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{{Short description|Parliamentary procedure of the United States Senate invoked to amend rules of discussion}} | |||
The '''''nuclear option''''' is a phrase used to refer to a proposed change in the ] rules to prevent the ] of ] confirmations. Along with the term '''''Constitutional option''''', it is an ] ] used during ] judicial confirmation political fight. | |||
{{Other uses}} | |||
{{Use American English|date = March 2019}} | |||
{{Use mdy dates|date = March 2019}} | |||
{{United States Senate}} | |||
In the ], the '''nuclear option''' is a ] that allows the Senate to override a standing rule by a simple majority, avoiding the two-thirds<ref>{{cite web|title=Filibusters and Cloture in the Senate|url=https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RL/RL30360|publisher=Congressional Research Service|location=Washington, D.C.}}</ref> ] normally required to invoke ] on a measure amending the Standing Rules. The term "nuclear option" is an ] to ]s being the most extreme option in warfare. | |||
<!--Editors are asked to define what the current rules are, then define what the change would be-->Currently, Senate rules allow any member to prevent a confirmation vote of a Presidential appointee by staging a ]. The filibuster can be overridden by a three-fifths majority (60 out of 100 senators) vote via a ] motion. The nuclear option would allow a ] (50 out of 100 senators, plus the ] in the case of a tie) to end a judicial filibuster. Once cloture is achieved, the nominee would be confirmed or rejected by a simple majority vote. | |||
The nuclear option can be invoked by a senator raising a ] that contravenes a standing rule. The ] would then overrule the point of order based on Senate rules and precedents; this ruling would then be ] and overturned by a simple majority vote (or a tie vote), establishing a new precedent. The nuclear option is made possible by the principle in Senate procedure that appeals from rulings of the chair on points of order relating to nondebatable questions are themselves nondebatable.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Riddick |first=Floyd M. |url=https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/GPO-RIDDICK-1992/context |title=Riddick's Senate Procedure |publisher=] |year=1992 |location=Washington, D.C.}}</ref>{{Rp|page=725}} The nuclear option is most often discussed in connection with the ]. Since cloture is a nondebatable question, an appeal in relation to cloture is decided without debate. This obviates the usual requirement for a two-thirds majority to invoke cloture on a resolution amending the Standing Rules. | |||
Republican Senate ] ] (R-Tenn) threatened to implement the nuclear option in response to what he called Democratic "obstructionism". At the time, Democrats had blocked the nomination of 10 of Bush's nominees. | |||
The nuclear option was notably invoked on November 21, 2013, when a ] majority led by ] used the procedure to reduce the cloture threshold for nominations, other than nominations to the ], to a simple majority.<ref>{{cite web |date=July 9, 2018 |title=Nuclear option: Why Trump's Supreme Court pick needs only 51 votes |publisher=cbsnews |url=https://www.cbsnews.com/news/nuclear-option-why-trumps-supreme-court-pick-needs-only-51-votes-in-the-senate/ |access-date=December 27, 2018}}</ref> On April 6, 2017, the nuclear option was used again, this time by a ] majority led by ], to extend that precedent to Supreme Court nominations, in order to enable cloture to be invoked on the ] of ] by a simple majority.<ref>{{cite web |title=McConnell went 'nuclear' to confirm Gorsuch. But Democrats changed Senate filibuster rules first. |date=June 28, 2018 |publisher=nbcnews |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/mcconnell-went-nuclear-confirm-gorsuch-democrats-changed-senate-filibuster-rules-n887271 |access-date=December 27, 2018}}</ref><ref name=foxnewsnuclear>{{cite web |date=April 6, 2017 |title=Republicans go 'nuclear,' bust through Democratic filibuster on Gorsuch |website=] |url=https://www.foxnews.com/politics/republicans-go-nuclear-bust-through-democratic-filibuster-on-gorsuch |access-date=December 27, 2018}}</ref><ref name=abcnewclar>{{cite web |date=Apr 6, 2017 |title=Senate approves 'nuclear option,' clears path for Neil Gorsuch Supreme Court nomination vote |website=] |url=https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/senate-approves-nuclear-option-fight-gorsuch-supreme-court/story?id=46608672 |access-date=December 27, 2018}}</ref> | |||
Former Democratic Vice President ] called the nuclear option a Republican "power grab". In the 2005 Senate, Republicans held 55 seats, Democrats 44 and Independents held one. The nuclear option would allow 51 Republican Senators to hand confirmation power to themselves. | |||
The use of the nuclear option to abolish the 60-vote threshold for cloture on legislation has been proposed, but not successfully effected. | |||
In May ], Senator John McCain (R-AZ) and Senator Ben Nelson (D-NE) organized a moderate block of fourteen Senators (7 Republican and 7 Democrat) to sign a memo of understanding stating they would vote for cloture on three of Bush's nominees and would resist attempts to implement the nuclear option. Their memo said, in part: "We believe that, under Article II, Section 2, of the United States Constitution, the word "Advice" speaks to consultation between the Senate and the President with regard to the use of the president's power to make nominations. We encourage the Executive branch of government to consult with members of the Senate, both Democratic and Republican, prior to submitting a judicial nomination to the Senate for consideration." | |||
==Procedure to invoke the nuclear option== | |||
The nuclear option would affect nominees to ], ] and the ], all of which are lifetime appointments. As ] ] is expected to step down during ] ] presidency, Bush's nomination to replace him could be confirmed by such a simple majority. | |||
On November 21, 2013, following a failed ] on a nomination, the nuclear option was used, as follows:<ref>{{cite web |title=Raw: Senate Votes to Change Filibuster Rules |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lnx2UvGvhQA&ab_channel=AssociatedPress |website=YouTube | date=November 21, 2013 |publisher=Associated Press |access-date=22 November 2021}}</ref> | |||
<blockquote><poem> | |||
After the resignation of moderate Justice ], announced July 1, 2005, the nuclear option has become a more likely plan to appoint a more conservative justice in her place. | |||
'''Mr. REID.''' I raise a point of order that the vote on cloture under Rule XXII for all nominations other than for the Supreme Court of the United States is by majority vote. | |||
'''The PRESIDENT pro tempore.''' Under the rules, the point of order is not sustained. | |||
'''Mr. REID.''' I appeal the ruling of the Chair and ask for the yeas and nays. | |||
(48–52 vote on sustaining the decision of the chair) | |||
'''The PRESIDENT pro tempore.''' The decision of the Chair is not sustained. | |||
'''The PRESIDENT pro tempore.''' *** Under the precedent set by the Senate today, November 21, 2013, the threshold for cloture on nominations, not including those to the Supreme Court of the United States, is now a majority. That is the ruling of the Chair.<ref>{{cite journal |date=November 21, 2013 |title=Congressional Record — Senate |pages=S8417—18 |url=https://www.congress.gov/113/crec/2013/11/21/CREC-2013-11-21.pdf |access-date=January 10, 2021}}</ref> | |||
</poem></blockquote> | |||
Once the presiding officer rules on the point of order, if the underlying question is nondebatable, any appeal is decided without debate. A simple majority is needed to sustain a decision of the chair.<ref name=":0" />{{Rp|page=148}} As the appeal is nondebatable, there is no supermajority requirement for cloture, as would be necessary for a proposition amending the rules. The presiding officer and the standing rule can therefore be overruled by a simple majority. This procedure establishes a new precedent that supersedes the plain text of the Standing Rules. These precedents will then be relied upon by future presiding officers in determining questions of procedure. | |||
{{TOCright}} | |||
==A Change to Senate Rules== | |||
] ] first suggested using a ruling of the chair to defeat a filibuster of judicial nominees in ] ]. The ] for the plan was "Hulk." Weeks later Sen. ] coined the term ''nuclear option''.<!--('']'', May 10, 2003, "Judicial filibuster rule change faces high hurdle in Senate," Charles Hurt). - this needs to be replaced with a URL to the article--> The maneuver was called the ''nuclear option'' because it was seen as a last resort with possibly catastrophic consequences for both sides. The term's association to ] is intended to suggest the maneuver being a 'last resort', as well as the extreme consequences the rules change would produce. | |||
The procedure may, for example, override requirements of Rule XXII, the ] rule, in order to allow a filibuster to be broken without the usual 60-vote requirement. | |||
Although the can normally only be changed by a two-thirds (67) vote, it was proposed to rise to a ] that filibusters of judicial nominees are unconstitutional and/or otherwise improper. The Senate's presiding officer, normally the Vice President, could then rule on the point of order. Presumably Vice President ] would be expected to sustain. The Democrats could then appeal the decision of the chair, a motion which the Republicans would immediately move to lay on the table. A motion to lay on the table is non-debatable, and would only require a simple majority vote to sustain the ruling of the chair. With success, Republicans would establish a precedent that judicial filibusters are out of order. | |||
==Background== | |||
The legality of the nuclear option has been challenged. The Senate parliamentarian, Alan Frumin, was appointed by Sen. Lott. Furmin is an ostensibly neutral staff member and appointed keeper of the Senate's rules, and is opposed to the nuclear option. It's been reported that a ] report "leaves little doubt" that the nuclear option would not be based on previous precedents of the Senate. | |||
===The 60-vote rule=== | |||
==Historical Backdrop== | |||
{{Main|Filibuster in the United States Senate}} | |||
{{dablink|For more on the history of the Filibuster in U.S. politics see }} | |||
Originally, the Senate's rules did not provide for a procedure for the Senate to vote to end debate on a question so that it could be voted on,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Koger |first=Gregory |date=2021-04-19 |title=Aaron Burr is not to blame for the Senate filibuster |url=https://www.mischiefsoffaction.com/post/aaron-burr-is-not-to-blame-for-the-senate-filibuster |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220125043512/https://www.mischiefsoffaction.com/post/aaron-burr-is-not-to-blame-for-the-senate-filibuster |archive-date=2022-01-25 |access-date=2023-07-08 |website=Mischiefs of Faction}}</ref><ref>{{Cite report |url=https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R44395 |title=Amending Senate Rules at the Start of a New Congress, 1953-1975: An Analysis with an Afterword to 2015 |last=Oleszek |first=Walter J. |date=2016-02-23 |publisher=Congressional Research Service |pages=2–3 |quote="In short, the Senate’s deletion of the previous question motion from its rules did not give rise to filibusters because the 1806 motion was neither used to end debate nor bring the Senate to a vote on the pending matter." |access-date=2023-08-13 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220508211404/https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R44395 |archive-date=2022-05-08 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite report |url=https://hobnobblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Cooper-Richard-Russell-S-doc-104.pdf |title=The Previous Question – Its Standing as a Precedent for Cloture in the United States Senate |last=Cooper |first=Joseph |date=1962-07-09 |access-date=2022-10-02 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210317020811/https://hobnobblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Cooper-Richard-Russell-S-doc-104.pdf |archive-date=2021-03-17}}</ref> which opened the door to filibusters. In 1917, the Senate introduced a procedure to allow for ending debate (invoking cloture) with a two-thirds majority, later reduced in 1975 to three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn (60 if there is no more than one vacancy).<ref name="SenateRules">{{cite web |title=Rules of the Senate |publisher=U.S. Senate Rules & Administration Committee |url=https://www.rules.senate.gov/rules-of-the-senate |access-date=21 January 2018}}</ref> Thus, although a measure might have majority support, opposition from or absence by at least 41 senators can effectively defeat a bill by preventing debate on it from ending, in a tactic known as a ]. | |||
The Senate has many ways to frustrate a Presidential appointment other than the filibuster; there is no Constitutional or legal requirement for the Senate to actually hold an up-or-down vote on judicial nominees. A group of Senators may tie up the vote in the ] indefinitely by various means, or actually vote it down; the vote can be ] or otherwise delayed on the floor; holds can be obtained; and a filibuster can be conducted, among other tactics. | |||
