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'''Afrocentrism''' is a worldview that is centered on the history of people of African descent or a view that favors it over non-African civilizations.<ref>"Recent" here means in the last few thousand years, as opposed to in the ], for example ]</ref> It is in some respects a response to ] attitudes about ] and their historical contributions. It seeks to counter what it sees as mistakes and ideas perpetuated by the racist philosophical underpinnings of Western academic disciplines as they developed during and since Europe's ] as justifying rationales for the enslavement of other peoples, in order to enable more accurate accounts of not only African but all people's contributions to world history.<ref>CC Verharen, "Molefi Asante...”, The Western Journal of Black Studies, (24)4, 2000, pp. 223–238</ref> Afrocentricity deals primarily with ] and African agency and is a ] point of view for the study of culture, ], and history.<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181123082650/http://www.asante.net/articles/1/afrocentricity/ |date=23 November 2018 }}.</ref><ref name="Africana">], and ] (eds), '']'' Volume 1, p. 111, Oxford University Press. 2005. {{ISBN|0-19-517055-5}}</ref> | |||
Afrocentrism is a scholarly movement that seeks to conduct research and education on global history subjects, from the perspective of historical African peoples and polities. It takes a critical stance on Eurocentric assumptions and myths about world history, in order to pursue methodological studies of the latter. Some of the critics of the movement believe that it often denies or minimizes European, ]ern, and ] cultural influences while exaggerating certain aspects of historical African civilizations that independently accomplished a significant level of cultural and technological development. In general, Afrocentrism is usually manifested in a focus on the history of Africa and its role in contemporary African-American culture among others. | |||
'''Afrocentrism''' is a ] or perspective that is centered on ] and ]. Afrocentric scholars typically claim that ] accounts of world history and civilization have neglected or systematically denied the contributions of indigenous, black African peoples. The term "Afrocentrism" thus implies a perspective which is in diametric opposition to that of ]. However, it also often functions to distinguish the influence in Africa of ], ] and ] peoples from indigenous African achievements. This particular emphasis on Africa is historically tied to ] civil rights movements and anti-imperialist ideologies in ] and the ]. In modern America, it is associated with African-centred education policies that purport to be ]. | |||
What is today broadly called Afrocentrism evolved out of the work of African American intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but flowered into its modern form due to the activism of African American intellectuals in the U.S. ] and in the development of ] programs in universities. However, following the development of universities in African colonies in the 1950s, African scholars became major contributors to African historiography.<ref>General History of Africa, Vol 1, p41, UNESCO, 1981</ref> A notable pioneer is the professor ], who became chairman of the Committee on African Studies at Harvard in the 1970s.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1983/11/13/obituaries/kenneth-o-dike-dies-in-a-nigerian-hospital.html|title=Kenneth O. Dike Dies in a Nigerian Hospital|date=13 November 1983|newspaper=The New York Times}}</ref> In strict terms Afrocentrism, as a distinct historiography, reached its peak in the 1980s and 1990s.{{citation needed|date=December 2019}} Today{{when|date=December 2017}} it is primarily associated with ], ], ] and ]. Asante, however, describes his theories as ].<ref>Molefi Asante, ''The Painful Demise of Eurocentrism: An Afrocentric Response to Critics'', foreword by ]: "Molefi Asante, the founding and preeminent theorist of Afrocentricity, is one of the most important intellectuals at work today. This work continues his tradition of combining an extraordinary intellectual range with an impressive ability to identify and clarify central issues in the current discourse on Afrocentricity, multiculturalism, race, culture, ethnicity and related themes. Dr. Asante offers an insightful and valuable response to Eurocentric critics of the Afrocentric initiative while simultaneously addressing a wide range of issues critical to understanding this important intellectual enterprise, including African agency, location, orientation, centerdness, subject-place and cultural groundedness. The volume is thoughtful, multifaceted and rewarding, and yields a rich sense of the contours and complexity of the Afrocentric project." --Dr. Maulana Karenga, Chair, Department of Black Studies, California State University, Long Beach."</ref> | |||
Central to Afrocentrism is the fundamental reorientation of historical scholarship. Afrocentrism shifts the study and evaluation of world history and civilization from a traditionally Western, Eurocentric paradigm — that is, one which treats primarily white or European contributions and posits ] beginnings of Western civilization — to one that treats primarily black Africa and black contributions and posits black Egyptian beginnings of Western civilization. | |||
Proponents of Afrocentrism support the claim that the contributions of various Black African people have been downplayed or discredited as part of the legacy of ] and slavery's ] of "writing Africans out of history".<ref>{{Cite journal |url=https://www.jstor.org/pss/3819303 |jstor=3819303 |last1=Andrade |first1=Susan Z. |title=Rewriting History, Motherhood, and Rebellion: Naming an African Women's Literary Tradition |journal=Research in African Literatures |date=1990 |volume=21 |issue=1 |pages=91–110 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Woodson|first=Carter Godwin|author-link=Carter G. Woodson|title=The Mis-education of the Negro|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zF6J8Zge4XgC&pg=PA7|year=1933|publisher=ReadaClassic.com|page=7|id=GGKEY:LYULWKX4YJQ}}</ref> | |||
==Egypt and the argument of African cultural unity== | |||
