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{{Short description|none}}
] by Mkrtum Hovnatanian (1779-1846)]]
] as used by the ] (Dashnaktsutyun) is being seen as the most prominent example of modern Armenian nationalism.]]
'''Armenian nationalism''' has its roots in the ]
'''Armenian nationalism''' in the modern period has its roots in the ] of ] (1738–1823) and generally defined as the creation of a ] formulated as the Armenian Cause ({{lang|hy|] ]}} {{translit|hy|Hay Dat}}). ] developed in the 1880s in the context of the general ]. The ] followed with significant causes. The ] has been a great defender of Armenian nationalism, with leaders like ] who devoted his life to the peasantry. The establishment of modern ] (1991) and Armenian social fabric becoming more complex gradually decrease the political influence of Hye Dat and shifted towards a modern Armenian nationalism modeled as a ].
of ] (1738–1823), the ] historiographer who calculated the date of ]'s legendary battle with ], the legendary point of origin of the Armenian nation, to 2492 BC.


==National awakening==
Armenian nationalism is characterized by ], based on the the maximal extent of ] under ], from 95 BC to 66 BC, comprising much of what is today northern ], eastern ] and northern ] and northwestern ], notably with significant overlaps with the equally irredentist ].
{{Contradicts other|date=May 2008|1=Armenian national awakening}}
{{Main|Armenian national awakening}}
]" by ] (1779–1846). The ] of the Armenian nation,<ref>{{cite book|last1=Gōsh|first1=Mkhitʻar|title=The Lawcode (Datastanagirk') of Mxit'ar Goš|date=2000|publisher=Rodopi|isbn=9789042007901|page=112|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WtRfM_muG7QC&q=Nahapet+patriarch%7Chead&pg=PA112|access-date=6 July 2016}}</ref> standing next to the tomb of Bel, with Hayk's arrow still in Bel's chest. The map depicts the ] region and ], with Noah's ark.]]
The situation of the non-Muslim minorities within the Ottoman Empire changed substantially as a result of reforms introduced during the ] era. The early reforms were generally addressed at changing the organisation of, and systems within, the Ottoman Empire as a whole. However, as a result of diplomatic pressures exerted by the ] that had supported the Ottoman Empire against Russia during the ], in 1856 reforms were made that sought to give non-Muslims citizens of the Ottoman Empire the same rights as Muslim citizens. The ] on non-Muslims was abolished, non-Muslims were allowed to become soldiers, and schools for the non-Muslim communities were allowed to open.


Under these new and relatively liberal conditions, many Armenian schools were opened throughout the Ottoman Empire. The majority of these schools quickly acquired a secular aspect. The Armenians also established numerous cultural associations to set a minimum standard for the curricula and qualifications for the teachers. In 1880 these associations united together as the "General Union of Armenian Schools".<ref>H. Inalcik & G. Renda (eds), "Ottoman Civilisation", 2nd edition, 2004, Ankara, p392-395.</ref>
The ] emerged in the 1800s striving for independence from the ]. After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the ],
the ] and Patriarch ] of Constantinople sent ] to the ] to represent the the Armenians in the debate on the "]". In his famous patriotic speech “The Paper Ladle,”; Mgrdich Khrimian advised Armenians to take the ] as a model as the hopes of the Armenian people for self-determination were ignored by the European powers.<ref>(Haig Ajemian, Hayotz Hayrig, page 511-3; </ref>


After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the ], the ] and Patriarch Nerses II of Constantinople sent ] to the ] to represent the Armenians in the debate on the "]". In his famous patriotic speech "The Paper Ladle" Mgrdich Khrimian advised Armenians to take the ] as a model as the hopes of the Armenian people for ].<ref>''Haig Ajemian'', Hayotz Hayrig, page 511–3 .</ref>
The fate of the Armenians, instead, took a worse course with the last throes of the Ottoman Empire with the ] of 1915 to 1917. Following ], the Armenians not scattered in the ] after the fall of the short-lived ] found themselves reduced to a minor republic within the ], the ].