Since the 1970s, the Senate has also used a "two-track" procedure whereby Senate business may continue on other topics while one item is being filibustered. Since filibusters no longer require the minority to actually hold the floor and bring all other business to a halt, the mere threat of a filibuster has gradually become normalized. In the modern Senate, this means that most measures now typically requires 60 votes to advance, unless a specific exception limiting the time for debate applies. | |||
In 1968, Republican Senators led a four-day filibuster and successfully blocked ]'s nomination of ] to be elevated from Associate Justice of the Supreme Court to ]. The Democrats were the majority party at the time, and made a cloture motion to move the nomination to a floor vote. It did get a simple majority, but nowhere near the 66 votes then needed to end debate. Voting against cloture were 24 Republicans and 19 Democrats. Republicans cite the 19 Democratic votes as evidence of bipartisan support for the filibuster. Democrats point out that all 19 were from the bloc of southern Democrats (the so called ]) that had teamed with Republicans to filibuster civil rights legislation in the 1960s. | |||
Changing Rule XXII to eliminate the 60-vote threshold is made difficult by the rules themselves. Rule XXII, paragraph 2, states that to end debate on any proposition "to amend the Senate rules the necessary affirmative vote shall be two-thirds of the Senators present and voting". If all senators vote, 67 votes are required to invoke cloture on a proposition to amend a rule.<ref name="SenateRules" /> | |||
There are nominees who have been threatened with a filibuster, but these nominees did eventually get a vote. Democrats did not filibuster President George H.W. Bush's controversial nomination of Clarence Thomas in 1991. Republicans almost certainly would not have been able to muster the votes needed to overcome such a filibuster. | |||
=== |
===Terminology=== | ||
Republican Senator ] suggested using a ruling of the chair to defeat a filibuster of judicial nominees in February 2003. The ] for the plan was "Hulk". Weeks later, Senator ] coined the term ''nuclear option'' in March 2003 because the maneuver was seen as a last resort with possibly major consequences for both sides.<ref name=VandeHei>{{cite news | |||
In ], Democrats held the White House and a majority of the Senate. The ''New York Times'' editorialized, "The U.S. Senate likes to call itself the world's greatest deliberative body. The greatest obstructive body is more like it. In the last session of Congress, the Republican minority invoked an endless string of filibusters to frustrate the will of the majority. This (is a) relentless abuse of a time-honored Senate tradition . . . . Once a rarely used tactic reserved for issues on which senators held passionate convictions, the filibuster has become the tool of the sore loser, dooming any measure that cannot command the 60 required votes." There was no attempt to rewrite Senate rules for confirmation at that time. | |||
|last=VandeHei | |||
|first=Jim | |||
|author-link=Jim VandeHei | |||
|date=2005-05-29 | |||
|title=From Senator's 2003 Outburst, GOP hatched 'nuclear option' | |||
|newspaper=Washington Post | |||
|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/05/18/AR2005051802144.html}} | |||
</ref><ref name="Safire">{{cite news | |||
|last=Safire | |||
|first=William | |||
|author-link=William Safire | |||
|date=2005-03-20 | |||
|title=Nuclear Options | |||
|work=] | |||
|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20ONLANGUAGE.html | |||
|quote=In March 2003, the Mississippi Republican Trent Lott was troubled by the Democrats' use of the threat of a filibuster, or Senate-stopping 'extended debate,' which prevented a vote on some of President Bush's judicial nominees. Charles Hurt of The Washington Times wrote that Lott told him of a plan that might allow Republicans to confirm a judge with a simple 51-vote majority – rather than the 60 votes needed under the present rules to 'break' a filibuster. Lott 'declined to elaborate, warning that his idea is "nuclear."' This led Michael Crowley of The New Republic to ask rhetorically: 'What might Lott's 'nuclear' option be?'}}</ref><ref name="Radelat">{{cite news | |||
|last=Radelat | |||
|first=Ana | |||
|date=2003-05-23 | |||
|title=Lott aims to change filibuster rules: Senator says stalling of Pickering's nomination, others "cannot stand" | |||
|newspaper=The Clarion-Ledger | |||
|url=http://orig.clarionledger.com/news/0305/23/m05.html | |||
|access-date=April 26, 2005 | |||
}} {{dead link|date=June 2021|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}}</ref> The metaphor of a nuclear strike refers to the majority party unilaterally imposing a change to the filibuster rule, which might provoke retaliation by the minority party.<ref name="Toobin">{{cite magazine |last=Toobin |first=Jeffrey |date=2005-03-07 |title=Blowing Up the Senate: Will Bush's judicial nominees win with the "nuclear option"? |magazine=The New Yorker |url=http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2005/03/07/050307fa_fact?currentPage=all |access-date=2012-11-13}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Bolton |first=Alexander |title=Dems short on votes for filibuster reform |date=2012-11-13 |work=The Hill |url=https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/134413-dems-short-on-votes-for-filibuster-reform/ |access-date=2012-11-14 |quote=Supporters call it the constitutional option, but it is well-known as the “nuclear” option for the meltdown in partisan relations that it could affect.}}</ref> | |||
The alternative term "constitutional option"<ref>{{cite magazine | |||
In ], then President Clinton nominated Judge ] to the 9th Circuit of the ]. Conservatives in Congress held up Paez's nomination for more than four years, culminating in an filibuster on ], ], which failed when only 14 Republicans approved it. ] was among those who voted to filibuster Paez. Paez was ultimately confirmed with a simple majority. | |||
|last=Noah | |||
|first=Timothy | |||
|author-link=Timothy Noah | |||
|date=2010-01-25 | |||
|title=Going Nuclear: A risky (but justifiable) path to passing health care reform | |||
|magazine=Slate | |||
|url=http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/prescriptions/2010/01/going_nuclear.html | |||
}}</ref><ref name="Gold2004">{{cite journal |last1=Gold |first1=Martin B. |last2=Gupta |first2=Dimple |date=Fall 2004 |title=The Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: A Majoritarian Means to Over Come the Filibuster |publisher=Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy |volume=28 |page=205 |url=http://faculty.washington.edu/jwilker/353/353Assignments/Gold_Gupta_JLPP_article.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130113043132/http://faculty.washington.edu/jwilker/353/353Assignments/Gold_Gupta_JLPP_article.pdf |archive-date=January 13, 2013 |quote=Sets forth the history of the constitutional option in the U.S. Overview of the Senate rules governing debate; History of the filibuster}} </ref><ref name=Glowka>{{cite journal |last1=Glowka |first1=Wayne |author-link1=Wayne Glowka |display-authors=etal |year=2005 |title=Among the new words |journal=American Speech |volume=80 |issue=4 |pages=406–424 |doi=10.1215/00031283-80-4-406 |url=http://americanspeech.dukejournals.org/cgi/reprint/80/4/406}}</ref> is often used with particular regard to confirmation of executive and judicial nominations, on the theory that the ] requires these nominations to receive the "advice and consent" of the Senate. Proponents of this term argue that the Constitution implies that the Senate can act by a majority vote unless the Constitution itself requires a supermajority, as it does for certain measures such as the ratification of treaties.<ref name="Toobin"/> By effectively requiring a supermajority of the Senate to fulfil this function, proponents believe that the current Senate practice prevents the body from exercising its constitutional mandate, and that the remedy is therefore the "constitutional option". | |||
===2005 debate on judicial nominations=== | |||
===George W. Bush administration=== | |||
{{Main|2005 debate on nuclear option (United States Senate)}} | |||
When President George W. Bush took office there were dozens of federal court vacancies, which Democrats contend Pres. Clinton had been unable to fill due to Republican blocking of his nominees. Republicans held a majority in the Senate during the last 6 years of the Clinton administration. Democrats assert that, for the most part, Republicans did not raise objections to those judicial candidates, but simply refused to hold hearings on the nominations. Further, that the Republicans' record in the confirmation of Clinton's nominees was far worse that what happened during any previous Republican presidency with a Democrat-controlled Senate. | |||
The maneuver was brought to prominence in 2005 when ] ] threatened its use to end Democratic-led filibusters of judicial nominees submitted by President ]. In response to this threat, Democrats threatened to obstruct all routine Senate business. The ultimate confrontation was prevented by the ], a group of seven Democratic and seven Republican Senators, all of whom agreed to oppose the nuclear option and oppose filibusters of judicial nominees, except in extraordinary circumstances. Several of the blocked nominees were brought to the floor, voted upon and approved as specified in the agreement, and others were dropped and did not come up for a vote, as implied by the agreement. | |||
===Rules reforms, 2011 and 2013=== | |||
One of the arguments made by Republicans opposed to the ''nuclear option'' was that sooner or later, history dictates that Democrats will return to the majority. Thus the GOP will eventually need tools like the filibuster to block the appointment of an extremist judge for the Democratic party. | |||
In 2011, with a Democratic majority in the Senate (but not a 60-vote majority), Senators ] and ] proposed "a sweeping filibuster reform package" to be implemented by the nuclear option, but Majority Leader ] dissuaded them from pushing it forward.<ref>{{cite web |work=Politico |url=http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1112/84195_Page3.html |title=GOP warns of shutdown over filibuster |date=2012-11-25 |access-date=2012-11-25 |author=MANU RAJU}}</ref> | |||
The nuclear option was raised again following the congressional elections of 2012, with Senate Democrats still in the majority (but short of a supermajority).<ref name="Fram">{{cite news |agency=Associated Press |url=https://news.yahoo.com/dems-gop-fight-brewing-over-curbing-filibusters-123939041.html <!-- original url http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/sns-bc-us--senate-filibuster-fight-20121111,0,4662240.story alternate urls (1) http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/11/11/filibuster-reform-democrats-republicans_n_2113285.html (2) http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-505245_162-57548158/dems-gop-fight-brewing-over-curbing-filibusters/ (3) http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5hONJzm58A-dYfaM7BoBF7OGT0How?docId=5de0ce8902f44c80a768c62d113ec04a --> |author=Alan Fram |title=Dems, GOP fight brewing over curbing filibusters |date=2012-11-11 |access-date=2012-11-15 |work=Chicago Tribune |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121114084024/http://news.yahoo.com/dems-gop-fight-brewing-over-curbing-filibusters-123939041.html |archive-date=2012-11-14}}</ref> The Democrats had been the majority party in the Senate since 2007, but only briefly did they have the 60 votes necessary to halt a filibuster. '']'' reported that Democrats would "likely" use the nuclear option in January 2013 to effect filibuster reform,<ref name="Jaffe20121115">{{cite news |work=The Hill / Ballot Box: The Hill's Campaign Blog |date=2012-11-15 |access-date=2012-11-15 |author=Alexandra Jaffe |title=Warren pledges to lead filibuster reform |url=https://thehill.com/blogs/ballot-box/senate-races/134811-warren-pledges-to-lead-filibuster-reform/}}</ref> but the two parties managed to negotiate two packages of amendments to Senate rules concerning filibusters that were agreed to on January 24, 2013,<ref>{{cite news |title=New Senate Rules to Curtail the Excesses of a Filibuster |work=] |date=2013-01-24 |access-date=2013-01-30 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/25/us/politics/bipartisan-filibuster-deal-is-reached-in-the-senate.html |author=Jeremy W. Peters}}</ref> thus avoiding the need for the nuclear option.<ref>{{cite news |newspaper=Washington Post |title=Senate approves bipartisan deal clamping modest restrictions on filibusters |agency=Associated Press |date=2013-01-24 |url=https://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-01-24/politics/36527532_1_senate-filibusters-bills-and-nominations |access-date=2013-01-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130131203924/http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-01-24/politics/36527532_1_senate-filibusters-bills-and-nominations |archive-date=2013-01-31 |url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
===Lines are Drawn=== | |||
