affirmative action.

Burial

In India's Bihar state, forward-caste Muslims have opposed the burial of backward-caste Muslims with them.

Cooking

A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in its Muslim community. The sweeper group is ranked lowest, and other Muslim communities do not allow sweepers to touch their cooking vessels.

Historical racism

According to Ziauddin Barani, Turkish sultans discriminated against Muslims of local descent; Iltutmish discriminated against low-birth Muslims by firing 33 of them from the government, and appointed Jamal Marzuq as mutasarrif of Kannauj. Aziz Bahruz disagreed because of Marzuq's low birth status, and Marzuq was removed from his post. Low-born people could not be a mudabbiri or khwajgi, and were not eligible for an iqta recommendation.

Ghiyas ud din Balban kept low-birth people from important offices, and criticized the appointment of Kamal Mohiyar as mutassarrif of Amroaha. A letter by Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri explains that Balban researched the ancestry of his government servants and officers with genealogists in Delhi.

Tughlaq gave "preference to foreign-born Muslims in administration and government" and "systematically ignored the claims of Indian Muslims". According to Sayyid Ashraf Jahangiri,

The Sultan went to the extent of offering the most responsible and distinguished offices of the kingdom – for instance, those of a Wazir, a Dabir, a military commander, a judge, a professor of theology, or a Shaikhul-Islam – to almost any foreigner of some learning. Foreigners coming to India were collectively known as "the Honourables" (A'izza).

Historians and Urdu writers, including Masood Alam Falahi, have explained how discrimination by ashraf Muslims against lower-caste and Dalit Muslims was often disguised as claims of class and khandaani (family line) values by Uttar Pradesh Muslims.

See also

References

Citations

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Bibliography

Notes

A. This source gets the quotation from the following source: E A Gait, 'Census of India' 1901: Bengal Report 6 (1), Bengal Secretariat Press. 1902, p 439; the description in 'Imperial Gazetteer of India', v. 2, pp 329

Further reading

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