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{{short description|Armed conflict in Angola between 1975 and 2002}} | |||
{{Infobox Military Conflict | |||
{{Use dmy dates|date=April 2021}} | |||
|conflict=Angolan Civil War | |||
{{Infobox military conflict | |||
|partof=the ] and ] | |||
| conflict = Angolan Civil War | |||
|image=] | |||
| partof = the ] (until 1991) | |||
|date=] – August ] | |||
| image = {{multiple image|border=infobox|perrow=2/2/2|total_width=300 | |||
|place=] | |||
| image1 = Los jefes angolano y cubano del frente este comandantes dangereaux kimenga y carlos fernandez gondin.webp | |||
|result=MPLA victory | |||
| alt1= | |||
|combatant1=<center>]<br/><center>]<br/><center>]<br/>]<br/><center>]<br/>]<br/>]<br/>]<ref name="a">{{cite book|last=Nzongola-Ntalaja|first=Georges|coauthors=Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice|year=1986|title=The Crisis in Zaire|pages=193–194}}</ref><br/>] ] | |||
| image2 = Building with Bullet-holes in Huambo, Angola.jpg | |||
|combatant2=<center>]<br/><center>]<br/><center>]<br />]<br/><center>]<br />]<center>]<br/>]<br/>] ] | |||
| alt2= | |||
|commander1=] | |||
| image3 = FAPLA car burning.PNG | |||
|commander2=] | |||
| alt3= | |||
|strength1= | |||
| image4 = Cuban PT-76 Angola.JPG | |||
|strength2= | |||
| alt4=}} '''Clockwise from top left'''{{flatlist| | |||
|casualties3=Over 500,000 militants<ref name="angolagate">{{cite web|author=Wayne Madsen|year=2002|url=http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576|title=Report Alleges US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal|format=HTML|publisher=CorpWatch|accessdate=2007-09-04|accessyear=2007}}</ref> and hundreds of thousands of civilians | |||
*] (FAR) commanders during the ] | |||
*Building riddled with bullets in ] after the war | |||
*Cuban ] in ] | |||
*Car belonging to the ] burning during ] | |||
}} | }} | ||
| date = 11 November 1975 – 4 April 2002<br>({{Age in years, months, weeks and days|month1=11|day1=11|year1=1975|month2=04|day2=04|year2=2002}}) | |||
The '''Angolan Civil War''' began, when ] won its ] in 1975, with the ] ] fighting the ] ]. ], an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of ]. Formally brought to an end in 2002, an estimated 500,000 people were killed in the 27-year-long war.<ref name="angolagate"/> | |||
| place = ] | |||
| result = MPLA victory | |||
* Withdrawal of all foreign forces in 1989. | |||
* Transition towards a multiparty political system in 1991/92. | |||
* Dissolution of the armed forces of the FNLA. | |||
* Participation of UNITA and FNLA, as political parties, in the new political system, from 1991/92 onwards. | |||
* ], leader of UNITA, killed in 2002; UNITA abandoned armed struggle and participated in electoral politics. | |||
* Resistance of FLEC ] | |||
| combatant1 = '''{{flagicon|Angola|size=22px}} ]/]'''<br /> | |||
* {{flagicon image|Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (bandeira).svg|size=22px}} ] | |||
{{flag|Cuba|size=22px}} <small>(1975–1989)</small><br /> | |||
{{flagicon image|Flag of South West Africa People's Organisation.svg|size=22px}} ] <small>(1975–1989)</small><ref name=Hot>{{cite book|last=Shubin|first=Vladimir Gennadyevich|title=The Hot "Cold War": The USSR in Southern Africa|date=2008|pages=92–93, 249|publisher=Pluto Press|location=London|isbn=978-0-7453-2472-2 }}</ref><br /> | |||
{{flagicon image|Flag of the African National Congress.svg|size=22px}} ] <small>(1975–1989)</small><ref name=Diplomacy>{{cite book|last=Thomas|first=Scott|title=The Diplomacy of Liberation: The Foreign Relations of the ANC Since 1960|year=1995|pages=202–207|publisher=Tauris Academic Studies|location=London|isbn=978-1850439936}}</ref><ref name=Hot/><br /> | |||
{{nowrap|] <small>(1993–1995)</small><ref>{{cite book|chapter= Executive Outcomes Defeats UNITA|title=Mercenaries in Asymmetric Conflicts|first=Scott|last= Fitzsimmons|date=November 2012|isbn=9781107026919|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sZfGYsrEIBEC|page=167|publisher=]|doi=10.1017/CBO9781139208727.006}}</ref>}}<br /> | |||
] ] <small>(1975–2001)</small><ref name="Katangese">{{cite book | |||
|title=Soviet policy and practice toward Third World conflicts|last1=Wolfe|first1=Thomas|last2=Hosmer|first2=Stephen|location=Lanham|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|year=1983|isbn=978-0669060546|page=87}}</ref><ref name="Proxy">{{cite book|title=My Enemy's Enemy: Proxy Warfare in International Politics|last=Hughes|first=Geraint|year=2014|location=Brighton|publisher=Sussex Academic Press|isbn=978-1845196271|pages=65–79}}</ref><br /> | |||
{{nowrap|{{flag|Namibia|size=22px}} <small>(2001–2002)</small>{{refn|Irritated by UNITA cross-border raids, the ] retaliated by sending units into southern Angola and destroying a UNITA training camp at Licua in late January 2001.<ref name="Weigert">{{cite book|title=Angola: A Modern Military History|url=https://archive.org/details/angolamodernmili00weig|url-access=limited|last=Weigert|first=Stephen|year=2011|location=Basingstoke|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=978-0230117778|pages=, 233}}</ref> The Namibian troops were not withdrawn from Angola until May 2002.<ref name="Weigert"/>|name=KBS|group=note}}}} | |||
{{Collapsible list | |||
The civil war, one of the largest ] conflicts, involved three main factions and several smaller ones. The ]'s (MPLA) base is among the ] people and the multiracial ] of ]. The MPLA, supported by the ] and the ], fought against the ] (FNLA), an organization based in the ] region of the north and allied with the ], the ] and the ] government in ]. The ], ] ], and several other African nations also supported ]'s ] (UNITA), whose ethnic and regional base lies in the ] heartland of central Angola.<ref name="b">{{cite book|last=Leonard|first=Thomas M.|year=2006|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|pages=1292}}</ref><ref name="d">{{cite book|last=Scherrer|first=Christian P.|year=2002|title=Genocide and Crisis in Central Africa: Conflict Roots, Mass Violence, and Regional War|pages=335}}</ref> | |||
| title = Military advisers and pilots: | |||
|{{flag|Soviet Union}}<br><small>(1975–1989)</small><ref name=Vanneman>{{cite book|last=Vanneman|first=Peter|title=Soviet Strategy in Southern Africa: Gorbachev's Pragmatic Approach|url=https://archive.org/details/sovietstrategyin00vann|url-access=registration|year=1990|pages=|publisher=Hoover Institution Press|location=Stanford|isbn=978-0817989026}}</ref><ref name=Chan>{{cite book|last=Chan|first=Stephen|title=Southern Africa: Old Treacheries and New Deceits|year=2012|pages=42–46|publisher=Yale University Press|location=New Haven, Connecticut|isbn=978-0300184280}}</ref> | |||
|{{flag|East Germany}}<br><small>(1975–1989)</small><ref name="Mitchell">{{cite book |first=Thomas G. |last=Mitchell |title=Israel/Palestine and the Politics of a Two-State Solution |year=2013 |pages=94–99 |publisher=McFarland & Company Inc. |location=Jefferson |isbn=978-0-7864-7597-1}}</ref><ref name=Baynham>{{cite book|last=Baynham|first=Simon|title=Military Power and Politics in Black Africa|year=1986|pages=216–219|publisher=Routledge|location=Abingdon|isbn=978-0367677275|quote=The Soviets provided direction, heavy lift and training staffs, the East Germans technical specialists ranging from helicopter pilots to medical personnel, and the Cubans a mass of soldiery...The next pattern was one of mixed Angolan and Cuban ground units, supported by East German-manned helicopters... the withdrawal of Cuban units to garrison roles, the actual ground fighting being left to Angolan units (now equipped with some very recent Soviet weaponry), very closely supported by East German and Russian training logistic cadres.}}</ref><ref name=Brent>{{cite book|last=Brent|first=Winston|title=African Military Aviation|year=1994|page=12|publisher=Freeworld|location=Nelspruit|isbn=978-0958388016|quote=Besides arms and aircraft, large numbers of Russians, East Germans, and Cubans were brought into the country to bolster the Angolan armed forces...Although a number of locals were beginning to undertake combat sorties, most of the sorties were flown either by Cuban or East German pilots and crew.}}</ref> | |||
|{{flag|North Korea}}<br><small>(1980s)</small>{{refn|The North Korean Military Mission in Angola had about 1,500 personnel attached to FAPLA in 1986, most likely advisers, although their exact duties are uncertain.<ref name="James">{{cite book|title=A Political History of the Civil War in Angola: 1974–1990|last=James III|first=W. Martin|location=New Brunswick|publisher=Transaction Publishers|year=2011|orig-year=1992|isbn=978-1-4128-1506-2|pages=207–214, 239–245}}</ref> Their presence in Angola may have been indirectly subsidised by the Soviet Union.<ref name=HotBattle>{{cite book|last1=Polack|first1=Peter|title=The Last Hot Battle of the Cold War: South Africa vs. Cuba in the Angolan Civil War|date=13 December 2013|publisher=Casemate Publishers|isbn=9781612001951|pages=66–68}}</ref>|name=KBV|group=note}} | |||
|{{flag|Brazil}}<br><small>(allegedly)</small><ref name=Brazil>{{Cite web|url=https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/brazil-south-africa-nuclear-relations|title=Brazil-South Africa Nuclear Relations | Wilson Center|website=www.wilsoncenter.org|access-date=1 September 2021|archive-date=31 March 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220331082050/https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/brazil-south-africa-nuclear-relations|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 174815|title = Brazilian Relations with Portuguese Africa in the Context of the Elusive "Luso-Brazilian Community"|last1 = Selcher|first1 = Wayne A.|journal = Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs|year = 1976|volume = 18|issue = 1|pages = 25–58|doi = 10.2307/174815}}</ref><ref name="Brazilian pilots">{{Cite web|url=https://irp.fas.org/world/para/docs/unita/en0510991.htm|title=Kwacha UNITA Press the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola UNITA Standing Committee of the Political Commission 1999 – Year of Generalised Popular Resistance – Communique No. 39/CPP/99|website=Federation of American Scientists|access-date=3 December 2022|archive-date=5 August 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220805192503/https://irp.fas.org/world/para/docs/unita/en0510991.htm|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="Weapons">{{Cite news|last=Mason|first=Barry|date=1999-11-16|title=Angola: MPLA inflicts new defeats on UNITA|url=https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/11/ango-n16.html|work=World Socialist Website}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-09.htm|title=IX. ARMS TRADE AND EMBARGO VIOLATIONS|website=Human Rights Watch|date=September 1999}}</ref> | |||
}} | |||
| combatant2 = '''{{flagicon image|Flag of the Democratic People's Republic of Angola.svg|size=22px}} ]'''<br /> | |||
* {{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg|size=22px}} ] | |||
* {{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg|size=22px}} ] <small>(1975–1976)</small> | |||
'''{{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg|size=22px}} ]''' <small>(1976–1978)</small><ref name="Proxy"/><br /> | |||
{{nowrap|{{flag|South Africa|1928|size=22px}} <small>(1975–1989)</small><ref name="James"/>}}<br /> | |||
{{flag|Zaire|size=22px}} <small>(1975)</small><ref name="Borderstrike">{{cite book|title=Borderstrike! |last=Steenkamp|first=Willem|location=Durban|publisher=Just Done Productions Publishing|edition=Third|year=2006|orig-year=1985|isbn=978-1-920169-00-8|pages=102–106}}</ref><ref name="Proxy"/> | |||
---- | |||
'''{{flagicon image|Flag of Cabinda.svg}} ]''' | |||
| commander1 = {{plainlist | | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Angola}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Cuba}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Cuba}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Cuba}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Cuba}} ]{{Executed}} | |||
*{{flagdeco|Cuba}} ]{{KIA}} | |||
*{{flagdeco|USSR}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|USSR}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of South-West Africa People's Organisation.svg}}{{flagdeco|Namibia}} ] | |||
}} | |||
| commander2 = {{plainlist | | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ]{{KIA}} | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ]{{KIA}} | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ]{{KIA}} | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg}} ] <small>(1975)</small> | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Cabinda.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Cabinda.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagicon image|Flag of Cabinda.svg}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|Zaire}} ] | |||
*{{flagdeco|South Africa|1928}} ] <small>(1975–1978)</small> | |||
*{{flagdeco|South Africa|1928}} ] <small>(1978–1989)</small> | |||
}} | |||
| strength1 = {{flagicon|Angola}} '''MPLA troops:''' | |||
* 40,000 (1976)<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=0yQuAybzVJcC&pg=PA491 |title=''War''|author=Saul David|year=2009|publisher=Dorling Kindersley Limited |isbn=9781405341332|access-date=9 March 2013}}</ref> | |||
* 70,000 (1987)<ref name="cubamatinal"> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120118152048/http://www.cubamatinal.com/Noticia.cfm?NoticiaID=7964 |date=18 January 2012 }} (in Spanish). CubaMatinal.com. Retrieved 9 March 2013.</ref> | |||
* 130,000 (2001)<ref>''Africa South of Sahara 2004'', p. 66.</ref> | |||
{{flagicon|Cuba}} '''Cuban troops:''' | |||
* 36,000 with 400 tanks (1976)<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.urrib2000.narod.ru/Tanques-e.html|title=Cuban Tanks • Rubén Urribarres|website=Cuban Aviation • Rubén Urribarres}}</ref> | |||
* 35,000–37,000 (1982)<ref name="cubamatinal"/> | |||
* 60,000 (1988)<ref name="cubamatinal"/> | |||
* 337,033<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gleijeses |first1=Piero |title=Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991 |date=2013 |publisher=UNC Press Books |page=521}}</ref>–380,000<ref>Risquet Valdés (2007: xlvii)</ref> total (supported by 1,000 tanks, 600 armored vehicles and 1,600 artillery pieces)<ref>Risquet Valdés 2008: 102</ref> | |||
{{flagicon|Soviet Union}} '''Soviet troops''': | |||
* Altogether 11,000<br>(1975 to 1991)<ref>{{cite web|author=Andrei Mikhailov|url=http://english.pravda.ru/russia/politics/15-02-2011/116909-soviet_union_foreign_wars-0 |title=Soviet Union and Russia lost 25,000 military men in foreign countries |publisher=English pravda.ru |date=15 February 2011 |access-date=18 August 2013}}</ref> | |||
{{flagicon|Brazil}} '''Brazilian pilots''': | |||
*Classified with tens of aircraft <small>(1999–2002)</small><ref name="Brazilian pilots"/> | |||
| strength2 = {{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} '''UNITA militants:''' | |||
* 65,000 (1990, highest)<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yNemVdadVxcC&pg=PA562 |title=''Cuban Communism, 8th Edition''|author=Irving Louis Horowitz|year=1995|publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=9781412820899|access-date=9 March 2013}}</ref> | |||
{{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg}} '''FNLA militants:''' | |||
* 22,000 (1975)<ref>. MongaBay.com.</ref> | |||
* 4,000–7,000 (1976)<ref>''Political terrorism: a new guide to actors, concepts, data bases, theories and literature''.</ref> | |||
{{flagicon|Union of South Africa}} '''South African troops''': | |||
* 7,000 (1975–1976)<ref name=Clodfelter>{{cite book|last1=Clodfelter|first1=Micheal|title=Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492–2015, 4th ed|date=2017|publisher=McFarland|isbn=978-0786474707|page=566}}</ref> | |||
* 6,000 (1987–1988)<ref name=Clodfelter/> | |||
| casualties1 = {{flagicon|Angola}} ''Unknown''<br />{{flagicon|Cuba}} 2,016–5,000 dead<ref name="Polack">{{cite book|title=The Last Hot Battle of the Cold War: South Africa vs. Cuba in the Angolan Civil War |last=Polack|first=Peter|location=Oxford|publisher=Casemate Publishers|year=2013|isbn=978-1612001951|edition=illustrated|pages=164–171}}</ref><br />{{flagicon|Soviet Union}} 54 killed<ref>{{cite web|url=http://english.pravda.ru/russia/politics/15-02-2011/116909-soviet_union_foreign_wars-0/ |title=Soviet Union and Russia lost 25,000 military men in foreign countries – English Pravda |publisher=English.pravda.ru |date=15 February 2011 |access-date=18 August 2013}}</ref> | |||
| casualties2 = {{flagicon image|Flag of UNITA.svg}} ''Unknown''<br />{{flagicon image|Bandeira da FNLA.svg}} ''Unknown''<br />{{flagicon|South Africa|1928}} 2,365<ref name="UNM">{{cite web |last1=Akawa|first1=Martha|last2=Silvester|first2=Jeremy|url=https://repository.unam.edu.na/bitstream/handle/11070/732/waking%20the%20deadocr.pdf?sequence=1|location=Windhoek, Namibia|publisher=University of Namibia|year=2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161110230352/https://repository.unam.edu.na/bitstream/handle/11070/732/waking%20the%20deadocr.pdf?sequence=1|archive-date=10 November 2016 |title=Journal for Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences |volume=1 |issue=1 |date=March 2012 |access-date=2 September 2023}}</ref>–2,500 dead<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|author=Reginald Herbold Green |url=http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/402283/Namibia/44019/The-road-to-Namibia |title=Namibia : The road to Namibia – Britannica Online Encyclopedia |encyclopedia=Britannica.com |access-date=15 January 2013}}</ref> <small>(including ] deaths)</small><br>{{flagicon image|Flag of Cabinda.svg}} ''Unknown'' | |||
| casualties3 = 800,000 killed and 4 million displaced<ref name=Angola>{{Cite web|url=https://www.peri.umass.edu/fileadmin/pdf/Angola.pdf|title=Angola (1975–2002)|access-date=17 July 2020|archive-date=25 October 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201025025640/http://www.peri.umass.edu/fileadmin/pdf/Angola.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
| notes = Nearly 70,000 Angolans became amputees as a result of land mines<ref>{{cite book |title=Armed Conflict and Environmental Damage |date=2014 |page=98}}</ref> | |||
}} | |||
{{Campaignbox Angolan Civil War}} | |||
{{History of Angola}} | |||
The '''Angolan Civil War''' ({{langx|pt|Guerra Civil Angolana}}) was a ] in ], beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began immediately after Angola became independent from ] in November 1975. It was a power struggle between two former anti-colonial guerrilla movements, the communist ] (MPLA) and the anti-communist ] (UNITA). | |||
The MPLA and ] had different roots in Angolan society and mutually incompatible leaderships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. A third movement, the ] (FNLA), having fought the MPLA with UNITA during the ], played almost no role in the Civil War. Additionally, the ] (FLEC), an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of the province of ] from Angola.{{citation needed|date=September 2023}} With the assistance of Cuban soldiers and Soviet support, the MPLA managed to win the initial phase of conventional fighting, oust the FNLA from ], and become the ''de facto'' Angolan government.<ref>{{cite book |title=Africa, Problems & Prospects: A Bibliographic Survey |date=1977 |publisher=U.S. Department of the Army |page=221}}</ref> The FNLA disintegrated, but the U.S.- and South Africa-backed UNITA continued its irregular warfare against the MPLA government from its base in the east and south of the country. | |||
The 27-year war can be divided roughly into three periods of major fighting – from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994 and from 1998 to 2002 – with fragile periods of peace. By the time the MPLA achieved victory in 2002, between 500,000 and 800,000 people had died and over one million had been ].<ref name=Angola/><ref name=refworld>{{Cite web|url=https://www.refworld.org/docid/3dedf3204.html|title=Refworld {{!}} Angola: Current political and human rights conditions in Angola|last=Refugees|first=United Nations High Commissioner for|date=4 December 2000|website=Refworld|language=en|access-date=26 March 2020|archive-date=26 March 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200326235452/https://www.refworld.org/docid/3dedf3204.html|url-status=live}}</ref> The war devastated Angola's infrastructure and severely damaged public administration, the economy, and religious institutions. | |||
The Angolan Civil War was notable due to the combination of Angola's violent internal dynamics and the exceptional degree of foreign military and political involvement. The war is widely considered a Cold War ], as the Soviet Union and the United States, with their respective allies ] and ], assisted the opposing factions.<ref name="Angola General Conflict Information">{{cite web |title=Angola General Conflict Information |work=] |url=http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/gpcountry.php?id=4®ionSelect=2-Southern_Africa# |access-date=5 June 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141218095556/http://www.ucdp.uu.se/gpdatabase/gpcountry.php?id=4®ionSelect=2-Southern_Africa |archive-date=18 December 2014 |url-status=dead }}</ref> The conflict became closely intertwined with the ] in the neighbouring ] and the ]. ]s still litter the countryside and contribute to the ongoing civilian casualties.<ref name=Angola/> | |||
==Main combatants== | |||
Angola's three rebel movements had their roots in the anti-colonial movements of the 1950s.<ref name="Angola General Conflict Information"/> The MPLA was primarily an urban-based movement in ] and its surrounding area.<ref name="Angola General Conflict Information"/> It was largely composed of ]. By contrast, the other two major anti-colonial movements, the FNLA and UNITA, were rural groups.<ref name="Angola General Conflict Information"/> The FNLA primarily consisted of ] from Northern Angola. UNITA, an offshoot of the FNLA, was mainly composed of ], Angola's largest ethnic group, from the ].<ref name="Angola General Conflict Information"/> | |||
=== MPLA === | |||
{{Main|MPLA}} | |||
Since its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA's main social base has been among the ] and the multiracial ] of cities such as ], ] and ].{{NoteTag|The results of the 2008 ] show that its constituency is by now considerably larger.}} During its anti-colonial struggle of 1962–1974, the MPLA was supported by several African countries and the ]. ] became the MPLA's strongest ally, sending significant combat and support personnel contingents to Angola. This support, as well as that of several other countries of the ], e.g. East Germany,<ref>{{Cite book |last=Storkmann |first=Klaus |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/799999321 |title=Geheime Solidarität : Militärbeziehungen und Militärhilfen der DDR in die "Dritte Welt" |date=2012 |publisher=Christoph Links |isbn=978-3-86153-676-5 |edition=1. Aufl |location=Berlin |language=de |oclc=799999321}}</ref> was maintained during the Civil War. ] provided financial military support for the MPLA, including $14 million in 1977, as well as Yugoslav security personnel in the country and diplomatic training for Angolans in ].<ref>Gleijeses, Piero. "The Cubans in Angola." Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991, University of North Carolina Press, 2016, pp. 76–78.</ref> The ] wrote of the Yugoslav relationship with the MPLA and remarked, "] clearly enjoys his role as patriarch of guerrilla liberation struggle." ], MPLA's leader during the civil war, declared in 1977 that Yugoslav aid was constant and firm and described the help as extraordinary.<ref>Gleijeses, Piero. "Collapse of the Portuguese Empire." Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa; 1959–1976, Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2009, pp. 243–244.</ref> According to a November 1978 special communique, Portuguese troops were among the 20,000 MPLA troops that participated in a major offensive in central and southern Angola.<ref>{{cite book |last1 = Kalley |first1 = Jacqueline A. |last2 = Schoeman |first2 = Elna |year = 1999 |title = Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997 |page = 9 }}</ref> | |||
===FNLA=== | |||
{{main|National Liberation Front of Angola}} | |||
The FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA<ref>See John Marcum, ''The Angolan Revolution'', vol. I, ''Anatomy of an Explosion (1950–1962)'', Cambridge/Mass. & London: MIT Press, 1968. Several attempts at constituting a common front, including the FNLA, the MPLA and minor anti-colonial grooups, failed in 1960–1962. See also Lúcio Lara (ed.), ''Um amplo movimento: Itinerário do MPLA através de documentos de Lúcio Lara'', vol. II, ''1961–1962'', Luanda: Ed. Lúcio Lara, 2006.</ref> and was initially devoted to defending the interests of the ] people and supporting the restoration of the historical ]. It rapidly developed into a nationalist movement, supported in its struggle against Portugal by the government of ] in ]. During 1974, the FNLA was also briefly supported by the ]; but the aid was quickly withdrawn since China mainly supported the UNITA during the ]. The United States refused to support the FNLA during the movement's war against Portugal, a ] member but agreed during the civil war.{{citation needed|date=April 2021}} | |||
===UNITA=== | |||
{{main|UNITA}} | |||
UNITA's main social basis were the ] of central Angola, who constituted about one-third of the country's population, but the organization also had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Angola. UNITA was founded in 1966 by ], who until then had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, UNITA received some support from the People's Republic of China. With the onset of the civil war, the United States decided to support UNITA and considerably augmented their aid to UNITA in the following decades. In the latter period, UNITA's main ally was the ] regime of ].<ref name=b>{{cite book|last=Leonard|first=Thomas M.|year=2006|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|url=https://archive.org/details/encyclopediadeve00leon|url-access=limited|page=|publisher=Psychology Press |isbn=978-1-57958-388-0}}</ref><ref name=d>{{cite book|last=Scherrer|first=Christian P.|year=2002|title=Genocide and Crisis in Central Africa: Conflict Roots, Mass Violence, and Regional War|page=335|isbn=978-0-275-97224-0 |publisher=Greenwood Press}}</ref> | |||
==Roots of the conflict== | ==Roots of the conflict== | ||
{{main|History of Angola|Portuguese West Africa}} | |||
{{Main|Cabinda}} | |||
{{more citations needed section|date=April 2021}} | |||
] | |||
Angola, like most African countries, became constituted as a nation through colonial intervention. Angola's colonial power was Portugal, which was present and active in the territory, in one way or another, for over four centuries. | |||
The territory of ] is north of Angola proper, separated by a strip of territory 60 km-long in the ].<ref name="e">{{cite book|last=Mullen|first=J. Atticus Ryan|coauthors=Christopher A. Mullen|year=1997|title=Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook 1997|pages=57}}</ref> A ] in ] in 1926 led to military rule under the ] (One State). The new government annexed Cabinda from ] in 1927 and the ] designated Angola and Cabinda as overseas provinces.<ref name="c">{{cite book|last=Griggs|first=Richard A.|coauthors=Rachael Bradley and Clive H. Schofield|year=2000|title=Boundaries, Borders and Peace-building in Southern Africa: The Spatial Implications of the 'African Renaissance'|pages=8}}</ref><ref name="milcoup">{{cite book|last=Olson|first=James Stuart|coauthors=Robert Shadle|year=1991|title=Historical Dictionary of European Imperialism|pages=103}}</ref> The ] (FLEC) formed in 1963 during the broader war for independence from Portugal. Contrary to the organization's name, Cabinda is an ], not an ]. FLEC later split into the ] (FLEC-FAC) and Renewal (FLEC-Renovada). Several other, smaller FLEC factions later broke away from these movements, but FLEC-R remained the most prominent because of its size and its tactics. FLEC-R members cut off the ears and noses of government officials and their supporters, similar to the ] of ] in the 1990s.<ref name="cabinda">{{cite book|last=Grant|first=J. Andrew|coauthors=Fredrik Söderbaum|year=2003|title=The New Regionalism in Africa|pages=126}}</ref> Despite Cabinda's relatively small size, foreign powers and the nationalist movements coveted the territory for its vast reserves of ], the principal export of Angola then and now.<ref name="oilintro">{{cite book|last=Sousa|first=Matthew V.|coauthors=James J. F. Forest|year=2006|title=Oil and Terrorism in the New Gulf: Framing U.S. Energy and Security Policies|pages=31}}</ref> | |||
===Ethnic divisions=== | |||
] | |||
The original population of this territory were dispersed ] groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive influx of ] people who came from the north and east. | |||
The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the ], whose centre was located in the northwest of what today is Angola and which stretched northwards into the west of the present ] (DRC), the south and west of the contemporary ] and even the southernmost part of ]. | |||
Also of historical importance were the ] and ] kingdoms to the south of the Kongo Empire, in the ] area. Additionally, the ] occupied a portion of north-eastern Angola in the south-east of the present-day DRC. In the south of the territory, and the north of present-day ], lay the ] kingdom, along with minor realms on the central highlands. All these political units were a reflection of ethnic cleavages that slowly developed among the Bantu populations and were instrumental in consolidating these cleavages and fostering the emergence of new and distinct social identities. | |||
=== Portuguese colonialism === | |||
At the end of the 15th century, Portuguese settlers made contact with the ], maintaining a continuous presence in its territory and enjoying considerable cultural and religious influence after that. In 1575, Portugal established a settlement and fort called Saint Paul of ] on the coast south of the Kongo Empire, in an area inhabited by Ambundu people. Another fort, ], was established on the coast further south, in a region inhabited by ancestors of the ] people. | |||
Neither of these Portuguese settlement efforts was launched for the purpose of territorial conquest. Both gradually came to occupy and farm a broad area around their initial bridgeheads (in the case of Luanda, mostly along the lower ]). Their main function was in the ]. Slaves were bought from African intermediaries and sold to Portuguese colonies in ] and the ]. In addition, Benguela developed commerce in ], ], and ], which they bought from Ovimbundu caravans which fetched these goods from among the ] peoples in the eastern part of what is now Angola.{{NoteTag|The ] conquered and ruled Luanda between 1640 and 1648 as Fort Aardenburgh, but the Portuguese presence was maintained inland, and after the reconquest of Luanda, all trading activities were resumed as before.}} | |||
] (1961–1974)]] | |||
Nonetheless, the Portuguese presence on the Angolan coast remained limited for much of the colonial period. The degree of real colonial settlement was minor, and, with few exceptions, the Portuguese did not interfere by means other than commercial in the social and political dynamics of the native peoples. There was no real delimitation of territory; Angola, to all intents and purposes, did not yet exist. | |||
In the 19th century, the Portuguese began a more serious program of advancing into the continental interior. They wanted a ''de facto'' overlordship that allowed them to establish commercial networks and a few settlements. In this context, they also moved further south along the coast and founded the "third bridgehead" of ]. In the course of this expansion, they entered into conflict with several of the African political units.<ref>René Pélissier (1977). ''Les guerres grises: Résistance et revoltes en Angola (1845–1941)''. Montamets/Orgeval: Author's edition. See also: Gervase Clarence-Smith (2007). ''Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists in Southern Angola, 1840–1926''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref> | |||
Territorial occupation only became a central concern for Portugal in the last decades of the 19th century, during the European powers' "]", especially following the ]. Several military expeditions were organized as preconditions for obtaining territory, which roughly corresponded to present-day Angola. By 1906, about 6% of that territory was effectively occupied, and the military campaigns had to continue. By the mid-1920s, the limits of the territory were finally fixed, and the last "primary resistance" was quelled in the early 1940s. It is thus reasonable to talk of Angola as a defined territorial entity from this point onwards. | |||
===Build-up to independence and rising tensions=== | |||
] soldiers operating in the Angolan jungle in the early 1960s]] | |||
In 1961, the FNLA and the MPLA, based in neighbouring countries, began a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule on several fronts. The ], which included the ], lasted until the ] overthrow in 1974 through a ] in ]. When the timeline for independence became known, most of the roughly 500,000 ethnic Portuguese Angolans fled the territory during the weeks before or after that deadline. Portugal left behind a newly independent country whose population was mainly composed of Ambundu, Ovimbundu, and ] peoples. The Portuguese that lived in Angola accounted for the majority of the skilled workers in public administration, agriculture, and industry; once they fled the country, the national economy began to sink into ].<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170621132236/http://www.economist.com/node/12079340?story_id=12079340 |date=21 June 2017 }}. '']''. 16 August 1975. Retrieved 21 November 2011.</ref> | |||
The ]n government initially became involved in an effort to counter the ] presence in Angola, which was feared might escalate the conflict into a local theatre of the ]. In 1975, South African Prime Minister ] authorized ],<ref>Turton, A. R. (2010), '' {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210125113337/http://www.shakinghandswithbilly.com/ |date=25 January 2021 }}''. Durban: Just Done Publications. {{ISBN|978-1-920315-58-0}}.</ref> which began as an effort to protect engineers constructing the dam at ] after unruly UNITA soldiers took over. The dam, paid for by South Africa, was felt to be at risk.<ref>{{cite book|title=Days of the Generals|page=21|last=Hamann|first=Hilton|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mYgWcHq8lE8C|publisher=]|year=2001|isbn=978-1-86872-340-9|access-date=15 October 2007}}</ref> The ] (SADF) dispatched an armoured task force to secure Calueque. From this, Operation Savannah escalated; no formal government was in place and thus, no clear lines of authority.<ref>Nortje, P. (2003), ''32 Battalion''. Cape Town: Struik Publishers.</ref> The South Africans came to commit thousands of soldiers to the intervention and ultimately clashed with Cuban forces assisting the MPLA. | |||