In March ], President Bush announced that the administration will no longer seek the American Bar Association’s evaluations of federal judicial candidates, ending a tradition started by Eisenhower in 1953. Despite this, the ABA’s committee continues to provide the public service. Democratic senators all favor the ABA input. | |||
In July 2013, the nuclear option was raised as nominations were being blocked by Senate Republicans as Senate Democrats prepared to push through a change to the chamber's filibuster rule.<ref>{{cite web|last=Bresnahan|first=John|title=Senate heads toward 'nuclear option'|url=http://www.politico.com/story/2013/07/senate-nears-nuclear-option-showdown-94156.html|publisher=Politico|access-date=16 July 2013}}</ref> On July 16, the Senate Democratic majority came within hours of using the nuclear option to win confirmation of seven of President Obama's long-delayed executive branch appointments. The confrontation was avoided when the White House withdrew two of the nominations in exchange for the other five being brought to the floor for a vote, where they were confirmed.<ref>{{cite news|title=McCain claims Senate leaders have deal to avert showdown over Obama nominees|url=http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2013/07/16/senate-heads-for-showdown-as-reid-demands-gop-approve-nominees/|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130716164705/http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2013/07/16/senate-heads-for-showdown-as-reid-demands-gop-approve-nominees/|url-status=dead|archive-date=July 16, 2013|work=FoxNews|access-date=16 July 2013|date=2013-07-16}}</ref> | |||
During his first term, ] ] nominated 46 people to federal appeals court seats, of which 36 were confirmed. Democrats blocked the confirmation of 10 nominees, on the grounds that they were too "out of the mainstream" for a lifetime appointment. At the beginning of his second term, Bush resubmitted seven of the 10 names. Senate ] ] (D-Nev.) vowed to fight their confirmation. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist threatened to use the nuclear option to get them confirmed. | |||
== |
==Recent usage== | ||
In April 2005, Democrats were blocking the confirmation of 7 nominees, all of whom Democrats claimed were too extreme for a lifetime appointment. President Bush's most controversial nominees were ] and ]. Citing descriptions like "]" (American Bar Association), "extreme" (''New York Times''), and "]" (CivilRights.org), Senate Democrats, in April 2005, had vowed to fight Brown and Owen's confirmations to the courts. | |||
=== 1995: Hutchison precedent === | |||
*]. | |||
Rule XVI of the Standing Rules of the Senate prohibits legislative material from being included in ].<ref>{{Cite web |date=2019-12-20 |title=Rule XVI and Appropriations |url=https://www.rpc.senate.gov/policy-papers/rule-xvi-and-appropriations |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230512193455/https://www.rpc.senate.gov/policy-papers/rule-xvi-and-appropriations |archive-date=2023-05-12 |access-date=2023-07-08 |website=Senate Republican Policy Committee}}</ref> | |||
:'''Opposition:''' The '']'' calls Brown "A bad fit for a key court". Brown's alleged ] and a style bordering on vituperation earned her only a ''qualified'' rather than ''well qualified'' rating from the ]. Some committee members found her unfit for the appeals court. '']'' editorialized, "Brown's record as a judge is ... cause for alarm. She regularly stakes out extreme positions, often dissenting alone." ] President ] described Janice Rogers Brown as the "far right's dream judge." . Senate Minority leader Harry Reid said "She is a woman who wants to take us back to the Civil War days" A list of over 100 organizations that oppose Brown's confirmation is given . | |||
:'''Support:''' Supporters counter that Brown has opposed racial profiling () and won election and then re-election (with 75% of the vote) to the Supreme Court of California. Supporters also argue that Justice Brown's record of judicial decisions cannot support a characterization of her views as "extremist," and that her record evinces a sensitivity to civil rights. In 2000, she followed the Supreme Court's lead in ], striking down a San Jose city ordinance requiring government contractors to solicit bids from companies owned by women and minorities, demonstrating her opposition to ]. | |||
In 1995, during consideration of the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations and Rescissions for the Department of Defense to Preserve and Enhance Military Readiness Act of 1995, Senator ] offered an amendment that would have changed existing law regarding endangered species, therefore violating Rule XVI. Senator Harry Reid raised a point of order against the amendment, which the chair sustained. Hutchison appealed the ruling of the chair. The Senate voted against sustaining the decision of the chair by a vote of 42–57.<ref>{{Cite web |date=1995-03-16 |title=On the Decision of the Chair (shall decision of chair stand re: hutchison amdt. no. 336) |url=https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1041/vote_104_1_00107.htm |access-date=2023-07-08 |website=United States Senate}}</ref> The Senate thus set a precedent nullifying the provision of Rule XVI.<ref name=":1">{{Cite web |last=Wallner |first=James |date=2018-10-03 |title=Nothing Is Inevitable in the Senate |url=https://www.legislativeprocedure.com/blog/2018/10/3/nothing-is-inevitable-in-the-senate |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230708094624/https://www.legislativeprocedure.com/blog/2018/10/3/nothing-is-inevitable-in-the-senate |archive-date=2023-07-08 |access-date=2023-07-08 |website=Legislative Procedure}}</ref> | |||
*Justice ]. | |||
:'''Opposition:''' The '']'' characterized Owen as "one of the most conservative" justices on "Texas' Republican-dominated top court." Owen is part of a court that some have criticized for accepting campaign contributions from parties appearing before it—while its justices do not recuse themselves from those cases.(PDF file) ''The New York Times'' said Owen is "considered by legal analysts in Texas to be among the most conservative members of the Texas Supreme Court, which, in turn, is considered one of the nation's most conservative supreme courts." The ] (representing 180 national organizations) calls Owen a "judicial activist with a disturbing willingness to effectively rewrite or disregard the law." A list of 60 organizations that oppose Owen's confirmation is given | |||
:'''Support:''' Greg Abbott, attorney general of Texas and a former justice on the Texas supreme court, disputes the above charge from the ]. Justice Owen received a unanimous rating of "well qualified" from the American Bar Association. In 2000, she was re-elected to the Texas Supreme Court with 84% of the vote. | |||
In 1999, the Hutchison precedent was overturned (and the original effect of Rule XVI restored) when the Senate agreed to {{USBill|106|SRes|160}}, which states:<blockquote>''Resolved,'' That the presiding officer of the Senate should apply all precedents of the Senate under rule 16, in effect at the conclusion of the 103d Congress.</blockquote> | |||
===Nuclear Option Readied=== | |||
Under pressure by the White House and social conservatives, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist signaled his readiness to pull the trigger on the 'nuclear option' to push through Bush's appellate court choices blocked by the Democrats' threat of filibuster. | |||
=== 1996: FedEx precedent === | |||
In the ], ] hold 55 seats, ] 44 and Independents hold one (as of ]). | |||
Rule XXVIII, paragraph 3, of the Standing Rules of the Senate prohibits any matter outside the scope of a ] from being included in a conference report.<ref>{{Cite report |url=https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/RS22733 |title=Senate Rules Restricting the Content of Conference Reports |last=Rybicki |first=Elizabeth |date=2017-11-27 |access-date=2023-07-08 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220416055818/https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RS/RS22733/RS22733.pdf/ |archive-date=2022-04-16 |url-status=live}}</ref> | |||
In 1996, during consideration of the conference report on the Federal Aviation Reauthorization Act of 1996, Majority Leader Trent Lott raised a point of order that the conference report exceeded the scope of the conference with respect to provisions relating to ]. After the point of order was sustained by the chair, Lott appealed the ruling of the chair. The Senate voted against sustaining the decision of the chair by a vote of 39–56.<ref>{{Cite web |date=1996-10-03 |title=On the Decision of the Chair (shall the decision of the chair stand? Re: conf. rept. to H.R. 3539) |url=https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1042/vote_104_2_00305.htm |access-date=2023-07-08 |website=United States Senate}}</ref> The Senate thus set a precedent nullifying the provision of Rule XXVIII.<ref name=":1" /> | |||
Republican pollster ] found that 82 percent of registered voters believe that "well-qualified" nominees should receive an ]. An Associated Press-Ipsos poll released May 20, 2005, found 78 percent of Americans believe the Senate should take an "assertive role" examining judicial nominees rather than just give the president the benefit of the doubt. Democratic pollster Westhill Partners found that only 30 percent of Americans approve changing "the rules to require only 51 votes to end a filibuster — thereby eliminating the current system of checks and balances on the majority party." | |||
In 2000, the FedEx precedent was overturned (and the original effect of Rule XXVIII restored) when Congress passed the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2001, which states, in relevant part:<ref>{{USStat|114|2763A–198}} ({{USPL|106|554}})</ref><blockquote>SEC. 903. Beginning on the first day of the 107th Congress, the Presiding Officer of the Senate shall apply all of the precedents of the Senate under Rule XXVIII in effect at the conclusion of the 103d Congress.</blockquote> | |||
===Political Motivations=== | |||
Many Democrats view Frist's threats to push the nuclear option button to be more about his plan to run for president in 2008 than about the qualifications of the few nominees currently blocked in the Senate. Quoting from : | |||
=== 2013: Cloture on nominations === | |||
:''Frist has made clear he will give up his Tennessee Senate seat in 2006, keeping his pledge to serve just two terms and leaving himself free to campaign for president. He has begun to court his party's conservative base. By pouncing on Arlen Specter after the November election to demand that the Pennsylvania senator pledge his support for the president's judicial nominees as prospective head of the Senate judiciary committee, Frist made an obvious overture to Christian conservatives.'' <!--to back up that Frist is courting the religious right, the next section should be about how the religious right supports the nuclear option--> | |||
On November 21, 2013, Majority Leader Harry Reid raised a point of order that "the vote on cloture under Rule XXII for all nominations other than for the Supreme Court of the United States is by majority vote."<ref>{{Cite web |title=Congressional Record: Senate, Nov. 21, 2013 |url=https://www.congress.gov/113/crec/2013/11/21/CREC-2013-11-21-pt1-PgS8413-5.pdf |access-date=2017-04-04 |website=www.congress.gov}}</ref> The presiding officer overruled the point of order, and the Senate voted 48–52 against sustaining the decision of the chair. The Senate therefore set a precedent that cloture can be invoked on nominations (except to the Supreme Court) by a simple majority, even though the plain text of the rule requires "three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn" to invoke cloture. Three Democrats (], ] and ]) voted with all Republicans in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair. The text of Rule XXII was never changed.<ref name="auto">{{cite news |last1=Arenberg |first1=Richard A. |date=January 4, 2017 |title=Why Republicans Shouldn't Weaken the Filibuster |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/04/opinion/why-republicans-shouldnt-weaken-the-filibuster.html}}</ref> | |||
Although the 60-vote threshold was eliminated for most nominations, nominations are still susceptible to being delayed by filibusters,<ref>{{Cite report |url=https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43331 |title=Majority Cloture for Nominations: Implications and the "Nuclear" Proceedings of November 21, 2013 |last=Heitshusen |first=Valerie |date=2013-12-06 |access-date=2023-07-08 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230530024007/https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/R/R43331 |archive-date=2023-05-30 |url-status=live}}</ref> and 60 votes were still required to invoke cloture on other questions such as legislation and Supreme Court nominations.<ref>Ryan Grim; Michael McAuliff (2013-11-21). . ''Huffingtonpost.com''. Retrieved 2013-11-21.</ref> | |||