Article 61 of the ] mentioned the possibility of an "autonomous Armenia", transforming the "Armenian Question" from an internal problem of the Ottoman Empire into an international one. In the treaty, Ottoman Turkey undertook to protect its Armenian subjects from oppression and violence. However, the treaty did not provide any instruments to force Turkey to make reforms.<ref>V. G. Krbekyan, "The Armenian Cause at the Berlin Congress", English summary in "Armeniaca 2002".</ref> Both Turkey and Russia began to look upon all expressions of Armenian national identity, however innocent, as possible instruments for the realisation of that autonomy.
"]" as advocated by the ] during Soviet times claimed ] and Eastern Anatolia as far west as the ] but did not extend into Syria. Armenian nationalism in the 20th century never tired to emphasize the "ancient ]", and consequently embraced the ] forwarded by Soviet scholars in the 1980s.<ref>P. Kohl and G. Tzetzkhladze, 'Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology in the Caucasus', in: Kohl, Fawcett (eds.), ''Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology'', Cambridge University Press (1996), ISBN 0521558395, p. 176</ref>
During Soviet times, Armenian nationalism was distinguished from other nationalisms of peoples absorbed into the Soviet Union, such as Georgian, Ukrainian or Estonian, in that it did not direct itself against the dominant Russians, but continued to focus on the traditional enemy, the Turks, and was consequently subtly encouraged by the communist government.


==Role of ancient history==
] emerged as an independent state in 1991. Since then, Armenian nationalism has notably been opposed to ], especially over the refusal of the Turkish government to recognize the Armenian genocide. As noted by Brannen (2004), to the Armenian diasporic communities in the United States and Canada, historical memory of the Ottoman Turkish and Kurdish genocide of Armenians in April 1915 has taken on the role of a "central nationalist fetish", around which formation of Armenian identity takes place. Armenian diasporic nationalism has a strong nostalgic component for a lost time and place, powerfully symbolized by ], which although visible from ], is a Turkish militarized zone.
{{Main|Nationalism and ancient history}}
] are the original inhabitants of much of the territory of ], and the Turks cannot claim presence in Anatolia prior to the ] conquests of the 11th century. The suggestion that the Armenians had also been newcomers to the region, even if 1500 years earlier than the Turks, might rise, within the logic of ], the possibility that Turkish and Armenian claims to the territory were "morally equal". Identification with the distant glories of Urartu and its prehistoric forerunners can be used to reassert Armenian "indigeneity" and "compensate for modern miseries", and together with ] has come to be a powerful symbol of Armenian ethnicity especially among the second generation ] (Redgate 1995).<ref>], ''The Armenians'', Cambridge University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|978-0-521-48065-9}}, p. 276.</ref>


As a consequence, ] interpretations of Armenian ethnicity over the ages abound in Armenian historiography, and flourished particularly during the ], with examples such as S. A. Sardarian's ''Pervobytnoye obshchestvo v Amenii'' of 1967 which besides "numerous plagiarisms and mistakes" goes as far as to postulate a separate ] native to the Armenian plateau, and attributes the invention of metallurgy to the Armenians (Kohl and Tsetskhladze 1995). Heavily slanted depictions of Urartu are common in this literature. There are reasonable scholarly scenarios that there was a Proto-Armenian component in Urartu, and that the early Armenians were the bona fide cultural heirs to Urartu, but the essentialist view of Armenian nationhood that simply equates Urartu with Armenia cannot be sustained (Kohl and Tsetskhladze 1995).<ref>Philip L. Kohl and Gocha R. Tsetskhladze, 'Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology in the Caucasus' in: Philip L. Kohl, Clare P. Fawcett (eds.), ''Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology'', Cambridge University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|978-0-521-48065-9}}, f.</ref>{{Citation needed|date=January 2021|reason=Unauthorized source?}}
==References==
{{reflist}}


==Russian Armenia==
*Brannen, Sam. Diasporic Armenian Nationalist Invocations of Metaphorical Space, Frozen Time, and the 1915 Genocide Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Mar 17, 2004
{{See also|Russian Armenia}}
In the ], attempts were made to reduce the powers and privileges of ], to influence the election of the Catholicos, and the study of ] and ] was actively discouraged. In the Ottoman Empire, subjects such as the history of Armenia were banned at Armenian schools. In response, such subjects often continued to be taught in secret, creating further suspicion in the eyes of the Ottoman authorities. Images that depicted scenes from Armenian history were forbidden to be sold or be displayed in public. Armenian newspapers also began to be either closed down or to be heavily censored. In the 1890s many Armenian schools were closed down, and in 1893 the "General Union of Armenian Schools" was abolished. Many teachers at Armenian schools were specifically targeted and killed in ] during the ].