==1970s== | ==1970s== | ||
{{Main|1970s in Angola}} | |||
===Independence=== | ===Independence=== | ||
] | |||
], the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the People's Republic of Angola on ], ], in accordance with the ].<ref name="beginning">{{cite book|last=Rothchild|first=Donald S.|year=1997|title=Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation|pages=115–116}}</ref> UNITA and the FNLA also declared Angolan independence as the Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in ] and the Democratic Republic of Angola based in ]. FLEC, armed and backed by the French government, declared the independence of the Republic of Cabinda from ].<ref name="initialdec">{{cite book|last=Mwaura|first=Ndirangu|year=2005|title=Kenya Today: Breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa|pages=222-223}}</ref> The FNLA and UNITA forged an alliance on ], proclaiming their own coalition government based in ]<ref name="alvor">{{cite book|last=Crocker|first=Chester A.|coauthors=Hampson, Fen Osler; Aall, Pamela R.|year=2005|title=Grasping The Nettle: Analyzing Cases Of Intractable Conflict|pages=213}}</ref> with ] and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents and José Ndelé and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as co-Prime Ministers.<ref name="huambogov">{{cite book|last=Kalley|first=Jacqueline Audrey|year=1999|title=Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997|page=1–2}}</ref> | |||
After the ] in ] and the end of the ], the parties of the conflict signed the ] on 15 January 1975. In July 1975, the MPLA violently forced the FNLA out of Luanda, and UNITA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold in the south. By August, the MPLA had control of 11 of the 15 provincial capitals, including ] and ]. South Africa ] on 23 October, sending between 1,500 and 2,000 troops from ] into southern Angola in order to support the FNLA and UNITA. Zaire, in a bid to install a pro-] government and thwart the MPLA's drive for power, deployed armored cars, paratroopers, and three infantry battalions to Angola in support of the FNLA.<ref>{{cite book|last=Meredith|first=Martin|year=2005|title=The Fate of Africa: From the Hopes of Freedom to the Heart of Despair, a History of Fifty Years of Independence|url=https://archive.org/details/fateofafricafrom00mere|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=PublicAffairs |isbn=978-1-58648-246-6}}</ref> Within three weeks, South African and UNITA forces had captured five provincial capitals, including ] and ]. In response to the South African intervention, Cuba sent 18,000 soldiers as part of a large-scale military intervention nicknamed ] in support of the MPLA. Cuba had initially provided the MPLA with 230 military advisers prior to the South African intervention.<ref>Bourne, Peter G. (1986), Fidel: ''A Biography of Fidel Castro'', New York City: Dodd, Mead & Company, pp. 281, 284–287.</ref> The Cuban intervention proved decisive in repelling the South African-UNITA advance. The FNLA were likewise routed at the ] and forced to retreat towards Zaire.<ref>{{cite book|last=Young|first=Crawford|author2=Thomas Turner|year=1985|title=The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State|url=https://archive.org/details/risedeclineofzai0000youn|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=University of Wisconsin Pres |isbn=978-0-299-10113-8}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd%2Fcstdy%3A%40field%28DOCID+zr0175|title=Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, Zaire: A Country Study|publisher=United States Library of Congress|access-date=20 January 2013|archive-date=11 February 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170211210359/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd%2Fcstdy%3A%40field%28DOCID+zr0175|url-status=live}}</ref> The defeat of the FNLA allowed the MPLA to consolidate power over the capital ]. | |||
], late 1975]] | |||
], the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the Portuguese ] as the ] on 11 November 1975.<ref name=beginning>{{cite book|last=Rothchild|first=Donald S.|year=1997|title=Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation|pages=115–116 |isbn=978-0-8157-7593-5|publisher=Brookings Institution Press}} (Hereafter "Rothchild".)</ref> UNITA declared Angolan independence as the Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in ], and the FNLA declared the Democratic Republic of Angola based in ]. FLEC, armed and backed by the French government, declared the independence of the Republic of Cabinda from ].<ref name=initialdec>{{cite book|last=Mwaura|first=Ndirangu|year=2005|title=Kenya Today: Breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa|pages=222–223}}</ref> The FNLA and UNITA forged an alliance on 23 November, proclaiming their own coalition government, the ], based in Huambo<ref name=alvor>{{cite book|last=Crocker|first=Chester A.|author2=Hampson, Fen Osler|author3= Aall, Pamela R.|year=2005|title=Grasping The Nettle: Analyzing Cases Of Intractable Conflict|page=213}}</ref> with ] and ] as ], and ] and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as ].<ref>Kalley, Jacqueline Audrey; Schoeman, Elna; Andor, Lydia Eve (eds), ''Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997'', 1999, pp. 1–2.</ref> | |||
In early November 1975, the South African government warned Savimbi and Roberto that the ] (SADF) would soon end ] despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition for their government. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of South Africa, asked General ] to arrange a meeting for him with ] ], who had been Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On the night of 10 November, the day before the formal declaration of independence, Savimbi secretly flew to ] to meet Vorster. In a reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep his troops in Angola through November, but also promised to withdraw the SADF only after the OAU meeting on 9 December.<ref name=vormeeting>{{cite book|last=Hilton|first=Hamann|year=2001|title=Days of the Generals|page=34}}</ref><ref name=sav>{{cite book|last=Preez|first=Max Du|year=2003|title=Pale Native|page=84}}</ref> While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in ] joined the Cubans on 12 November. The Soviet leadership expressly forbade the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa.<ref name=nogo>{{cite book|last=Westad|first=Odd Arne|year=2005|title=The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times|url=https://archive.org/details/globalcoldwarthi00west|url-access=limited|pages=–235|publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-85364-4}}</ref> | |||
In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975<ref name=porwithdraw>{{cite book|last=Martin|first=Peggy J.|year=2005|title=SAT Subject Tests: World History 2005–2006|page=316}}</ref> and the South African military withdrew in February 1976.<ref name=safricainvasion>{{cite book|last=Stearns|first=Peter N.|author2=Langer, William Leonard|year=2001|title=The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged|url=https://archive.org/details/encyclopediaworl00stea|url-access=limited|page=|publisher=Houghton Mifflin |isbn=978-0-395-65237-4}}</ref> Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.<ref name=earlycuba>{{cite book|last=Mazrui|first=Ali Al 'Amin|year=1977|title=The Warrior Tradition in Modern Africa|page=227}}</ref> | |||
Sweden provided humanitarian assistance to both the ] and the MPLA in the mid-1970s,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/2574/a/75170 |title=Angola |publisher=Regeringen.se |date=1 September 2006 |access-date=17 August 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203090343/http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/2574/a/75170 |archive-date=3 December 2013 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Sellström|first=Tor|url=http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:nai:diva-242|title=Sweden and national liberation in Southern Africa. Vol. 1, Formation of a popular opinion (1950–1970)|publisher=Nordiska Afrikainstitutet|year=1999|isbn=978-91-7106-430-1|location=Uppsala|access-date=21 October 2012|archive-date=12 August 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100812145010/http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:nai:diva-242|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Sellström|first=Tor|url=http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:nai:diva-204|title=Sweden and national liberation in Southern Africa: Vol. 2, Solidarity and assistance 1970–1994|publisher=Nordiska Afrikainstitutet|year=2002|isbn=978-91-7106-448-6|location=Uppsala|pages=131|access-date=9 December 2021|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185531/http://nai.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A241772&dswid=-9871|url-status=live}}</ref> and regularly raised the issue of UNITA in political discussions between the two movements. | |||
===Cuban intervention=== | |||
{{main|Cuban intervention in Angola}} | |||
] | |||
Cuban logistics were primitive, relying on a few aging commercial aircraft, small cargo ships, and large fishing vessels to support a major, long-range military operation.<ref name="Scheina"/> | |||
In early September 1975, the Cuban merchant ships ''Viet Nam Heroico'', ''Isla Coral'', and ''La Plata'', loaded with troops, vehicles, and 1,000 tons of gasoline, crossed the Atlantic and sailed to Angola. The United States held a secret, high-level talk with Cuba to express its consternation over Cuba's actions, but this had little effect. The Cuban troops landed in early October. On 7 November, Cuba began a thirteen-day airlift of a 650-man special forces battalion. The Cubans used old ] turboprop aircraft, making refueling stops in Barbados, Guinea-Bissau, and the Congo before landing in Luanda. The troops traveled as "tourists," carrying machine guns in briefcases. They packed 75mm cannons, 82mm mortars, and small arms into the aircraft's cargo holds.<ref name="Scheina">{{cite book |last1=Scheina |title=Latin America's Wars Volume II: The Age of the Professional Soldier, 1900–2001 |date=2003 |pages=1003–1035}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
On 14 October, four South African columns totaling 3,000 troops launched Operation Savannah in an attempt to capture Luanda from the south. The Cubans suffered major reversals, including one at Catofe, where South African forces surprised them and caused numerous casualties.<ref name="auto">{{cite book |last1=Mallin |first1=Jay |title=Covering Castro: Rise and Decline of Cuba's Communist Dictator |date=1994 |publisher=Transaction Publishers |page=101}}</ref> However, the Cubans ultimately halted the South African advance by 26 November.<ref name=Clodfelter/> Later, another 4,000 South African soldiers entered southern Angola to establish a buffer zone along the Namibian border. The MPLA received support from 3,000 Katangan exiles, a Mozambican battalion, 3,000 East German personnel, and 1,000 Soviet advisors. The pivotal intervention came from 18,000 Cuban troops, who defeated the FNLA in the north and UNITA in the south, concluding the conventional war by 12 February 1976.<ref name=Clodfelter/> In Cabinda, the Cubans launched a series of successful operations against the FLEC separatist movement.<ref>{{cite book |last1=George |first1=Edward |title=The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale |date=2004 |publisher=Routledge}}</ref> | |||
The South African government told Savimbi and Roberto in early November that the ] (SADF) would soon end ] despite the coalition's failure to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition at independence. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of the largest, friendly, military force in Angola, asked General ] to arrange a meeting for him with ] ], Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On the night of ], the day before independence, Savimbi secretly flew to ], South Africa and the meeting took place. In a remarkable reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep troops through November but promised to withdraw the SADF troops only after the OAU meeting on ].<ref name="vormeeting">{{cite book|last=Hilton|first=Hamann|year=2001|title=Days of the Generals|page=34}}</ref><ref name="sav">{{cite book|last=Preez|first=Max Du|year=2003|title=Pale Native|page=84}}</ref> The Soviets, well aware of South African activity in southern Angola, flew Cuban soldiers into Luanda the week before independence. While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in ] joined the Cubans on ]. The Soviet leadership expressly forbid the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa.<ref name="nogo">{{cite book|last=Westad|first=Odd Arne|year=2005|title=The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times|page=230–235}}</ref> | |||
By March 1977, the MPLA controlled enough of the country to permit Castro to pay a state visit. However, in May, ] and ] attempted an unsuccessful coup against Agostinho Neto. Cuban troops helped defeat the rebels.<ref name="Scheina"/> In May 1978, South Africa initiated Operation Reindeer, during which an airstrike on a Cuban convoy resulted in the loss of 150 Cuban troops. By July 1978, Cuba had suffered 5,600 casualties in its African wars (Angola and Ethiopia), including 1,000 killed in Angola and 400 killed against Somali forces in the Ethiopian Ogaden.<ref name=Clodfelter/> In 1987, 6,000 South African soldiers reentered the Angolan war, clashing with Cuban forces. They defeated four MPLA brigades at the Lomba River in September and laid siege to Cuito Cuanavale for months until 12,000 Cuban troops broke the blockade in March 1988.<ref name=Clodfelter/> On 26 June, South African forces engaged Cuban forces at Techipa, killing several Cuban troops. In response, Cuba launched an air strike on SADF positions the following day, killing nearly a dozen South African troops. Both sides promptly withdrew to prevent further escalation of hostilities. | |||
In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975<ref name="porwithdraw">{{cite book|last=Martin|first=Peggy J.|coauthors=Kaplan; Kaplan Staff|year=2005|title=SAT Subject Tests: World History 2005–2006|page=316}}</ref> and the South African military withdrew in February 1976.<ref name="safricainvasion">{{cite book|last=Stearns|first=Peter N.|coauthors=Langer, William Leonard|year=2001|title=The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged|page=1065}}</ref> On the other hand, Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.<ref name="earlycuba">{{cite book|last=Mazrui|first=Ali Al 'Amin|year=1977|title=The Warrior Tradition in Modern Africa|page=227}}</ref> FNLA forces were crushed by Operation Carlota, a joint Cuban-Angolan attack on Huambo on ], ].<ref name="carlota">'''', ], ]. ''The Argus'', page 10, via NewspaperArchive.com.</ref> By mid-November, the Huambo government had gained control over southern Angola and began pushing north.<ref name="mplacab">Porter, Bruce D. ''The USSR in Third World Conflicts: Soviet Arms and Diplomacy in Local Wars, '', 1986. Page 149.</ref> | |||
===Clark Amendment=== | ===Clark Amendment=== | ||
{{Main|Operation IA Feature|Clark Amendment}} | {{Main|Operation IA Feature|Clark Amendment}} | ||
] ] approved covert aid to UNITA and the FNLA through ] on |
] ] approved covert aid to UNITA and the FNLA through ] on 18 July 1975, despite strong opposition from officials in the ] and the ] (CIA). Ford told ], the ], to establish the operation, providing an initial ]6 million. He granted an additional $8 million on 27 July and another $25 million in August.<ref name=start>{{cite book|last=Andrew|first=Christopher M.|year=1995|title=For the President's Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency from Washington to Bush|url=https://archive.org/details/forpresidentseye00andr|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=HarperCollinsPublishers |isbn=978-0-06-017037-0}}</ref><ref name=termination>{{cite book|last=Immerman|first=Richard H.|author2=Theoharis, Athan G|year=2006|title=The Central Intelligence Agency: Security Under Scrutiny|url=https://archive.org/details/centralintellige00rich|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-0-313-33282-1}}</ref> | ||
] | |||
Two days prior to the program's approval, ], the Assistant Secretary of State, told ], the ], that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the ] would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved the program, Davis resigned.<ref name="davis">{{cite book|last=Brown|first=Seyom|year=1994|title=The Faces of Power: Constancy and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman to Clinton|pages=303}}</ref> ], the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying the success required expanding the program, but the program's size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to ] ], also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on ], ]. Mulcahy believed the Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the ] ], refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned however that supporting UNITA would not sit well with ], the ruler of ].<ref name="mulcahy">{{cite book|last=Hanhim̀eaki|first=Jussi M.|year=2004|title=The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy|page=408}}</ref><ref name="start"/> | |||
]]] | |||
], a ] Senator from ], discovered the operation during a fact-finding mission in Africa, but ], a reporter for '']'', revealed IA Feature to the public on ], ].<ref name="clark">{{cite book|last=Baravalle|first=Giorgio|year=2004|title=Rethink: Cause and Consequences of September 11|page=cdxcii}}</ref> Clark proposed ] to the ], barring aid to private groups engaged in military or ] operations in Angola. The ] passed the bill, voting 54–22 on ], ] and the ] passed the bill, voting 323–99 on ], ].<ref name="termination"/> Ford signed the bill into law on ], ].<ref name="clarksign">{{cite book|last=Gates|first=Robert Michael|year=2007|title=From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War|page=68}}</ref> Even after the Clark Amendment became law, then-], ], refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola had ceased.<ref name="ns">{{cite book|last=Koh|first=Harold Hongju|authorlink=|coauthors=|year=1990|title=The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power After the Iran-Contra Affair|publisher=Yale University Press|location=|id=ISBN}}p. 52</ref><ref name="con">{{cite book|last=Fausold|first=Martin L.|authorlink=|coauthors=Alan Shank|year=1991|title=The Constitution and the American Presidency|publisher=SUNY Press|location=|id=ISBN}} Pages 186–187.</ref> According to foreign affairs analyst Jane Hunter, ] stepped in as a ] for the United States after the Clark Amendment took effect.<ref name="jhunter">{{cite book|last=Hunter|first=Jane|year=1987|title=Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America|page=16|publisher=South End Press|quote=In 1975 Israel followed Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's advice and helped South Africa with its invasion of Angola. Even after the passage the following year of the Clark Amendment forbidding U.S. covert involvement in Angola, Israel apparently considered Kissinger's nod a continuing mandate. Excerpts at }}</ref><ref name="angolagate">{{cite web|author=Wayne Madsen|year=2002|url=http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576|title=Report Alleges US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal|format=HTML|publisher=CorpWatch|accessdate=2007-09-04|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
Two days before the program's approval, ], the Assistant Secretary of State, told ], the ], that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the ] would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved the program, Davis resigned.<ref name=davis>{{cite book|last=Brown|first=Seyom|year=1994|title=The Faces of Power: Constancy and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman to Clinton|page=303}}</ref> ], the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying that success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Chile ], also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on 13 May 1975. Mulcahy believed the Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the communist MPLA, refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned that supporting UNITA would not sit well with ], the president of Zaire.<ref name=start/><ref name=mulcahy>{{cite book|last=Hanhim̀eaki|first=Jussi M.|year=2004|title=The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy|page=408}}</ref> | |||
The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the ] on ], ].<ref name="unveto">Kalley (1999). Page 4.</ref> Zambia forbid UNITA from launching attacks from its territory after Angola became a member of the UN<ref name="nineteenseventysix">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=1977|url=http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,918577,00.html|title='Absolute Hell Over There'|format=HTML|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2007-09-12|accessyear=2007}}</ref> on ], ].<ref name="unadmission">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=Unknown|url=http://www2.un.int/Countries/Angola/1132757526.pdf|title=Our Former Ambassadors|format=PDF|publisher=United Nations|accessdate=2007-09-12|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
], a ] Senator from ], discovered the operation during a fact-finding mission in Africa, but ], a reporter for '']'', revealed IA Feature to the public on 13 December 1975.<ref name=clark>{{cite book|last=Baravalle|first=Giorgio|year=2004|title=Rethink: Cause and Consequences of September 11|page=cdxcii}}</ref> Clark proposed ] to the ], barring aid to private groups engaged in military or ] operations in Angola. The ] passed the bill, voting 54–22 on 19 December 1975, and the ] passed the bill, voting 323–99 on 27 January 1976.<ref name=termination/> Ford signed the bill into law on 9 February 1976.<ref name=clarksign>{{cite book|last=Gates|first=Robert Michael|year=2007|title=From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War|page=68}}</ref> Even after the Clark Amendment became law, then-], ], refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola had ceased.<ref name=ns>{{cite book|last=Koh|first=Harold Hongju|year=1990|title=The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power After the Iran-Contra Affair|url=https://archive.org/details/nationalsecurity00kohh|url-access=registration|publisher=Yale University Press}}p. 52</ref><ref name=con>{{cite book|last=Fausold|first=Martin L.|author2=Shank, Alan |year=1991|title=The Constitution and the American Presidency|publisher=SUNY Press}} pp. 186–187.</ref> According to foreign affairs analyst Jane Hunter, ] stepped in as a ] for South Africa after the Clark Amendment took effect.<ref name=jhunter>{{cite book|last=Hunter|first=Jane|year=1987|title=Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America|url=https://archive.org/details/pdfy-SHJFNtzFTutJVd8R|page=|publisher=]|quote=In 1975 Israel followed Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's advice and helped South Africa with its invasion of Angola. Even after the passage the following year of the Clark Amendment forbidding U.S. covert involvement in Angola, Israel apparently considered Kissinger's nod a continuing mandate.}}</ref> Israel and South Africa established a longstanding military alliance, in which Israel provided weapons and training, as well as conducting joint military exercises.<ref>Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, ''The Israel Connection: Who Israel Arms and Why'', New York: Pantheon Books, 1987, {{ISBN|978-0-394-55922-3}}, Chapter 5: "South Africa and Israel: An Alliance of Desperation" (pp. 108–174). "The alliance between South Africa and Israel is symbiotic in many areas of military endeavor, with Israel usually the more vital element. Israel is South Africa's closest military ally and its source of inspiration and technology. The Uzi and Galil weapons are as visible in South Africa today as they are in Haiti and Guatemala (Leonard, 1983)."</ref> | |||
===Vietnam=== | |||
The ] tempered foreign involvement in Angola's civil war as neither the Soviet Union nor the United States wanted to be drawn into an internal conflict of highly debatable importance in terms of winning the ]. ]caster ] spread this message in his broadcasts to "try to play our small part in preventing that mistake this time."<ref name="cronkite">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=1975|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,945436-2,00.html|title=The Battle Over Angola|format=HTML|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2007-09-12|accessyear=2007}}</ref> The ] engaged in heated debate over the extent to which the Soviet Union would support a continued offensive by the MPLA in February 1976. Foreign Minister ] and ] ] led a faction favoring less support for the MPLA and greater emphasis on preserving ] with the ]. ], the then head of the Soviet Union, won out against the dissident faction and the Soviet alliance with the MPLA continued even as Neto publicly reaffirmed its policy of non-alignment at the 15th anniversary of the First Revolt.<ref name="sovfactions">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=1976|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918018-1,00.html|title=Angola's Three Troubled Neighbors|format=HTML|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2007-09-12|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the ] on 23 June 1976.<ref>Kalley (1999), p. 4.</ref> Zambia forbade UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on 28 December 1976<ref>{{cite news|date=28 December 1976|url=http://www.newspaperarchive.com/LandingPage.aspx?type=glpnews&search=december%201%20zambia&img=21143322|title=Zambia bans UNITA|newspaper=The Gleaner|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=19 January 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120119122210/http://www.newspaperarchive.com/LandingPage.aspx?type=glpnews&search=december%201%20zambia&img=21143322|url-status=live}}</ref> after Angola under MPLA rule became a member of the United Nations.<ref name=nineteenseventysix>{{cite magazine|date=17 January 1977|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918577,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070303135539/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918577,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=3 March 2007|title=Absolute Hell Over There|magazine=Time |access-date=10 February 2008}}</ref> According to Ambassador ], the United States abstained from voting on the issue of Angola becoming a UN member state "out of respect for the sentiments expressed by its African friends".<ref>{{cite news|date=1 December 1976|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1350&dat=19761201&id=aBBPAAAAIBAJ&pg=6776,3309956&hl=en|title=Angola Becomes U.N. Member; U.S. Abstains in Voting|newspaper=]|access-date=13 October 2017|archive-date=11 October 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211011103935/https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1350&dat=19761201&id=aBBPAAAAIBAJ&pg=6776,3309956&hl=en|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
Angolan government and Cuban troops had control over all southern cities by 1977, but roads in the south faced repeated UNITA attacks. Savimbi expressed his willingness for rapprochement with the MPLA and the formation of a unity, socialist government, but he insisted on Cuban withdrawal first. "The real enemy is Cuban colonialism," Savimbi told reporters, warning, "The Cubans have taken over the country, but sooner or later they will suffer their own ] in Angola." Government and Cuban troops used flame throwers, bulldozers, and planes with napalm to destroy villages in a 1.6 mile wide area along the Angola-Namibia border. Only women and children passed through this area, "Castro Corridor," because government troops had shot all males ten years of age or older to prevent them from joining the UNITA. The napalm killed cattle to feed government troops and to retaliate against UNITA sympathizers. Angolans fled from their homeland; 10,000 going south to Namibia and 16,000 east to Zambia where they lived in refugee camps.<ref name="nineteenseventysix"/> Foreign Secretary ] of the ] expressed similar concerns over British involvement in ]'s ] during the ] in 1980.<ref name="carrington">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=1980|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,923868,00.html|title=Carrington on Rhodesia|format=HTML|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2007-09-12|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
===Shaba invasions=== | ===Shaba invasions=== | ||
] | |||
{{Main|Shaba I|Shaba II}} | {{Main|Shaba I|Shaba II}} | ||
], ]]] | |||
1,500 members of the ] (FNLC) invaded ], ] from eastern Angola on ], ]. The FNLC wanted to overthrow Mobutu and the Angolan government, suffering from Mobutu's support for the FNLA and UNITA, did not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to capture ], Zaire's economic heartland, but took Kasaji, and Mutshatsha. Zairian troops were defeated without difficulty and the FNLC continued to advance. Mobutu appealed to ] of ], Chairman of the ], for assistance on ]. Eight days later, the French government responded to Mobutu's plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into ]. This troop force worked in conjunction with the Zairian army and the ]<ref name="fnlashaba">{{cite book|last=Garthoff|first=Raymond Leonard|year=1985|title=Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan|page=624}}</ref> of Angola with air cover from ]ian pilots flying French ] fighter aircraft to beat back the FNLC. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with a number of refugees, into Angola and Zambia in April.<ref name="shabaone">{{cite book|last=Schraeder|first=Peter J.|year=1999|title=United States Foreign Policy Toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis and Change|page=87–88}}</ref><ref name="frenchshaba">{{cite book|last=Danopoulos|first=Constantine Panos|coauthors=Watson, Cynthia Ann|year=1996|title=The Political Role of the Military: An International Handbook|page=451}}</ref><ref name="ancshaba">{{cite book|last=Ihonvbere|first=Julius Omozuanvbo|coauthors=Mbaku, John Mukum|year=2003|title=Political Liberalization and Democratization in Africa: Lessons from Country Experiences|page=228}}</ref><ref name="oau">{{cite book|last=Tanca|first=Antonio|year=1993|title=Foreign Armed Intervention in Internal Conflict|page=169}}</ref> | |||
About 1,500 members of the ] (FNLC) invaded the ] (modern-day Katanga Province) in Zaire from eastern Angola on 7 March 1977. The FNLC wanted to overthrow Mobutu, and the MPLA government, suffering from Mobutu's support for the FNLA and UNITA, did not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to capture ], Zaire's economic heartland, but took Kasaji and Mutshatsha. The Zairean army (the ]) was defeated without difficulty and the FNLC continued to advance. On 2 April, Mobutu appealed to ] of ], Chairman of the ], for assistance. Eight days later, the French government responded to Mobutu's plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into ]. This force worked in conjunction with the Zairean army, the FNLA<ref name=fnlashaba>{{cite book|last=Garthoff|first=Raymond Leonard|year=1985|title=Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan|url=https://archive.org/details/detenteconfronta00raym|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Brookings Institution |isbn=978-0-8157-3044-6}}</ref> and ]ian pilots flying French-made Zairean ] fighter aircraft to beat back the FNLC. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with numerous refugees, into Angola and Zambia in April 1977.<ref name=shabaone>{{cite book|last=Schraeder|first=Peter J.|year=1999|title=United States Foreign Policy Toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis and Change|pages=87–88}}</ref><ref name=frenchshaba>{{cite book|last=Danopoulos|first=Constantine Panos|author2=Watson, Cynthia Ann|year=1996|title=The Political Role of the Military: An International Handbook|url=https://archive.org/details/politicalroleoft00dano|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-0-313-28837-1}}</ref><ref name=ancshaba>{{cite book|last=Ihonvbere|first=Julius Omozuanvbo|author2=Mbaku, John Mukum|year=2003|title=Political Liberalization and Democratization in Africa: Lessons from Country Experiences|page=228}}</ref><ref name=oau>{{cite book|last=Tanca|first=Antonio|year=1993|title=Foreign Armed Intervention in Internal Conflict|page=169}}</ref> | |||
Mobutu accused the Angolan government, as well as the Cuban and Soviet governments, of complicity in the war.<ref name="accuse">{{cite book|last=Dunn|first=Kevin C|year=2003|title=Imagining the Congo: The International Relations of Identity|page=129}}</ref> While Neto did support the FNLC, the Angolan government's support came in response to Mobutu's continued support for Angola's anti-Communists.<ref name="guilt">{{cite book|last=Mukenge|first=Tshilemalema|year=2002|title=Culture and Customs of the Congo|page=31}}</ref> The ], unconvinced of Cuban involvement, responded by offering a meager $15 million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity during the war prompted a shift in ] from the U.S. to France, which became Zaire's largest supplier of arms after the intervention.<ref name="profrance">{{cite book|last=Vine|first=Victor T. Le|year=2004|title=Politics in Francophone Africa|page=381}}</ref> Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on ], ].<ref name="borderagree">{{cite book|last=Osmâanczyk|first=Edmund Jan|coauthors=Mango, Anthony|year=2003|title=Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements|page=95}}</ref> | |||