], founder of ] and several other prominent Christian conservatives have endorsed the nuclear option as a necessary means of getting conservative judges onto the bench. In a May 1, 2005 interview on ABC's 'This Week with George Stephanopoulos', Pat Robertson said that Democratic judges are a greater threat to U.S. unity and stability than ], ] or Civil War. On Sunday, April 25, 2005, Family Research Council sponsored "Justice Sunday" featuring Bill Frist - a 90-minute simulcast over Christian radio and television networks enthusiastically supporting the nuclear option. In January 2005, Dr. James C. Dobson, head of the Focus on the Family, threatened six Democratic senators if they block conservative nominees. On May 24, 2005, after the compromise negotiated between 14 Senators was announced, Dobson, said the agreement "represents a complete bailout and a betrayal by a cabal of Republicans and a great victory for united Democrats." | |||
====Rationale for change==== | |||
<!--Where's the section on the Judiciary Committee? Insert here--> | |||
The Democrats' stated motivation for this change was the perceived expansion of filibustering by Republicans during the Obama administration, in particular blocking three nominations to the ]. Republicans had asserted that the D.C. Circuit was underworked,<ref name="NYT" /> and also cited the need for cost reduction by reducing the number of judges in that circuit.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.salon.com/2013/11/20/gops_existential_test_why_theyre_really_escalating_a_nuclear_option_crisis/|title=GOP's existential test: Why they're really escalating a nuclear option crisis|work=Salon.com}}</ref> At the time of the vote, 59 executive branch nominees and 17 judicial nominees were awaiting confirmation.<ref name="NYT">{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/22/us/politics/reid-sets-in-motion-steps-to-limit-use-of-filibuster.html|title=In Landmark Vote, Senate Limits Use of the Filibuster|work=]|date=November 21, 2013|last1=Peters|first1=Jeremy W.}}</ref> | |||
On the ] campus, outside the Frist Campus Center (named for Senator ]'s family) students staged a protest against the nuclear option by "filibustering" for two weeks non-stop, beginning on April 26, 2005. Other protests took place at ], ], ], ] and ]. Students at the ] organized a counterprotest "point of order" in support of ending judicial filibusters on ], ]. | |||
Prior to November 21, 2013, there had been only 168 cloture motions filed (or reconsidered) with regard to nominations. Nearly half of them (82) had been during the Obama administration.<ref>Richard S. Beth and Elizabeth Rybicki. "Nominations with Cloture Motions". Congressional Research Service (November 21, 2013).</ref> However, those cloture motions were often filed merely to speed things along, rather than in response to any filibuster.<ref>Kessler, Glenn. , '']'' (October 29, 2013):<blockquote>Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) often files cloture on multiple bills or nominations at once to speed things along even if no one is slowing things down....A number of the cloture motions that Reid has filed were intended to speed things up, to suit his parliamentary preferences....</blockquote></ref> In contrast, there were just 38 cloture motions on nominations during the preceding eight years under President ].<ref name="Hook">Hook, Janet and Peterson, Kristina. , '']'' (November 21, 2013).</ref> Most of those cloture votes were successful. Obama won Senate confirmation for 30 out of 42 federal appeals court nominations, compared with Bush's 35 out of 52.<ref name="Hook" /><ref>, '']'' (November 21, 2013).</ref> | |||
===Obstruction and a "Power Grab"=== | |||
In response to claims of "Senate obstructionism," Senate Minority Leader ], D-Nev, pointed out that only 10 of 214 nominations by ] have been turned down. Former President ] called Republican efforts to paint Democrats as obstructionist "a hoax" stating "The Republicans wouldn't even give a vote to 40 of my Court of Appeals judges... never mind all the others that they wouldn't have voted." George W. Bush has a better record of having his judicial nominees approved than any President in the past 25 years. One of Democrats' biggest complaints has been that more than 60 of President Clinton's nominees were bottled up in committee, leaving positions available for Bush to fill. (Republicans were the majority in the Senate for six of Clinton's eight years as President, 1994-2000.) On ], 2005, Former Vice President ] said, "Their grand design is an all-powerful executive using a weakened ] to fashion a compliant judiciary in its own image. ... What is involved here is a power grab." | |||
Regarding Obama's ] nominations, the Senate approved 143 out of 173 as of November 2013, compared to George W. Bush's first term 170 of 179, Bill Clinton's first term 170 of 198, and George H.W. Bush's 150 of 195.<ref name="Hook" /><ref>McMillion, Barry. , Congressional Research Service (May 2, 2013).</ref> Filibusters were used on 20 of Obama's nominations to district court positions,<ref>, '']'' (November 21, 2013).</ref> but Republicans had allowed confirmation of 19 out of the 20 before the nuclear option was invoked.<ref>Kamen, Al. , '']'' (November 22, 2013).</ref> | |||
===Democratic Proposal=== | |||
On May 9, 2005, Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid offered the Democrats' support for one of President Bush's judicial nominees, former Senate lawyer Thomas Griffith. Democrats cited this offer as a goodwill gesture to show that they are willing cooperate with Republicans and confirm "acceptable" nominees. Reid stated that Democrats "will only block unacceptable nominees" (such as Brown and Owen), but would confirm Griffith, saying "Let's take a step away from the precipice. Let's try cooperation, rather than confrontation." | |||
===2017: Cloture on Supreme Court nominations=== | |||
Republican spokesman, Bob Stevenson, rejected the offer saying "Why stop at one? We should take them all up." Republicans contended that the Democrats' offer was empty, since the Democrats would have retained the discretion to block any of President Bush's future nominees that they deemed "extremist," even when those nominees enjoyed the support of all Republican Senators. Thus, that Reid's offer did not resolve the problems that led to consideration of the nuclear option in the first place. Republicans also contend that the Democrats' judicial filibusters have already killed three of President Bush's Court of Appeals nominations (Miguel Estrada, Charles Pickering, and Carolyn Kuhl), as those judges withdrew their nominations rather than continue to fight the filibuster. | |||
On April 6, 2017, the Republican-majority Senate invoked the nuclear option<ref>{{cite report |url=https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44819.pdf |title=Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief |last=Heitshusen |first=Valerie |date=April 14, 2017 |publisher=] |quote=Senator McConnell made a point of order that the precedent applied a majority vote cloture threshold to all nominations. he presiding officer did not sustain the point of order. Senator McConnell appealed the ruling of the chair. |access-date=September 22, 2020}}</ref> and voted 48–52 along party lines<ref>{{cite web|title=Roll Call Vote 115th Congress - 1st Session|url=https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1151/vote_115_1_00109.htm#position|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221219195205/https://www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/roll_call_votes/vote1151/vote_115_1_00109.htm|archive-date=2022-12-19|website=senate.gov}}</ref> against sustaining the decision of the chair on a point of order raised by Majority Leader ], thus removing the ] exception created in 2013.<ref>{{cite report |url=https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44819.pdf |title=Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief |last=Heitshusen |first=Valerie |date=April 14, 2017 |publisher=] |quote=The presiding officer then put the appeal of the ruling to the Senate for a vote, stating “Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgement of the Senate?” On the question of upholding the chair, the Senate voted 48-52, thereby overturning the ruling (and establishing the new precedent). |access-date=September 22, 2020}}</ref> This established a new precedent which allowed cloture to be invoked on Supreme Court nominations by a simple majority.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Killough |first1=Ashley |last2=Barrett |first2=Ted |date=April 7, 2017 |title=Senate GOP triggers nuclear option to break Democratic filibuster on Gorsuch |url=http://www.cnn.com/2017/04/06/politics/senate-nuclear-option-neil-gorsuch/ |work=] |location=] |access-date=September 22, 2020}}</ref> The vote came after Senate Democrats filibustered the ] to the ].<ref>{{cite news|last1=Berman|first1=Russell|title=Republicans Abandon the Filibuster to Save Neil Gorsuch|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/04/republicans-nuke-the-filibuster-to-save-neil-gorsuch/522156/|access-date=29 April 2017|date=6 April 2017}}</ref> | |||
=== 2019: Postcloture time on low-level nominations === | |||
===Republican Counter-Proposal=== | |||
On April 3, 2019, in response to a perceived increase in postcloture filibusters by Senate Democrats on President ]'s executive and judicial nominations, the Republican-majority Senate voted 51-49 to overturn a ruling of the chair and thus set a precedent that postcloture debate on nominations—other than those to the ], to the ] and to positions at Level I of the ]—is two hours. All Republicans except Senators ] and ] voted against sustaining the decision of the chair.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Snell |first=Kelsey |date=2019-04-03 |title=Senate Rewrites Rules To Speed Confirmations For Some Trump Nominees |work=NPR |url=https://www.npr.org/2019/04/03/709489797/senate-rewrites-rules-to-speed-confirmations-for-some-trump-nominees |url-status=live |access-date=2023-07-08 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190404011823/https://www.npr.org/2019/04/03/709489797/senate-rewrites-rules-to-speed-confirmations-for-some-trump-nominees |archive-date=2019-04-04}}</ref> | |||
Senate ] ] (R-Tenn) floated a Republican counter-offer. In exchange for ending the filibuster against judicial nominees, the Republicans offered to end the practice of bottling up appellate-court nominees in committee (a nod to President Clinton's nominees who were denied floor votes), and to guarantee up to 100 hours of debate on each nomination. Minority Leader Reid rejected that offer calling it, "a big wet kiss to the far right." | |||
==Proposed use for legislation== | |||
===Critical Mass=== | |||
Following elimination of the 60-vote rule for nominations in 2013, senators expressed concerns that the 60-vote rule will eventually be eliminated for legislation via the nuclear option.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Kane|first1=Paul|title=Reid, Democrats trigger 'nuclear' option; eliminate most filibusters on nominees|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/senate-poised-to-limit-filibusters-in-party-line-vote-that-would-alter-centuries-of-precedent/2013/11/21/d065cfe8-52b6-11e3-9fe0-fd2ca728e67c_story.html |access-date=19 February 2021|newspaper=Washington Post|date=21 November 2013}}</ref> | |||
On Friday, May 20th, a cloture vote for the nomination of Janice Rogers Brown was rescheduled for Tuesday, May 24th. The failure of this cloture vote would be the beginning of the ''nuclear option'', immediately followed by the asking for the ruling of the Chair on the Constitutionality of the Filibuster. On ], ], Majority Leader Frist called for a vote on ]. This threatened to trigger the ''nuclear option''. | |||
While President, ] spoke out against the 60-vote requirement for legislation on several occasions. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell opposed abolishing the filibuster despite Trump's demands, and in April 2017, 61 senators (32 Republicans, 28 Democrats, and one independent)<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2017/04/07/politics/senate-filibuster-rules-letter/index.html|title = Senators sign letter to preserve filibuster rules}}</ref> signed a letter stating their opposition to abolishing the filibuster for legislation.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.cbsnews.com/amp/news/trump-calls-for-end-to-filibuster-says-senate-republicans-look-like-fools/|title = Trump calls for end to filibuster, says Senate Republicans "look like fools"|website = ]| date=July 29, 2017 }}</ref> On January 21, 2018, Trump said on Twitter that if the ] continued, Republicans should consider the "nuclear option" in the Senate.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-01-21/key-day-could-yield-fast-deal-or-long-impasse-shutdown-update|title=Trump Says GOP May Need to Use 'Nuclear Option': Shutdown Update|newspaper=Bloomberg.com |date=January 21, 2018 |publisher=Bloomberg L.P.|access-date=21 January 2018}}</ref> He repeated the call on December 21, 2018, with ] looming.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-46637638|title=Trump vows 'very long' government shutdown over border wall|work=BBC News|date=21 December 2018|access-date=21 December 2018}}</ref> | |||
==Moderates and the "Gang of 14"== | |||