==Armenian genocide==
{{See also|Armenian genocide}}
The fate of the ]s took a worse course within the ], with ] followed by the ], in which up to 1,500,000 ]s were killed.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bijak |first1=Jakub |last2=Lubman |first2=Sarah |title=The Armenian Genocide Legacy |date=2016 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-1-137-56163-3 |pages=26–43 |language=en |chapter=The Disputed Numbers: In Search of the Demographic Basis for Studies of Armenian Population Losses, 1915–1923}}</ref> Following ], the Armenians not scattered in the ] found themselves after the fall of the short-lived ] reduced to a republic within the ], the ].

==Modern times and anti-Turkism==
A ] was advocated by the ] during Soviet times, which would incorporate ] in Azerbaijan, and Eastern Turkey (western parts of ]). According to Suny, Armenian nationalism in the 20th century emphasized the "ancient ]", and consequently embraced the ] forwarded by Soviet scholars in the 1980s.<ref>P. Kohl and G. Tzetzkhladze, "Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology in the Caucasus", in: Kohl, Fawcett (eds.), ''Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology'', Cambridge University Press (1996), {{ISBN|0-521-55839-5}}, p. 176.</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Suny|first=Ronald Grigor|date=2001-12-01|title=Constructing Primordialism: Old Histories for New Nations|url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/340148|journal=The Journal of Modern History|volume=73|issue=4|pages=862–896|doi=10.1086/340148|s2cid=142428464 |issn=0022-2801}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Ghulyan|first=Husik|date=2020-12-01|title=Conceiving homogenous state-space for the nation: the nationalist discourse on autochthony and the politics of place-naming in Armenia|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/02634937.2020.1843405|journal=Central Asian Survey|volume=40 |issue=2 |language=en|pages=257–281|doi=10.1080/02634937.2020.1843405|s2cid=229436454 |issn=0263-4937}}</ref> During Soviet times, Armenian nationalism within Soviet Armenia was distinguished from other nationalisms of peoples absorbed into the Soviet Union, such as Georgian, Ukrainian or Estonian, in that it did not direct itself against the dominant Russians, but continued to focus on the traditional enemy, the Turks, and was consequently subtly encouraged by the communist government. For example, Saparov points out that ] was the major direction and driving force for Armenian nationalism in Soviet Armenia.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Saparov|first=Arseny|date=2003-01-01|title=The alteration of place names and construction of national identity in Soviet Armenia|url=http://journals.openedition.org/monderusse/8604|journal=Cahiers du monde russe. Russie - Empire russe - Union soviétique et États indépendants|language=fr|volume=44|issue=44/1|pages=179–198|doi=10.4000/monderusse.8604|issn=1252-6576|doi-access=free}}</ref> According to Ghulyan, anti-Turkism, together with the idea of the ancient origins (autochthony) of the Armenians, continued to remain as an important direction of Armenian nationalism and its various reflections in modern day Armenia.<ref name=":0" />

Armenian nationalism has notably been opposed to ]. According to Brannen, to the Armenian diasporic communities in the United States and Canada, historical memory of the ] carried out by Ottoman Turks in April 1915 had become a focus around which formation of Armenian identity takes place.<ref>Brannen, Sam. Diasporic Armenian Nationalist Invocations of Metaphorical Space, Frozen Time, and the 1915 Genocide. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Mar 17, 2004. http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p74599_index.html

https://web.archive.org/web/20071007021420/http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p74599_index.html</ref> Armenian diasporic nationalism has a strong nostalgic component for a lost time and place, most prominently symbolized by ] which, although visible from ], lies within Turkish territory.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Lydolph|first1=Paul E.|title=Geography of the U.S.S.R., Topical Analysis|date=1979|publisher=Misty Valley Publishing|page=46|quote=...about 65 kilometers south of Yerevan where Mount Ararat reaches an elevation of 5156 meters.}}</ref>

Modern Armenian nationalism may also be divided by ] and ] sentiments. Parties like the ] and the ] advocate for the ] of Armenia, while the nationalism of the ] is more lax on European integration and is more focused on maintaining close ties with ].