Mobutu accused the MPLA, Cuban and Soviet governments of complicity in the war.<ref name=accuse>{{cite book|last=Dunn|first=Kevin C|year=2003|title=Imagining the Congo: The International Relations of Identity|url=https://archive.org/details/imaginingcongoin0000dunn|url-access=registration|page=}}</ref> While Neto did support the FNLC, the MPLA government's support came in response to Mobutu's continued support for Angola's FNLA.<ref name=guilt>{{cite book|last=Mukenge|first=Tshilemalema|year=2002|title=Culture and Customs of the Congo|url=https://archive.org/details/culturecustomsof00muke|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Greenwood Press|isbn=978-0-313-31485-8}}</ref> The ], unconvinced of Cuban involvement, responded by offering a meager $15 million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity during the war prompted a shift in ] towards greater engagement with France, which became Zaire's largest supplier of arms after the intervention.<ref name=profrance>{{cite book|last=Vine|first=Victor T. Le|year=2004|title=Politics in Francophone Africa|page=381}}</ref> Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on 22 July 1977.<ref name=borderagree>{{cite book|last=Osmâanczyk|first=Edmund January|author2=Mango, Anthony|year=2003|title=Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements|page=95}}</ref> | |||
], the ]'s station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in an article for '']'' article ''Why I'm Leaving the CIA'', published on ], ] that he had warned Secretary of State ] that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement.<ref name="stockresign">{{cite book|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|coauthors=Herman, Edward S.|title=The political economy of human right|page=308}}</ref> | |||
], the CIA's station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in the April 1977 '']'' article "Why I'm Leaving the CIA" that he had warned Secretary of State ] that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said that covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement.<ref name=stockresign>{{cite book|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|author2=Herman, Edward S|title=The political economy of human right|page=308}}</ref> | |||
The FNLC invaded Shaba again on ], ], capturing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity.<ref name="shabatwo">{{cite book|last=Mesa-Lago|first=Carmelo|coauthors=Belkin, June S.|year=1982|title=Cuba in Africa|page=30–31}}</ref> This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the ] and ] militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since the ].<ref name="mobpeal">George. (2005). Page 136.</ref><ref name="firstfrench">{{cite book|last=Gösta|first=Carl|coauthors=Widstrand, Timothy M. Shaw, and Douglas George Anglin|year=1978|title=Canada, Scandinavia, and Southern Africa|page=130}}</ref> The ] took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia and back to Angola, vowing to return. The Zairian army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's 65-mile long border with Angola and Mobutu ordered them to shoot on sight.<ref name="kolwezibattle">{{cite web|author=|year=1978|url=http://www.time.com/time/printout/0,8816,916174,00.html|title=Inside Kolwezi: Toll of Terror|format=HTML|publisher=TIME magazine|accessdate=2007-09-20|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
The FNLC invaded Shaba again on 11 May 1978, capturing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity.<ref name=shabatwo>{{cite book|last=Mesa-Lago|first=Carmelo|author2=Belkin, June S|year=1982|title=Cuba in Africa|pages=30–31}}</ref> This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the French and ] militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since the Vietnam War.<ref name=mobpeal>George (2005), p. 136.</ref><ref name=firstfrench>{{cite book|last=Gösta|first=Carl|author2=Shaw, Timothy M|author3=Anglin, Douglas George|year=1978|isbn=978-91-7106-143-0|title=Canada, Scandinavia, and Southern Africa|page=|publisher=Nordic Africa Institute |url=https://archive.org/details/canadascandinavi0000unse/page/130}}</ref> The ] took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance, the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairean army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's border with Angola. Mobutu, wanting to prevent any chance of another invasion, ordered his troops to shoot on sight.<ref name=kolwezibattle>{{cite magazine|date=5 June 1978|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,916174,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090202195705/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,916174,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=2 February 2009|title=Inside Kolwezi: Toll of Terror|magazine=Time |access-date=10 February 2008}}</ref> | |||
U.S. mediated negotiations between the Angolan and Zairian governments led to a peace accord and an end to support for insurgencies in each others' respective countries. Zaire temporarily cutoff support to ], the ], and ] and Angola forbid further activity by the FNLC.<ref name="mobpeal"/> | |||
U.S.-mediated negotiations between the MPLA and Zairean governments led to ] and an end to support for insurgencies in each other's respective countries. Zaire temporarily cut off support to the FLEC, the FNLA and UNITA, and Angola forbade further activity by the FNLC.<ref name=mobpeal/> | |||
===Nitistas=== | ===Nitistas=== | ||
{{Main|1970s in Angola|1977 Angolan coup d'état attempt}} | |||
Neto's ], ], had successfully put down ]'s ] and the Active Revolt during Angola's War of Independence. Factionalism within the MPLA became a major challenge to Neto's power by late 1975 and he gave Alves the task of once again clamping down on dissension. Alves shut down the Cabral and Henda Committees while expanding his influence within the MPLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Alves visited the Soviet Union in October 1976. When he returned, Neto began taking steps to neutralize the threat he saw in the Nitistas, followers of Alves. Neto called a ] meeting of the Central Committee of the MPLA. Neto formally designated the party ], abolished the Interior Ministry and DOM, the official branch of the MPLA used by the Nitistas, and established a Commission of Enquiry. Neto used the commission, officially created to examine and report factionalism, to target the Nitistas, and ordered the commission to issue a report of its findings in March 1977. Alves and Chief of Staff José Van-Dunem, his political ally, began planning a ] against dos Santos.<ref name="neutralize">{{cite book|last=George|first=Edward|year=2005|title=The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale|page=127–128}}</ref> | |||
By the late 1970s, Interior Minister ] had become a powerful member of the MPLA government. Alves had successfully put down ]'s ] and the Active Revolt during Angola's War of Independence. Factionalism within the MPLA became a major challenge to Neto's power by late 1975 and Neto gave Alves the task of once again clamping down on dissent. Alves shut down the Cabral and Henda Committees while expanding his influence within the MPLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Alves visited the Soviet Union in October 1976, and may have obtained Soviet support for a coup against Neto. By the time he returned, Neto had grown suspicious of Alves' growing power and sought to neutralize him and his followers, the Nitistas. Neto called a ] meeting of the Central Committee of the MPLA. Neto formally designated the party as ], abolished the Interior Ministry (of which Alves was the head)<!--What is this?: and DOM-->, and established a Commission of Enquiry. Neto used the commission to target the Nitistas, and ordered the commission to issue a report of its findings in March 1977. Alves and Chief of Staff José Van-Dunem, his political ally, began planning a coup d'état against Neto.<ref name=neutralize>{{cite book|last=George|first=Edward|year=2005|title=The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale|url=https://archive.org/details/cubaninterventio00geor|url-access=limited|pages=–128|publisher=Frank Cass |isbn=978-0-415-35015-0}}</ref> | |||
], MPLA leader and ], meets with Poland's ambassador in Luanda, 1978]] | |||
Alves represented the MPLA at the 25th Soviet Communist Party Congress in February 1977 and may have then obtained support for the coup from the ]. Alves and Van-Dunem planned to arrest Neto on ] before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report. The MPLA changed the meeting's location shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray, but Alves attended the meeting and faced the commission anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Alves fought back, denouncing Neto for not aligning Angola with the Soviet Union. After twelve hours of debate, the party voted 26 to 6 to kick Alves and Van-Dunem out of power.<ref name="neutralize"/> | |||
Alves and Van-Dunem planned to arrest Neto on 21 May before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report on the activities of the Nitistas. The MPLA changed the location of the meeting shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray. Alves attended anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Alves fought back, denouncing Neto for not aligning Angola with the Soviet Union. After twelve hours of debate, the party voted 26 to 6 to dismiss Alves and Van-Dunem from their positions.<ref name=neutralize/> | |||
In support of Alves and the coup, the ] (FAPLA) 8th Brigade broke into São Paulo prison on 27 May, killing the prison warden and freeing more than 150 Nitistas. The 8th brigade then took control of the radio station in ] and announced their coup, calling themselves the MPLA Action Committee. The brigade asked citizens to show their support for the coup by demonstrating in front of the presidential palace. The Nitistas captured Bula and Dangereaux, generals loyal to Neto, but Neto had moved his base of operations from the palace to the Ministry of Defence in fear of such an uprising. Cuban troops loyal to Neto retook the palace and marched to the radio station. The Cubans succeeded in taking the radio station and proceeded to the barracks of the 8th Brigade, recapturing it by 1:30 pm. While the Cuban force captured the palace and radio station, the Nitistas kidnapped seven leaders within the government and the military, shooting and killing six.<ref name=purge>George (2005), pp. 129–131.</ref> | |||
The government arrested tens of thousands of suspected Nitistas from May to November and tried them in |
The MPLA government arrested tens of thousands of suspected Nitistas from May to November and tried them in secret courts overseen by Defense Minister ]. Those who were found guilty, including Van-Dunem, Jacobo "Immortal Monster" Caetano, the head of the 8th Brigade, and political commissar Eduardo Evaristo, were shot and buried in secret graves. At least 2,000 followers (or alleged followers) of Nito Alves were estimated to have been killed by Cuban and MPLA troops in the aftermath, with some estimates claiming as high as 90,000 dead. ] estimated 30,000 died in the purge.<ref>{{cite web|title=The orphans of Angola's secret massacre seek the truth|author=|website=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54025264.amp|date=6 September 2020|access-date=1 July 2021|archive-date=9 July 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709194447/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54025264.amp|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>Sulc, Lawrence. "Communists coming clean about their past atrocities", ''Human Events'' (13 October 1990): 12.</ref><ref>Ramaer, J. C. ''Soviet Communism: The Essentials''. Second Edition. Translated by G. E. Luton. Stichting Vrijheid, Vrede, Verdediging (Belgium), 1986.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8BlJAwAAQBAJ|title=In the Name of the People: Angola's Forgotten Massacre|last=Pawson|first=Lara|date=30 April 2014|publisher=I.B.Tauris|isbn=978-1-78076-905-9|language=en}}</ref> | ||
The coup attempt had a lasting effect on Angola's foreign relations. Alves had opposed Neto's foreign policy of ], ], and multiracialism, favoring stronger relations with the Soviet Union, which Alves wanted to grant military bases in Angola. While Cuban soldiers actively helped Neto put down the coup, Alves and Neto both believed the Soviet Union opposed Neto. Cuban Armed Forces Minister ] sent an additional four thousand troops to prevent further dissension within the MPLA's ranks and met with Neto in August in a display of solidarity. In contrast, Neto's distrust of the Soviet leadership increased and relations with the USSR worsened.<ref name=purge/> In December, the MPLA held its first party Congress and changed its name to the MPLA-Worker's Party (MPLA-PT). The Nitista attempted coup took a toll on the MPLA's membership. In 1975, the MPLA had reached 200,000 members, but after the first party congress, that number decreased to 30,000.<ref name=neutralize/><ref name=Fauriol>Georges A. Fauriol and Eva Loser. ''Cuba: The International Dimension'', 1990 ({{ISBN|978-0-88738-324-3}}), p. 164.</ref><ref name=alves>{{cite book|last=Hodges|first=Tony|year=2004|title=Angola: Anatomy of an Oil State|page=50}}</ref><ref name=alvsoviet>{{cite book|last=Domínguez|first=Jorge I.|year=1989|title=To Make a World Safe for Revolution: Cuba's Foreign Policy|page=158}}</ref><ref name=poderpop>{{cite book|last=Radu|first=Michael S.|year=1990|title=The New Insurgencies: Anticommunist Guerrillas in the Third World|pages=134–135}}</ref> | |||
===Rise of dos Santos=== | |||
On ], ], Neto issued a decree requiring all citizens to serve in the military for three years upon turning the age of eighteen. The government gave a report to the UN estimating $293 million in property damage from South African attacks between 1976 and 1979, asking for compensation on ], ]. The ], a Cabindan separatist rebel group, attacked a Cuban base near Tshiowa on ].<ref name="seventies">Kalley (1999). Page 12.</ref> | |||
===Replacing Neto=== | |||
President Neto died from inoperable cancer in ] on ], ]. ] and Pascual Luvualo flew to Moscow and the MPLA declared 45 days of mourning. The government held his funeral at the Palace of the People on ]. Many foreign dignitaries, including Organization of African Unity President ] of ], attended. The Central Committee of the MPLA unanimously voted in favor of ] as President. He was sworn in on ]. Under dos Santos' leadership, Angolan troops crossed the border into ] for the first time on ], going into ]. The next day, the governments of ], ], and ] signed a ].<ref name="seventies"/> | |||
The Soviets tried to increase their influence, wanting to establish permanent military bases in Angola,<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|date=Fall 1987|title=Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa*|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-interamerican-studies-and-world-affairs/article/cubas-impact-in-southern-africa/A617D41A603A1534EE88A6BBFAE03A10|journal=Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs|language=en|volume=29|issue=3|pages=33–54|doi=10.2307/165843|jstor=165843|issn=0022-1937|access-date=28 May 2020|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185527/https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-interamerican-studies-and-world-affairs/article/abs/cubas-impact-in-southern-africa/A617D41A603A1534EE88A6BBFAE03A10|url-status=live}}</ref> but despite persistent lobbying, especially by the Soviet ], ], Neto stood his ground and refused to allow the construction of permanent military bases. With Alves no longer a possibility, the Soviet Union backed Prime Minister ] against Neto for the MPLA's leadership.<ref name=cpsu>{{cite book|last=Westad|first=Odd Arne|year=2005|title=The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times|url=https://archive.org/details/globalcoldwarthi00west|url-access=limited|pages=–241|publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-85364-4}}</ref> Neto moved swiftly, getting the party's Central Committee to fire Nascimento from his posts as Prime Minister, Secretary of the Politburo, Director of National Television, and Director of ''Jornal de Angola''. Later that month, the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were abolished.<ref name=denasc>Kalley (1999), p. 10.</ref> | |||
Neto diversified the ethnic composition of the MPLA's political bureau as he replaced the hardline old guard with new blood, including ].<ref name=newblood>{{cite book|last=Taylor & Francis Group|year=2003|title=Africa South of the Sahara 2004|pages=41–42}}</ref> When he died on 10 September 1979, the party's Central Committee unanimously voted to elect dos Santos as president.{{citation needed|date=April 2023}} | |||
==1980s== | ==1980s== | ||
{{Main| |
{{Main|1980s in Angola}} | ||
] | |||
] | |||
In the ], fighting spread outward from southeastern Angola, where most of the fighting had taken place in the ], as the National Congolese Army (ANC) and ] increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987,<ref name="safricainvasion"/> prompting the ] to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. In 1981, newly elected ] ]'s U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, ], developed a ], tying ]n independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.<ref name="linkage">{{cite book|last=Tvedten|first=Inge|year=1997|title=Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction|page=38–39}}</ref><ref name="crocker">{{cite web|author=John Hashimoto|year=1999|url=http://edition.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/guides/debate/chats/crocker/|title=Cold War Chat: Chester Crocker, Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs|format=HTML|publisher=CNN|accessdate=2007-09-20|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
Under dos Santos's leadership, Angolan troops crossed the border into Namibia for the first time on 31 October, going into ]. The next day, dos Santos signed a non-aggression pact with Zambia and Zaire.<ref name=seventies>Kalley (1999), p. 12.</ref> In the 1980s, fighting spread outward from southeastern Angola, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the National Congolese Army (ANC) and ] increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987,<ref name=safricainvasion/> prompting the ] to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. The USSR gave the MPLA more than US$2 billion in aid in 1984.<ref name=ruaid>{{cite book|last=Zemtsov|first=Ilya|author2=Farrar, John |year=1989|title=Gorbachev: The Man and the System|url=https://archive.org/details/gorbachevmant00zemt|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=978-0-88738-222-2}}</ref> In 1981, newly elected United States President ]'s U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, ], developed a ], tying Namibian independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.<ref name=linkage>{{cite book|last=Tvedten|first=Inge|year=1997|title=Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction|url=https://archive.org/details/angolastrugglefo00tved|url-access=registration|pages=}}</ref><ref name=crocker>{{cite news|author= Hashimoto, John|year=1999|url=http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/guides/debate/chats/crocker/|title=Cold War Chat: Chester Crocker, Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs|publisher=CNN|access-date=10 February 2008 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20060923171400/http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/guides/debate/chats/crocker/ |archive-date = 23 September 2006}}</ref> | |||
Beginning with 1979, Romania trained Angolan guerrillas. Every 3–4 months, Romania sent two airplanes to Angola, each returning with 166 recruits. These were taken back to Angola after they completed their training. In addition to guerrilla training, Romania also instructed young Angolans as pilots. In 1979, under the command of Major General {{ill|Aurel Niculescu|ro}}, Romania founded an air academy in Angola. There were around 100 Romanian instructors in this academy, with about 500 Romanian soldiers guarding the base, which supported 50 aircraft used to train Angolan pilots. The aircraft models used were: ], ], ], ] and ].<ref name="books.google.ro">{{Cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wlL9YrYD3zMC&pg=PA372|title=Continuing Presidential Authority to Waive Freedom of Emigration Provisions: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on International Trade of the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, Ninety-eighth Congress, Second Session, August 8, 1984|first=United States Congress Senate Committee on Finance Subcommittee on International|last=Trade|date=16 February 1985|publisher=U.S. Government Printing Office|via=Google Books|access-date=22 February 2023|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185512/https://books.google.com/books?id=wlL9YrYD3zMC&pg=PA372|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="ONMMAQAAMAAJ 1983">{{Cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ONMMAQAAMAAJ&q=niculescu|title=Spotlight on Africa|date=16 February 1983|publisher=American-African Affairs Association|via=Google Books|access-date=22 February 2023|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185454/https://books.google.com/books?id=ONMMAQAAMAAJ&q=niculescu|url-status=live}}</ref> Designated as the "Commander Bula National Military Aviation School", it was set up on 11 February 1981 in ]. The facility trained air force pilots, technicians and General Staff officers. The Romanian teaching staff was gradually replaced by Angolans.<ref name="DZQPAQAAMAAJ 1982">{{Cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DZQPAQAAMAAJ&q=romanian+negage|title=Bulletin|date=16 February 1982|publisher=Angola Information|via=Google Books|access-date=22 February 2023|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185457/https://books.google.com/books?id=DZQPAQAAMAAJ&q=romanian+negage|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
The South African military attacked insurgents in Cunene Province on 12 May 1980. The Angolan Ministry of Defense accused the South African government of wounding and killing civilians. Nine days later, the SADF attacked again, this time in Cuando-Cubango, and the MPLA threatened to respond militarily. The SADF launched a full-scale invasion of Angola through Cunene and Cuando-Cubango on 7 June, destroying SWAPO's operational command headquarters on 13 June, in what Prime Minister ] described as a "shock attack". The MPLA government arrested 120 Angolans who were planning to set off explosives in Luanda, on 24 June, foiling a plot purportedly orchestrated by the South African government. Three days later, the ] convened at the behest of Angola's ambassador to the UN, E. de Figuerido, and condemned South Africa's incursions into Angola. President Mobutu of Zaire also sided with the MPLA. The MPLA government recorded 529 instances in which they claim South African forces violated Angola's territorial sovereignty between January and June 1980.<ref name=terrsov>Kalley (1999), pp. 13–14.</ref> | |||
] | |||
Cuba increased its troop force in Angola from 35,000 in 1982 to 40,000 in 1985. South African forces tried to capture ], capital of ], in ] in December 1983.<ref name=linkage/> | |||
The South African military attacked insurgents in Cunene Province on ], ]. The Angolan Ministry of Defense accused the South African government of wounding and killing civilians. Nine days later, the SADF attacked again, this time in Cuando-Cubango, and the MPLA threatened to respond militarily. The SADF launched a full-scale invasion of Angola through Cunene and Cuando-Cubango on ], destroying SWAPO's operational command headquarters on ], in what Prime Minister ] described as a "shock attack". The Angolan government arrested 120 Angolans who were planning to set off explosives in Luanda, on ], foiling a plot purportedly orchestrated by the South African government. Three days later, the ] convened at the behest of Angola's ambassador to the UN, E. de Figuerido, and condemned South Africa's incursions into Angola. President Mobutu of Zaire also sided with the MPLA. The Angolan government recorded 529 instances in which South African forces violated Angola's territorial sovereignty between January and June 1980.<ref name="terrsov">{{cite book|last=Kalley|first=Jacqueline Audrey|year=1999|title=Southern African Political History: a chronological of key political events from independence to Mid-1997|page=13–14}}</ref> | |||
In 1984, five Mexican nationals (who are doing missionary work) were kidnapped by UNITA in 1984. The nuns were later released through negotiations by the ]. In response to the incident, Mexican Foreign Minister ] had visited Angola in 1985 to support the MPLA to (both diplomatically and militarily) protect Mexican nationals.<ref name="Mexican nationals" /> | |||
Cuba increased its 35,000-strong troop force in Angola from 35,000 in 1982 to 40,000 in 1985. South African forces tried to capture ], capital of ], in ] in December 1983.<ref name="linkage"/> | |||
American conservative activists held the ], a meeting of anti-Communist militants, at |
On 2 June 1985, American conservative activists held the ], a symbolic meeting of anti-Communist militants, at UNITA's headquarters in ].<ref name=demint>{{cite book|last=Franklin|first=Jane|year=1997|title=Cuba and the United States: A Chronological History|url=https://archive.org/details/cubaunitedstates0000fran|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Ocean Press |isbn=978-1-875284-92-4}}</ref> Primarily funded by ] founder ] and organized by anti-communist activists ] and Jack Wheeler, participants included Savimbi, ], leader of the ]n ], ], ] ] rebel leader, U.S. Lieutenant Colonel ], South African security forces, ], ] ] leader, Jack Wheeler, American conservative policy advocate, and many others.<ref name=crusade>{{cite book|last=Easton|first=Nina J.|year=2000|title=Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade|url=https://archive.org/details/gangoffiveleader00east|url-access=registration|pages=|publisher=Simon & Schuster |isbn=978-0-684-83899-1}}</ref> The ], although unwilling to publicly support the meeting, privately expressed approval. The governments of ] and South Africa supported the idea, but both respective countries were deemed inadvisable for hosting the conference.<ref name=crusade/> | ||
The participants released a communiqué stating, | The participants released a communiqué stating, | ||
<blockquote>We, free peoples fighting for our national independence and human rights, assembled at Jamba, declare our solidarity with all freedom movements in the world and state our commitment to cooperate to liberate our nations from the Soviet Imperialists.</blockquote> | |||
The ] voted 236 to 185 to repeal the Clark Amendment on |
The ] voted 236 to 185 to repeal the Clark Amendment on 11 July 1985.<ref name=clarkrepeal>{{cite news|author=Fuerbringer, Jonathan|date=11 July 2008|url=https://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F50816F93C5C0C728DDDAE0894DD484D81&n=Top%2fNews%2fWorld%2fCountries%20and%20Territories%2fAngola|title=House acts to allow Angola rebel aid|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=2 February 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090202211637/http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F50816F93C5C0C728DDDAE0894DD484D81&n=Top%2FNews%2FWorld%2FCountries%20and%20Territories%2FAngola|url-status=live}}</ref> The MPLA government began attacking UNITA later that month from Luena towards Cazombo along the Benguela Railway in a military operation named Congresso II, taking Cazombo on 18 September. The MPLA government tried unsuccessfully to take UNITA's supply depot in ] from ]. While the attack failed, very different interpretations of the attack emerged. UNITA claimed Portuguese-speaking Soviet officers led FAPLA troops while the government said UNITA relied on South African paratroopers to defeat the MPLA attack. The South African government admitted to fighting in the area, but said its troops fought SWAPO militants.<ref name="Escape from Violence">{{Cite book |last1=Zolberg |first1=Aristide R. |url=https://archive.org/details/escapefromviolen0000zolb |title=Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World |last2=Suhrke |first2=Astri |last3=Aguayo |first3=Sergio |publisher=] |year=1989 |isbn=978-0-19-505592-4 |location=New York |pages=312 |url-access=registration}}</ref> | ||
===War intensifies=== | |||
The Soviet Union gave an additional $1 billion in aid to the Angolan government and Cuba sent an additional 2,000 troops to the 35,000 strong force in Angola to protect ] oil platforms in 1986.<ref name="eightyfive"/> Savimbi had called Chevron's presence in Angola, already protected by Cuban troops, a "target" for UNITA in an interview with '']'' on ].<ref name="chevtarget">Franklin (1997). Page 219.</ref> Savimbi met with President Reagan, who, as part of his Cold War strategy, spoke of UNITA winning a victory that "electrifies the world" at the ] in January 1986. Two months later, Reagan announced the delivery of ] as part of the $25 million in aid UNITA received from the U.S. government.<ref name="electrifies">{{cite web|author=Chris Simpson|year=2002|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/264094.stm|title=Obituary: Jonas Savimbi, Unita's local boy|format=HTML=publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2007-09-20|accessyear=2007}}</ref><ref name="linkage"/> ], UNITA's representative to the U.S., became the Vice President of UNITA in August 1986 at the sixth party congress.<ref name="chitpromo">{{cite book|last=Martin|first=James W.|coauthors=|year=2004|title=Historical Dictionary of Angola|page=33}}</ref> ] made Crocker's proposal, the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and ], a prerequisite to Cuban withdrawal from Angola on ]. UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in ] province on ], ]. ANGOP alleged UNITA massacred civilians in Damba in ] on ]. The South African government agreed to Crocker's terms in principle on ]. Savimbi proposed a truce regarding the ] on ], saying MPLA trains could pass through as long as an international inspection group monitored trains to prevent their use for counter-insurgency activity. The government did not respond. The Angolan and American governments began negotiating in June 1987.<ref name="eighties">Kalley (1999). Page 36.</ref><ref name="timeline">{{cite book|last=Alao|first=Abiodun|coauthors=|year=1994|title=Brothers at War: Dissidence and Rebellion in Southern Africa|page=XIX–XXI}}</ref> | |||
By 1986, Angola began to assume a more central role in the Cold War, with the Soviet Union, Cuba and other Eastern bloc nations enhancing support for the MPLA government, and American conservatives beginning to elevate their support for Savimbi's UNITA. Savimbi developed close relations with influential American conservatives, who saw Savimbi as a key ally in the U.S. effort to oppose and rollback Soviet-backed, undemocratic governments around the world. The conflict quickly escalated, with both Washington and Moscow seeing it as a critical strategic conflict in the Cold War.{{citation needed|date=April 2023}} | |||
] | |||
===Cuito Cuanavale and New York=== | |||
The Soviet Union gave an additional $1 billion in aid to the MPLA government and Cuba sent an additional 2,000 troops to the 35,000-strong force in Angola to protect ] oil platforms in 1986.<ref name="Escape from Violence"/> Savimbi had called Chevron's presence in Angola, already protected by Cuban troops, a "target" for UNITA in an interview with '']'' on 31 January.<ref>Franklin (1997), p. 219.</ref> | |||
In Washington, Savimbi forged close relationships with influential conservatives, including ] (]'s foreign policy analyst and a key Savimbi advocate), ] (President of ] and a Savimbi economic advisor), and others, who played critical roles in elevating escalated U.S. covert aid to Savimbi's UNITA and visited with Savimbi in his ] headquarters to provide the Angolan rebel leader with military, political and other guidance in his war against the MPLA government. With enhanced U.S. support, the war quickly escalated, both in terms of the intensity of the conflict and also in its perception as a key conflict in the overall Cold War.<ref>{{cite news|author=Brooke, James|date=1 February 1987|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1987/02/01/world/cia-said-to-send-weapons-via-zaire-to-angola-rebels.html?sq=C.I.A.+Said+to+Send+Weapons+Via+Zaire+to+Angola+Rebels&scp=1&st=nyt|title=C.I.A. Said to Send Weapons Via Zaire to Angola Rebels|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=12 February 2008|archive-date=12 July 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220712092618/https://www.nytimes.com/1987/02/01/world/cia-said-to-send-weapons-via-zaire-to-angola-rebels.html?sq=C.I.A.+Said+to+Send+Weapons+Via+Zaire+to+Angola+Rebels&scp=1&st=nyt|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|author1=Molotsky, Irvin|author2=Weaver Jr, Warren|date=6 February 1986|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/06/us/briefing-a-mending-of-fences.html|title=A Mending of Fences|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=1 February 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090201095453/http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A0DEEDE1338F935A35751C0A960948260|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
In addition to escalating its military support for UNITA, the Reagan administration and its conservative allies also worked to expand recognition of Savimbi as a key U.S. ally in an important Cold War struggle. In January 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to a meeting at the White House. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA as winning a victory that "electrifies the world". Two months later, Reagan announced the delivery of ] as part of the $25 million in aid UNITA received from the U.S. government.<ref name=linkage/><ref>{{cite news|author=Simpson, Chris |date=25 February 2002|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/264094.stm|title=Obituary: Jonas Savimbi, Unita's local boy|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080124053912/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/264094.stm| archive-date= 24 January 2008|url-status= live}}</ref> ], UNITA's representative to the U.S., became the Vice President of UNITA in August 1986 at the sixth party congress.<ref name=chitpromo>{{cite book|last=Martin|first=James W.|year=2004|title=Historical Dictionary of Angola|page=33}}</ref> Fidel Castro made Crocker's proposal—the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and Namibia—a prerequisite to Cuban withdrawal from Angola on 10 September. | |||
UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in ] province on 8 February 1986. ANGOP alleged UNITA massacred civilians in Damba in ] later that month, on 26 February. The South African government agreed to Crocker's terms in principle on 8 March. Savimbi proposed a truce regarding the ] on 26 March, saying MPLA trains could pass through as long as an international inspection group monitored trains to prevent their use for counter-insurgency activity. The government did not respond. In April 1987, Fidel Castro sent Cuba's Fiftieth Brigade to southern Angola, increasing the number of Cuban troops from 12,000 to 15,000.<ref name=fidthou>{{cite book|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|year=1991|title=Disengagement from Southwest Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Namibia|page=213}}</ref> The MPLA and American governments began negotiating in June 1987.<ref name=eighties>Kalley (1999), p. 36.</ref><ref name=timeline>{{cite book|last=Alao|first=Abiodun|year=1994|title=Brothers at War: Dissidence and Rebellion in Southern Africa|url=https://archive.org/details/brothersatwardis00alao|url-access=registration|pages=XIX–XXI|publisher=British Academic Press|isbn=978-1-85043-816-8}}</ref> | |||
===Cuito Cuanavale and New York Accords=== | |||
{{Main|Battle of Cuito Cuanavale|New York Accords}} | {{Main|Battle of Cuito Cuanavale|New York Accords}} | ||
] | |||
UNITA and South African forces attacked the MPLA's base at ] in ] province from ] to ], ], in the second largest battle in the ],<ref name="sechist">George (2005). Page 1.</ref> after the ],<ref name="alamein">{{cite book|last=Mendelsohn|first=John|coauthors=Selma El Obeid|year=2004|title=Okavango River: The Flow of a Lifeline|page=56}}</ref> the largest in sub-Saharan Africa since ].<ref name="sinceworldwar">Alao (1994). Pages 33–34.</ref> Cuito Cuanavale's importance came not from its size or its wealth but its location. Capturing the city would allow UNITA and South Africa to proceed to Moxico and the ]. UNITA and South Africa retreated after a 15-hour battle on ].<ref name="cuitodate">{{cite book|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|year=1991|title=Disengagement from Southwest Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Namibia|publisher=University of Miami Institute for Soviet and East|page=79}}</ref><ref name="linkage"/> | |||
UNITA and South African forces attacked the MPLA's base at ] in ] province from 13 January to 23 March 1988, in the second-largest battle in the history of Africa,<ref name=sechist>George (2005), p. 1.</ref> after the ],<ref name=alamein>{{cite book|last1=Mendelsohn|first1=John|last2=El Obeid |first2=Selma |year=2004|title=Okavango River: The Flow of a Lifeline|page=56}}</ref> the largest in sub-Saharan Africa since World War II.<ref name=sinceworldwar>Alao (1994), pp. 33–34.</ref> Cuito Cuanavale's importance came not from its size or its wealth but its location. South African Defence Forces maintained an overwatch on the city using new, ] artillery pieces. Both sides claimed victory in the ensuing Battle of Cuito Cuanavale.<ref name=linkage/><ref>{{cite book|last=Steenkamp|first=W.|year=1989|title=South Africa's border war|publisher=Gibraltar: Ashanti Pub.}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Stiff|first=P.|year=2000|title=The Covert War: Koevoet Operations in Namibia |publisher=Galago Publishing Pty Ltd}}</ref><ref name=cuitodate>{{cite book|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|year=1991|title=Disengagement from Southwest Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Namibia|publisher=University of Miami Institute for Soviet and East|page=79}}</ref> | |||
The Cuban government joined negotiations on ], ], and all three parties held a round of negotiations on ]. The South African government, weakened from its decisive loss at Cuito Cuanavale, joined negotiations on ] and the parties met in June and August in ] and ]. All parties agreed to a ceasefire on ]. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the New York Accords, granting independence to ] and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in ], ] on ], ].<ref name="timeline"/><ref name="linkage">{{cite book|last=Tvedten|first=Inge|year=1997|title=Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction|page=38–40}}</ref> The ] passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the ], a UN peacekeeping force. UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January 1989.<ref name="foreignwithdraw">{{cite book|last=Wellens|first=Karel C.|year=1990|title=Resolutions and Statements of the United Nations Security Council (1946–1989): A Thematic Guide|page=235–236}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
After the indecisive results of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, Fidel Castro claimed that the increased cost of continuing to fight for South Africa had placed Cuba in its most aggressive combat position of the war, arguing that he was preparing to leave Angola with his opponents on the defensive. According to Cuba, the political, economic and technical cost to South Africa of maintaining its presence in Angola proved too much. Conversely, the South Africans believe that they indicated their resolve to the superpowers by preparing a nuclear test that ultimately forced the Cubans into a settlement.<ref>{{cite book|title=Out of (South) Africa: Pretorias Nuclear Weapons Experience|year=1999|publisher=Dianne Publishing|isbn=978-1-4289-9484-3|author=Roy E. Horton|others=USAF Institute for National Security Studies|pages=15–16}}</ref> | |||
Cuban troops were alleged to have used nerve gas against UNITA troops during the civil war. Belgian criminal toxicologist Dr. Aubin Heyndrickx, studied alleged evidence, including samples of war-gas "identification kits" found after the battle at Cuito Cuanavale, claimed that "there is no doubt anymore that the Cubans were using nerve gases against the troops of Mr. Jonas Savimbi."<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160418022050/http://www.fortfreedom.org/y19.htm |date=18 April 2016 }}, 2 June 1989.</ref> | |||
The Cuban government joined negotiations on 28 January 1988, and all three parties held a round of negotiations on 9 March. The South African government joined negotiations on 3 May and the parties met in June and August in ] and ]. All parties agreed to a ceasefire on 8 August. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the New York Accords, granting independence to Namibia and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in ] on 22 December 1988.<ref name=linkage/><ref name=timeline/> The ] passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the ] (UNAVEM), a ] force. UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January 1989.<ref name=foreignwithdraw>{{cite book|last=Wellens|first=Karel C.|year=1990|title=Resolutions and Statements of the United Nations Security Council (1946–1989): A Thematic Guide|pages=235–236}}</ref> | |||
===Ceasefire=== | ===Ceasefire=== | ||
As the Angolan Civil War began to take on a diplomatic component, in addition to a military one, two key Savimbi allies, ]' ] and the Heritage Foundation's Michael Johns visited Savimbi in Angola, where they sought to persuade Savimbi to come to the United States in the spring of 1989 to help the Conservative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation and other conservatives in making the case for continued U.S. aid to UNITA.<ref name=tcc>{{cite book|last=Bellant|first=Russ|year=1991|title=The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism|url=https://archive.org/details/coorsconnectionh00bell|url-access=registration|pages=}}</ref> | |||
{{Main|Gbadolite}} | |||
], Chairman of ], and ] tried to persuade Savimbi to come to the United States in the spring of 1989. The TCC lobbied for greater funding on behalf of UNITA and Phillips advised Savimbi on lobbying ].<ref name="tcc">{{cite book|last=Bellant|first=Russ|year=1991|title=The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism|page=53–54}}</ref> | |||
President Mobutu invited |
President Mobutu invited 18 African leaders, Savimbi, and dos Santos to his palace in ] in June 1989 for negotiations. Savimbi and dos Santos met for the first time and agreed to the , a ceasefire, on 22 June, paving the way for a future peace agreement.<ref name=mobmeeting>{{cite book|last=Walker|first=John Frederick|year=2004|title=A Certain Curve of Horn: The Hundred-Year Quest for the Giant Sable Antelope of Angola|url=https://archive.org/details/certaincurveofho0000walk|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Grove Press |isbn=978-0-8021-4068-5}}</ref><ref name=gbad>{{cite news|author=Claiborne, William |date=25 June 1989|title=Angola Pact's Unanswered Question: Savimbi|newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref> President ] of ] said a few days after the declaration that Savimbi had agreed to leave Angola and go into exile, a claim Mobutu, Savimbi, and the U.S. government disputed.<ref name=gbad/> Dos Santos agreed with Kaunda's interpretation of the negotiations, saying Savimbi had agreed to temporarily leave the country.<ref name=templeave>{{cite news|author=Claiborne, William |date=28 August 1989|title=Savimbi Says Rebels Will Honor Truce|newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref> | ||
On |
On 23 August, dos Santos complained that the U.S. and South African governments continued to fund UNITA, warning such activity endangered the already fragile ceasefire. The next day Savimbi announced UNITA would no longer abide by the ceasefire, citing Kaunda's insistence that Savimbi leave the country and UNITA disband. The MPLA government responded to Savimbi's statement by moving troops from Cuito Cuanavale, under MPLA control, to UNITA-occupied Mavinga. The ceasefire broke down with dos Santos and the U.S. government blaming each other for the resumption in armed conflict.<ref>Kalley (1999), p. 46.</ref> | ||
==1990s== | ==1990s== | ||
{{Main|Angolagate|United Nations Angola Verification Mission II|First Congo War}} | {{Main|1990s in Angola|Angolagate|United Nations Angola Verification Mission II|First Congo War}} | ||
Political changes abroad and military victories at home allowed the government to transition from a nominally communist state to a nominally democratic one. ]'s declaration of independence, internationally recognized on |
Political changes abroad and military victories at home allowed the government to transition from a nominally communist state to a nominally democratic one. ]'s declaration of independence, internationally recognized on 1 April, eliminated the threat to the MPLA from South Africa, as the ] withdrew from Namibia.<ref>{{cite book|last=Chapman|first=Graham|author2=Baker, Kathleen M |year=2003|title=The Changing Geography of Africa and the Middle East|page=21}}</ref> The MPLA abolished the ] in June and rejected ] at the MPLA's third Congress in December, formally changing the party's name from the MPLA-PT to the MPLA.<ref name=mobmeeting/> The ] passed law 12/91 in May 1991, coinciding with the withdrawal of the last Cuban troops, defining Angola as a "democratic state based on the ]" with a ].<ref name=ninety>{{cite book|last=Hodges|first=Tony|year=2001|title=Angola|page=11}}</ref> Observers met such changes with skepticism. American journalist Karl Maier wrote: "In the New Angola ideology is being replaced by the bottom line, as security and selling expertise in weaponry have become a very profitable business. With its wealth in oil and diamonds, Angola is like a big swollen carcass and the vultures are swirling overhead. Savimbi's former allies are switching sides, lured by the aroma of hard currency."<ref name=skullskin>{{cite book|last=Huband|first=Mark|year=2001|title=The Skull Beneath the Skin: Africa After the Cold War|url=https://archive.org/details/skullbeneathski00huba|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Avalon |isbn=978-0-8133-3598-8}}</ref> Savimbi also reportedly purged some of those within UNITA whom he may have seen as threats to his leadership or as questioning his strategic course. Among those killed in the purge were ] and his family in 1991. Savimbi denied his involvement in the Chingunji killing and blamed it on UNITA dissidents.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://allafrica.com/stories/200206250743.html |title=Angola: Don't Simplify History, Says Savimbi's Biographer (Page 1 of 4) |publisher=allAfrica.com |date=25 June 2002 |access-date=4 August 2014 |archive-date=25 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171025080046/http://allafrica.com/stories/200206250743.html |url-status=live }}</ref> | ||
===Black, Manafort, |
===Black, Manafort, and Stone === | ||
{{Main|Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly}} | {{Main|Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly}} | ||
] | |||
Government troops wounded Savimbi in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility<ref name="savwound">Alao (1994). Page XX.</ref> He went to ] in December and met with President ] again,<ref name="mobmeeting"/> the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Savimbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying firm based in Washington, D.C., US$5 million to lobby the ] for aid, portray UNITA favorably in Western media, and acquire support among ] in D.C. Savimbi reaped huge rewards.<ref name="bmsk">{{cite web|author=Steve Burkholder|year=1993|url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1554/is_n1_v19/ai_13571831|title=On the town with Jonas Savimbi - huge U.S. lobbying expenditures by Angola|format=HTML|publisher=Common Cause Magazine|accessdate=2007-11-11|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
Government troops wounded Savimbi in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility.<ref name=savwound>Alao (1994), p. XX.</ref> He went to ], in December and met with President ] again,<ref name=mobmeeting/> the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Savimbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying firm based in Washington, D.C., $5 million to lobby the ] for aid, portray UNITA favorably in Western media, and acquire support among politicians in Washington. Savimbi was highly successful in this endeavour. The weapons he would gain from Bush helped UNITA survive even after U.S. support stopped.<ref>{{Cite web|title=How an American Lobbyist Stoked War Halfway Across the World|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/assets/media/interactives/2018/02/20/masthead-the-corruption-issue-1/stories/how-an-american-lobbyist-stoked-war-halfway-around-the-world/|last=Peterson|first=Matt|website=The Corruption Institute|publisher=The Masthead from the Atlantic|access-date=13 May 2020|archive-date=31 March 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220331082126/https://www.theatlantic.com/assets/media/interactives/2018/02/20/masthead-the-corruption-issue-1/stories/how-an-american-lobbyist-stoked-war-halfway-around-the-world/|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
Senators ] and ], a senior member of the firm, worked with the ], Representative ] of ], |
Senators ] and ], a senior member of the firm, worked with the ], Representative ] of ], Neal Blair's ], and ]' Conservative Caucus to repeal the ] in 1985.<ref name=bacardi>{{cite book|last=Calvo Ospina|first=Hernando|year=2002|title=Bacardi: The Hidden War|page=46}}</ref> From the amendment's repeal in 1985 to 1992 the U.S. government gave Savimbi $60 million per year, a total of $420 million. A sizable amount of the aid went to Savimbi's personal expenses. Black, Manafort filed foreign lobbying records with the ] showing Savimbi's expenses during his U.S. visits. During his December 1990 visit he spent $136,424 at the ] hotel and $2,705 in tips. He spent almost $473,000 in October 1991 during his week-long visit to Washington and ]. He spent $98,022 in hotel bills, at the Park Hyatt, $26,709 in limousine rides in Washington and another $5,293 in Manhattan. Paul Manafort, a partner in the firm, charged Savimbi $19,300 in consulting and additional $1,712 in expenses. He also bought $1,143 worth of "survival kits" from ]. When questioned in an interview in 1990 about human rights abuses under Savimbi, Black said, "Now when you're in a war, trying to manage a war, when the enemy ... is no more than a couple of hours away from you at any given time, you might not run your territory according to ] town meeting rules."{{Citation needed|reason=Previous cite dead link|date=May 2014}} | ||
===Bicesse Accords=== | ===Bicesse Accords=== | ||
{{Main|Bicesse Accords}} | {{Main|Bicesse Accords}} | ||
President dos Santos met with Savimbi in ] and signed the Bicesse Accords, the first of three major peace agreements, on |
President dos Santos met with Savimbi in ], ] and signed the Bicesse Accords, the first of three major peace agreements, on 31 May 1991, with the mediation of the Portuguese government. The accords laid out a transition to multi-party democracy under the supervision of the ]' ] mission, with a presidential election to be held within a year. The agreement attempted to demobilize the 152,000 active fighters and integrate the remaining government troops and UNITA rebels into a 50,000-strong ] (FAA). The FAA would consist of a national army with 40,000 troops, navy with 6,000, and air force with 4,000.<ref name=terms>{{cite book|last=Wright|first=George|year=1997|title=The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola Since 1945|url=https://archive.org/details/destructionofnat0000wrig|url-access=registration|page=}}</ref> While UNITA largely did not disarm, the FAA complied with the accord and demobilized, leaving the government disadvantaged.<ref name=allprezmen>{{cite web|date=1 March 2002|url=http://www.globalwitness.org/media_library_detail.php/85/en/all_the_presidents_men|title=All the President's Men|publisher=Global Witness|access-date=10 February 2008|pages=11–12| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20071231064209/http://www.globalwitness.org/media_library_detail.php/85/en/all_the_presidents_men| archive-date= 31 December 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> | ||
Angola held the first round of its ] on |
Angola held the first round of its ] on 29–30 September. Dos Santos officially received 49.57% of the vote and Savimbi won 40.6%. As no candidate received 50% or more of the vote, election law dictated a second round of voting between the top two contenders. Savimbi, along with eight opposition parties and many other election observers, said the election had been neither free nor fair.<ref name=TimesLetters>National Society for Human Rights, ''Ending the Angolan Conflict'', Windhoek, Namibia, 3 July 2000</ref> An official observer wrote that there was little UN supervision, that 500,000 UNITA voters were disenfranchised and that there were 100 clandestine polling stations.<ref name=TimesLetters/><ref>John Matthew, Letters, ''The Times'', UK, 6 November 1992.</ref> Savimbi sent ], Vice President of UNITA, to Luanda to negotiate the terms of the second round.<ref name=electionrej>Rothchild, p. 134.</ref><ref name=hermancohen>{{cite web|author=Lucier, James P|date=29 April 2002|url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1571/is_15_18/ai_84971467|title=Chevron oil and the Savimbi problem|publisher=Insight on the News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=27 May 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080527225454/http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1571/is_15_18/ai_84971467|url-status=live}}</ref> The election process broke down on 31 October, when government troops in Luanda attacked UNITA. Civilians, using guns they had received from police a few days earlier, conducted house-by-house raids with the Rapid Intervention Police, killing and detaining hundreds of UNITA supporters. The government took civilians in trucks to the Camama cemetery and Morro da Luz ravine, shot them, and buried them in ]s. Assailants attacked Chitunda's convoy on 2 November, pulling him out of his car and shooting him and two others in their faces.<ref name=hermancohen/> The MPLA massacred over ten thousand UNITA and FNLA voters nationwide in a few days in what was known as the ].<ref name=TimesLetters /><ref name=Dictionary> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230412192950/https://books.google.com/books?id=V_qm7zPo87oC&dq=Angola+Halloween+Massacre&pg=PA33 |date=12 April 2023 }} on Google Books</ref> Savimbi said the election had neither been free nor fair and refused to participate in the second round.<ref name="electionrej"/> He then proceeded to resume armed struggle against the ]. | ||
] | |||
Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA regained control over ], ], ], ], and ], provincial capitals it had not held since 1976, and moved against Kuito, Luena, and Malange. Although the U.S. and South African governments had stopped aiding UNITA, supplies continued to come from Mobutu in Zaire.<ref name="resolutions">Hodges (2004). Pages 15–16.</ref> UNITA tried to wrest control of Cabinda from the MPLA in January 1993. Edward DeJarnette, Head of the U.S. Liaison Office in Angola for the ], warned Savimbi that, if UNITA hindered or halted Cabinda's production, the U.S. would end its support for UNITA. On ], UNITA began a 55-day long battle over Huambo, the ]. Hundreds of thousands fled and 10,000 were killed before UNITA gained control on ]. The government engaged in an ] of ], and, to a lesser extent ], in multiple cities, most notably Luanda, on ] in the ] massacre. UNITA and government representatives met five days later in ], but negotiations failed to restore the peace.<ref name="letters">{{cite book|last=Kukkuk|first=Leon|coauthors=|year=2004|title=Letters to Gabriella: Angola's Last War for Peace, What the Un Did And Why|page=462}}</ref> The ] sanctioned UNITA through ] on ], ], prohibiting the sale of weapons or fuel to UNITA. Perhaps the clearest shift in ] emerged when President Clinton issued ] 12865 on ], labeling UNITA a "continuing threat to the foreign policy objectives of the U.S.".<ref name="clinshift">{{cite book|last=Roberts|first=Janine|year=2003|title=Glitter & Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Empire|pages=223-224}}</ref> By August 1993, UNITA had gained control over 70% of Angola, but the government's military successes in 1994 forced UNITA to sue for peace. By November 1994, the government had taken control of 60% of the country. Savimbi called the situation UNITA's "deepest crisis" since its creation.<ref name="skullskin"/><ref name="lusone">{{cite book|last=Vines|first=Alex|year=1999|title=Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref><ref name="lustwo">Rothchild (1997). Pages 137–138.</ref> | |||
Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA regained control over ], ], ], ], and ], provincial capitals it had not held since 1976, and moved against Kuito, Luena, and Malange. Although the U.S. and South African governments had stopped aiding UNITA, supplies continued to come from Mobutu in Zaire.<ref name=resolutions>Hodges (2004). pp. 15–16.</ref> UNITA tried to wrest control of Cabinda from the MPLA in January 1993. Edward DeJarnette, Head of the U.S. Liaison Office in Angola for the ], warned Savimbi that, if UNITA hindered or halted Cabinda's production, the U.S. would end its support for UNITA. On 9 January, UNITA began a 55-day battle over Huambo, the "War of the Cities".<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/stories-from-huambo/|title=Stories from Huambo|date=10 July 2003|access-date=9 February 2021|archive-date=21 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210121004533/https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/stories-from-huambo/|url-status=live}}</ref> Hundreds of thousands fled and 10,000 were killed before UNITA gained control on 7 March. The government engaged in an ] of ], and, to a lesser extent ], in multiple cities, most notably Luanda, on 22 January in the ] massacre. UNITA and government representatives met five days later in ], but negotiations failed to restore the peace.<ref name=letters>{{cite book|last=Kukkuk|first=Leon|year=2004|title=Letters to Gabriella: Angola's Last War for Peace, What the Un Did And Why|page=462}}</ref> The ] sanctioned UNITA through ] on 15 September 1993, prohibiting the sale of weapons or fuel to UNITA. | |||
FLEC militants stopped buses, forcing Chevron Oil workers out, and setting fire to the buses on ] and ], ]. A large scale battle took place between FLEC and police in Malongo on ] in which 25 mortar rounds accidentally hit a nearby Chevron compound.<ref name="flecchev">{{cite book|title=Significant Incidents of Political Violence Against Americans 1992|publisher=DIANE Publishing|page=20}}</ref> | |||
] | |||
Perhaps the clearest shift in ] emerged when President ] issued ] 12865 on 23 September, labeling UNITA a "continuing threat to the foreign policy objectives of the U.S."<ref name=clinshift>{{cite book|last=Roberts|first=Janine|year=2003|title=Glitter & Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Empire|pages=223–224}}</ref> By August 1993, UNITA had gained control over 70% of Angola, but the government's military successes in 1994 forced UNITA to sue for peace. By November 1994, the government had taken control of 60% of the country. Savimbi called the situation UNITA's "deepest crisis" since its creation.<ref name=skullskin/><ref name=lusone>{{cite book|last=Vines|first=Alex|year=1999|title=Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref><ref name=lustwo>Rothchild, pp. 137–138.</ref> It is estimated that perhaps 120,000 people were killed in the first eighteen months following the 1992 election, nearly half the number of casualties of the previous sixteen years of war.<ref name="casualties">], Ted Robert Gurr, and ]. ''Journeys Through Conflict: Narratives and Lessons'', 2001, p. 181.</ref> Both sides of the conflict continued to commit widespread and systematic violations of the laws of war with UNITA in particular guilty of indiscriminate shelling of besieged cities resulting in large death toll to civilians. The MPLA government forces used air power in indiscriminate fashion also resulting in high civilian deaths.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170312084647/https://www.hrw.org/reports/1995/WR95/AFRICA-01.htm#P41_16838 |date=12 March 2017 }} Human Rights Watch World Report 1995</ref> The ] of 1994 reaffirmed the Bicesse Accords.<ref name="lusaka">Rothchild, p. 251.</ref> | |||
===Lusaka Protocol=== | ===Lusaka Protocol=== | ||
{{Main|Lusaka Protocol}} | {{Main|Lusaka Protocol}} | ||
Savimbi, unwilling to personally sign an accord, had former UNITA Secretary General ] represent UNITA in his place. Manuvakola and Angolan Foreign Minister Venancio de Moura signed the ] in ], |
Savimbi, unwilling to personally sign an accord, had former UNITA Secretary General ] represent UNITA in his place. Manuvakola and Angolan Foreign Minister Venancio de Moura signed the ] in ], Zambia on 31 October 1994, agreeing to integrate and disarm UNITA. Both sides signed a ceasefire as part of the protocol on 20 November.<ref name=lusone/><ref name=lustwo/> Under the agreement the government and UNITA would cease fire and demobilize. 5,500 UNITA members, including 180 militants, would join the Angolan national police, 1,200 UNITA members, including 40 militants, would join the rapid reaction police force, and UNITA generals would become ] in the ]. Foreign mercenaries would return to their home countries and all parties would stop acquiring foreign arms. The agreement gave UNITA politicians homes and a headquarters. The government agreed to appoint UNITA members to head the Mines, Commerce, Health, and Tourism ministries, in addition to seven deputy ministers, ambassadors, the governorships of Uige, Lunda Sul, and Cuando Cubango, deputy governors, municipal administrators, deputy administrators, and commune administrators. The government would release all prisoners and give amnesty to all militants involved in the civil war.<ref name=lusone/><ref name=lustwo/> ] ] and ] ] met in Lusaka on 15 November 1994 to boost support symbolically for the protocol. Mugabe and Mandela both said they would be willing to meet with Savimbi and Mandela asked him to come to South Africa, but Savimbi did not come. The agreement created a joint commission, consisting of officials from the Angolan government, UNITA, and the UN with the governments of Portugal, the United States, and Russia observing, to oversee its implementation. Violations of the protocol's provisions would be discussed and reviewed by the commission.<ref name=lusone/> The protocol's provisions, integrating UNITA into the military, a ceasefire, and a coalition government, were similar to those of the ] that granted Angola independence from Portugal in 1975. Many of the same environmental problems, mutual distrust between UNITA and the MPLA, loose international oversight, the importation of foreign arms, and an overemphasis on maintaining the ], led to the collapse of the protocol.<ref name=lustwo/> | ||
===Arms monitoring=== | ===Arms monitoring=== | ||
] and ]s at an assembly point.]] | |||
In January 1995, ] ] sent Paul Hare, his envoy to Angola, to support the Lusaka Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Angolan government and UNITA, both in need of outside assistance.<ref name="dropoff">{{cite web|author=|year=1999|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-12.htm|title=Angola Unravels, XII. International Response|format=HTML|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=2007-11-02|accessyear=2007}}</ref> The ] agreed to send a peacekeeping force on ].<ref name="safricainvasion"/> Savimbi met with ] ] in May. Shortly after, on ], the MPLA offered Savimbi the position of Vice President under dos Santos with another Vice President chosen from the MPLA. Savimbi told Mandela he felt ready to "serve in any capacity which will aid my nation," but he did not accept the proposal until ].<ref name="theoffer">{{cite web|author=|year=1995|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE1DB113AF93BA25755C0A963958260&n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/S/Savimbi,%20Jonas|title= Angolans Offer Rebel Leader a Top Post|format=HTML|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2007-11-03|accessyear=2007}}</ref><ref name="vpagreed">{{cite web|author=|year=1995|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CEFD81230F931A2575BC0A963958260&n=Top/Reference/Times%20Topics/People/S/Savimbi,%20Jonas|title=Angola Rebel to Join Foes|format=HTML|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2007-11-03|accessyear=2007}}</ref> The ] and ]'s Angola operations and analysis expanded in an effort to halt weapons shipments,<ref name="dropoff"/> a violation of the protocol, with limited success. The Angolan government bought six ] from ] in 1995.<ref name="foreignequipment">Vines (1999). Pages 103–104.</ref> The government bought L-39 attack aircraft from the ] in 1998 along with ammunition and uniforms from Zimbabwe Defence Industries and ammunition and weapons from ] in 1998 and 1999.<ref name="foreignequipment"/> U.S. monitoring significantly dropped off in 1997 as events in Zaire, the Congo and then Liberia occupied more of the U.S. government's attention.<ref name="dropoff"/> UNITA purchased more than 20 ] scuds and three FOX 7 missiles from the North Korean government in 1999.<ref name="frogs">Vines (1999). Page 106.</ref> | |||
In January 1995, U.S. President Clinton sent Paul Hare, his envoy to Angola, to support the Lusaka Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Angolan government and UNITA, both in need of outside assistance.<ref name=dropoff>{{cite web|year=1999|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-12.htm|title=Angola Unravels, XII. International Response|publisher=Human Rights Watch|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=12 March 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170312084725/https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-12.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> The ] agreed to send a peacekeeping force on 8 February.<ref name=safricainvasion/> Savimbi met with South African President Mandela in May. Shortly after, on 18 June, the MPLA offered Savimbi the position of Vice President under dos Santos with another Vice President chosen from the MPLA. Savimbi told Mandela he felt ready to "serve in any capacity which will aid my nation," but he did not accept the proposal until 12 August.<ref name=theoffer>{{cite news|date=18 June 1995|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1995/06/18/world/angolans-offer-rebel-leader-a-top-post.html?sq=Angolans+Offer+Rebel+Leader+a+Top+Post&scp=1&st=nyt|title=Angolans Offer Rebel Leader a Top Post|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=27 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180727145712/https://www.nytimes.com/1995/06/18/world/angolans-offer-rebel-leader-a-top-post.html?sq=Angolans+Offer+Rebel+Leader+a+Top+Post&scp=1&st=nyt|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name=vpagreed>{{cite news|date=12 August 1995|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1995/08/12/world/angola-rebel-to-join-foes.html?sq=Angola+Rebel+to+Join+Foes&scp=1&st=nyt|title=Angola Rebel to Join Foes|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=27 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180727153343/https://www.nytimes.com/1995/08/12/world/angola-rebel-to-join-foes.html?sq=Angola+Rebel+to+Join+Foes&scp=1&st=nyt|url-status=live}}</ref> The ] and ]'s Angola operations and analysis expanded in an effort to halt weapons shipments,<ref name=dropoff/> a violation of the protocol, with limited success. The Angolan government bought six ] from ] in 1995.<ref name=foreignequipment>Vines (1999), pp. 103–104.</ref> The government bought L-39 attack aircraft from the ] in 1998 along with ammunition and uniforms from ] and ammunition and weapons from Ukraine in 1998 and 1999.<ref name=foreignequipment/> U.S. monitoring significantly dropped off in 1997 as events in Zaire, the Congo and then Liberia occupied more of the U.S. government's attention.<ref name=dropoff/> UNITA purchased more than 20 ] ]s (TEL) and three FOX 7 missiles from the ]n government in 1999.<ref name=frogs>Vines (1999), p. 106.</ref> | |||
The UN extended its mandate on |