Senator ] (R-AZ) and Senator ] (D-NE) reached out to a number of colleagues on both sides to compromise by winning confirmation of some of the disputed nominees (Janice Rogers Brown, William Pryor, and Priscilla Owen) while preserving the judicial filibuster. Their efforts succeeded on the evening of May 23, 2005, one day before the cloture vote. They announced an agreement by seven Republican and seven Democratic Senators to avert a vote on the nuclear option while preserving the filibuster for "extraordinary circumstances". The moderate block of Senators that agreed to the compromise included, ], ], ], ], ] and ] for the Republicans. ], ], ], ], ] and ] for the Democrats. This group was quickly dubbed "the ]" in various blogs and news outlets. | |||
Concerns about abolishing the filibuster through the nuclear option were reiterated in 2021 as the Democratic-majority Senate could attempt to eliminate the filibuster through the nuclear option.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Hulse |first1=Carl |date=25 January 2021 |title=McConnel Relents in First Filibuster Skirmish, but the War Rages On |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2021/01/25/us/senate-filibuster.html |access-date=26 January 2021}}</ref> On January 3, 2022, Senate Majority Leader ] announced that the Senate would vote on using the nuclear option to reform the filibuster in order to pass his party's election reform legislation.<ref name="politico111">{{Cite web |title=Why Schumer picked a filibuster fight he couldn't win |url=https://www.politico.com/amp/news/2022/01/19/schumer-filibuster-fight-he-couldnt-win-527428 |website=]}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Hughes |first=Siobhan |date=2022-01-03 |title=Chuck Schumer Sets Mid-January Deadline for Possible Filibuster Changes |language=en-US |work=Wall Street Journal |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/chuck-schumer-sets-mid-january-deadline-for-possible-filibuster-changes-11641240791 |access-date=2022-01-03 |issn=0099-9660}}</ref> On January 19, 2022, Schumer made a point of order that would have allowed a 'talking filibuster' on a voting rights bill without any other dilatory measures. The Senate voted 52–48 to sustain the decision of the chair overruling the point of order. Senators ] and ] voted with all Republicans in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair.<ref name="politico111" /> | |||
The bipartisan group was large enough to prevent the nuclear option from succeeding, and also large enough to reach cloture on a Democratic filibuster. It states, in part: | |||
:''..we commit to oppose the rules changes in the 109th Congress, which we understand to be any amendment to or interpretation of the Rules of the Senate that would force a vote on a judicial nomination by means other than unanimous consent or Rule XXII.'' | |||
As a result of this agreement, Priscilla Owen was confirmed 55-43, Janice Rogers Brown was confirmed 56-43, and William Pryor was confirmed 53-45. | |||
{{As of|2024|05|df=US}}, the nuclear option has not been used to abolish the filibuster on legislation.<ref name="brookings">{{cite web |last=Reynolds |first=Molly E. |date=September 9, 2020 |title=What is the Senate filibuster, and what would it take to eliminate it? |website=] |url=https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/votervital/what-is-the-senate-filibuster-and-what-would-it-take-to-eliminate-it/ |access-date=September 23, 2020}}</ref> | |||
==Differing Standards for Consent== | |||
The arguments for or against the nuclear option are essentially over whether a simple majority (51/100) of the Senate should be able to confirm a judicial nominee, or whether a three-fifths vote (60/100) should be required, as required for passage of a large amount of Senate business. | |||
In September 2024, Vice President ] has called for ending the filibuster to enact abortion legislation.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Messerly |first1=Megan |title=Harris backs ending filibuster for abortion rights legislation |url=https://www.politico.com/news/2024/09/24/kamala-harris-filibuster-abortion-rights-00180699 |website=] |access-date=25 September 2024 |date=24 September 2024}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Samuels |first1=Brett |title=Harris calls for ending filibuster for abortion rights |url=https://thehill.com/policy/healthcare/4896342-kamala-harris-eliminate-filibuster-abortion/ |website=] |access-date=25 September 2024 |date=24 September 2024}}</ref> | |||
===A Simple Majority=== | |||
The U.S. Constitution does not explicitly require either a two-thirds or three-fifths majority vote for confirmation of nominees. Supporters of this standard believe it implies that a simple majority is sufficient; they contrast this against the Constitution's language for Senate confirmation of treaties, which appears within the same clause, explicitly requiring a two-thirds majority. | |||
==Other uses of "nuclear option"== | |||
Therefore, supporters argue that the nuclear option would bring current rules in line with the framers' ]. Because of this, many supporters now prefer to call the nuclear option the "constitutional option". They argue that the filibuster of Bush's nominees effectively establishes precedent for a 60 vote threshold for approval of judicial nominees instead of the 50 vote standard required by an up-or-down vote. A number of existing Judges and Justices were confirmed with less than 60 votes, including ] Justice ] (confirmed in a 52-48 vote in 1991). | |||
After the appointment of ] to the ], a proposed countermove to increase the size of the Supreme Court past nine seats (and thereby create new vacancies) was also described as a "nuclear option".<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.carolinapoliticalreview.org/editorial-content/2020/10/7/court-packing-an-ill-fated-reform | title=Court Packing: An Ill-Fated Reform | date=October 7, 2020 }}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine | url=https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2020/1014/Calm-before-storm-How-Senate-could-change-after-Barrett-confirmation | title=Calm before storm? How Senate could change after Barrett confirmation | magazine=Christian Science Monitor }}</ref> | |||
Beyond the specific context of the U.S. Senate, the term "nuclear option" has come to be used generically for a procedural maneuver with potentially serious consequences, to be used as a last resort to overcome political opposition. The term has been used in connection with procedural maneuvers in various state senates.<ref>{{cite news |author=Dennis Cauchon |date=2011-03-09 |title=Wis. Republicans vote without Dems |work=USA Today |url=http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/NEWS/usaedition/2011-03-10-wisconsin10_ST_U.htm |access-date=2012-11-24}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |author=Mark Trumbull |date=2011-03-09 |title=Did Wisconsin Senate choose nuclear option in collective-bargaining fight? |work=The Christian Science Monitor |url=http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2011/0309/Did-Wisconsin-Senate-choose-nuclear-option-in-collective-bargaining-fight |access-date=2012-11-24}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |author=David Usborne |date=2011-03-11 |title=Wisconsin Republicans 'exercise nuclear option' to pass union-busting law |work=The Independent |location=London |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/wisconsin-republicans-exercise-nuclear-option-to-pass-unionbusting-law-2238605.html |access-date=2012-11-24}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |author=Andrew Thomason |date=2011-05-30 |title=Workers' comp bill dies in Illinois House, 'Nuclear' option looms |work=FOX Illinois.com |url=http://www.foxillinois.com/news/illinois/Workers-comp-bill-dies-in-Illinois-House-Nuclear-option-looms-122821894.html |url-status=dead |access-date=2012-11-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110605070436/http://www.foxillinois.com/news/illinois/Workers-comp-bill-dies-in-Illinois-House-Nuclear-option-looms-122821894.html |archive-date=June 5, 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |date=2011-05-31 |title=Bradley:Workers' comp overhaul still alive |work=The Southern Illinoisan |agency=AP |url=http://thesouthern.com/news/local/govt-and-politics/article_ef9a09cc-8bc3-11e0-9e71-001cc4c03286.html |access-date=2012-11-24 |quote=Bradley says that so-called "nuclear option" is still a possibility. The Illinois Senate could vote on it Tuesday, the final day of the legislative session.}}</ref> | |||
However, opponents of the nuclear option point to Senator Bill Frist's vote to filibuster Paez in 2000 as evidence that Frist does in fact support the idea of a 60-vote threshold when it suits him. When a vote for cloture on the confirmation of Paez was called, 14 Senators voted to continue the filibuster, including Frist. | |||
In a 2005 legal ruling on the validity of the ]<ref> UKHL 56, 13 October 2005</ref> the UK ], sitting in ], used "nuclear option" to describe the events of 1832, when the then-government threatened to create hundreds of new ] peers to force the ]-dominated Lords to accept the ]. (Nuclear weapons were not theorized until the 20th century, so the government's threat was not labeled as "nuclear" at the time.) | |||
===Three-Fifths Majority=== | |||
Currently, Republicans hold 55 of 100 seats in the Senate, and Democrats claim the nuclear option is an attempt by Senate Republicans to hand confirmation power to themselves. Rather than require the President nominate someone who will get broad support in the senate, the nuclear option would allow Judges to not only be "nominated to the Court by a Republican president, but also be confirmed by only Republican Senators in party-line votes." <!--from Al Gore's speech (April 27, 2005) "nominated to the Court by a Republican president, but had also been confirmed by only Republican Senators in party-line votes" "(the nuclear option) is about the desire of the administration (Republican) and the Senate leadership (Republican) to stifle debate in order to get what they want when they want it. What is involved here is a power grab", "aggressive new strain of right-wing (Republican) religious zealotry"--> <!--"the Republican majority to rubberstamp the handful of nominees" "to alter these procedures unilaterally (Republican-only) would be an unprecedented abuse of power."--> | |||
==See also== | |||
Of the 9 U.S. Supreme Court Justices seated as of May 2005, 6 were confirmed with the support of 90 or more Senators, 2 were confirmed with at least the support of 60 senators, and only 1 (Thomas) was confirmed with the support of less than 60 Senators. In contrast to this broad, bipartisan support, Bush's more controversial nominees were confirmed by a narrow majority along party lines. Priscilla Owen was confirmed 55-43, Janice Rogers Brown was confirmed 56-43, and William Pryor was confirmed 53-45. | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
*] | |||
==Notes== | |||
{| border="1" cellpadding="2" | |||
{{notelist}} | |||
| Name | |||
| Date Confirmed/Elevated | |||
| Senate Vote | |||
| reference | |||
|- | |||
! colspan="4" | June 2005 Supreme Court Justices | |||
|- | |||
| Rehnquist | |||
| September 17, 1986 | |||
| 65-33 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Stevens | |||
| December 17, 1975 | |||
| unanimous | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| O'Connor | |||
| September 21, 1981 | |||
| unanimous | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Scalia | |||
| September 17, 1986 | |||
| unanimous | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Kennedy | |||
| February 3, 1988 | |||
| unanimous | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Souter | |||
| October 2, 1990 | |||
| 90-9 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Thomas | |||
| October 15, 1991 | |||
| 52-48 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Ginsburg | |||
| August 3, 1993 | |||
| 97-3 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Breyer | |||
| July 29, 1994 | |||
| 87-9 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
! colspan="4" | Bush nominees | |||
|- | |||
| Priscilla Owen | |||
| May 25, 2005 | |||
| 55-43 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| Janice Rogers Brown | |||
| June 8, 2005 | |||
| 56-43 | |||
| | |||
|- | |||
| William H. Pryor | |||
| June 9, 2005 | |||
| 53-45 | |||
| | |||
|} | |||
The text of the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority in the Senate for confirming treaties, expelling one of its members, and concurring in the proposal of Constitutional Amendments . In all other matters, the Constitution gives the Senate the power to make its own rules. Starting with the first Senate in ], the rules left no room for a filibuster; a simple majority could move to bring the matter to a vote. However, in ], the rule allowing a majority to bring the previous question ceased to exist. The filibuster became possible, and since any Senator could now block a vote, 100% support was required to bring the matter to a vote. A rule change in ] introduced ], permitting a two-thirds majority to end debate, and a further change in ] reduced the cloture requirement to three-fifths. Supporters of the right to filibuster argue that the Senate has a long tradition of requiring broad support to do business, due in part to the threat of the filibuster, and that this protects the minority. | |||
== |
== References == | ||
{{Reflist}} | |||
===Advice and Consent=== | |||