==Parties==
===Current===
*] (1921–present)
*] (1890-present)
*] (1999–present)
*] (2009–present)
*] (2012–present)
*] (2013–present)
*] (1990–present)
*] (2018–present)
*] (1887–present)
*] (1987–present)
*] (2007–present)
*] (2019-present)

===Former===
*] (1885–1921)
*] (1966–1987)
*] (1988–2013)
*] (2003)


==See also== ==See also==
*]
*]
*]
*] *]
*]
*]
*]
*]


==External links== ==References==
{{Reflist}}
*
* by Vugar Seidov


=== See also ===
]
*Eduard L. Danielian, "The Historical Background to the Armenian State Political Doctrine," 279-286 in Nicholas Wade, Armenian Perspectives (Surrey, UK, 1997)
]
*Ronald Grigor Suny, ''Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in modern history'', Indiana University Press, 1993, {{ISBN|978-0-253-20773-9}}.
]
*Astourian S.H., 'In search of their forefathers: National identity and the historiography and politics of Armenian and Azerbaijani ethnogeneses' in : Schwartz D.V., Panossian R. (eds.), ''Nationalism and history: the politics of nation building in post-Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, University of Toronto Centre for Russian and East European Studies (1994), pp- 41-94.''

==External links==
*
{{Armenian nationalism|state=expanded}}
{{Ethnic nationalism}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Armenian Nationalism}}
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]

Latest revision as of 09:28, 15 October 2024

The modern concept of the United Armenia as used by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) is being seen as the most prominent example of modern Armenian nationalism.

Armenian nationalism in the modern period has its roots in the romantic nationalism of Mikayel Chamchian (1738–1823) and generally defined as the creation of a free, independent and united Armenia formulated as the Armenian Cause (Հայ Դատ Hay Dat). Armenian national awakening developed in the 1880s in the context of the general rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire. The Russian Armenia followed with significant causes. The Armenian Apostolic Church has been a great defender of Armenian nationalism, with leaders like Khrimian Hayrik who devoted his life to the peasantry. The establishment of modern Armenia (1991) and Armenian social fabric becoming more complex gradually decrease the political influence of Hye Dat and shifted towards a modern Armenian nationalism modeled as a liberal nationalism.

National awakening

Accuracy disputeThis article appears to contradict the article Armenian national awakening. Please discuss at the talk page and do not remove this message until the contradictions are resolved. (May 2008)
Main article: Armenian national awakening
"Hayk" by Mkrtum Hovnatanian (1779–1846). The legendary founder of the Armenian nation, standing next to the tomb of Bel, with Hayk's arrow still in Bel's chest. The map depicts the Lake Van region and Mount Ararat, with Noah's ark.

The situation of the non-Muslim minorities within the Ottoman Empire changed substantially as a result of reforms introduced during the Tanzimat era. The early reforms were generally addressed at changing the organisation of, and systems within, the Ottoman Empire as a whole. However, as a result of diplomatic pressures exerted by the Great Powers that had supported the Ottoman Empire against Russia during the Crimean War, in 1856 reforms were made that sought to give non-Muslims citizens of the Ottoman Empire the same rights as Muslim citizens. The capitation tax on non-Muslims was abolished, non-Muslims were allowed to become soldiers, and schools for the non-Muslim communities were allowed to open.

Under these new and relatively liberal conditions, many Armenian schools were opened throughout the Ottoman Empire. The majority of these schools quickly acquired a secular aspect. The Armenians also established numerous cultural associations to set a minimum standard for the curricula and qualifications for the teachers. In 1880 these associations united together as the "General Union of Armenian Schools".

After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, the Armenian National Assembly and Patriarch Nerses II of Constantinople sent Catholicos Mgrdich Khrimian to the Congress of Berlin to represent the Armenians in the debate on the "Armenian Question". In his famous patriotic speech "The Paper Ladle" Mgrdich Khrimian advised Armenians to take the national awakening of Bulgaria as a model as the hopes of the Armenian people for self-determination.