The UN extended its mandate on 8 February 1996. In March, Savimbi and dos Santos formally agreed to form a coalition government.<ref name=safricainvasion/> The government deported 2,000 West African and Lebanese Angolans in Operation Cancer Two, in August 1996, on the grounds that dangerous minorities were responsible for the rising crime rate.<ref name=cancer>{{cite web|year=1999|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-05.htm|title=V. Undermining the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=12 March 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170312084711/https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-05.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1996 the Angolan government bought military equipment from ], two ] attack helicopters and three ] from ] in December, and helicopters from ] in March.<ref name=foreignequipment/> | ||
The international community helped install a Government of Unity and National Reconciliation in April 1997, but UNITA did not allow the regional MPLA government to take up residence in 60 cities. The ] voted on |
The international community helped install a Government of Unity and National Reconciliation in April 1997, but UNITA did not allow the regional MPLA government to take up residence in 60 cities. The ] voted on 28 August 1997, to impose sanctions on UNITA through ], prohibiting UNITA leaders from traveling abroad, closing UNITA's embassies abroad, and making UNITA-controlled areas a ]. The Security Council expanded the sanctions through ] on 12 June 1998, requiring government certification for the purchase of Angolan diamonds and freezing UNITA's bank accounts.<ref name=resolutions/> | ||
During the ], the Angolan government joined the coalition to overthrow Mobutu's government due to his support for UNITA. Mobutu's government fell to the opposition coalition on 16 May 1997.<ref name="Reyntjens, Filip 2006. p. 62">Reyntjens, Filip. The Great African War: Congo and Regional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2009. p. 62</ref> The Angolan government chose to act primarily through ] called the Tigres, which were proxy groups formed from the descendants of police units who had been exiled from Zaire and thus were fighting for a return to their homeland.<ref>Gribbin, Robert E. In the Aftermath of Genocide: the U.S. Role in Rwanda. New York: IUniverse, 2005. p. 218</ref> Luanda did also deploy regular troops.<ref name="Reyntjens, Filip 2006. p. 62"/> In early October 1997, Angola invaded the ] during its ], and helped ]'s rebels overthrow the government of ]. Lissouba's government had allowed UNITA the use of cities in the Republic of Congo in order to circumvent sanctions.<ref name="auto2">{{cite book |author=W. Martin James III |title=A Political History of the Civil War in Angola 1974–1990 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NOHZWdvu66sC&pg=PA34 |page=34 |publisher=Piscataway: Transaction Publishers |year=2011 |isbn=978-1-4128-1506-2 |access-date=28 August 2020 |archive-date=27 February 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185513/https://books.google.com/books?id=NOHZWdvu66sC&pg=PA34 |url-status=live }}</ref> Between 11 and 12 October 1997, ] fighter jets conducted a number of air strikes on government positions within Brazzaville. On 16 October 1997 rebel militia supported by tanks and a force of 1,000 Angolan troops cemented their control of ] forcing Lisouba to flee.<ref name=MuR>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1997/10/16/world/rebels-backed-by-angola-take-brazzaville-and-oil-port.html|title=Rebels, Backed by Angola, Take Brazzaville and Oil Port|work=]|date=16 October 1997|access-date=6 May 2015|archive-date=15 June 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180615055551/https://www.nytimes.com/1997/10/16/world/rebels-backed-by-angola-take-brazzaville-and-oil-port.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name=Uan>{{cite web|url=http://mg.co.za/article/1997-10-17-angola-aids-congo-to-corral-unita|title=Angola aids Congo to corral Unita|work=Mail Guardian|date=17 October 1997|access-date=26 April 2015|archive-date=12 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171212140731/https://mg.co.za/article/1997-10-17-angola-aids-congo-to-corral-unita|url-status=live}}</ref> Angolan troops remained in the country fighting militia forces loyal to Lissouba engaged in a guerrilla war against the new government.{{citation needed|date=September 2023}} | |||
The UN spent $1.6 billion from 1994 to 1998 in maintaining a peacekeeping force.<ref name="safricainvasion"/> The Angolan military attacked UNITA forces in the Central Highlands on ], 1998, the day before the MPLA's fourth Congress. Dos Santos told the delegates the next day that he believed war to be the only way to ultimately achieve peace, rejected the Lusaka Protocol, and asked MONUA to leave. In February 1999, the Security Council withdrew the last MONUA personnel. In late 1998, several UNITA commanders, dissatisfied with Savimbi's leadership, formed ], a breakaway militant group. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and 2000.<ref name="resolutions"/> | |||
The UN spent $1.6 billion from 1994 to 1998 in maintaining a peacekeeping force.<ref name=safricainvasion/> The Angolan military attacked UNITA forces in the Central Highlands on 4 December 1998, the day before the MPLA's fourth Congress. Dos Santos told the delegates the next day that he believed war to be the only way to ultimately achieve peace, rejected the Lusaka Protocol, and asked MONUA to leave. In February 1999, the Security Council withdrew the last MONUA personnel. In late 1998, several UNITA commanders, dissatisfied with Savimbi's leadership, formed ], a breakaway militant group. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and 2000.<ref name=resolutions/> | |||
The Angolan military launched ], a massive offensive, in September 1999, recapturing N'harea, Mungo and Andulo and Bailundo, the site of Savimbi's headquarters just one year before. The UN Security Council passed ] on ], instructing ] ] to update the Security Council to the situation in Angola every three months. Dos Santos offered an amnesty to UNITA militants on ]. By December, Chief of Staff General João de Matos said the ] had destroyed 80% of UNITA's militant wing and captured 15,000 tons of military equipment.<ref name="success">Martin (2004). Page 141.</ref><ref name="resolutions"/><ref name="unreportone">{{cite web|author=|year=2000|url=http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2000/01/unrep011400.htm|title=Report of the Secretary General of the United Nations Observer Office in Angola (UNOA)|format=HTML|publisher=United Nations Observer Office in Angola via Global Security|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> Following the dissolution of the coalition government, Savimbi retreated to his historical base in Moxico and prepared for battle.<ref name="retreatorg">{{cite book|last=Zacek|first=Jane Shapiro|coauthors=Ilpyong J. Kim|year=1997|title=The Legacy of the Soviet Bloc|page=254}}</ref> | |||
The Angolan military (with the help of Brazilian pilots) launched ], a massive offensive, in September 1999, recapturing N'harea, Mungo and Andulo and Bailundo, the site of Savimbi's headquarters just one year before. The UN Security Council passed ] on 15 October, instructing ] ] to update the Security Council to the situation in Angola every three months. Dos Santos offered an amnesty to UNITA militants on 11 November. By December, Chief of Staff General João de Matos said the ] had destroyed 80% of UNITA's militant wing and captured 15,000 tons of military equipment.<ref name=resolutions/><ref name=success>Martin (2004), p. 141.</ref> Following the dissolution of the coalition government, Savimbi retreated to his historical base in Moxico and prepared for battle.<ref name=retreatorg>{{cite book|last=Zacek|first=Jane Shapiro|author2=Kim, Ilpyong J|year=1997|title=The Legacy of the Soviet Bloc|page=254}}</ref> In order to isolate UNITA, the government forced civilians in countryside areas subject to UNITA influence to relocate to major cities. The strategy was successful isolating in UNITA but had adverse humanitarian consequences.<ref name="auto2"/> | |||
===Diamonds=== | |||
===Diamond trade=== | |||
{{Main|Economy of Angola|Blood diamonds#Angola}} | {{Main|Economy of Angola|Blood diamonds#Angola}} | ||
UNITA's |
UNITA's ability to mine ]s and sell them abroad provided funding for the war to continue even as the movement's support in the Western world and among the local populace withered away. ] and ], a state-owned diamond-mining monopoly, signed a contract allowing De Beers to handle Angola's diamond exports in 1990.<ref name=beersuspen>{{cite news|date=31 May 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/1362046.stm|title=Angola 'regrets' De Beers pullout|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=13 November 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121113071016/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/1362046.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> According to the United Nation's ''Fowler Report'', Joe De Deker, a former stockholder in De Beers, worked with the government of ] to supply military equipment to UNITA from 1993 to 1997. De Deker's brother, Ronnie, allegedly flew from South Africa to Angola, directing weapons originating in ]. In return, UNITA gave Ronnie bushels of diamonds worth $6 million. De Deker sent the diamonds to De Beer's buying office in ], ]. De Beers openly acknowledges spending $500 million on legal and illegal Angolan diamonds in 1992 alone. The United Nations estimates Angolans made between three and four billion dollars through the diamond trade between 1992 and 1998.<ref name=clinshift/><ref name=open>{{cite book|last=Arms Project|year=1994|title=Angola: Arms Trade and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Portugués|publisher=Human Rights Watch|page=3}}</ref> The UN also estimates that out of that sum, UNITA made at least $3.72 billion, or 93% of all diamond sales, despite international sanctions.<ref name=money>{{cite book|last=Arnold|first=Guy|year=2000|title=The New South Africa|url=https://archive.org/details/newsouthafrica00arno_463|url-access=limited|page=|isbn=978-0-312-23517-8}}</ref> | ||
] (EO), a South African ], played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA, with one U.S. defence expert calling the EO the "best fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever spent."<ref name=eotide/> Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers, hired EO to protect their operations in Angola.<ref name=eotide>{{cite book|last=Gberie|first=Lansana|year=2005|title=A Dirty War in West Africa: The RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone|page=93|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uQ2wHav3ol8C&pg=PA93|publisher=Indiana University Press|isbn=978-0-253-21855-1|access-date=28 August 2020|archive-date=27 February 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230227185447/https://books.google.com/books?id=uQ2wHav3ol8C&pg=PA93|url-status=live}}</ref> Executive Outcomes trained up to 5,000 troops and 30 combat pilots in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.<ref name=eo>{{cite book|last=Arms Project|year=1994|title=Arms Project; Angola: Arms Trade and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Portugués|publisher=Human Rights Watch|page=31}}</ref> | |||
===Cabinda separatism=== | |||
{{Main|Cabinda (province)}} | |||
] | |||
The territory of ] is north of Angola proper, separated by a strip of territory {{convert|60|km|mi|1|abbr=on}} long in the ].<ref name=e>{{cite book|last=Mullen|first=J. Atticus Ryan|author2=Mullen, Christopher A. |year=1997|title=Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook 1997|page=57|isbn=978-90-411-1022-0 |publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers}}</ref> The ] designated Angola and Cabinda as overseas provinces.<ref name=c>{{cite book|last1=Griggs|first1=Richard A.|last2=Bradley |first2=Rachael |last3=Schofield |first3=Clive H |year=2000|title=Boundaries, Borders and Peace-building in Southern Africa: The Spatial Implications of the 'African Renaissance'|page=8|isbn=978-1-897643-37-2 |publisher=International Boundaries Research Unit}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Olson|first=James Stuart|author2=Shadle, Robert|year=1991|title=Historical Dictionary of European Imperialism|page=103|isbn=978-0-313-26257-9 |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group}}</ref> In the course of administrative reforms during the 1930s to 1950s, Angola was divided into districts, and Cabinda became one of the districts of Angola. The ] (FLEC) formed in 1963 during the broader war for independence from Portugal. Contrary to the organization's name, Cabinda is an ], not an ]. FLEC later split into the ] (FLEC-FAC) and ] (FLEC-R). Several other, smaller FLEC factions later broke away from these movements, but FLEC-R remained the most prominent because of its size and its tactics. FLEC-R members cut off the ears and noses of government officials and their supporters, similar to the ] of ] in the 1990s.<ref name=cabinda>{{cite book|last=Grant|first=J. Andrew|author2=Söderbaum, Fredrik |year=2003|title=The New Regionalism in Africa|page=126|isbn=978-0-7546-3262-7|publisher=Ashgate Publishing}}</ref> Despite Cabinda's relatively small size, foreign powers and the nationalist movements coveted the territory for its vast reserves of ], the principal export of Angola then and now.<ref name=oilintro>{{cite book|last=Sousa|first=Matthew V.|author2=Forest, James JF |year=2006|title=Oil and Terrorism in the New Gulf: Framing U.S. Energy and Security Policies|page=31 |isbn=978-0-7391-1995-2|publisher=Lexington Books}}</ref> | |||
In the war for independence, the division of ''assimilados'' versus ''indigenas'' peoples masked the inter-ethnic conflict between the various native tribes, a division that emerged in the early 1970s. The ], the predecessor to the FNLA, only controlled 15% of Angola's territory during the independence war, excluding MPLA-controlled Cabinda. The People's Republic of China openly backed UNITA upon independence despite the mutual support from its adversary South Africa and UNITA's pro-Western tilt. The PRC's support for Savimbi came in 1965, a year after he left the FNLA. China saw ] and the FNLA as the stooge of the West and the MPLA as the Soviet Union's proxy. With the ], South Africa presented the least odious of allies to the PRC.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ferro|first=Marc|year=1997|title=Colonization: A Global History|url=https://archive.org/details/colonizationglob00ferr_885|url-access=limited|page=|isbn=978-0-415-14007-2|publisher=Routledge}}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine|date=1 December 1975|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,913773,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090206221254/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,913773,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=6 February 2009|title=A Little Help From Some Friends|magazine=Time|access-date=10 February 2008}}</ref> | |||
] deputies in 1989]] | |||
] (EO), a ] which had fought on behalf of UNITA prior to the 1992 elections, switched sides after the election. EO played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA with one U.S. defense expert calling the EO the "best fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever spent". Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers, hired EO to protect their operations in Angola.<ref name="eotide">{{cite book|last=Gberie|first=Lansana|year=2005|title=A Dirty War in West Africa: The RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone|page=93}}</ref> Executive Outcomes trained 4,000 to 5,000 troops and 30 pilots in combat in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.<ref name="eo">{{cite book|last=Arms Project|first=|year=1994|title=Arms Project; Angola: Arms Trade and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Portugués|publisher=Human Rights Watch|page=31}}</ref> | |||
Throughout the 1990s, Cabindan rebels kidnapped and ransomed off foreign oil workers to in turn finance further attacks against the national government. FLEC militants stopped buses, forcing Chevron Oil workers out, and set fire to the buses on 27 March and 23 April 1992. A large-scale battle took place between FLEC and police in Malongo on 14 May, in which 25 mortar rounds accidentally hit a nearby Chevron compound.<ref name=flecchev>{{cite book|title=Significant Incidents of Political Violence Against Americans 1992|publisher=DIANE Publishing|page=20}}</ref> The government, fearing the loss of their prime source of revenue, began to negotiate with representatives from ] (FLEC-R), ] (FLEC-FAC), and the ] (FDC) in 1995. ] and ] failed to assuage the anger of FLEC-R and FLEC-FAC and negotiations ended. In February 1997, FLEC-FAC kidnapped two ]-timber company employees, killing one and releasing the other after receiving a $400,000 ransom. FLEC-FAC kidnapped eleven people in April 1998, nine Angolans and two Portuguese, released for a $500,000 ransom. FLEC-R kidnapped five ]-oil engineering employees, two Frenchman, two Portuguese, and an Angolan, in March 1999. While militants released the Angolan, the government complicated the situation by promising the rebel leadership $12.5 million for the hostages. When ], the President of FLEC-R, showed up, the Angolan army arrested him and his bodyguards. The Angolan army later forcibly freed the other hostages on 7 July. By the end of the year the government had arrested the leadership of all three rebel organizations.<ref name=bemberrest>{{cite book|last=Vines|first=Alex|year=1999|title=Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch (Organization)|pages=39–40}}</ref> | |||
==2000s==<!-- "Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement" links here. Do not change the section title without changing the link. --> | |||
==2000s== | |||
{{Main|2000s in Angola|Angolagate|Second Congo War}} | {{Main|2000s in Angola|Angolagate|Second Congo War}} | ||
Illicit arms trading characterized much of the |
Illicit arms trading characterized much of the later years of the Angolan Civil War, as each side tried to gain the upper hand by buying arms from ] and ]. Israel continued in its role as a proxy arms dealer for the United States.<ref>{{cite web|author=Madsen, Wayne |year=2002|url=http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576|title=Report Alleges US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal|publisher=CorpWatch|access-date=10 February 2008| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080105182138/http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576| archive-date= 5 January 2008}}</ref> On 21 September 2000, a Russian freighter delivered 500 tons of Ukrainian 7.62 mm ammunition to Simportex, a division of the Angolan government, with the help of a shipping agent in London. The ship's captain declared his cargo "fragile" to minimize inspection.<ref name=cargo>{{cite web|date=March 2001|url=https://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/angola/index-05.htm|title=The Oil Diagnostic in Angola: An Update|publisher=Human Rights Watch|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=19 October 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081019024143/http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/angola/index-05.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> The next day, the MPLA began attacking UNITA, winning victories in several battles from 22 to 25 September. The government gained control over military bases and diamond mines in ] and ], hurting Savimbi's ability to pay his troops.<ref name=safricainvasion/> | ||
Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six ] ] on |
Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six ] ] on 3 April 2000. The Spanish government in the ] prevented a Ukrainian freighter from delivering 636 tons of military equipment to Angola on 24 February 2001. The captain of the ship had falsely reported his cargo, claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The Angolan government admitted Simportex had purchased arms from ], the Russian state-owned arms company, and acknowledged the captain might have violated Spanish law by misreporting his cargo, a common practice in arms smuggling to Angola.<ref name=cargo/> | ||
] | ] to ] (red dot), fleeing a ] attack. They remained uninjured.]] | ||
UNITA carried out several attacks against civilians in May in a show of strength. UNITA militants attacked Caxito on |
UNITA carried out several attacks against civilians in May 2001 in a show of strength. UNITA militants attacked Caxito on 7 May, killing 100 people and kidnapping 60 children and two adults. UNITA then attacked Baia-do-Cuio, followed by an attack on Golungo Alto, a city {{convert|200|km|mi|0}} east of Luanda, a few days later. The militants advanced on Golungo Alto at 2:00 pm on 21 May, staying until 9:00 pm on 22 May when the Angolan military retook the town. They looted local businesses, taking food and alcoholic beverages before singing drunkenly in the streets. More than 700 villagers trekked {{convert|60|km|mi|0}} from Golungo Alto to ], the provincial capital of ], without injury. According to an aid official in Ndalatando, the Angolan military prohibited media coverage of the incident, so the details of the attack are unknown. Joffre Justino, UNITA's spokesman in Portugal, said UNITA only attacked Gungo Alto to demonstrate the government's military inferiority and the need to cut a deal.<ref name=golungo>{{cite news|date=22 May 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1345364.stm|title=Unita attack east of Luanda|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=11 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160611085415/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1345364.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> Four days later UNITA released the children to a ] mission in Camabatela, a city {{convert|200|km|mi|0}} from where UNITA kidnapped them. The national organization said the abduction violated their policy towards the treatment of civilians. In a letter to the bishops of Angola, ] asked the Catholic Church to act as an intermediary between UNITA and the government in negotiations.<ref>{{cite news|date=26 May 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1353467.stm|title=Rebels free children in Angola|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=13 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171213093150/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1353467.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> The attacks took their toll on Angola's economy. At the end of May 2001, ], the international diamond mining company, suspended its operations in Angola, ostensibly on the grounds that negotiations with the national government reached an impasse.<ref name=diatoll>{{cite book|last=Taylor & Francis Group|year=2003|title=Africa South of the Sahara 2004|page=50}}</ref> | ||
Militants of unknown affiliation fired rockets at ] (UNWFP) planes on |
Militants of unknown affiliation fired rockets at ] (UNWFP) planes on 8 June near ] and again near ] a few days later. As the first plane, a ], approached Luena someone shot a missile at the aircraft, damaging one engine but not critically as the three-man crew landed successfully. The plane's altitude, {{convert|5000|m|ft|0}}, most likely prevented the assailant from identifying his target. As the citizens of Luena had enough food to last them several weeks, the UNFWP temporarily suspended their flights. When the flights began again a few days later, militants shot at a plane flying to Kuito, the first attack targeting UN workers since 1999.<ref name=luflight>{{cite news|date=8 June 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1378549.stm|title=WFP plane hit in Angola|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=11 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160611154005/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1378549.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> The UNWFP again suspended food aid flights throughout the country. While he did not claim responsibility for the attack, UNITA spokesman Justino said the planes carried weapons and soldiers rather than food, making them acceptable targets. UNITA and the Angolan government both said the international community needed to pressure the other side into returning to the negotiating table. Despite the looming humanitarian crisis, neither side guaranteed UNWFP planes safety. Kuito, which had relied on international aid, only had enough food to feed their population of 200,000 until the end of the week.<ref name=kuitoinc>{{cite news|date=20 June 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1396633.stm|title=UN warns of Angolan catastrophe|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=11 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160611092826/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1396633.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> The UNFWP had to fly in all aid to Kuito and the rest of the Central Highlands because militants ambushed trucks. Further complicating the situation, potholes in the Kuito airport strip slowed aid deliveries. Overall chaos reduced the amount of available oil to the point at which the UN had to import its jet fuel.<ref name=kuitsit>{{cite news|date=18 June 2001|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1394645.stm|title=Mission impossible for UN in Kuito|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=11 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160611111612/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1394645.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> | ||
Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA's Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001.<ref name= |
Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA's Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001.<ref name=octoberbases>Martin (2004). p. 166.</ref> The Slovak government sold fighter jets to the Angolan government in 2001 in violation of the ] Code of Conduct on Arms Exports.<ref name=slovaksale>{{cite web|date=10 February 2004|url=https://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/02/10/slovak7279.htm|title=NATO/EU: Reform Slovakia's Arms Trade|publisher=Human Rights Watch|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=5 March 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080305064203/http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/02/10/slovak7279.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref> | ||
===Death of Savimbi=== | ===Death of Savimbi=== | ||
] | |||
Government troops killed Savimbi on ], ], in Moxico province.<ref name="savdeath">{{cite book|last=Arnson|first=Cynthia J.|coauthors=I. William Zartman|year=2005|title=Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed|page=120}}</ref> UNITA Vice President ] took over, but died from diabetes twelve days later on ], and Secretary-General ] became UNITA's leader.<ref name="interview">{{cite web|author=Charles Zorgbibe|year=2003|url=http://www.african-geopolitics.org/show.aspx?ArticleId=3583|title=Angola in Peace|format=HTML|publisher=African Geopolitics|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> After Savimbi's death, the government came to a crossroads over how to proceed. After initially indicating the counter-insurgency might continue, the government announced it would halt all ]s on ]. Military commanders for UNITA and the MPLA met in ] and agreed to a cease-fire. However, Carlos Morgado, UNITA's spokesman in ], said he UNITA's Portugal wing had been under the impression General Kamorteiro, the UNITA general who agreed to the ceasefire, had been captured more than a week earlier. Morgado did say that he had not heard from Angola since Savimbi's death. The military commanders signed a Memorandum of Understanding as an addendum to the ] in ] on ], Dos Santos and Lukambo observing.<ref name="endofwar">Crocker, Aall, and Osler (2004). Page 224.</ref><ref name="morgado">{{cite web|author=|year=2002|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1875723.stm|title=Angolan military meets Unita rebels|format=HTML|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
Government troops killed Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, in Moxico province.<ref name=savdeath>{{cite book|last=Arnson|first=Cynthia J|author2=Zartman, I William|year=2005|title=Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed|url=https://archive.org/details/rethinkingeconom00cynt|url-access=registration|page=}}</ref> UNITA Vice President ] took over, but, weakened by wounds sustained in the same skirmish that killed Savimbi, died from diabetes 12 days later on 3 March, and Secretary-General ] became UNITA's leader.<ref name=interview>{{cite web|author=Zorgbibe, Charles |year=2003 |url=http://www.african-geopolitics.org/show.aspx?ArticleId=3583 |title=Angola in Peace |publisher=African Geopolitics |access-date=10 February 2008 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070927174722/http://www.african-geopolitics.org/show.aspx?ArticleId=3583 |archive-date=27 September 2007 }}</ref> After Savimbi's death, the government came to a crossroads over how to proceed. After initially indicating the counter-insurgency might continue, the government announced it would halt all military operations on 13 March. Military commanders for UNITA and the MPLA met in Cassamba and agreed to a cease-fire. Carlos Morgado, UNITA's spokesman in Portugal, said the UNITA's Portugal wing had been under the impression General Kamorteiro, the UNITA general who agreed to the ceasefire, had been captured more than a week earlier. Morgado did say that he had not heard from Angola since Savimbi's death. The military commanders signed a Memorandum of Understanding as an addendum to the ] in ] on 4 April, with Santos and Lukambo observing.<ref name=endofwar>Crocker, Aall, and Osler (2004). p. 224.</ref><ref name=morgado>{{cite news|date=16 March 2002|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1875723.stm|title=Angolan military meets Unita rebels|work=BBC News|access-date=10 February 2008| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20080218235833/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1875723.stm| archive-date= 18 February 2008 | url-status= live}}</ref> | |||
The ] passed ] on |
The ] passed ] on 18 April, extending the monitoring mechanism of sanctions by six months. ] and ], passed on 17 May and 15 August respectively, suspended the UN travel ban on UNITA officials for 90 days each, finally abolishing the ban through ] on 18 October. UNAVEM III, extended an additional two months by Resolution 1439, ended on 19 December.<ref name="unres">{{cite web|url=https://www.un.org/Docs/sc/committees/Angola/AngolaResEng.htm |title=Security Council Resolutions Concerning the Situation in Angola Pursuant to Resolution 864 (1993) |publisher=United Nations |access-date=28 September 2007 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070810172623/http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/committees/Angola/AngolaResEng.htm |archive-date=10 August 2007 }}</ref> | ||
UNITA's new leadership declared the rebel group a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces in |
UNITA's new leadership declared the rebel group a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces in August 2002.<ref name=polonly>{{cite web|year=2005|url=http://members.aol.com/CSPmgm/Angola2005.pdf|title=Polity IV Country Report 2005: Angola|publisher=Center for Systematic Peace|page=3|access-date=5 August 2007|archive-date=27 November 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071127102203/http://members.aol.com/CSPmgm/Angola2005.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> That same month, the United Nations Security Council replaced the United Nations Office in Angola with the United Nations Mission in Angola, a larger, non-military, political presence.<ref name=legacy>{{cite book|last=Furley|first=Oliver|author2=May, Roy |year=2006|title=Ending Africa's Wars: Progressing to Peace|url=https://archive.org/details/endingafricaswar00furl|url-access=limited|page=|publisher=Aldershot Ashgate|isbn=978-0-7546-3932-9}}</ref> | ||
== |
==Aftermath== | ||
] | |||
The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Angola, internally displacing four million people, one-third of Angola's population. The ] estimated in 2003 that 80% of Angolans lacked access to basic medical care, 60% lacked access to water, 30% of Angolan children would die before the age of five, and estimated ] at less than forty years of age.<ref name="humantoll">{{cite web|author=Lydia Polgreen|year=2003|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C02EEDF173EF933A05754C0A9659C8B63|title= Angolans Come Home to 'Negative Peace'|format=HTML|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2007-11-15|accessyear=2007}}</ref> The government spent $187 million settling IDPs between ], ] and 2004, after which the ] gave $33 million to continue the settling process. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million ]s by 2002.<ref name="legacy"/> The ] charity began demining in 1994, destroying 30,000 by July 2007. There are 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign workers who are working for HALO Trust in Angola, with operations expected to finish sometime between 2011 and 2014.<ref name="halo">{{cite web|author=Scott Bobb|year=2007|url=http://www.voanews.com/english/2007-07-24-voa17.cfm|title=Work intensifies to clear Angola's landmines|format=HTML|publisher=Voice of America News|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Angola, internally displacing 4.28 million people – one-third of Angola's total population. The United Nations estimated in 2003 that 80% of Angolans lacked access to basic medical care, 60% lacked access to water, and 30% of Angolan children would die before the age of five, with an overall national ] of less than 40 years of age.<ref name=humantoll>{{cite news|author=Polgreen, Lydia|date=30 July 2003|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/30/world/angolans-come-home-to-negative-peace.html|title=Angolans Come Home to 'Negative Peace'|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=2 July 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190702041944/https://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/30/world/angolans-come-home-to-negative-peace.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Over 100,000 children were separated from their families.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/angolas-lost-children/|title=Angola's lost children|date=7 July 2003|access-date=9 February 2021|archive-date=21 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210121021420/https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/angolas-lost-children/|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