Supporters of the nuclear option claim that Democrats are obstructing the approval of the president's nominees in violation of the intent of the U.S. Constitution. President Bush has nominated forty-six candidates to federal appeals courts. Thirty-six had been confirmed. 10 were blocked and 7 were renominated in Spring 2005. Democrats point out that 63 of President Clinton's 248 nominees (40 of which were federal appeals court nominees) were blocked via procedural means at the committee level, denying them a confirmation vote and leaving the positions available for Bush to fill. | |||
==External links== | |||
Opponents contend that Article II, Section 2, of the U.S. Constitution says the president "shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, ... shall appoint Judges..." and that the word "Advice" speaks to consultation between the Senate and the President with regard to the use of the president's power to make nominations. | |||
;Supportive of nuclear option | |||
Polling indicates public support for an active Senate role in this "advice and consent" capacity. An Associated Press-Ipsos poll released May 20, 2005, found 78 percent of Americans believe the Senate should take an "assertive role" examining judicial nominees rather than just give the president the benefit of the doubt. Democratic pollster Westhill Partners found that only 30 percent of Americans approve changing "the rules to require only 51 votes to end a filibuster — thereby eliminating the current system of checks and balances on the majority party." | |||
*M. Gold & D. Gupta, ''The Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: a Majoritarian Means to Overcome the Filibuster in the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy''; (2004) (arguing that the nuclear/constitutional option it is firmly grounded in Senate history) (PDF file) | |||
*William G. Dauster, ''N.Y.U. Journal of Legislation & Public Policy'', volume 19 (number 4) (December 2016): pages 631–83 (explaining Senator Reid's use of the nuclear option). | |||
The agreement to stave off the "nuclear option" reached by 14 moderate Senators supports a strong interpretation of Advice and Consent from the Constitution. (pdf): | |||
* | |||
:''We believe that, under Article II, Section 2, of the United States Constitution, the word "Advice" speaks to consultation between the Senate and the President with regard to the use of the president's power to make nominations. We encourage the Executive branch of government to consult with members of the Senate, both Democratic and Republican, prior to submitting a judicial nomination to the Senate for consideration.'' | |||
===A Larger Plan?=== | |||
Some also believe that the nuclear option is part of a plan to reduce the independence of the courts and make them more subservient to Congress. As of April, 2005, Republican presidents have appointed a majority of the judges in 10 of the 13 federal appeals courts, 7 of the 9 justices on the Supreme Court and every ] since the ]. | |||
===Legitimacy of Filibustering Judicial Nominees=== | |||
In response to claims that the filibuster of judicial nominees is unconstitutional, opponents point out that ] ''requires'' two-thirds majorities for actions such as treaty ratification and proposed constitutional amendments and is silent on what kind of vote is required for other matters. Instead, ], Section V of the Constitution permits and mandates that each house of Congress set up its own rules. Republicans counter that the fact that the Constitution's Appointment's Clause does not impose a three-fifths majority requirement for the Senate's "advice and consent" function in considering the President's judicial (and executive branch) nominees is, itself, evidence that the Framers consciously rejected such a requirement. Republicans also state that the general rule in Parliamentary systems "is that majorities govern in a legislative body, unless another rule is expressly provided." | |||
Republicans point out that several Democrats once opposed the filibuster on judicial nominees, and have only recently changed their views as they have no other means of stopping Bush's judicial appointees. | |||
Republicans were staunch supporters of the filibuster when they were a minority party and frequently employed it to block legislation and judicial appointments. Republicans continue to support the filibuster for general legislation--the current Republican leadership insists the proposed rule change only affect judicial nominations. According to the Democrats, arguments that a simple majority should prevail apply equally well to all votes where the Constitution does not specify a three-fifths majority. Republicans state that there is a difference between the filibustering of legislation -- which affects only the Senate's own constitutional prerogative to consider new laws -- and the filibustering of a President's judicial or executive nominees, which arguably impinges on the constitutional powers of the Executive branch. | |||
==See Also== | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
==External Links== | |||
===Opposed to the Nuclear Option=== | |||
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* | |||
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* John Dean writes for FindLaw arguing that Orrin Hatch has attempted to mischaracterise the Abe Fortas nomination filibuster. | |||
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====Myth & Fact Sheets==== | |||
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===Support of the Nuclear Option=== | |||
* -- Article on the history of the constitutional option, arguing that it is firmly grounded in Senate history (PDF file) | |||
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;Opposed to nuclear option | |||
====Myth & Fact Sheets==== | |||
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* John Dean writes for FindLaw arguing that ] has attempted to mischaracterize the Abe Fortas nomination filibuster. | |||
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*Myth and fact sheets | |||
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;Other | |||
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*M. Gold & D. Gupta, ''The Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: a Majoritarian Means to Overcome the Filibuster in the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy''; (2004). N.b., Gold & Gupra's "constitional option" is ''not'' the same procedure discussed in the article about. However, because their procedure has similar effect, much of the historical discussion of the filibuster is directly relevant. | |||
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{{United States Congress}} | |||
{{DEFAULTSORT:Nuclear Option}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 03:13, 10 November 2024
Parliamentary procedure of the United States Senate invoked to amend rules of discussion For other uses, see Nuclear option (disambiguation).
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In the United States Senate, the nuclear option is a parliamentary procedure that allows the Senate to override a standing rule by a simple majority, avoiding the two-thirds supermajority normally required to invoke cloture on a measure amending the Standing Rules. The term "nuclear option" is an analogy to nuclear weapons being the most extreme option in warfare.
The nuclear option can be invoked by a senator raising a point of order that contravenes a standing rule. The presiding officer would then overrule the point of order based on Senate rules and precedents; this ruling would then be appealed and overturned by a simple majority vote (or a tie vote), establishing a new precedent. The nuclear option is made possible by the principle in Senate procedure that appeals from rulings of the chair on points of order relating to nondebatable questions are themselves nondebatable. The nuclear option is most often discussed in connection with the filibuster. Since cloture is a nondebatable question, an appeal in relation to cloture is decided without debate. This obviates the usual requirement for a two-thirds majority to invoke cloture on a resolution amending the Standing Rules.
The nuclear option was notably invoked on November 21, 2013, when a Democratic majority led by Harry Reid used the procedure to reduce the cloture threshold for nominations, other than nominations to the Supreme Court, to a simple majority. On April 6, 2017, the nuclear option was used again, this time by a Republican majority led by Mitch McConnell, to extend that precedent to Supreme Court nominations, in order to enable cloture to be invoked on the nomination of Neil Gorsuch by a simple majority.
The use of the nuclear option to abolish the 60-vote threshold for cloture on legislation has been proposed, but not successfully effected.
Procedure to invoke the nuclear option
On November 21, 2013, following a failed cloture vote on a nomination, the nuclear option was used, as follows:
Mr. REID. I raise a point of order that the vote on cloture under Rule XXII for all nominations other than for the Supreme Court of the United States is by majority vote.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the rules, the point of order is not sustained.
Mr. REID. I appeal the ruling of the Chair and ask for the yeas and nays.
(48–52 vote on sustaining the decision of the chair)
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The decision of the Chair is not sustained.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. *** Under the precedent set by the Senate today, November 21, 2013, the threshold for cloture on nominations, not including those to the Supreme Court of the United States, is now a majority. That is the ruling of the Chair.
Once the presiding officer rules on the point of order, if the underlying question is nondebatable, any appeal is decided without debate. A simple majority is needed to sustain a decision of the chair. As the appeal is nondebatable, there is no supermajority requirement for cloture, as would be necessary for a proposition amending the rules. The presiding officer and the standing rule can therefore be overruled by a simple majority. This procedure establishes a new precedent that supersedes the plain text of the Standing Rules. These precedents will then be relied upon by future presiding officers in determining questions of procedure.
The procedure may, for example, override requirements of Rule XXII, the cloture rule, in order to allow a filibuster to be broken without the usual 60-vote requirement.
Background
The 60-vote rule
Main article: Filibuster in the United States SenateOriginally, the Senate's rules did not provide for a procedure for the Senate to vote to end debate on a question so that it could be voted on, which opened the door to filibusters. In 1917, the Senate introduced a procedure to allow for ending debate (invoking cloture) with a two-thirds majority, later reduced in 1975 to three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn (60 if there is no more than one vacancy). Thus, although a measure might have majority support, opposition from or absence by at least 41 senators can effectively defeat a bill by preventing debate on it from ending, in a tactic known as a filibuster.
Since the 1970s, the Senate has also used a "two-track" procedure whereby Senate business may continue on other topics while one item is being filibustered. Since filibusters no longer require the minority to actually hold the floor and bring all other business to a halt, the mere threat of a filibuster has gradually become normalized. In the modern Senate, this means that most measures now typically requires 60 votes to advance, unless a specific exception limiting the time for debate applies.
Changing Rule XXII to eliminate the 60-vote threshold is made difficult by the rules themselves. Rule XXII, paragraph 2, states that to end debate on any proposition "to amend the Senate rules the necessary affirmative vote shall be two-thirds of the Senators present and voting". If all senators vote, 67 votes are required to invoke cloture on a proposition to amend a rule.
Terminology
Republican Senator Ted Stevens suggested using a ruling of the chair to defeat a filibuster of judicial nominees in February 2003. The code word for the plan was "Hulk". Weeks later, Senator Trent Lott coined the term nuclear option in March 2003 because the maneuver was seen as a last resort with possibly major consequences for both sides. The metaphor of a nuclear strike refers to the majority party unilaterally imposing a change to the filibuster rule, which might provoke retaliation by the minority party.
The alternative term "constitutional option" is often used with particular regard to confirmation of executive and judicial nominations, on the theory that the United States Constitution requires these nominations to receive the "advice and consent" of the Senate. Proponents of this term argue that the Constitution implies that the Senate can act by a majority vote unless the Constitution itself requires a supermajority, as it does for certain measures such as the ratification of treaties. By effectively requiring a supermajority of the Senate to fulfil this function, proponents believe that the current Senate practice prevents the body from exercising its constitutional mandate, and that the remedy is therefore the "constitutional option".