Article 61 of the Berlin Congress mentioned the possibility of an "autonomous Armenia", transforming the "Armenian Question" from an internal problem of the Ottoman Empire into an international one. In the treaty, Ottoman Turkey undertook to protect its Armenian subjects from oppression and violence. However, the treaty did not provide any instruments to force Turkey to make reforms. Both Turkey and Russia began to look upon all expressions of Armenian national identity, however innocent, as possible instruments for the realisation of that autonomy.

Role of ancient history

Main article: Nationalism and ancient history

Armenians are the original inhabitants of much of the territory of historic Armenia, and the Turks cannot claim presence in Anatolia prior to the Seljuk conquests of the 11th century. The suggestion that the Armenians had also been newcomers to the region, even if 1500 years earlier than the Turks, might rise, within the logic of ethnic nationalism, the possibility that Turkish and Armenian claims to the territory were "morally equal". Identification with the distant glories of Urartu and its prehistoric forerunners can be used to reassert Armenian "indigeneity" and "compensate for modern miseries", and together with Mount Ararat has come to be a powerful symbol of Armenian ethnicity especially among the second generation diaspora (Redgate 1995).

As a consequence, essentialist interpretations of Armenian ethnicity over the ages abound in Armenian historiography, and flourished particularly during the Soviet era, with examples such as S. A. Sardarian's Pervobytnoye obshchestvo v Amenii of 1967 which besides "numerous plagiarisms and mistakes" goes as far as to postulate a separate Armenian race native to the Armenian plateau, and attributes the invention of metallurgy to the Armenians (Kohl and Tsetskhladze 1995). Heavily slanted depictions of Urartu are common in this literature. There are reasonable scholarly scenarios that there was a Proto-Armenian component in Urartu, and that the early Armenians were the bona fide cultural heirs to Urartu, but the essentialist view of Armenian nationhood that simply equates Urartu with Armenia cannot be sustained (Kohl and Tsetskhladze 1995).

Russian Armenia

See also: Russian Armenia

In the Russian Empire, attempts were made to reduce the powers and privileges of Etchmiadzin, to influence the election of the Catholicos, and the study of Armenian history and culture was actively discouraged. In the Ottoman Empire, subjects such as the history of Armenia were banned at Armenian schools. In response, such subjects often continued to be taught in secret, creating further suspicion in the eyes of the Ottoman authorities. Images that depicted scenes from Armenian history were forbidden to be sold or be displayed in public. Armenian newspapers also began to be either closed down or to be heavily censored. In the 1890s many Armenian schools were closed down, and in 1893 the "General Union of Armenian Schools" was abolished. Many teachers at Armenian schools were specifically targeted and killed in Ottoman Empire during the Hamidian massacre.

Armenian genocide

See also: Armenian genocide

The fate of the Armenians took a worse course within the Ottoman Empire, with World War I followed by the Armenian genocide, in which up to 1,500,000 Armenians were killed. Following World War I, the Armenians not scattered in the Armenian diaspora found themselves after the fall of the short-lived Democratic Republic of Armenia reduced to a republic within the Soviet Union, the Armenian SSR.

Modern times and anti-Turkism

A Historic Armenia was advocated by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation during Soviet times, which would incorporate Nakhchivan in Azerbaijan, and Eastern Turkey (western parts of Armenian Highland). According to Suny, Armenian nationalism in the 20th century emphasized the "ancient origin of the Armenians", and consequently embraced the Armenian hypothesis of Indo-European origins forwarded by Soviet scholars in the 1980s. During Soviet times, Armenian nationalism within Soviet Armenia was distinguished from other nationalisms of peoples absorbed into the Soviet Union, such as Georgian, Ukrainian or Estonian, in that it did not direct itself against the dominant Russians, but continued to focus on the traditional enemy, the Turks, and was consequently subtly encouraged by the communist government. For example, Saparov points out that anti-Turkism was the major direction and driving force for Armenian nationalism in Soviet Armenia. According to Ghulyan, anti-Turkism, together with the idea of the ancient origins (autochthony) of the Armenians, continued to remain as an important direction of Armenian nationalism and its various reflections in modern day Armenia.