] estimates UNITA and the government employed more than 6,000 and 3,000 ]s respectively, some forcibly impressed, during the war. Human rights analysts found 5,000 to 8,000 underage girls married to UNITA militants. Some girls were ordered to go and forage for food to provide for the troops. If the girls did not bring back enough food as judged by their commander, then the girls would not eat. After victories, UNITA commanders would be rewarded with women who were often then sexually abused. The government and U.N. agencies identified 190 child soldiers in the Angolan army and relocated seventy of them by November 2002, but the government continued to knowingly employ other underage soldiers.<ref name="childsoldiers">{{cite web|author=|year=2006|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/angola0403/Angola0403-03.htm|title=IV. Use of children in the war since 1998|format=HTML|publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref> | |||
There was an exodus from rural areas in most of the country. Today the urban population represents slightly more than half of the population, according to the latest census. In many cases, people went into cities outside the traditional area of their ethnic group. There are now important ] communities in Luanda, Malanje, and Lubango. There has been a degree of return, but at a slow pace, while many younger people are reluctant to go to a rural life that they never knew.<ref name="auto1">{{Cite web|title=Angolan Civil War (1975–2002)|url=https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/angolan-civil-war-1975-2002/|last=Hurst|first=Ryan|date=15 July 2009|language=en-US|access-date=25 May 2020|archive-date=28 May 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200528213235/https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/angolan-civil-war-1975-2002/|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
==Cultural influence== | |||
{{main|Red Dawn|Red Scorpion}} | |||
]'s 1984 film '']'' explores a future in which the United States loses a ] with the Soviet Union and is invaded by a joint Cuban-Soviet force, similar to the contemporary reality in Angola. One of the officers depicted in the film, a Cuban named Bella, is said to have fought in the ]-conflicts in Angola, ], and ].<ref name="reddawn">{{cite book|last=Shapiro|first=Jerome Franklin|coauthors=|year=2002|title=Atomic Bomb Cinema: The Apocalyptic Imagination on Film|page=184}}</ref><ref name="bella">{{cite book|last=Prince|first=Stephen|coauthors=|year=1992|title=Visions of Empire: Political Imagery in Contemporary American Film|page=58}}</ref> | |||
In rural areas, one problem is that some were for years under the control of the MPLA-government, while others were controlled by UNITA.{{clarify|date=October 2015}} Some of the population fled to neighbouring countries, while others went into remote mountainous areas.<ref name="auto1"/> | |||
Anti-communist activist ] wrote and co-produced the film '']'' with his brother Robert ]. ] played Nikolai, a ] agent sent to assassinate an ]n revolutionary in a country modeled on Angola.<ref name="redscorp">{{cite book|last=Julius|first=Marshall|coauthors=|year=1997|title=Action!: The Action Movie A-Z|page=166}}</ref><ref name="inangola">{{cite book|last=Dubose|first=Lou|coauthors=Jan Reid|year=2004|title=The Hammer: Tom DeLay God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Congress|pages=189}}</ref><ref name="scorplot">{{cite web|author=|year=1990-2007|url=http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0098180/plotsummary|title=Plot summary for Red Scorpion (1989)|format=HTML|publisher=IMDb|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> The film has a strongly anti-Communist message, and goes to great lengths to depict the sadism and violence of the Soviets, including a scene in which ] are used.<ref name="scorpviolence">{{cite web|author=|year=2007|url=http://www.thelocal.se/6737//20070319/|title=Introducing...Dolph Lundgren|format=HTML|publisher=The Local}}</ref> The South African government financed the film through the ], a front-group chaired by Abramoff, as part of its efforts to undermine international sympathy for the ].<ref name="scorpfund">{{cite web|author=Ken Silverstein|year=2006|url=http://www.harpers.org/archive/2006/04/sb-the-making-of-a-lobbyist|title=The Making of a Lobbyist|format=HTML|publisher=Harper's Magazine|accessdate=2007-09-28|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
Over 156 people have died since 2018 from 70 landmine accidents and other blasts resulting from explosives installed during the Angolan civil war.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://southerntimesafrica.com/site/news/explosives-kill-dozens-after-angola-civil-war|title=Explosives kill dozens after Angola civil war|access-date=2 September 2019|website=The Southern Times|archive-date=30 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210130012438/https://southerntimesafrica.com/site/news/explosives-kill-dozens-after-angola-civil-war|url-status=dead}}</ref> The landmine victims do not receive any government support.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/the-enduring-legacy-of-landmines-in-angola/|title=The enduring legacy of landmines in Angola|date=26 April 2002|access-date=9 February 2021|archive-date=21 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210121020557/https://www.radionetherlandsarchives.org/the-enduring-legacy-of-landmines-in-angola/|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
Fernando Vendrell produced, and Zézé Gamboa directed, '']'', a film about the life of average ]ns after the civil war, in 2004. The film follows the lives of three individuals; Vitório, a ] crippled by a landmine who returns to ], Manu, a young boy searching for his soldier father, and Joana, a teacher who mentors the boy and begins a love affair with Vitório. ''The Hero'' won the 2005 ] World Dramatic Cinema Jury Grand Prize. A joint Angolan, Portuguese, and French production, Gamboa filmed ''The Hero'' entirely in Angola.<ref name="award">{{cite web|author=Unknown|year=2005|url=http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc=CN0173|title=The Hero|format=HTML|publisher=California Newsreel|accessdate=2007-09-07|accessyear=2007}}</ref> | |||
On the 44th anniversary of the May 27, 1977 attempted coup by Nito Alves, Angolan president ] apologized for the execution of thousands of Alves' followers by the MPLA in the aftermath of the failed coup and promised to return the remains of the victims to their families.<ref>{{cite web|title=Angola's president apologises for May 1977 massacre|author=|website=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cjnwl8q4q58t/angola|date=27 May 2021|access-date=4 November 2021|archive-date=4 November 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211104222126/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/cjnwl8q4q58t/angola|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
=== Humanitarian efforts === | |||
] | |||
The government spent $187 million settling ]s (IDPs) between 4 April 2002, and 2004, after which the ] gave $33 million to continue the settling process. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated that fighting in 2002 displaced 98,000 people between 1 January and 28 February alone. IDPs comprised 75% of all landmine victims. The IDPs, unacquainted with their surroundings, frequently and predominantly fell victim to these weapons. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million ]s by 2002.<ref name=legacy/> The ] began demining Angola in 1994, and had destroyed 30,000 landmines by July 2007. 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign workers are employed by the HALO Trust in Angola, with demining operations expected to finish by 2014.<ref name=halo>{{cite web|author=Scott Bobb|date=1 November 2009|url=http://www.voanews.com/content/a-13-2007-07-24-voa17/402691.html|title=Work intensifies to clear Angola's landmines|publisher=Voice of America News|access-date=21 October 2012|archive-date=4 June 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160604084453/http://www.voanews.com/content/a-13-2007-07-24-voa17/402691.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref name=ocha>{{cite book|first=Human Rights Watch|last=International Campaign to Ban Landmines|year=2002|title=Landmine Monitor Report 2002: Toward a Mine-free World|page=64}}</ref> | |||
=== Child soldiers === | |||
] estimates UNITA and the government employed more than 6,000 and 3,000 ]s, respectively, some ], during the war. Additionally, human rights analysts found that between 5,000 and 8,000 underage girls were married to UNITA militants. Some girls were ordered to go and forage for food to provide for the troops – the girls were denied food if they did not bring back enough to satisfy their commander. After victories, UNITA commanders would be rewarded with women, who were often then sexually abused. The Angolan government and UN agencies identified 190 child soldiers in the Angolan army, and had relocated 70 of them by November 2002, but the government continued to knowingly employ other underage soldiers.<ref name=childsoldiers>{{cite web|access-date=10 February 2008|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/angola0403/Angola0403-03.htm|title=IV. Use of children in the war since 1998|publisher=Human Rights Watch|archive-date=12 March 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170312084845/https://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/angola0403/Angola0403-03.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
==In popular culture== | |||
In ]'s 1984 film '']'', Bella, one of the Cuban officers who takes part in a joint Cuban-Soviet invasion of the United States, is said to have fought in the conflicts in Angola, ], and ].<ref name=reddawn>{{cite book|last=Shapiro|first=Jerome Franklin|year=2002|title=Atomic Bomb Cinema: The Apocalyptic Imagination on Film|page=184}}</ref><ref name=bella>{{cite book|last=Prince|first=Stephen|year=1992|title=Visions of Empire: Political Imagery in Contemporary American Film|url=https://archive.org/details/visionsofempirep0000prin|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing USA |isbn=978-0-313-39106-4}}</ref> | |||
] wrote and co-produced the film '']'' with his brother Robert ]. In the film, ] plays Nikolai, a Soviet agent sent to assassinate an African revolutionary in a fictional country modeled on Angola.<ref name=redscorp>{{cite book|last=Julius|first=Marshall|year=1997|title=Action!: The Action Movie A-Z|page=166}}</ref><ref name=inangola>{{cite book|last=Dubose|first=Lou|author2=Reid, January|year=2004|title=The Hammer: Tom DeLay God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Congress|url=https://archive.org/details/hammertomdelaygo00dubo|url-access=registration|page=|publisher=PublicAffairs |isbn=978-1-58648-238-1}}</ref><ref name=scorplot>{{cite web|url=http://imdb.com/title/tt0098180/plotsummary|title=Plot summary for Red Scorpion (1989)|publisher=IMDb|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=11 February 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170211102855/http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0098180/plotsummary|url-status=live}}</ref> The South African government financed the film through the ], a front-group chaired by Abramoff, as part of its efforts to undermine international sympathy for the ].<ref name=scorpfund>{{cite magazine|author=Silverstein, Ken|year=2006|url=http://www.harpers.org/archive/2006/04/sb-the-making-of-a-lobbyist|title=The Making of a Lobbyist|magazine=Harper's Magazine|access-date=10 February 2008|archive-date=7 September 2008|archive-url=https://archive.today/20080907090006/http://www.harpers.org/archive/2006/04/sb-the-making-of-a-lobbyist|url-status=live}}</ref> While working in ], Abramoff was convicted for fraud and other offenses that he had committed during his concurrent career as a ]. Lundgren also starred in the 1998 film ] as a demolitions expert clearing minefields in Angola. | |||
The war provides a more comedic background story in the South African comedy '']'' as a Cuban and an Angolan soldier repeatedly try to take each other prisoner, but ultimately part on (more or less) amicable terms. | |||
The Cuban classic film ''Caravana'' was produced on the fictionalized exploits of a Cuban caravan (a military mechanized column) sent to reinforce an isolated Cuban position against an impeding UNITA attack. On the way they need to clear mines and repel continued attacks of Cobra, a special operations section of UNITA troops indirectly monitored by CIA handlers. The film received substantial support from Cuban Armed Forces, included many famous Cuban actors of the time and became a classic of Cuban Cinema.{{citation needed|date=August 2022}} | |||
Three additional Cuban films were produced in a loose trilogy, each focused in one significant battle of the war: Kangamba, Sumbe and Cuito Cuanavale.{{citation needed|date=August 2022}} | |||
The 2004 film '']'', produced by Fernando Vendrell and directed by Zézé Gamboa, depicts the life of average Angolans in the aftermath of the civil war. The film follows the lives of three individuals: Vitório, a ] crippled by a ] who returns to Luanda; Manu, a young boy searching for his soldier father; and Joana, a teacher who mentors the boy and begins a love affair with Vitório. ''The Hero'' won the 2005 ] World Dramatic Cinema Jury Grand Prize. A joint Angolan, Portuguese, and French production, ''The Hero'' was filmed entirely in Angola.<ref name=award>{{cite web|year=2005 |url=http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc=CN0173 |title=The Hero |publisher=California Newsreel |access-date=10 February 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080111040440/http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc=CN0173 |archive-date=11 January 2008 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
The Swedish–German 2010 ] '']'', about | |||
the Angolan Civil War was filmed in 2007.<ref name="filmmaker">{{cite web|url=http://www.filmmakermagazine.com/news/2012/02/my-heart-of-darkness-an-interview-with-marius-van-niekerk/|title='My Heart of Darkness': An Interview with Marius van Niekerk|publisher=Filmmaker|first=Daniel James|last=Scott|date=February 11, 2012|accessdate=July 25, 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120903193850/http://www.filmmakermagazine.com/news/2012/02/my-heart-of-darkness-an-interview-with-marius-van-niekerk/|archive-date=September 3, 2012|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
The Angolan Civil War is featured in the 2012 video game '']'', in which the player (Alex Mason) assists Jonas Savimbi in a battle against MPLA forces.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.g4tv.com/thefeed/blog/post/729431/the-first-15-minutes-of-call-of-duty-black-ops-2/|title=The First 15 Minutes of Call of Duty: Black Ops 2|publisher=G4TV.com|date=13 November 2012|access-date=14 November 2012|archive-date=13 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171213085810/http://www.g4tv.com/thefeed/blog/post/729431/the-first-15-minutes-of-call-of-duty-black-ops-2/|url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
In the video game '']'', the main character known as "]" ventures into the ]—] border region during the Angolan Civil War in order to track down the men responsible for the destruction of his private military organization. | |||
The conflict is featured in first three episodes of the 2018 ] television series '']''. | |||
In 2018 Another day of life, a animated movie based on Ryszard Kapuściński autobiographical book, released. It is a co-production between Poland, Spain, Belgium, Germany and Hungary. | |||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
* '']'', an account of the war by ] | |||
*] | |||
* ], another proxy war which also started soon after the country gained independence from ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
== |
== Notes == | ||
{{NoteFoot}} | |||
*Brittain, Victoria. ''Death of Dignity'', Red Sea Press, 1998. ISBN 0-86543-636-3. An account of the conflict from the MPLA's point of view. | |||
*]. ''In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story'', ], 1978. | |||
*]. ''Another Day of Life'', Penguin, 1975. ISBN 014118678X. A Polish journalist's account of Portuguese withdrawal from Angola and the beginning of the civil war. | |||
==References== | == References == | ||
{{reflist|refs=<ref name="Mexican nationals">{{cite web |last=de Vega |first=Mercedes |year=2010 |title=Historia de las relaciones internacionales de México, 1821–2010 Volumen 7. África y Medio Oriente |url=https://portales.sre.gob.mx/acervo/images/libros/RI/vol_7_africa.pdf |pages=133–287}}</ref>}} | |||
{{Reflist|2}} | |||
==Further reading== | |||
* "Angola Retrospective: Long Road to Peace." ''New African'', February 2016, 50+. | |||
* ''Nelson Mandela & Fidel Castro, How Far We Slaves Have Come!'', New York:Pathfinder Press, 1991 | |||
* Adunbi, Omolade. ''Oil Wealth and Insurgency in Nigeria'' (Indiana UP, 2015). | |||
* Brittain, Victoria, and Peter Whittaker. "Death of Dignity: Angola's Civil War." ''New Internationalist'' (August 1998). MPLA viewpoint. | |||
* Collelo, Thomas.'' Angola, a Country Study'' (3rd ed. US State Dept. 1991). | |||
* Fernando Andresen Guimarães, ''The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict'', Houndsmills & London: Macmillan, 1998 | |||
* French, Howard H. "How America Helped Savimbi and Apartheid South Africa. (for the Record: Angola)." ''New African'' (June 2002) . | |||
* Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." ''Journal of Cold War Studies'' 8.4 (2006): 98–146. | |||
* Gleijeses, Piero. ''Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959–1976'' (U of North Carolina Press, 2002). | |||
* Gleijeses, Piero. ''Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991'' (U of North Carolina Press, 2013). | |||
* Hanhimaki, Jussi M. ''The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy'' (2004) pp 398=426. | |||
*{{cite journal |last=Hill |first=Alexander |year=2021 |title="We Carried Out Our Duty!": The Soviet Union, Cuito Cuanavale, and Wars of National Liberation in Southern Africa |journal=] |volume=34 |issue=1 |pages=139–158 |doi=10.1080/13518046.2021.1923993 |s2cid=235689406 |ref=Hill}} | |||
* Isaacson, Walter. ''Kissinger: A Biography'' (2005) pp 672–92. | |||
* {{cite book |author=W. Martin James III |title=A Political History of the Civil War in Angola 1974–1990 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NOHZWdvu66sC&pg=PA34 |page=34 |publisher= Piscataway: Transaction Publishers |year= 2011|isbn=978-1-4128-1506-2 }} | |||
* Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer. ''The Katangese Gendarmes and War in Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home'' (Indiana UP, 2016). | |||
* Klinghoffer, Arthur J. ''The Angolan War: A study of Soviet policy in the Third World'', (Westview Press, 1980). | |||
* {{cite book |author=Assis Malaquias|title=Rebels and Robbers: Violence in Post-Colonial Angola|url=https://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:nai:diva-501|publisher=Nordiska Afrikainstitutet|year= 2007|isbn=978-91-7106-580-3|location=Uppsala }} | |||
* McCormick, Shawn H. ''The Angolan Economy: Prospects for Growth in a Postwar Environment.'' (Westview Press, 1994). | |||
* McFaul, Michael. "Rethinking the 'Reagan Doctrine' in Angola." ''International Security'' 14.3 (1989): 99–135. | |||
* Minter, William. ''Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique'', Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Press, 1994 | |||
* Niederstrasser, R. O. "The Cuban Legacy in Africa." ''Washington Report on the Hemisphere,'' (30 November 2017) . | |||
* Onslow, Sue. “The battle of Cuito Cuanavale: Media space and the end of the Cold War in Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, ]. eds., ''The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict'' (2011) pp 277–96. | |||
* Pazzanita, Anthony G, "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." ''The Journal of Modern African Studies'', Vol. 29 No 1(March 1991): pp. 83–114. | |||
* Saney, Isaac, "African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid," ''Latin American Perspectives'' 33#5 (2006): pp. 81–117. | |||
* Saunders, Chris. "The ending of the Cold War and Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Sergey Radchenko. eds., ''The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict'' (2011) pp 264–77. | |||
* Sellström, Tor, ed. ''Liberation in Southern Africa: Regional and Swedish Voices : Interviews from Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, the Frontline and Sweden'' (Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute, 2002). * ]. ''In Search of Enemies: A ] Story'', New York: ], 1978. by CVIA official | |||
* Thornton, Richard. ''Nixon Kissinger Years: Reshaping America's Foreign Policy'' (2md ed. 2001) pp 356–92. | |||
* Tvedten, Inge. ''Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction'' (Westview Press, 1997) a major scholarly history. | |||
* UN. "Security Council Again Condemns South Africa for 'Unprovoked Aggression' against Angola." UN Chronicle, November–December 1985, 12+. | |||
* Windrich, Elaine. ''The Cold War Guerrilla: Jonas Savimbi, the U. S. Media, and the Angolan War'' (Greenwood Press, 1992). | |||
* Wolfers, Michael, & Bergerol, Jane. ''Angola in the Front Line'' (London: Zed Books, 1983) | |||
* Wright, George ''The Destruction of a Nation: United States Policy Towards Angola Since 1945'', (London: Pluto Press, 1997). | |||
==External links== | ==External links== | ||
{{Commons category|Angolan Civil War}} | |||
* | |||
* – UN Peacemaker | |||
* by John Stockwell (the CIA officer who headed up the CIA's Angola Task Force) | |||
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*, by ], ''U.S. Congressional Record'', ], ]. | |||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130727120109/http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E26OC9-320: |date=27 July 2013 }} – ], ''U.S. Congressional Record'', 26 October 1989. | |||
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* – Hamburg University | |||
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* – German foreign ministry | |||
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* – Duisburg University | |||
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* from the | |||
{{Angola topics}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 21:02, 22 December 2024
Armed conflict in Angola between 1975 and 2002
Angolan Civil War | |||||||
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Part of the Cold War (until 1991) | |||||||
Clockwise from top left
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Belligerents | |||||||
People's Republic of Angola/Republic of Angola Cuba (1975–1989)
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Democratic People's Republic of Angola FNLA (1976–1978) FLEC | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
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Strength | |||||||
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UNITA militants:
FNLA militants:
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Casualties and losses | |||||||
Unknown 2,016–5,000 dead 54 killed |
Unknown Unknown 2,365–2,500 dead (including South African Border War deaths) Unknown | ||||||
800,000 killed and 4 million displaced | |||||||
Nearly 70,000 Angolans became amputees as a result of land mines |
Angolan Civil War | |
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Part of a series on the | ||||||||||||||||
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History of Angola | ||||||||||||||||
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Post-war Angola’s | ||||||||||||||||
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Years in Angola | ||||||||||||||||
The Angolan Civil War (Portuguese: Guerra Civil Angolana) was a civil war in Angola, beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began immediately after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975. It was a power struggle between two former anti-colonial guerrilla movements, the communist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).
The MPLA and UNITA had different roots in Angolan society and mutually incompatible leaderships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. A third movement, the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), having fought the MPLA with UNITA during the Angolan War of Independence, played almost no role in the Civil War. Additionally, the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of the province of Cabinda from Angola. With the assistance of Cuban soldiers and Soviet support, the MPLA managed to win the initial phase of conventional fighting, oust the FNLA from Luanda, and become the de facto Angolan government. The FNLA disintegrated, but the U.S.- and South Africa-backed UNITA continued its irregular warfare against the MPLA government from its base in the east and south of the country.
The 27-year war can be divided roughly into three periods of major fighting – from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994 and from 1998 to 2002 – with fragile periods of peace. By the time the MPLA achieved victory in 2002, between 500,000 and 800,000 people had died and over one million had been internally displaced. The war devastated Angola's infrastructure and severely damaged public administration, the economy, and religious institutions.
The Angolan Civil War was notable due to the combination of Angola's violent internal dynamics and the exceptional degree of foreign military and political involvement. The war is widely considered a Cold War proxy conflict, as the Soviet Union and the United States, with their respective allies Cuba and South Africa, assisted the opposing factions. The conflict became closely intertwined with the Second Congo War in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo and the South African Border War. Land mines still litter the countryside and contribute to the ongoing civilian casualties.
Main combatants
Angola's three rebel movements had their roots in the anti-colonial movements of the 1950s. The MPLA was primarily an urban-based movement in Luanda and its surrounding area. It was largely composed of Mbundu people. By contrast, the other two major anti-colonial movements, the FNLA and UNITA, were rural groups. The FNLA primarily consisted of Bakongo people from Northern Angola. UNITA, an offshoot of the FNLA, was mainly composed of Ovimbundu people, Angola's largest ethnic group, from the Bié Plateau.
MPLA
Main article: MPLASince its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA's main social base has been among the Ambundu people and the multiracial intelligentsia of cities such as Luanda, Benguela and Huambo. During its anti-colonial struggle of 1962–1974, the MPLA was supported by several African countries and the Soviet Union. Cuba became the MPLA's strongest ally, sending significant combat and support personnel contingents to Angola. This support, as well as that of several other countries of the Eastern Bloc, e.g. East Germany, was maintained during the Civil War. Yugoslavia provided financial military support for the MPLA, including $14 million in 1977, as well as Yugoslav security personnel in the country and diplomatic training for Angolans in Belgrade. The United States Ambassador to Yugoslavia wrote of the Yugoslav relationship with the MPLA and remarked, "Tito clearly enjoys his role as patriarch of guerrilla liberation struggle." Agostinho Neto, MPLA's leader during the civil war, declared in 1977 that Yugoslav aid was constant and firm and described the help as extraordinary. According to a November 1978 special communique, Portuguese troops were among the 20,000 MPLA troops that participated in a major offensive in central and southern Angola.
FNLA
Main article: National Liberation Front of AngolaThe FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA and was initially devoted to defending the interests of the Bakongo people and supporting the restoration of the historical Kongo Empire. It rapidly developed into a nationalist movement, supported in its struggle against Portugal by the government of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire. During 1974, the FNLA was also briefly supported by the People's Republic of China; but the aid was quickly withdrawn since China mainly supported the UNITA during the Angolan War of Independence. The United States refused to support the FNLA during the movement's war against Portugal, a NATO member but agreed during the civil war.
UNITA
Main article: UNITAUNITA's main social basis were the Ovimbundu of central Angola, who constituted about one-third of the country's population, but the organization also had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Angola. UNITA was founded in 1966 by Jonas Savimbi, who until then had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, UNITA received some support from the People's Republic of China. With the onset of the civil war, the United States decided to support UNITA and considerably augmented their aid to UNITA in the following decades. In the latter period, UNITA's main ally was the apartheid regime of South Africa.
Roots of the conflict
Main articles: History of Angola and Portuguese West AfricaThis section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
Angola, like most African countries, became constituted as a nation through colonial intervention. Angola's colonial power was Portugal, which was present and active in the territory, in one way or another, for over four centuries.
Ethnic divisions
The original population of this territory were dispersed Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive influx of Bantu people who came from the north and east.
The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the Kongo Empire, whose centre was located in the northwest of what today is Angola and which stretched northwards into the west of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the south and west of the contemporary Republic of Congo and even the southernmost part of Gabon.
Also of historical importance were the Ndongo and Matamba kingdoms to the south of the Kongo Empire, in the Ambundu area. Additionally, the Lunda Empire occupied a portion of north-eastern Angola in the south-east of the present-day DRC. In the south of the territory, and the north of present-day Namibia, lay the Kwanyama kingdom, along with minor realms on the central highlands. All these political units were a reflection of ethnic cleavages that slowly developed among the Bantu populations and were instrumental in consolidating these cleavages and fostering the emergence of new and distinct social identities.
Portuguese colonialism
At the end of the 15th century, Portuguese settlers made contact with the Kongo Empire, maintaining a continuous presence in its territory and enjoying considerable cultural and religious influence after that. In 1575, Portugal established a settlement and fort called Saint Paul of Luanda on the coast south of the Kongo Empire, in an area inhabited by Ambundu people. Another fort, Benguela, was established on the coast further south, in a region inhabited by ancestors of the Ovimbundu people.
Neither of these Portuguese settlement efforts was launched for the purpose of territorial conquest. Both gradually came to occupy and farm a broad area around their initial bridgeheads (in the case of Luanda, mostly along the lower Kwanza River). Their main function was in the Atlantic slave trade. Slaves were bought from African intermediaries and sold to Portuguese colonies in Brazil and the Caribbean. In addition, Benguela developed commerce in ivory, wax, and honey, which they bought from Ovimbundu caravans which fetched these goods from among the Ganguela peoples in the eastern part of what is now Angola.
Nonetheless, the Portuguese presence on the Angolan coast remained limited for much of the colonial period. The degree of real colonial settlement was minor, and, with few exceptions, the Portuguese did not interfere by means other than commercial in the social and political dynamics of the native peoples. There was no real delimitation of territory; Angola, to all intents and purposes, did not yet exist.
In the 19th century, the Portuguese began a more serious program of advancing into the continental interior. They wanted a de facto overlordship that allowed them to establish commercial networks and a few settlements. In this context, they also moved further south along the coast and founded the "third bridgehead" of Moçâmedes. In the course of this expansion, they entered into conflict with several of the African political units.
Territorial occupation only became a central concern for Portugal in the last decades of the 19th century, during the European powers' "Scramble for Africa", especially following the 1884 Berlin Conference. Several military expeditions were organized as preconditions for obtaining territory, which roughly corresponded to present-day Angola. By 1906, about 6% of that territory was effectively occupied, and the military campaigns had to continue. By the mid-1920s, the limits of the territory were finally fixed, and the last "primary resistance" was quelled in the early 1940s. It is thus reasonable to talk of Angola as a defined territorial entity from this point onwards.
Build-up to independence and rising tensions
In 1961, the FNLA and the MPLA, based in neighbouring countries, began a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule on several fronts. The Portuguese Colonial War, which included the Angolan War of Independence, lasted until the Portuguese regime's overthrow in 1974 through a leftist military coup in Lisbon. When the timeline for independence became known, most of the roughly 500,000 ethnic Portuguese Angolans fled the territory during the weeks before or after that deadline. Portugal left behind a newly independent country whose population was mainly composed of Ambundu, Ovimbundu, and Bakongo peoples. The Portuguese that lived in Angola accounted for the majority of the skilled workers in public administration, agriculture, and industry; once they fled the country, the national economy began to sink into depression.