2005 debate on judicial nominations
Main article: 2005 debate on nuclear option (United States Senate)The maneuver was brought to prominence in 2005 when Majority Leader Bill Frist threatened its use to end Democratic-led filibusters of judicial nominees submitted by President George W. Bush. In response to this threat, Democrats threatened to obstruct all routine Senate business. The ultimate confrontation was prevented by the Gang of 14, a group of seven Democratic and seven Republican Senators, all of whom agreed to oppose the nuclear option and oppose filibusters of judicial nominees, except in extraordinary circumstances. Several of the blocked nominees were brought to the floor, voted upon and approved as specified in the agreement, and others were dropped and did not come up for a vote, as implied by the agreement.
Rules reforms, 2011 and 2013
In 2011, with a Democratic majority in the Senate (but not a 60-vote majority), Senators Jeff Merkley and Tom Udall proposed "a sweeping filibuster reform package" to be implemented by the nuclear option, but Majority Leader Harry Reid dissuaded them from pushing it forward.
The nuclear option was raised again following the congressional elections of 2012, with Senate Democrats still in the majority (but short of a supermajority). The Democrats had been the majority party in the Senate since 2007, but only briefly did they have the 60 votes necessary to halt a filibuster. The Hill reported that Democrats would "likely" use the nuclear option in January 2013 to effect filibuster reform, but the two parties managed to negotiate two packages of amendments to Senate rules concerning filibusters that were agreed to on January 24, 2013, thus avoiding the need for the nuclear option.
In July 2013, the nuclear option was raised as nominations were being blocked by Senate Republicans as Senate Democrats prepared to push through a change to the chamber's filibuster rule. On July 16, the Senate Democratic majority came within hours of using the nuclear option to win confirmation of seven of President Obama's long-delayed executive branch appointments. The confrontation was avoided when the White House withdrew two of the nominations in exchange for the other five being brought to the floor for a vote, where they were confirmed.
Recent usage
1995: Hutchison precedent
Rule XVI of the Standing Rules of the Senate prohibits legislative material from being included in general appropriations bills.
In 1995, during consideration of the Emergency Supplemental Appropriations and Rescissions for the Department of Defense to Preserve and Enhance Military Readiness Act of 1995, Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison offered an amendment that would have changed existing law regarding endangered species, therefore violating Rule XVI. Senator Harry Reid raised a point of order against the amendment, which the chair sustained. Hutchison appealed the ruling of the chair. The Senate voted against sustaining the decision of the chair by a vote of 42–57. The Senate thus set a precedent nullifying the provision of Rule XVI.
In 1999, the Hutchison precedent was overturned (and the original effect of Rule XVI restored) when the Senate agreed to S.Res. 160, which states:
Resolved, That the presiding officer of the Senate should apply all precedents of the Senate under rule 16, in effect at the conclusion of the 103d Congress.
1996: FedEx precedent
Rule XXVIII, paragraph 3, of the Standing Rules of the Senate prohibits any matter outside the scope of a conference from being included in a conference report.
In 1996, during consideration of the conference report on the Federal Aviation Reauthorization Act of 1996, Majority Leader Trent Lott raised a point of order that the conference report exceeded the scope of the conference with respect to provisions relating to FedEx. After the point of order was sustained by the chair, Lott appealed the ruling of the chair. The Senate voted against sustaining the decision of the chair by a vote of 39–56. The Senate thus set a precedent nullifying the provision of Rule XXVIII.
In 2000, the FedEx precedent was overturned (and the original effect of Rule XXVIII restored) when Congress passed the Legislative Branch Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2001, which states, in relevant part:
SEC. 903. Beginning on the first day of the 107th Congress, the Presiding Officer of the Senate shall apply all of the precedents of the Senate under Rule XXVIII in effect at the conclusion of the 103d Congress.
2013: Cloture on nominations
On November 21, 2013, Majority Leader Harry Reid raised a point of order that "the vote on cloture under Rule XXII for all nominations other than for the Supreme Court of the United States is by majority vote." The presiding officer overruled the point of order, and the Senate voted 48–52 against sustaining the decision of the chair. The Senate therefore set a precedent that cloture can be invoked on nominations (except to the Supreme Court) by a simple majority, even though the plain text of the rule requires "three-fifths of the senators duly chosen and sworn" to invoke cloture. Three Democrats (Carl Levin, Joe Manchin and Mark Pryor) voted with all Republicans in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair. The text of Rule XXII was never changed.
Although the 60-vote threshold was eliminated for most nominations, nominations are still susceptible to being delayed by filibusters, and 60 votes were still required to invoke cloture on other questions such as legislation and Supreme Court nominations.
Rationale for change
The Democrats' stated motivation for this change was the perceived expansion of filibustering by Republicans during the Obama administration, in particular blocking three nominations to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. Republicans had asserted that the D.C. Circuit was underworked, and also cited the need for cost reduction by reducing the number of judges in that circuit. At the time of the vote, 59 executive branch nominees and 17 judicial nominees were awaiting confirmation.
Prior to November 21, 2013, there had been only 168 cloture motions filed (or reconsidered) with regard to nominations. Nearly half of them (82) had been during the Obama administration. However, those cloture motions were often filed merely to speed things along, rather than in response to any filibuster. In contrast, there were just 38 cloture motions on nominations during the preceding eight years under President George W. Bush. Most of those cloture votes were successful. Obama won Senate confirmation for 30 out of 42 federal appeals court nominations, compared with Bush's 35 out of 52.
Regarding Obama's federal district court nominations, the Senate approved 143 out of 173 as of November 2013, compared to George W. Bush's first term 170 of 179, Bill Clinton's first term 170 of 198, and George H.W. Bush's 150 of 195. Filibusters were used on 20 of Obama's nominations to district court positions, but Republicans had allowed confirmation of 19 out of the 20 before the nuclear option was invoked.
2017: Cloture on Supreme Court nominations
On April 6, 2017, the Republican-majority Senate invoked the nuclear option and voted 48–52 along party lines against sustaining the decision of the chair on a point of order raised by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, thus removing the Supreme Court exception created in 2013. This established a new precedent which allowed cloture to be invoked on Supreme Court nominations by a simple majority. The vote came after Senate Democrats filibustered the nomination of Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court of the United States.
2019: Postcloture time on low-level nominations
On April 3, 2019, in response to a perceived increase in postcloture filibusters by Senate Democrats on President Trump's executive and judicial nominations, the Republican-majority Senate voted 51-49 to overturn a ruling of the chair and thus set a precedent that postcloture debate on nominations—other than those to the Supreme Court of the United States, to the United States courts of appeals and to positions at Level I of the Executive Schedule—is two hours. All Republicans except Senators Susan Collins and Mike Lee voted against sustaining the decision of the chair.
Proposed use for legislation
Following elimination of the 60-vote rule for nominations in 2013, senators expressed concerns that the 60-vote rule will eventually be eliminated for legislation via the nuclear option.
While President, Donald Trump spoke out against the 60-vote requirement for legislation on several occasions. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell opposed abolishing the filibuster despite Trump's demands, and in April 2017, 61 senators (32 Republicans, 28 Democrats, and one independent) signed a letter stating their opposition to abolishing the filibuster for legislation. On January 21, 2018, Trump said on Twitter that if the shutdown stalemate continued, Republicans should consider the "nuclear option" in the Senate. He repeated the call on December 21, 2018, with a fresh shutdown looming.
Concerns about abolishing the filibuster through the nuclear option were reiterated in 2021 as the Democratic-majority Senate could attempt to eliminate the filibuster through the nuclear option. On January 3, 2022, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer announced that the Senate would vote on using the nuclear option to reform the filibuster in order to pass his party's election reform legislation. On January 19, 2022, Schumer made a point of order that would have allowed a 'talking filibuster' on a voting rights bill without any other dilatory measures. The Senate voted 52–48 to sustain the decision of the chair overruling the point of order. Senators Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema voted with all Republicans in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair.
As of May 2024, the nuclear option has not been used to abolish the filibuster on legislation.
In September 2024, Vice President Kamala Harris has called for ending the filibuster to enact abortion legislation.
Other uses of "nuclear option"
After the appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court of the United States, a proposed countermove to increase the size of the Supreme Court past nine seats (and thereby create new vacancies) was also described as a "nuclear option".
Beyond the specific context of the U.S. Senate, the term "nuclear option" has come to be used generically for a procedural maneuver with potentially serious consequences, to be used as a last resort to overcome political opposition. The term has been used in connection with procedural maneuvers in various state senates.
In a 2005 legal ruling on the validity of the Hunting Act 2004 the UK House of Lords, sitting in its judicial capacity, used "nuclear option" to describe the events of 1832, when the then-government threatened to create hundreds of new Whig peers to force the Tory-dominated Lords to accept the Reform Act 1832. (Nuclear weapons were not theorized until the 20th century, so the government's threat was not labeled as "nuclear" at the time.)
See also
- United States federal judge
- Judicial appointment history for United States federal courts
- Cloture
- George W. Bush judicial appointment controversies
- George W. Bush Supreme Court candidates
- Reconciliation (United States Congress)
- Up or down vote
Notes
References
- "Filibusters and Cloture in the Senate". Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service.
- ^ Riddick, Floyd M. (1992). Riddick's Senate Procedure. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
- "Nuclear option: Why Trump's Supreme Court pick needs only 51 votes". cbsnews. July 9, 2018. Retrieved December 27, 2018.
- "McConnell went 'nuclear' to confirm Gorsuch. But Democrats changed Senate filibuster rules first". nbcnews. June 28, 2018. Retrieved December 27, 2018.
- "Republicans go 'nuclear,' bust through Democratic filibuster on Gorsuch". Fox News. April 6, 2017. Retrieved December 27, 2018.
- "Senate approves 'nuclear option,' clears path for Neil Gorsuch Supreme Court nomination vote". ABC News. April 6, 2017. Retrieved December 27, 2018.
- "Raw: Senate Votes to Change Filibuster Rules". YouTube. Associated Press. November 21, 2013. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
- "Congressional Record — Senate" (PDF). November 21, 2013: S8417—18. Retrieved January 10, 2021.
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(help) - Koger, Gregory (April 19, 2021). "Aaron Burr is not to blame for the Senate filibuster". Mischiefs of Faction. Archived from the original on January 25, 2022. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- Oleszek, Walter J. (February 23, 2016). Amending Senate Rules at the Start of a New Congress, 1953-1975: An Analysis with an Afterword to 2015 (Report). Congressional Research Service. pp. 2–3. Archived from the original on May 8, 2022. Retrieved August 13, 2023.
In short, the Senate's deletion of the previous question motion from its rules did not give rise to filibusters because the 1806 motion was neither used to end debate nor bring the Senate to a vote on the pending matter.
- Cooper, Joseph (July 9, 1962). The Previous Question – Its Standing as a Precedent for Cloture in the United States Senate (PDF) (Report). Archived from the original (PDF) on March 17, 2021. Retrieved October 2, 2022.
- ^ "Rules of the Senate". U.S. Senate Rules & Administration Committee. Retrieved January 21, 2018.
- VandeHei, Jim (May 29, 2005). "From Senator's 2003 Outburst, GOP hatched 'nuclear option'". Washington Post.
- Safire, William (March 20, 2005). "Nuclear Options". The New York Times.