Armenian nationalism has notably been opposed to Turkish nationalism. According to Brannen, to the Armenian diasporic communities in the United States and Canada, historical memory of the Armenian genocide carried out by Ottoman Turks in April 1915 had become a focus around which formation of Armenian identity takes place. Armenian diasporic nationalism has a strong nostalgic component for a lost time and place, most prominently symbolized by Mount Ararat which, although visible from Yerevan, lies within Turkish territory.

Modern Armenian nationalism may also be divided by pro-European and pro-Russian sentiments. Parties like the Union for National Self-Determination and the European Party of Armenia advocate for the European integration of Armenia, while the nationalism of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation is more lax on European integration and is more focused on maintaining close ties with Russia.

Parties

Current

Former

See also

References

  1. Gōsh, Mkhitʻar (2000). The Lawcode (Datastanagirk') of Mxit'ar Goš. Rodopi. p. 112. ISBN 9789042007901. Retrieved 6 July 2016.
  2. H. Inalcik & G. Renda (eds), "Ottoman Civilisation", 2nd edition, 2004, Ankara, p392-395.
  3. Haig Ajemian, Hayotz Hayrig, page 511–3 .
  4. V. G. Krbekyan, "The Armenian Cause at the Berlin Congress", English summary in "Armeniaca 2002".
  5. Anne Elizabeth Redgate, The Armenians, Cambridge University Press, 1995, ISBN 978-0-521-48065-9, p. 276.
  6. Philip L. Kohl and Gocha R. Tsetskhladze, 'Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology in the Caucasus' in: Philip L. Kohl, Clare P. Fawcett (eds.), Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology, Cambridge University Press, 1995, ISBN 978-0-521-48065-9, p. 157 f.
  7. Bijak, Jakub; Lubman, Sarah (2016). "The Disputed Numbers: In Search of the Demographic Basis for Studies of Armenian Population Losses, 1915–1923". The Armenian Genocide Legacy. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 26–43. ISBN 978-1-137-56163-3.
  8. P. Kohl and G. Tzetzkhladze, "Nationalism, politics, and the practice of archaeology in the Caucasus", in: Kohl, Fawcett (eds.), Nationalism, Politics and the Practice of Archaeology, Cambridge University Press (1996), ISBN 0-521-55839-5, p. 176.
  9. Suny, Ronald Grigor (2001-12-01). "Constructing Primordialism: Old Histories for New Nations". The Journal of Modern History. 73 (4): 862–896. doi:10.1086/340148. ISSN 0022-2801. S2CID 142428464.
  10. ^ Ghulyan, Husik (2020-12-01). "Conceiving homogenous state-space for the nation: the nationalist discourse on autochthony and the politics of place-naming in Armenia". Central Asian Survey. 40 (2): 257–281. doi:10.1080/02634937.2020.1843405. ISSN 0263-4937. S2CID 229436454.
  11. Saparov, Arseny (2003-01-01). "The alteration of place names and construction of national identity in Soviet Armenia". Cahiers du monde russe. Russie - Empire russe - Union soviétique et États indépendants (in French). 44 (44/1): 179–198. doi:10.4000/monderusse.8604. ISSN 1252-6576.
  12. Brannen, Sam. Diasporic Armenian Nationalist Invocations of Metaphorical Space, Frozen Time, and the 1915 Genocide. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Mar 17, 2004. http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p74599_index.html https://web.archive.org/web/20071007021420/http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p74599_index.html
  13. Lydolph, Paul E. (1979). Geography of the U.S.S.R., Topical Analysis. Misty Valley Publishing. p. 46. ...about 65 kilometers south of Yerevan where Mount Ararat reaches an elevation of 5156 meters.

See also

  • Eduard L. Danielian, "The Historical Background to the Armenian State Political Doctrine," 279-286 in Nicholas Wade, Armenian Perspectives (Surrey, UK, 1997)
  • Ronald Grigor Suny, Looking toward Ararat: Armenia in modern history, Indiana University Press, 1993, ISBN 978-0-253-20773-9.
  • Astourian S.H., 'In search of their forefathers: National identity and the historiography and politics of Armenian and Azerbaijani ethnogeneses' in : Schwartz D.V., Panossian R. (eds.), Nationalism and history: the politics of nation building in post-Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, University of Toronto Centre for Russian and East European Studies (1994), pp- 41-94.

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