The South African government initially became involved in an effort to counter the Chinese presence in Angola, which was feared might escalate the conflict into a local theatre of the Cold War. In 1975, South African Prime Minister B.J. Vorster authorized Operation Savannah, which began as an effort to protect engineers constructing the dam at Calueque after unruly UNITA soldiers took over. The dam, paid for by South Africa, was felt to be at risk. The South African Defence Force (SADF) dispatched an armoured task force to secure Calueque. From this, Operation Savannah escalated; no formal government was in place and thus, no clear lines of authority. The South Africans came to commit thousands of soldiers to the intervention and ultimately clashed with Cuban forces assisting the MPLA.
1970s
Main article: 1970s in AngolaIndependence
After the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon and the end of the Angolan War of Independence, the parties of the conflict signed the Alvor Accords on 15 January 1975. In July 1975, the MPLA violently forced the FNLA out of Luanda, and UNITA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold in the south. By August, the MPLA had control of 11 of the 15 provincial capitals, including Cabinda and Luanda. South Africa intervened on 23 October, sending between 1,500 and 2,000 troops from Namibia into southern Angola in order to support the FNLA and UNITA. Zaire, in a bid to install a pro-Kinshasa government and thwart the MPLA's drive for power, deployed armored cars, paratroopers, and three infantry battalions to Angola in support of the FNLA. Within three weeks, South African and UNITA forces had captured five provincial capitals, including Novo Redondo and Benguela. In response to the South African intervention, Cuba sent 18,000 soldiers as part of a large-scale military intervention nicknamed Operation Carlota in support of the MPLA. Cuba had initially provided the MPLA with 230 military advisers prior to the South African intervention. The Cuban intervention proved decisive in repelling the South African-UNITA advance. The FNLA were likewise routed at the Battle of Quifangondo and forced to retreat towards Zaire. The defeat of the FNLA allowed the MPLA to consolidate power over the capital Luanda.
Agostinho Neto, the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of Angola as the People's Republic of Angola on 11 November 1975. UNITA declared Angolan independence as the Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in Huambo, and the FNLA declared the Democratic Republic of Angola based in Ambriz. FLEC, armed and backed by the French government, declared the independence of the Republic of Cabinda from Paris. The FNLA and UNITA forged an alliance on 23 November, proclaiming their own coalition government, the Democratic People's Republic of Angola, based in Huambo with Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents, and José Ndelé and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as co-Prime Ministers.
In early November 1975, the South African government warned Savimbi and Roberto that the South African Defence Force (SADF) would soon end operations in Angola despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition for their government. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of South Africa, asked General Constand Viljoen to arrange a meeting for him with Prime Minister of South Africa John Vorster, who had been Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On the night of 10 November, the day before the formal declaration of independence, Savimbi secretly flew to Pretoria to meet Vorster. In a reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep his troops in Angola through November, but also promised to withdraw the SADF only after the OAU meeting on 9 December. While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in the Congo joined the Cubans on 12 November. The Soviet leadership expressly forbade the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa.
In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975 and the South African military withdrew in February 1976. Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.
Sweden provided humanitarian assistance to both the SWAPO and the MPLA in the mid-1970s, and regularly raised the issue of UNITA in political discussions between the two movements.
Cuban intervention
Main article: Cuban intervention in AngolaCuban logistics were primitive, relying on a few aging commercial aircraft, small cargo ships, and large fishing vessels to support a major, long-range military operation.
In early September 1975, the Cuban merchant ships Viet Nam Heroico, Isla Coral, and La Plata, loaded with troops, vehicles, and 1,000 tons of gasoline, crossed the Atlantic and sailed to Angola. The United States held a secret, high-level talk with Cuba to express its consternation over Cuba's actions, but this had little effect. The Cuban troops landed in early October. On 7 November, Cuba began a thirteen-day airlift of a 650-man special forces battalion. The Cubans used old Bristol Britannia turboprop aircraft, making refueling stops in Barbados, Guinea-Bissau, and the Congo before landing in Luanda. The troops traveled as "tourists," carrying machine guns in briefcases. They packed 75mm cannons, 82mm mortars, and small arms into the aircraft's cargo holds.
On 14 October, four South African columns totaling 3,000 troops launched Operation Savannah in an attempt to capture Luanda from the south. The Cubans suffered major reversals, including one at Catofe, where South African forces surprised them and caused numerous casualties. However, the Cubans ultimately halted the South African advance by 26 November. Later, another 4,000 South African soldiers entered southern Angola to establish a buffer zone along the Namibian border. The MPLA received support from 3,000 Katangan exiles, a Mozambican battalion, 3,000 East German personnel, and 1,000 Soviet advisors. The pivotal intervention came from 18,000 Cuban troops, who defeated the FNLA in the north and UNITA in the south, concluding the conventional war by 12 February 1976. In Cabinda, the Cubans launched a series of successful operations against the FLEC separatist movement.
By March 1977, the MPLA controlled enough of the country to permit Castro to pay a state visit. However, in May, Nito Alves and José Jacinto Van-Dúnem attempted an unsuccessful coup against Agostinho Neto. Cuban troops helped defeat the rebels. In May 1978, South Africa initiated Operation Reindeer, during which an airstrike on a Cuban convoy resulted in the loss of 150 Cuban troops. By July 1978, Cuba had suffered 5,600 casualties in its African wars (Angola and Ethiopia), including 1,000 killed in Angola and 400 killed against Somali forces in the Ethiopian Ogaden. In 1987, 6,000 South African soldiers reentered the Angolan war, clashing with Cuban forces. They defeated four MPLA brigades at the Lomba River in September and laid siege to Cuito Cuanavale for months until 12,000 Cuban troops broke the blockade in March 1988. On 26 June, South African forces engaged Cuban forces at Techipa, killing several Cuban troops. In response, Cuba launched an air strike on SADF positions the following day, killing nearly a dozen South African troops. Both sides promptly withdrew to prevent further escalation of hostilities.
Clark Amendment
Main articles: Operation IA Feature and Clark AmendmentPresident of the United States Gerald Ford approved covert aid to UNITA and the FNLA through Operation IA Feature on 18 July 1975, despite strong opposition from officials in the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Ford told William Colby, the Director of Central Intelligence, to establish the operation, providing an initial US$6 million. He granted an additional $8 million on 27 July and another $25 million in August.
Two days before the program's approval, Nathaniel Davis, the Assistant Secretary of State, told Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State, that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the Soviet Union would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved the program, Davis resigned. John Stockwell, the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying that success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Chile Edward Mulcahy, also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on 13 May 1975. Mulcahy believed the Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the communist MPLA, refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned that supporting UNITA would not sit well with Mobutu Sese Seko, the president of Zaire.
Dick Clark, a Democratic Senator from Iowa, discovered the operation during a fact-finding mission in Africa, but Seymour Hersh, a reporter for The New York Times, revealed IA Feature to the public on 13 December 1975. Clark proposed an amendment to the Arms Export Control Act, barring aid to private groups engaged in military or paramilitary operations in Angola. The Senate passed the bill, voting 54–22 on 19 December 1975, and the House of Representatives passed the bill, voting 323–99 on 27 January 1976. Ford signed the bill into law on 9 February 1976. Even after the Clark Amendment became law, then-Director of Central Intelligence, George H. W. Bush, refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola had ceased. According to foreign affairs analyst Jane Hunter, Israel stepped in as a proxy arms supplier for South Africa after the Clark Amendment took effect. Israel and South Africa established a longstanding military alliance, in which Israel provided weapons and training, as well as conducting joint military exercises.
The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the United Nations on 23 June 1976. Zambia forbade UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on 28 December 1976 after Angola under MPLA rule became a member of the United Nations. According to Ambassador William Scranton, the United States abstained from voting on the issue of Angola becoming a UN member state "out of respect for the sentiments expressed by its African friends".
Shaba invasions
Main articles: Shaba I and Shaba IIAbout 1,500 members of the Congolese National Liberation Front (FNLC) invaded the Shaba Province (modern-day Katanga Province) in Zaire from eastern Angola on 7 March 1977. The FNLC wanted to overthrow Mobutu, and the MPLA government, suffering from Mobutu's support for the FNLA and UNITA, did not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to capture Kolwezi, Zaire's economic heartland, but took Kasaji and Mutshatsha. The Zairean army (the Forces Armées Zaïroises) was defeated without difficulty and the FNLC continued to advance. On 2 April, Mobutu appealed to William Eteki of Cameroon, Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, for assistance. Eight days later, the French government responded to Mobutu's plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into Kinshasa. This force worked in conjunction with the Zairean army, the FNLA and Egyptian pilots flying French-made Zairean Mirage fighter aircraft to beat back the FNLC. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with numerous refugees, into Angola and Zambia in April 1977.
Mobutu accused the MPLA, Cuban and Soviet governments of complicity in the war. While Neto did support the FNLC, the MPLA government's support came in response to Mobutu's continued support for Angola's FNLA. The Carter Administration, unconvinced of Cuban involvement, responded by offering a meager $15 million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity during the war prompted a shift in Zaire's foreign policy towards greater engagement with France, which became Zaire's largest supplier of arms after the intervention. Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on 22 July 1977.
John Stockwell, the CIA's station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in the April 1977 The Washington Post article "Why I'm Leaving the CIA" that he had warned Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said that covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement.
The FNLC invaded Shaba again on 11 May 1978, capturing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity. This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the French and Belgian militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since the Vietnam War. The French Foreign Legion took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance, the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairean army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's border with Angola. Mobutu, wanting to prevent any chance of another invasion, ordered his troops to shoot on sight.
U.S.-mediated negotiations between the MPLA and Zairean governments led to a peace accord in 1979 and an end to support for insurgencies in each other's respective countries. Zaire temporarily cut off support to the FLEC, the FNLA and UNITA, and Angola forbade further activity by the FNLC.
Nitistas
Main articles: 1970s in Angola and 1977 Angolan coup d'état attemptBy the late 1970s, Interior Minister Nito Alves had become a powerful member of the MPLA government. Alves had successfully put down Daniel Chipenda's Eastern Revolt and the Active Revolt during Angola's War of Independence. Factionalism within the MPLA became a major challenge to Neto's power by late 1975 and Neto gave Alves the task of once again clamping down on dissent. Alves shut down the Cabral and Henda Committees while expanding his influence within the MPLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Alves visited the Soviet Union in October 1976, and may have obtained Soviet support for a coup against Neto. By the time he returned, Neto had grown suspicious of Alves' growing power and sought to neutralize him and his followers, the Nitistas. Neto called a plenum meeting of the Central Committee of the MPLA. Neto formally designated the party as Marxist-Leninist, abolished the Interior Ministry (of which Alves was the head), and established a Commission of Enquiry. Neto used the commission to target the Nitistas, and ordered the commission to issue a report of its findings in March 1977. Alves and Chief of Staff José Van-Dunem, his political ally, began planning a coup d'état against Neto.
Alves and Van-Dunem planned to arrest Neto on 21 May before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report on the activities of the Nitistas. The MPLA changed the location of the meeting shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray. Alves attended anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Alves fought back, denouncing Neto for not aligning Angola with the Soviet Union. After twelve hours of debate, the party voted 26 to 6 to dismiss Alves and Van-Dunem from their positions.
In support of Alves and the coup, the People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) 8th Brigade broke into São Paulo prison on 27 May, killing the prison warden and freeing more than 150 Nitistas. The 8th brigade then took control of the radio station in Luanda and announced their coup, calling themselves the MPLA Action Committee. The brigade asked citizens to show their support for the coup by demonstrating in front of the presidential palace. The Nitistas captured Bula and Dangereaux, generals loyal to Neto, but Neto had moved his base of operations from the palace to the Ministry of Defence in fear of such an uprising. Cuban troops loyal to Neto retook the palace and marched to the radio station. The Cubans succeeded in taking the radio station and proceeded to the barracks of the 8th Brigade, recapturing it by 1:30 pm. While the Cuban force captured the palace and radio station, the Nitistas kidnapped seven leaders within the government and the military, shooting and killing six.
The MPLA government arrested tens of thousands of suspected Nitistas from May to November and tried them in secret courts overseen by Defense Minister Iko Carreira. Those who were found guilty, including Van-Dunem, Jacobo "Immortal Monster" Caetano, the head of the 8th Brigade, and political commissar Eduardo Evaristo, were shot and buried in secret graves. At least 2,000 followers (or alleged followers) of Nito Alves were estimated to have been killed by Cuban and MPLA troops in the aftermath, with some estimates claiming as high as 90,000 dead. Amnesty International estimated 30,000 died in the purge.
The coup attempt had a lasting effect on Angola's foreign relations. Alves had opposed Neto's foreign policy of non-alignment, evolutionary socialism, and multiracialism, favoring stronger relations with the Soviet Union, which Alves wanted to grant military bases in Angola. While Cuban soldiers actively helped Neto put down the coup, Alves and Neto both believed the Soviet Union opposed Neto. Cuban Armed Forces Minister Raúl Castro sent an additional four thousand troops to prevent further dissension within the MPLA's ranks and met with Neto in August in a display of solidarity. In contrast, Neto's distrust of the Soviet leadership increased and relations with the USSR worsened. In December, the MPLA held its first party Congress and changed its name to the MPLA-Worker's Party (MPLA-PT). The Nitista attempted coup took a toll on the MPLA's membership. In 1975, the MPLA had reached 200,000 members, but after the first party congress, that number decreased to 30,000.
Replacing Neto
The Soviets tried to increase their influence, wanting to establish permanent military bases in Angola, but despite persistent lobbying, especially by the Soviet chargé d'affaires, G. A. Zverev, Neto stood his ground and refused to allow the construction of permanent military bases. With Alves no longer a possibility, the Soviet Union backed Prime Minister Lopo do Nascimento against Neto for the MPLA's leadership. Neto moved swiftly, getting the party's Central Committee to fire Nascimento from his posts as Prime Minister, Secretary of the Politburo, Director of National Television, and Director of Jornal de Angola. Later that month, the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were abolished.
Neto diversified the ethnic composition of the MPLA's political bureau as he replaced the hardline old guard with new blood, including José Eduardo dos Santos. When he died on 10 September 1979, the party's Central Committee unanimously voted to elect dos Santos as president.
1980s
Main article: 1980s in AngolaUnder dos Santos's leadership, Angolan troops crossed the border into Namibia for the first time on 31 October, going into Kavango. The next day, dos Santos signed a non-aggression pact with Zambia and Zaire. In the 1980s, fighting spread outward from southeastern Angola, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the National Congolese Army (ANC) and SWAPO increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987, prompting the Soviet Union to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. The USSR gave the MPLA more than US$2 billion in aid in 1984. In 1981, newly elected United States President Ronald Reagan's U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Chester Crocker, developed a linkage policy, tying Namibian independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.
Beginning with 1979, Romania trained Angolan guerrillas. Every 3–4 months, Romania sent two airplanes to Angola, each returning with 166 recruits. These were taken back to Angola after they completed their training. In addition to guerrilla training, Romania also instructed young Angolans as pilots. In 1979, under the command of Major General Aurel Niculescu [ro], Romania founded an air academy in Angola. There were around 100 Romanian instructors in this academy, with about 500 Romanian soldiers guarding the base, which supported 50 aircraft used to train Angolan pilots. The aircraft models used were: IAR 826, IAR 836, EL-29, MiG-15 and AN-24. Designated as the "Commander Bula National Military Aviation School", it was set up on 11 February 1981 in Negage. The facility trained air force pilots, technicians and General Staff officers. The Romanian teaching staff was gradually replaced by Angolans.
The South African military attacked insurgents in Cunene Province on 12 May 1980. The Angolan Ministry of Defense accused the South African government of wounding and killing civilians. Nine days later, the SADF attacked again, this time in Cuando-Cubango, and the MPLA threatened to respond militarily. The SADF launched a full-scale invasion of Angola through Cunene and Cuando-Cubango on 7 June, destroying SWAPO's operational command headquarters on 13 June, in what Prime Minister Pieter Willem Botha described as a "shock attack". The MPLA government arrested 120 Angolans who were planning to set off explosives in Luanda, on 24 June, foiling a plot purportedly orchestrated by the South African government. Three days later, the United Nations Security Council convened at the behest of Angola's ambassador to the UN, E. de Figuerido, and condemned South Africa's incursions into Angola. President Mobutu of Zaire also sided with the MPLA. The MPLA government recorded 529 instances in which they claim South African forces violated Angola's territorial sovereignty between January and June 1980.
Cuba increased its troop force in Angola from 35,000 in 1982 to 40,000 in 1985. South African forces tried to capture Lubango, capital of Huíla province, in Operation Askari in December 1983.
In 1984, five Mexican nationals (who are doing missionary work) were kidnapped by UNITA in 1984. The nuns were later released through negotiations by the International Red Cross. In response to the incident, Mexican Foreign Minister Bernardo Sepúlveda Amor had visited Angola in 1985 to support the MPLA to (both diplomatically and militarily) protect Mexican nationals.
On 2 June 1985, American conservative activists held the Democratic International, a symbolic meeting of anti-Communist militants, at UNITA's headquarters in Jamba. Primarily funded by Rite Aid founder Lewis Lehrman and organized by anti-communist activists Jack Abramoff and Jack Wheeler, participants included Savimbi, Adolfo Calero, leader of the Nicaraguan Contras, Pa Kao Her, Hmong Laotian rebel leader, U.S. Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, South African security forces, Abdurrahim Wardak, Afghan Mujahideen leader, Jack Wheeler, American conservative policy advocate, and many others. The Reagan administration, although unwilling to publicly support the meeting, privately expressed approval. The governments of Israel and South Africa supported the idea, but both respective countries were deemed inadvisable for hosting the conference.
The participants released a communiqué stating,
We, free peoples fighting for our national independence and human rights, assembled at Jamba, declare our solidarity with all freedom movements in the world and state our commitment to cooperate to liberate our nations from the Soviet Imperialists.
The United States House of Representatives voted 236 to 185 to repeal the Clark Amendment on 11 July 1985. The MPLA government began attacking UNITA later that month from Luena towards Cazombo along the Benguela Railway in a military operation named Congresso II, taking Cazombo on 18 September. The MPLA government tried unsuccessfully to take UNITA's supply depot in Mavinga from Menongue. While the attack failed, very different interpretations of the attack emerged. UNITA claimed Portuguese-speaking Soviet officers led FAPLA troops while the government said UNITA relied on South African paratroopers to defeat the MPLA attack. The South African government admitted to fighting in the area, but said its troops fought SWAPO militants.
War intensifies
By 1986, Angola began to assume a more central role in the Cold War, with the Soviet Union, Cuba and other Eastern bloc nations enhancing support for the MPLA government, and American conservatives beginning to elevate their support for Savimbi's UNITA. Savimbi developed close relations with influential American conservatives, who saw Savimbi as a key ally in the U.S. effort to oppose and rollback Soviet-backed, undemocratic governments around the world. The conflict quickly escalated, with both Washington and Moscow seeing it as a critical strategic conflict in the Cold War.
The Soviet Union gave an additional $1 billion in aid to the MPLA government and Cuba sent an additional 2,000 troops to the 35,000-strong force in Angola to protect Chevron oil platforms in 1986. Savimbi had called Chevron's presence in Angola, already protected by Cuban troops, a "target" for UNITA in an interview with Foreign Policy magazine on 31 January.
In Washington, Savimbi forged close relationships with influential conservatives, including Michael Johns (The Heritage Foundation's foreign policy analyst and a key Savimbi advocate), Grover Norquist (President of Americans for Tax Reform and a Savimbi economic advisor), and others, who played critical roles in elevating escalated U.S. covert aid to Savimbi's UNITA and visited with Savimbi in his Jamba, Angola headquarters to provide the Angolan rebel leader with military, political and other guidance in his war against the MPLA government. With enhanced U.S. support, the war quickly escalated, both in terms of the intensity of the conflict and also in its perception as a key conflict in the overall Cold War.
In addition to escalating its military support for UNITA, the Reagan administration and its conservative allies also worked to expand recognition of Savimbi as a key U.S. ally in an important Cold War struggle. In January 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to a meeting at the White House. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA as winning a victory that "electrifies the world". Two months later, Reagan announced the delivery of Stinger surface-to-air missiles as part of the $25 million in aid UNITA received from the U.S. government. Jeremias Chitunda, UNITA's representative to the U.S., became the Vice President of UNITA in August 1986 at the sixth party congress. Fidel Castro made Crocker's proposal—the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and Namibia—a prerequisite to Cuban withdrawal from Angola on 10 September.
UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in Cuanza Norte province on 8 February 1986. ANGOP alleged UNITA massacred civilians in Damba in Uíge Province later that month, on 26 February. The South African government agreed to Crocker's terms in principle on 8 March. Savimbi proposed a truce regarding the Benguela railway on 26 March, saying MPLA trains could pass through as long as an international inspection group monitored trains to prevent their use for counter-insurgency activity. The government did not respond. In April 1987, Fidel Castro sent Cuba's Fiftieth Brigade to southern Angola, increasing the number of Cuban troops from 12,000 to 15,000. The MPLA and American governments began negotiating in June 1987.
Cuito Cuanavale and New York Accords
Main articles: Battle of Cuito Cuanavale and New York AccordsUNITA and South African forces attacked the MPLA's base at Cuito Cuanavale in Cuando Cubango province from 13 January to 23 March 1988, in the second-largest battle in the history of Africa, after the Battle of El Alamein, the largest in sub-Saharan Africa since World War II. Cuito Cuanavale's importance came not from its size or its wealth but its location. South African Defence Forces maintained an overwatch on the city using new, G5 artillery pieces. Both sides claimed victory in the ensuing Battle of Cuito Cuanavale.
After the indecisive results of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, Fidel Castro claimed that the increased cost of continuing to fight for South Africa had placed Cuba in its most aggressive combat position of the war, arguing that he was preparing to leave Angola with his opponents on the defensive. According to Cuba, the political, economic and technical cost to South Africa of maintaining its presence in Angola proved too much. Conversely, the South Africans believe that they indicated their resolve to the superpowers by preparing a nuclear test that ultimately forced the Cubans into a settlement.
Cuban troops were alleged to have used nerve gas against UNITA troops during the civil war. Belgian criminal toxicologist Dr. Aubin Heyndrickx, studied alleged evidence, including samples of war-gas "identification kits" found after the battle at Cuito Cuanavale, claimed that "there is no doubt anymore that the Cubans were using nerve gases against the troops of Mr. Jonas Savimbi."
The Cuban government joined negotiations on 28 January 1988, and all three parties held a round of negotiations on 9 March. The South African government joined negotiations on 3 May and the parties met in June and August in New York and Geneva. All parties agreed to a ceasefire on 8 August. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the New York Accords, granting independence to Namibia and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in New York City on 22 December 1988. The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM), a peacekeeping force. UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January 1989.
Ceasefire
As the Angolan Civil War began to take on a diplomatic component, in addition to a military one, two key Savimbi allies, The Conservative Caucus' Howard Phillips and the Heritage Foundation's Michael Johns visited Savimbi in Angola, where they sought to persuade Savimbi to come to the United States in the spring of 1989 to help the Conservative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation and other conservatives in making the case for continued U.S. aid to UNITA.
President Mobutu invited 18 African leaders, Savimbi, and dos Santos to his palace in Gbadolite in June 1989 for negotiations. Savimbi and dos Santos met for the first time and agreed to the Gbadolite Declaration, a ceasefire, on 22 June, paving the way for a future peace agreement. President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia said a few days after the declaration that Savimbi had agreed to leave Angola and go into exile, a claim Mobutu, Savimbi, and the U.S. government disputed. Dos Santos agreed with Kaunda's interpretation of the negotiations, saying Savimbi had agreed to temporarily leave the country.
On 23 August, dos Santos complained that the U.S. and South African governments continued to fund UNITA, warning such activity endangered the already fragile ceasefire. The next day Savimbi announced UNITA would no longer abide by the ceasefire, citing Kaunda's insistence that Savimbi leave the country and UNITA disband. The MPLA government responded to Savimbi's statement by moving troops from Cuito Cuanavale, under MPLA control, to UNITA-occupied Mavinga. The ceasefire broke down with dos Santos and the U.S. government blaming each other for the resumption in armed conflict.
1990s
Main articles: 1990s in Angola, Angolagate, United Nations Angola Verification Mission II, and First Congo WarPolitical changes abroad and military victories at home allowed the government to transition from a nominally communist state to a nominally democratic one. Namibia's declaration of independence, internationally recognized on 1 April, eliminated the threat to the MPLA from South Africa, as the SADF withdrew from Namibia. The MPLA abolished the one-party system in June and rejected Marxist-Leninism at the MPLA's third Congress in December, formally changing the party's name from the MPLA-PT to the MPLA. The National Assembly passed law 12/91 in May 1991, coinciding with the withdrawal of the last Cuban troops, defining Angola as a "democratic state based on the rule of law" with a multi-party system. Observers met such changes with skepticism. American journalist Karl Maier wrote: "In the New Angola ideology is being replaced by the bottom line, as security and selling expertise in weaponry have become a very profitable business. With its wealth in oil and diamonds, Angola is like a big swollen carcass and the vultures are swirling overhead. Savimbi's former allies are switching sides, lured by the aroma of hard currency." Savimbi also reportedly purged some of those within UNITA whom he may have seen as threats to his leadership or as questioning his strategic course. Among those killed in the purge were Tito Chingunji and his family in 1991. Savimbi denied his involvement in the Chingunji killing and blamed it on UNITA dissidents.
Black, Manafort, and Stone
Main article: Black, Manafort, Stone and KellyGovernment troops wounded Savimbi in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility. He went to Washington, D.C., in December and met with President George H. W. Bush again, the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Savimbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying firm based in Washington, D.C., $5 million to lobby the Federal government for aid, portray UNITA favorably in Western media, and acquire support among politicians in Washington. Savimbi was highly successful in this endeavour. The weapons he would gain from Bush helped UNITA survive even after U.S. support stopped.
Senators Larry Smith and Dante Fascell, a senior member of the firm, worked with the Cuban American National Foundation, Representative Claude Pepper of Florida, Neal Blair's Free the Eagle, and Howard Phillips' Conservative Caucus to repeal the Clark Amendment in 1985. From the amendment's repeal in 1985 to 1992 the U.S. government gave Savimbi $60 million per year, a total of $420 million. A sizable amount of the aid went to Savimbi's personal expenses. Black, Manafort filed foreign lobbying records with the U.S. Justice Department showing Savimbi's expenses during his U.S. visits. During his December 1990 visit he spent $136,424 at the Park Hyatt hotel and $2,705 in tips. He spent almost $473,000 in October 1991 during his week-long visit to Washington and Manhattan. He spent $98,022 in hotel bills, at the Park Hyatt, $26,709 in limousine rides in Washington and another $5,293 in Manhattan. Paul Manafort, a partner in the firm, charged Savimbi $19,300 in consulting and additional $1,712 in expenses. He also bought $1,143 worth of "survival kits" from Motorola. When questioned in an interview in 1990 about human rights abuses under Savimbi, Black said, "Now when you're in a war, trying to manage a war, when the enemy ... is no more than a couple of hours away from you at any given time, you might not run your territory according to New Hampshire town meeting rules."
Bicesse Accords
Main article: Bicesse AccordsPresident dos Santos met with Savimbi in Lisbon, Portugal and signed the Bicesse Accords, the first of three major peace agreements, on 31 May 1991, with the mediation of the Portuguese government. The accords laid out a transition to multi-party democracy under the supervision of the United Nations' UNAVEM II mission, with a presidential election to be held within a year. The agreement attempted to demobilize the 152,000 active fighters and integrate the remaining government troops and UNITA rebels into a 50,000-strong Angolan Armed Forces (FAA). The FAA would consist of a national army with 40,000 troops, navy with 6,000, and air force with 4,000. While UNITA largely did not disarm, the FAA complied with the accord and demobilized, leaving the government disadvantaged.
Angola held the first round of its 1992 presidential election on 29–30 September. Dos Santos officially received 49.57% of the vote and Savimbi won 40.6%. As no candidate received 50% or more of the vote, election law dictated a second round of voting between the top two contenders. Savimbi, along with eight opposition parties and many other election observers, said the election had been neither free nor fair. An official observer wrote that there was little UN supervision, that 500,000 UNITA voters were disenfranchised and that there were 100 clandestine polling stations. Savimbi sent Jeremias Chitunda, Vice President of UNITA, to Luanda to negotiate the terms of the second round. The election process broke down on 31 October, when government troops in Luanda attacked UNITA. Civilians, using guns they had received from police a few days earlier, conducted house-by-house raids with the Rapid Intervention Police, killing and detaining hundreds of UNITA supporters. The government took civilians in trucks to the Camama cemetery and Morro da Luz ravine, shot them, and buried them in mass graves. Assailants attacked Chitunda's convoy on 2 November, pulling him out of his car and shooting him and two others in their faces. The MPLA massacred over ten thousand UNITA and FNLA voters nationwide in a few days in what was known as the Halloween Massacre. Savimbi said the election had neither been free nor fair and refused to participate in the second round. He then proceeded to resume armed struggle against the MPLA.
Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA regained control over Caxito, Huambo, M'banza Kongo, Ndalatando, and Uíge, provincial capitals it had not held since 1976, and moved against Kuito, Luena, and Malange. Although the U.S. and South African governments had stopped aiding UNITA, supplies continued to come from Mobutu in Zaire. UNITA tried to wrest control of Cabinda from the MPLA in January 1993. Edward DeJarnette, Head of the U.S. Liaison Office in Angola for the Clinton Administration, warned Savimbi that, if UNITA hindered or halted Cabinda's production, the U.S. would end its support for UNITA. On 9 January, UNITA began a 55-day battle over Huambo, the "War of the Cities". Hundreds of thousands fled and 10,000 were killed before UNITA gained control on 7 March. The government engaged in an ethnic cleansing of Bakongo, and, to a lesser extent Ovimbundu, in multiple cities, most notably Luanda, on 22 January in the Bloody Friday massacre. UNITA and government representatives met five days later in Ethiopia, but negotiations failed to restore the peace. The United Nations Security Council sanctioned UNITA through Resolution 864 on 15 September 1993, prohibiting the sale of weapons or fuel to UNITA.