In March 2003, the Mississippi Republican Trent Lott was troubled by the Democrats' use of the threat of a filibuster, or Senate-stopping 'extended debate,' which prevented a vote on some of President Bush's judicial nominees. Charles Hurt of The Washington Times wrote that Lott told him of a plan that might allow Republicans to confirm a judge with a simple 51-vote majority – rather than the 60 votes needed under the present rules to 'break' a filibuster. Lott 'declined to elaborate, warning that his idea is "nuclear."' This led Michael Crowley of The New Republic to ask rhetorically: 'What might Lott's 'nuclear' option be?'
- Radelat, Ana (May 23, 2003). "Lott aims to change filibuster rules: Senator says stalling of Pickering's nomination, others "cannot stand"". The Clarion-Ledger. Retrieved April 26, 2005.
- ^ Toobin, Jeffrey (March 7, 2005). "Blowing Up the Senate: Will Bush's judicial nominees win with the "nuclear option"?". The New Yorker. Retrieved November 13, 2012.
- Bolton, Alexander (November 13, 2012). "Dems short on votes for filibuster reform". The Hill. Retrieved November 14, 2012.
Supporters call it the constitutional option, but it is well-known as the "nuclear" option for the meltdown in partisan relations that it could affect.
- Noah, Timothy (January 25, 2010). "Going Nuclear: A risky (but justifiable) path to passing health care reform". Slate.
- Gold, Martin B.; Gupta, Dimple (Fall 2004). "The Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: A Majoritarian Means to Over Come the Filibuster" (PDF). 28. Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy: 205. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 13, 2013.
Sets forth the history of the constitutional option in the U.S. Overview of the Senate rules governing debate; History of the filibuster
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(help) Alt URL - Glowka, Wayne; et al. (2005). "Among the new words". American Speech. 80 (4): 406–424. doi:10.1215/00031283-80-4-406.
- MANU RAJU (November 25, 2012). "GOP warns of shutdown over filibuster". Politico. Retrieved November 25, 2012.
- Alan Fram (November 11, 2012). "Dems, GOP fight brewing over curbing filibusters". Chicago Tribune. Associated Press. Archived from the original on November 14, 2012. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
- Alexandra Jaffe (November 15, 2012). "Warren pledges to lead filibuster reform". The Hill / Ballot Box: The Hill's Campaign Blog. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
- Jeremy W. Peters (January 24, 2013). "New Senate Rules to Curtail the Excesses of a Filibuster". The New York Times. Retrieved January 30, 2013.
- "Senate approves bipartisan deal clamping modest restrictions on filibusters". Washington Post. Associated Press. January 24, 2013. Archived from the original on January 31, 2013. Retrieved January 30, 2013.
- Bresnahan, John. "Senate heads toward 'nuclear option'". Politico. Retrieved July 16, 2013.
- "McCain claims Senate leaders have deal to avert showdown over Obama nominees". FoxNews. July 16, 2013. Archived from the original on July 16, 2013. Retrieved July 16, 2013.
- "Rule XVI and Appropriations". Senate Republican Policy Committee. December 20, 2019. Archived from the original on May 12, 2023. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- "On the Decision of the Chair (shall decision of chair stand re: hutchison amdt. no. 336)". United States Senate. March 16, 1995. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- ^ Wallner, James (October 3, 2018). "Nothing Is Inevitable in the Senate". Legislative Procedure. Archived from the original on July 8, 2023. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- Rybicki, Elizabeth (November 27, 2017). Senate Rules Restricting the Content of Conference Reports (Report). Archived from the original on April 16, 2022. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- "On the Decision of the Chair (shall the decision of the chair stand? Re: conf. rept. to H.R. 3539)". United States Senate. October 3, 1996. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- 114 Stat. 2763A–198 (Pub. L. 106–554 (text) (PDF))
- "Congressional Record: Senate, Nov. 21, 2013" (PDF). www.congress.gov. Retrieved April 4, 2017.
- Arenberg, Richard A. (January 4, 2017). "Why Republicans Shouldn't Weaken the Filibuster". The New York Times.
- Heitshusen, Valerie (December 6, 2013). Majority Cloture for Nominations: Implications and the "Nuclear" Proceedings of November 21, 2013 (Report). Archived from the original on May 30, 2023. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- Ryan Grim; Michael McAuliff (2013-11-21). "Senate Votes For Nuclear Option". Huffingtonpost.com. Retrieved 2013-11-21.
- ^ Peters, Jeremy W. (November 21, 2013). "In Landmark Vote, Senate Limits Use of the Filibuster". The New York Times.
- "GOP's existential test: Why they're really escalating a nuclear option crisis". Salon.com.
- Richard S. Beth and Elizabeth Rybicki. "Nominations with Cloture Motions". Congressional Research Service (November 21, 2013).
- Kessler, Glenn. "Has Mitch McConnell ‘blocked the Senate’ over 400 times?", The Washington Post (October 29, 2013):
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) often files cloture on multiple bills or nominations at once to speed things along even if no one is slowing things down....A number of the cloture motions that Reid has filed were intended to speed things up, to suit his parliamentary preferences....
- ^ Hook, Janet and Peterson, Kristina. "Senate Adopts New Rules on Filibusters", The Wall Street Journal (November 21, 2013).
- "Do Obama Nominees Face Stiffer Senate Opposition?", The Wall Street Journal (November 21, 2013).
- McMillion, Barry. "President Obama’s First-Term U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominations: An Analysis and Comparison with Presidents Since Reagan", Congressional Research Service (May 2, 2013).
- "Senate Votes For Nuclear Option", The Huffington Post (November 21, 2013).
- Kamen, Al. "Filibuster reform may not open confirmation floodgates", The Washington Post (November 22, 2013).
- Heitshusen, Valerie (April 14, 2017). Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief (PDF) (Report). Congressional Research Service. Retrieved September 22, 2020.
Senator McConnell made a point of order that the precedent applied a majority vote cloture threshold to all nominations. he presiding officer did not sustain the point of order. Senator McConnell appealed the ruling of the chair.
- "Roll Call Vote 115th Congress - 1st Session". senate.gov. Archived from the original on December 19, 2022.
- Heitshusen, Valerie (April 14, 2017). Senate Proceedings Establishing Majority Cloture for Supreme Court Nominations: In Brief (PDF) (Report). Congressional Research Service. Retrieved September 22, 2020.
The presiding officer then put the appeal of the ruling to the Senate for a vote, stating "Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgement of the Senate?" On the question of upholding the chair, the Senate voted 48-52, thereby overturning the ruling (and establishing the new precedent).
- Killough, Ashley; Barrett, Ted (April 7, 2017). "Senate GOP triggers nuclear option to break Democratic filibuster on Gorsuch". CNN. Washington, D.C. Retrieved September 22, 2020.
- Berman, Russell (April 6, 2017). "Republicans Abandon the Filibuster to Save Neil Gorsuch". Retrieved April 29, 2017.
- Snell, Kelsey (April 3, 2019). "Senate Rewrites Rules To Speed Confirmations For Some Trump Nominees". NPR. Archived from the original on April 4, 2019. Retrieved July 8, 2023.
- Kane, Paul (November 21, 2013). "Reid, Democrats trigger 'nuclear' option; eliminate most filibusters on nominees". Washington Post. Retrieved February 19, 2021.
- "Senators sign letter to preserve filibuster rules".
- "Trump calls for end to filibuster, says Senate Republicans "look like fools"". CBS News. July 29, 2017.
- "Trump Says GOP May Need to Use 'Nuclear Option': Shutdown Update". Bloomberg.com. Bloomberg L.P. January 21, 2018. Retrieved January 21, 2018.
- "Trump vows 'very long' government shutdown over border wall". BBC News. December 21, 2018. Retrieved December 21, 2018.
- Hulse, Carl (January 25, 2021). "McConnel Relents in First Filibuster Skirmish, but the War Rages On". The New York Times. Retrieved January 26, 2021.
- ^ "Why Schumer picked a filibuster fight he couldn't win". Politico.
- Hughes, Siobhan (January 3, 2022). "Chuck Schumer Sets Mid-January Deadline for Possible Filibuster Changes". Wall Street Journal. ISSN 0099-9660. Retrieved January 3, 2022.
- Reynolds, Molly E. (September 9, 2020). "What is the Senate filibuster, and what would it take to eliminate it?". Brookings Institution. Retrieved September 23, 2020.
- Messerly, Megan (September 24, 2024). "Harris backs ending filibuster for abortion rights legislation". Politico. Retrieved September 25, 2024.
- Samuels, Brett (September 24, 2024). "Harris calls for ending filibuster for abortion rights". The Hill. Retrieved September 25, 2024.
- "Court Packing: An Ill-Fated Reform". October 7, 2020.
- "Calm before storm? How Senate could change after Barrett confirmation". Christian Science Monitor.
- Dennis Cauchon (March 9, 2011). "Wis. Republicans vote without Dems". USA Today. Retrieved November 24, 2012.
- Mark Trumbull (March 9, 2011). "Did Wisconsin Senate choose nuclear option in collective-bargaining fight?". The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved November 24, 2012.
- David Usborne (March 11, 2011). "Wisconsin Republicans 'exercise nuclear option' to pass union-busting law". The Independent. London. Retrieved November 24, 2012.
- Andrew Thomason (May 30, 2011). "Workers' comp bill dies in Illinois House, 'Nuclear' option looms". FOX Illinois.com. Archived from the original on June 5, 2011. Retrieved November 24, 2012.
- "Bradley:Workers' comp overhaul still alive". The Southern Illinoisan. AP. May 31, 2011. Retrieved November 24, 2012.
Bradley says that so-called "nuclear option" is still a possibility. The Illinois Senate could vote on it Tuesday, the final day of the legislative session.
- Jackson and others v. Her Majesty's Attorney General UKHL 56, 13 October 2005
External links
- Supportive of nuclear option
- M. Gold & D. Gupta, The Constitutional Option to Change Senate Rules and Procedures: a Majoritarian Means to Overcome the Filibuster in the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy; 28 Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 205 (2004) (arguing that the nuclear/constitutional option it is firmly grounded in Senate history) (PDF file)
- William G. Dauster, “The Senate in Transition or How I Learned To Stop Worrying and Love the Nuclear Option,” N.Y.U. Journal of Legislation & Public Policy, volume 19 (number 4) (December 2016): pages 631–83 (explaining Senator Reid's use of the nuclear option).
- Policy Analysis by Senate Republican Policy Committee summarizing arguments and reviewing history
- National Review's Bench Memos
- Senator George Allen (R-VA) Calls Democrats Bluff
- Opposed to nuclear option
- Center for American Progress: Nuclear Option Resource Guide
- CivilRights.org: a coalition representing 180 national organizations
- Home Page for Senate Democratic Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev)
- Independent Judiciary
- Senator Reid's Letter to Bill Frist
- Washington Post article on Republican's 1968 Fortas filibuster
- Hatching a New Filibuster Precedent: The Senator from Utah's Revisionist history John Dean writes for FindLaw arguing that Orrin Hatch has attempted to mischaracterize the Abe Fortas nomination filibuster.
- Revenge of the Frist
- MoveOn.org Emergency Petition to Save the Courts
- Myth and fact sheets
- Other
- David Law & Lawrence B. Solum, "Judicial Selection, Appointments Gridlock, and the Nuclear Option," (April 14, 2006).
- History of U.S. House Committee on Rules
- History of U.S. Senate Committee on Rules and Administration
- Standing Rules of The Senate
- TIME: The Filibuster Formula
- Politics and justice for all: Court nomination fights predate Bork, Thomas