Perhaps the clearest shift in U.S. foreign policy emerged when President Bill Clinton issued Executive Order 12865 on 23 September, labeling UNITA a "continuing threat to the foreign policy objectives of the U.S." By August 1993, UNITA had gained control over 70% of Angola, but the government's military successes in 1994 forced UNITA to sue for peace. By November 1994, the government had taken control of 60% of the country. Savimbi called the situation UNITA's "deepest crisis" since its creation. It is estimated that perhaps 120,000 people were killed in the first eighteen months following the 1992 election, nearly half the number of casualties of the previous sixteen years of war. Both sides of the conflict continued to commit widespread and systematic violations of the laws of war with UNITA in particular guilty of indiscriminate shelling of besieged cities resulting in large death toll to civilians. The MPLA government forces used air power in indiscriminate fashion also resulting in high civilian deaths. The Lusaka Protocol of 1994 reaffirmed the Bicesse Accords.
Lusaka Protocol
Main article: Lusaka ProtocolSavimbi, unwilling to personally sign an accord, had former UNITA Secretary General Eugenio Manuvakola represent UNITA in his place. Manuvakola and Angolan Foreign Minister Venancio de Moura signed the Lusaka Protocol in Lusaka, Zambia on 31 October 1994, agreeing to integrate and disarm UNITA. Both sides signed a ceasefire as part of the protocol on 20 November. Under the agreement the government and UNITA would cease fire and demobilize. 5,500 UNITA members, including 180 militants, would join the Angolan national police, 1,200 UNITA members, including 40 militants, would join the rapid reaction police force, and UNITA generals would become officers in the Angolan Armed Forces. Foreign mercenaries would return to their home countries and all parties would stop acquiring foreign arms. The agreement gave UNITA politicians homes and a headquarters. The government agreed to appoint UNITA members to head the Mines, Commerce, Health, and Tourism ministries, in addition to seven deputy ministers, ambassadors, the governorships of Uige, Lunda Sul, and Cuando Cubango, deputy governors, municipal administrators, deputy administrators, and commune administrators. The government would release all prisoners and give amnesty to all militants involved in the civil war. Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and South African President Nelson Mandela met in Lusaka on 15 November 1994 to boost support symbolically for the protocol. Mugabe and Mandela both said they would be willing to meet with Savimbi and Mandela asked him to come to South Africa, but Savimbi did not come. The agreement created a joint commission, consisting of officials from the Angolan government, UNITA, and the UN with the governments of Portugal, the United States, and Russia observing, to oversee its implementation. Violations of the protocol's provisions would be discussed and reviewed by the commission. The protocol's provisions, integrating UNITA into the military, a ceasefire, and a coalition government, were similar to those of the Alvor Agreement that granted Angola independence from Portugal in 1975. Many of the same environmental problems, mutual distrust between UNITA and the MPLA, loose international oversight, the importation of foreign arms, and an overemphasis on maintaining the balance of power, led to the collapse of the protocol.
Arms monitoring
In January 1995, U.S. President Clinton sent Paul Hare, his envoy to Angola, to support the Lusaka Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Angolan government and UNITA, both in need of outside assistance. The United Nations agreed to send a peacekeeping force on 8 February. Savimbi met with South African President Mandela in May. Shortly after, on 18 June, the MPLA offered Savimbi the position of Vice President under dos Santos with another Vice President chosen from the MPLA. Savimbi told Mandela he felt ready to "serve in any capacity which will aid my nation," but he did not accept the proposal until 12 August. The United States Department of Defense and Central Intelligence Agency's Angola operations and analysis expanded in an effort to halt weapons shipments, a violation of the protocol, with limited success. The Angolan government bought six Mil Mi-17 from Ukraine in 1995. The government bought L-39 attack aircraft from the Czech Republic in 1998 along with ammunition and uniforms from Zimbabwe Defence Industries and ammunition and weapons from Ukraine in 1998 and 1999. U.S. monitoring significantly dropped off in 1997 as events in Zaire, the Congo and then Liberia occupied more of the U.S. government's attention. UNITA purchased more than 20 FROG-7 transporter erector launchers (TEL) and three FOX 7 missiles from the North Korean government in 1999.
The UN extended its mandate on 8 February 1996. In March, Savimbi and dos Santos formally agreed to form a coalition government. The government deported 2,000 West African and Lebanese Angolans in Operation Cancer Two, in August 1996, on the grounds that dangerous minorities were responsible for the rising crime rate. In 1996 the Angolan government bought military equipment from India, two Mil Mi-24 attack helicopters and three Sukhoi Su-17 from Kazakhstan in December, and helicopters from Slovakia in March.
The international community helped install a Government of Unity and National Reconciliation in April 1997, but UNITA did not allow the regional MPLA government to take up residence in 60 cities. The UN Security Council voted on 28 August 1997, to impose sanctions on UNITA through Resolution 1127, prohibiting UNITA leaders from traveling abroad, closing UNITA's embassies abroad, and making UNITA-controlled areas a no-fly zone. The Security Council expanded the sanctions through Resolution 1173 on 12 June 1998, requiring government certification for the purchase of Angolan diamonds and freezing UNITA's bank accounts.
During the First Congo War, the Angolan government joined the coalition to overthrow Mobutu's government due to his support for UNITA. Mobutu's government fell to the opposition coalition on 16 May 1997. The Angolan government chose to act primarily through Katangese gendarmes called the Tigres, which were proxy groups formed from the descendants of police units who had been exiled from Zaire and thus were fighting for a return to their homeland. Luanda did also deploy regular troops. In early October 1997, Angola invaded the Republic of the Congo during its civil war, and helped Sassou Nguesso's rebels overthrow the government of Pascal Lissouba. Lissouba's government had allowed UNITA the use of cities in the Republic of Congo in order to circumvent sanctions. Between 11 and 12 October 1997, Angolan air force fighter jets conducted a number of air strikes on government positions within Brazzaville. On 16 October 1997 rebel militia supported by tanks and a force of 1,000 Angolan troops cemented their control of Brazzaville forcing Lisouba to flee. Angolan troops remained in the country fighting militia forces loyal to Lissouba engaged in a guerrilla war against the new government.
The UN spent $1.6 billion from 1994 to 1998 in maintaining a peacekeeping force. The Angolan military attacked UNITA forces in the Central Highlands on 4 December 1998, the day before the MPLA's fourth Congress. Dos Santos told the delegates the next day that he believed war to be the only way to ultimately achieve peace, rejected the Lusaka Protocol, and asked MONUA to leave. In February 1999, the Security Council withdrew the last MONUA personnel. In late 1998, several UNITA commanders, dissatisfied with Savimbi's leadership, formed UNITA Renovada, a breakaway militant group. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and 2000.
The Angolan military (with the help of Brazilian pilots) launched Operation Restore, a massive offensive, in September 1999, recapturing N'harea, Mungo and Andulo and Bailundo, the site of Savimbi's headquarters just one year before. The UN Security Council passed Resolution 1268 on 15 October, instructing United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan to update the Security Council to the situation in Angola every three months. Dos Santos offered an amnesty to UNITA militants on 11 November. By December, Chief of Staff General João de Matos said the Angolan Armed Forces had destroyed 80% of UNITA's militant wing and captured 15,000 tons of military equipment. Following the dissolution of the coalition government, Savimbi retreated to his historical base in Moxico and prepared for battle. In order to isolate UNITA, the government forced civilians in countryside areas subject to UNITA influence to relocate to major cities. The strategy was successful isolating in UNITA but had adverse humanitarian consequences.
Diamond trade
Main articles: Economy of Angola and Blood diamonds § AngolaUNITA's ability to mine diamonds and sell them abroad provided funding for the war to continue even as the movement's support in the Western world and among the local populace withered away. De Beers and Endiama, a state-owned diamond-mining monopoly, signed a contract allowing De Beers to handle Angola's diamond exports in 1990. According to the United Nation's Fowler Report, Joe De Deker, a former stockholder in De Beers, worked with the government of Zaire to supply military equipment to UNITA from 1993 to 1997. De Deker's brother, Ronnie, allegedly flew from South Africa to Angola, directing weapons originating in Eastern Europe. In return, UNITA gave Ronnie bushels of diamonds worth $6 million. De Deker sent the diamonds to De Beer's buying office in Antwerp, Belgium. De Beers openly acknowledges spending $500 million on legal and illegal Angolan diamonds in 1992 alone. The United Nations estimates Angolans made between three and four billion dollars through the diamond trade between 1992 and 1998. The UN also estimates that out of that sum, UNITA made at least $3.72 billion, or 93% of all diamond sales, despite international sanctions.
Executive Outcomes (EO), a South African private military company, played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA, with one U.S. defence expert calling the EO the "best fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever spent." Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers, hired EO to protect their operations in Angola. Executive Outcomes trained up to 5,000 troops and 30 combat pilots in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.
Cabinda separatism
Main article: Cabinda (province)The territory of Cabinda is north of Angola proper, separated by a strip of territory 60 km (37.3 mi) long in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Portuguese Constitution of 1933 designated Angola and Cabinda as overseas provinces. In the course of administrative reforms during the 1930s to 1950s, Angola was divided into districts, and Cabinda became one of the districts of Angola. The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC) formed in 1963 during the broader war for independence from Portugal. Contrary to the organization's name, Cabinda is an exclave, not an enclave. FLEC later split into the Armed Forces of Cabinda (FLEC-FAC) and FLEC-Renovada (FLEC-R). Several other, smaller FLEC factions later broke away from these movements, but FLEC-R remained the most prominent because of its size and its tactics. FLEC-R members cut off the ears and noses of government officials and their supporters, similar to the Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone in the 1990s. Despite Cabinda's relatively small size, foreign powers and the nationalist movements coveted the territory for its vast reserves of petroleum, the principal export of Angola then and now.
In the war for independence, the division of assimilados versus indigenas peoples masked the inter-ethnic conflict between the various native tribes, a division that emerged in the early 1970s. The Union of Peoples of Angola, the predecessor to the FNLA, only controlled 15% of Angola's territory during the independence war, excluding MPLA-controlled Cabinda. The People's Republic of China openly backed UNITA upon independence despite the mutual support from its adversary South Africa and UNITA's pro-Western tilt. The PRC's support for Savimbi came in 1965, a year after he left the FNLA. China saw Holden Roberto and the FNLA as the stooge of the West and the MPLA as the Soviet Union's proxy. With the Sino-Soviet split, South Africa presented the least odious of allies to the PRC.
Throughout the 1990s, Cabindan rebels kidnapped and ransomed off foreign oil workers to in turn finance further attacks against the national government. FLEC militants stopped buses, forcing Chevron Oil workers out, and set fire to the buses on 27 March and 23 April 1992. A large-scale battle took place between FLEC and police in Malongo on 14 May, in which 25 mortar rounds accidentally hit a nearby Chevron compound. The government, fearing the loss of their prime source of revenue, began to negotiate with representatives from Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Renewal (FLEC-R), Armed Forces of Cabinda (FLEC-FAC), and the Democratic Front of Cabinda (FDC) in 1995. Patronage and bribery failed to assuage the anger of FLEC-R and FLEC-FAC and negotiations ended. In February 1997, FLEC-FAC kidnapped two Inwangsa SDN-timber company employees, killing one and releasing the other after receiving a $400,000 ransom. FLEC-FAC kidnapped eleven people in April 1998, nine Angolans and two Portuguese, released for a $500,000 ransom. FLEC-R kidnapped five Byansol-oil engineering employees, two Frenchman, two Portuguese, and an Angolan, in March 1999. While militants released the Angolan, the government complicated the situation by promising the rebel leadership $12.5 million for the hostages. When António Bento Bembe, the President of FLEC-R, showed up, the Angolan army arrested him and his bodyguards. The Angolan army later forcibly freed the other hostages on 7 July. By the end of the year the government had arrested the leadership of all three rebel organizations.
2000s
Main articles: 2000s in Angola, Angolagate, and Second Congo WarIllicit arms trading characterized much of the later years of the Angolan Civil War, as each side tried to gain the upper hand by buying arms from Eastern Europe and Russia. Israel continued in its role as a proxy arms dealer for the United States. On 21 September 2000, a Russian freighter delivered 500 tons of Ukrainian 7.62 mm ammunition to Simportex, a division of the Angolan government, with the help of a shipping agent in London. The ship's captain declared his cargo "fragile" to minimize inspection. The next day, the MPLA began attacking UNITA, winning victories in several battles from 22 to 25 September. The government gained control over military bases and diamond mines in Lunda Norte and Lunda Sul, hurting Savimbi's ability to pay his troops.
Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six Sukhoi Su-17 attack aircraft on 3 April 2000. The Spanish government in the Canary Islands prevented a Ukrainian freighter from delivering 636 tons of military equipment to Angola on 24 February 2001. The captain of the ship had falsely reported his cargo, claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The Angolan government admitted Simportex had purchased arms from Rosvooruzhenie, the Russian state-owned arms company, and acknowledged the captain might have violated Spanish law by misreporting his cargo, a common practice in arms smuggling to Angola.
UNITA carried out several attacks against civilians in May 2001 in a show of strength. UNITA militants attacked Caxito on 7 May, killing 100 people and kidnapping 60 children and two adults. UNITA then attacked Baia-do-Cuio, followed by an attack on Golungo Alto, a city 200 kilometres (124 mi) east of Luanda, a few days later. The militants advanced on Golungo Alto at 2:00 pm on 21 May, staying until 9:00 pm on 22 May when the Angolan military retook the town. They looted local businesses, taking food and alcoholic beverages before singing drunkenly in the streets. More than 700 villagers trekked 60 kilometres (37 mi) from Golungo Alto to Ndalatando, the provincial capital of Cuanza Norte, without injury. According to an aid official in Ndalatando, the Angolan military prohibited media coverage of the incident, so the details of the attack are unknown. Joffre Justino, UNITA's spokesman in Portugal, said UNITA only attacked Gungo Alto to demonstrate the government's military inferiority and the need to cut a deal. Four days later UNITA released the children to a Catholic mission in Camabatela, a city 200 kilometres (124 mi) from where UNITA kidnapped them. The national organization said the abduction violated their policy towards the treatment of civilians. In a letter to the bishops of Angola, Jonas Savimbi asked the Catholic Church to act as an intermediary between UNITA and the government in negotiations. The attacks took their toll on Angola's economy. At the end of May 2001, De Beers, the international diamond mining company, suspended its operations in Angola, ostensibly on the grounds that negotiations with the national government reached an impasse.
Militants of unknown affiliation fired rockets at United Nations World Food Program (UNWFP) planes on 8 June near Luena and again near Kuito a few days later. As the first plane, a Boeing 727, approached Luena someone shot a missile at the aircraft, damaging one engine but not critically as the three-man crew landed successfully. The plane's altitude, 5,000 metres (16,404 ft), most likely prevented the assailant from identifying his target. As the citizens of Luena had enough food to last them several weeks, the UNFWP temporarily suspended their flights. When the flights began again a few days later, militants shot at a plane flying to Kuito, the first attack targeting UN workers since 1999. The UNWFP again suspended food aid flights throughout the country. While he did not claim responsibility for the attack, UNITA spokesman Justino said the planes carried weapons and soldiers rather than food, making them acceptable targets. UNITA and the Angolan government both said the international community needed to pressure the other side into returning to the negotiating table. Despite the looming humanitarian crisis, neither side guaranteed UNWFP planes safety. Kuito, which had relied on international aid, only had enough food to feed their population of 200,000 until the end of the week. The UNFWP had to fly in all aid to Kuito and the rest of the Central Highlands because militants ambushed trucks. Further complicating the situation, potholes in the Kuito airport strip slowed aid deliveries. Overall chaos reduced the amount of available oil to the point at which the UN had to import its jet fuel.
Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA's Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001. The Slovak government sold fighter jets to the Angolan government in 2001 in violation of the European Union Code of Conduct on Arms Exports.
Death of Savimbi
Government troops killed Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, in Moxico province. UNITA Vice President António Dembo took over, but, weakened by wounds sustained in the same skirmish that killed Savimbi, died from diabetes 12 days later on 3 March, and Secretary-General Paulo Lukamba Gato became UNITA's leader. After Savimbi's death, the government came to a crossroads over how to proceed. After initially indicating the counter-insurgency might continue, the government announced it would halt all military operations on 13 March. Military commanders for UNITA and the MPLA met in Cassamba and agreed to a cease-fire. Carlos Morgado, UNITA's spokesman in Portugal, said the UNITA's Portugal wing had been under the impression General Kamorteiro, the UNITA general who agreed to the ceasefire, had been captured more than a week earlier. Morgado did say that he had not heard from Angola since Savimbi's death. The military commanders signed a Memorandum of Understanding as an addendum to the Lusaka Protocol in Luena on 4 April, with Santos and Lukambo observing.
The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1404 on 18 April, extending the monitoring mechanism of sanctions by six months. Resolutions 1412 and 1432, passed on 17 May and 15 August respectively, suspended the UN travel ban on UNITA officials for 90 days each, finally abolishing the ban through Resolution 1439 on 18 October. UNAVEM III, extended an additional two months by Resolution 1439, ended on 19 December.
UNITA's new leadership declared the rebel group a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces in August 2002. That same month, the United Nations Security Council replaced the United Nations Office in Angola with the United Nations Mission in Angola, a larger, non-military, political presence.
Aftermath
The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Angola, internally displacing 4.28 million people – one-third of Angola's total population. The United Nations estimated in 2003 that 80% of Angolans lacked access to basic medical care, 60% lacked access to water, and 30% of Angolan children would die before the age of five, with an overall national life expectancy of less than 40 years of age. Over 100,000 children were separated from their families.
There was an exodus from rural areas in most of the country. Today the urban population represents slightly more than half of the population, according to the latest census. In many cases, people went into cities outside the traditional area of their ethnic group. There are now important Ovimbundu communities in Luanda, Malanje, and Lubango. There has been a degree of return, but at a slow pace, while many younger people are reluctant to go to a rural life that they never knew.
In rural areas, one problem is that some were for years under the control of the MPLA-government, while others were controlled by UNITA. Some of the population fled to neighbouring countries, while others went into remote mountainous areas.
Over 156 people have died since 2018 from 70 landmine accidents and other blasts resulting from explosives installed during the Angolan civil war. The landmine victims do not receive any government support.
On the 44th anniversary of the May 27, 1977 attempted coup by Nito Alves, Angolan president João Lourenço apologized for the execution of thousands of Alves' followers by the MPLA in the aftermath of the failed coup and promised to return the remains of the victims to their families.
Humanitarian efforts
The government spent $187 million settling internally displaced persons (IDPs) between 4 April 2002, and 2004, after which the World Bank gave $33 million to continue the settling process. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated that fighting in 2002 displaced 98,000 people between 1 January and 28 February alone. IDPs comprised 75% of all landmine victims. The IDPs, unacquainted with their surroundings, frequently and predominantly fell victim to these weapons. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million landmines by 2002. The HALO Trust began demining Angola in 1994, and had destroyed 30,000 landmines by July 2007. 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign workers are employed by the HALO Trust in Angola, with demining operations expected to finish by 2014.
Child soldiers
Human Rights Watch estimates UNITA and the government employed more than 6,000 and 3,000 child soldiers, respectively, some forcibly impressed, during the war. Additionally, human rights analysts found that between 5,000 and 8,000 underage girls were married to UNITA militants. Some girls were ordered to go and forage for food to provide for the troops – the girls were denied food if they did not bring back enough to satisfy their commander. After victories, UNITA commanders would be rewarded with women, who were often then sexually abused. The Angolan government and UN agencies identified 190 child soldiers in the Angolan army, and had relocated 70 of them by November 2002, but the government continued to knowingly employ other underage soldiers.
In popular culture
In John Milius's 1984 film Red Dawn, Bella, one of the Cuban officers who takes part in a joint Cuban-Soviet invasion of the United States, is said to have fought in the conflicts in Angola, El Salvador, and Nicaragua.
Jack Abramoff wrote and co-produced the film Red Scorpion with his brother Robert in 1989. In the film, Dolph Lundgren plays Nikolai, a Soviet agent sent to assassinate an African revolutionary in a fictional country modeled on Angola. The South African government financed the film through the International Freedom Foundation, a front-group chaired by Abramoff, as part of its efforts to undermine international sympathy for the African National Congress. While working in Hollywood, Abramoff was convicted for fraud and other offenses that he had committed during his concurrent career as a lobbyist. Lundgren also starred in the 1998 film Sweepers as a demolitions expert clearing minefields in Angola.
The war provides a more comedic background story in the South African comedy The Gods Must Be Crazy 2 as a Cuban and an Angolan soldier repeatedly try to take each other prisoner, but ultimately part on (more or less) amicable terms.
The Cuban classic film Caravana was produced on the fictionalized exploits of a Cuban caravan (a military mechanized column) sent to reinforce an isolated Cuban position against an impeding UNITA attack. On the way they need to clear mines and repel continued attacks of Cobra, a special operations section of UNITA troops indirectly monitored by CIA handlers. The film received substantial support from Cuban Armed Forces, included many famous Cuban actors of the time and became a classic of Cuban Cinema.
Three additional Cuban films were produced in a loose trilogy, each focused in one significant battle of the war: Kangamba, Sumbe and Cuito Cuanavale.
The 2004 film The Hero, produced by Fernando Vendrell and directed by Zézé Gamboa, depicts the life of average Angolans in the aftermath of the civil war. The film follows the lives of three individuals: Vitório, a war veteran crippled by a landmine who returns to Luanda; Manu, a young boy searching for his soldier father; and Joana, a teacher who mentors the boy and begins a love affair with Vitório. The Hero won the 2005 Sundance World Dramatic Cinema Jury Grand Prize. A joint Angolan, Portuguese, and French production, The Hero was filmed entirely in Angola.
The Swedish–German 2010 documentary film My Heart of Darkness, about the Angolan Civil War was filmed in 2007.
The Angolan Civil War is featured in the 2012 video game Call of Duty: Black Ops II, in which the player (Alex Mason) assists Jonas Savimbi in a battle against MPLA forces.
In the video game Metal Gear Solid V: The Phantom Pain, the main character known as "Venom Snake" ventures into the Angola—Zaire border region during the Angolan Civil War in order to track down the men responsible for the destruction of his private military organization.
The conflict is featured in first three episodes of the 2018 German television series Deutschland 86.
In 2018 Another day of life, a animated movie based on Ryszard Kapuściński autobiographical book, released. It is a co-production between Poland, Spain, Belgium, Germany and Hungary.
See also
- Another Day of Life, an account of the war by Ryszard Kapuscinski
- Mozambican Civil War, another proxy war which also started soon after the country gained independence from Portugal
- Reagan Doctrine
- Republic of Cabinda
- South African Border War
- Mercenaries in Angolan Civil War
Notes
- Irritated by UNITA cross-border raids, the Namibian Defence Force retaliated by sending units into southern Angola and destroying a UNITA training camp at Licua in late January 2001. The Namibian troops were not withdrawn from Angola until May 2002.
- The North Korean Military Mission in Angola had about 1,500 personnel attached to FAPLA in 1986, most likely advisers, although their exact duties are uncertain. Their presence in Angola may have been indirectly subsidised by the Soviet Union.
- The results of the 2008 Elections in Angola show that its constituency is by now considerably larger.
- The Dutch conquered and ruled Luanda between 1640 and 1648 as Fort Aardenburgh, but the Portuguese presence was maintained inland, and after the reconquest of Luanda, all trading activities were resumed as before.
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Further reading
- "Angola Retrospective: Long Road to Peace." New African, February 2016, 50+.
- Nelson Mandela & Fidel Castro, How Far We Slaves Have Come!, New York:Pathfinder Press, 1991
- Adunbi, Omolade. Oil Wealth and Insurgency in Nigeria (Indiana UP, 2015).
- Brittain, Victoria, and Peter Whittaker. "Death of Dignity: Angola's Civil War." New Internationalist (August 1998). MPLA viewpoint.
- Collelo, Thomas. Angola, a Country Study (3rd ed. US State Dept. 1991).
- Fernando Andresen Guimarães, The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict, Houndsmills & London: Macmillan, 1998
- French, Howard H. "How America Helped Savimbi and Apartheid South Africa. (for the Record: Angola)." New African (June 2002) .
- Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8.4 (2006): 98–146. online
- Gleijeses, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959–1976 (U of North Carolina Press, 2002).
- Gleijeses, Piero. Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991 (U of North Carolina Press, 2013).
- Hanhimaki, Jussi M. The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy (2004) pp 398=426.
- Hill, Alexander (2021). ""We Carried Out Our Duty!": The Soviet Union, Cuito Cuanavale, and Wars of National Liberation in Southern Africa". The Journal of Slavic Military Studies. 34 (1): 139–158. doi:10.1080/13518046.2021.1923993. S2CID 235689406.
- Isaacson, Walter. Kissinger: A Biography (2005) pp 672–92. online free to borrow
- W. Martin James III (2011). A Political History of the Civil War in Angola 1974–1990. Piscataway: Transaction Publishers. p. 34. ISBN 978-1-4128-1506-2.
- Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer. The Katangese Gendarmes and War in Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home (Indiana UP, 2016).
- Klinghoffer, Arthur J. The Angolan War: A study of Soviet policy in the Third World, (Westview Press, 1980).
- Assis Malaquias (2007). Rebels and Robbers: Violence in Post-Colonial Angola. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. ISBN 978-91-7106-580-3.
- McCormick, Shawn H. The Angolan Economy: Prospects for Growth in a Postwar Environment. (Westview Press, 1994).
- McFaul, Michael. "Rethinking the 'Reagan Doctrine' in Angola." International Security 14.3 (1989): 99–135. online
- Minter, William. Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Press, 1994
- Niederstrasser, R. O. "The Cuban Legacy in Africa." Washington Report on the Hemisphere, (30 November 2017) .
- Onslow, Sue. “The battle of Cuito Cuanavale: Media space and the end of the Cold War in Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Sergey Radchenko. eds., The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict (2011) pp 277–96.
- Pazzanita, Anthony G, "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 29 No 1(March 1991): pp. 83–114.
- Saney, Isaac, "African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid," Latin American Perspectives 33#5 (2006): pp. 81–117.
- Saunders, Chris. "The ending of the Cold War and Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Sergey Radchenko. eds., The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict (2011) pp 264–77.
- Sellström, Tor, ed. Liberation in Southern Africa: Regional and Swedish Voices : Interviews from Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, the Frontline and Sweden (Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute, 2002). * Stockwell, John. In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story, New York: W.W. Norton, 1978. by CVIA official
- Thornton, Richard. Nixon Kissinger Years: Reshaping America's Foreign Policy (2md ed. 2001) pp 356–92.
- Tvedten, Inge. Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction (Westview Press, 1997) a major scholarly history.
- UN. "Security Council Again Condemns South Africa for 'Unprovoked Aggression' against Angola." UN Chronicle, November–December 1985, 12+.
- Windrich, Elaine. The Cold War Guerrilla: Jonas Savimbi, the U. S. Media, and the Angolan War (Greenwood Press, 1992).
- Wolfers, Michael, & Bergerol, Jane. Angola in the Front Line (London: Zed Books, 1983)
- Wright, George The Destruction of a Nation: United States Policy Towards Angola Since 1945, (London: Pluto Press, 1997).
External links
- All Peace Agreements for Angola – UN Peacemaker
- Armed Conflict Events Data: Angolan Civil War 1975–1991
- "Savimbi's Elusive Victory in Angola" Archived 27 July 2013 at the Wayback Machine – Michael Johns, U.S. Congressional Record, 26 October 1989.
- Arte TV: Fidel, der Che und die afrikanische Odyssee
- Departement Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg über den Krieg in Angola – Hamburg University
- Afrika-Bulletin Nr. 123, August/September 2006 mit Schwerpunktthema Angola
- Deutsches Auswärtiges Amt zur Geschichte Angolas – German foreign ministry
- Welt Online: Wie Castro die Revolution exportierte
- Christine Hatzky: Kuba in Afrika – Duisburg University
- The National Security Archive: Secret Cuban Documents on Africa Involvement
- U.S. Involvement in Angolan Conflict from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archive
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Armed conflicts involving Cuba | |
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External and international |
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Post–Cold War conflicts in Africa | |||||||||||||||
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North Africa |
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West Africa |
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Central Africa |
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East Africa |
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Southern Africa |
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Related topics |
- Angolan Civil War
- Civil wars in Angola
- Civil wars of the 20th century
- Military history of Angola
- 1970s conflicts
- 1980s conflicts
- 1990s conflicts
- 2000s conflicts
- Cold War conflicts
- Angola–Brazil relations
- Angola–Cuba military relations
- Angola–South Africa relations
- Angola–Soviet Union relations
- Wars involving the Democratic Republic of the Congo
- Blood diamonds
- 1975 establishments in Angola
- 2002 disestablishments in Angola
- 1970s in Angola
- 1980s in Angola
- 1990s in Angola
- 2000s in Angola
- 21st-century conflicts
- Proxy wars
- Wars involving the Soviet Union
- Wars involving Cuba
- Wars involving Brazil