], thought to be the likeness of the pharaoh ]. The Great Sphinx is the largest and most recognized monumental sculpture in the world, and commonly is thought to have been constructed around 4,500 years ago. Others, however, have dated it before 10,000 years ago.]] Afrocentrists claim that early dynastic ] was a black civilization. ] issues generally have caused Egypt to be considered part of the ]; however, geographically, the majority of dynastic Egypt, as is the modern-day nation, was located within the African continent. Afrocentrists argue that salient cultural characteristics of ancient dynastic Egypt are indigenous to Africa and that these features are present in other African civilizations. In addition, they believe the study of ancient Egyptian culture should emphasise connections to other early African civilizations such as ] and the ] civilizations of ], as archaeology clearly indicates the interrelatedness of Nilotic cultures with dynastic Egypt. This is discussed at great length by Dr. Cheik Anta Diop and is identified as the cultural unity theory. Afrocentrists claim that these made important contributions to ancient Greek and Roman civilizations that traditionally have been either overlooked or appropriated by the ]. The more common belief, however, is that ]ian civilization is more closely associated with the civilizations of the ] and ] than with the rest of Africa. | |||
Major critics of Afrocentrism include ], who dismiss it as ],<ref>{{cite book|last=Howe|first=Stephen|title=Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes|url=https://archive.org/details/afrocentrism00step|url-access=registration|year=1998|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-85984-228-7|page=}}</ref> reactive,<ref>{{cite book|last=Bracey|first=Earnest N.|title=Prophetic Insight: The Higher Education and Pedagogy of African Americans|url=https://archive.org/details/propheticinsight0000brac|url-access=registration|date=1 January 1999|publisher=]|location=]|isbn=978-0-7618-1384-2|page=}}</ref> and obstinately therapeutic.<ref name="autogenerated192">{{cite book|last=Marable|first=Manning|author-link=Manning Marable|title=Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics|url=https://archive.org/details/beyondblackwhite00mara|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=]|isbn=978-1-85984-924-8|page=}}</ref> Others, such as ], believe that Afrocentrism defeats its purpose of dismantling unipolar studies of world history by seeking to replace Eurocentricity with an equally ethnocentric and hierarchical curriculum, and negatively essentializes European culture and people of European descent. ] claims it to be "Eurocentrism in ]".<ref name="Banner-haley2003"/> | |||
Afrocentrism finds itself in direct opposition to the views of mainstream scholars such as British historian ], who regarded the ]ian cultural sphere as having died out without leaving a successor and who derided as a "myth" the idea that Egypt was the "origin of Western civilization." However, there are numerous accounts in the historical record dating back several centuries wherein scholars have written of Egypt's contributions to ] civilizations and of black-skinned, "Negroid" Egyptians. More recently, Afrocentrism has found sympathetic readings from mainstream scholars such as Martin Bernal. | |||
==Terminology== | |||
Afrocentrism has been charged by one prominent critic as being "a mythology that is racist, reactionary, and essentially therapeutic." Afrocentrists, however, level similar charges at what they perceive as a pronounced Eurocentrism in mainstream historical works, countering that the Afrocentrist approach merely attempts to set the historical record straight by overturning a false paradigm, the basis of which is scholarship often slanted by conscious or unconscious racist attitudes. | |||
The term "Afrocentrism" dates to 1962.<ref>{{cite book|last=Moses|first=Wilson Jeremiah|title=Afrotopia: The Roots of African American Popular History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hx0LGNxO_mAC&pg=PA44|date=13 September 1998|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-47941-7|pages=44–}}</ref> The adjective "Afrocentric" appears in a typescript proposal for an entry in '']'', possibly due to ].<ref>{{cite journal|title=Elegant Inconsistencies: Race, Nation, and Writing in Wilson Jeremiah Moses's Afrotopia|last=Levine|first=Robert|doi=10.1093/alh/ajn016|year=2008|journal=American Literary History|volume=20|page=497|issue=3|s2cid=143005947}}</ref> The abstract noun "Afrocentricity" dates to the 1970s,<ref>{{cite book|author=Thairu, Kihumbu|title=The African Civilization|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yOk_AAAAYAAJ|year=1975|publisher=]}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi K.|title=An Afrocentric Manifesto|publisher=Polity Press|year=2007|isbn=978-07456-4102-7|location=Cambridge, UK|pages=6}}</ref> and was popularized by ]'s ''Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change'' (1980). Molefi Kete Asante's theory, Afrocentricity, has been one developed in academic settings and may incorporate the terms Afrocentric to describe scholarship and Afrocentrists to describe scholars, but does not use Afrocentrism. According to Asante, though the two terms are often confused to mean the same, Afrocentrists are not adherents of Afrocentrism.<ref name=":0" /> This has caused confusing notions about who is considered an Afrocentrist, as various scholars who may or may not be associated with Asante and his works have been erroneously given the title, even by other academics.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi K.|title=The Afrocentric Idea|publisher=Temple University Press|year=1998|isbn=1-56639-595-X|location=Philadelphia, PA|pages=ix-xiii}}</ref> Asante has written that Afrocentricity and Afrocentrism are not the same and neither do they share the same origin: | |||
<blockquote>By way of distinction, Afrocentricity should not be confused with the variant Afrocentrism. The term “Afrocentrism” was first used by the opponents of Afrocentricity who in their zeal saw it as an obverse of Eurocentrism. The adjective “Afrocentric” in the academic literature always referred to “Afrocentricity.” However, the use of “Afrocentrism” reflected a negation of the idea of Afrocentricity as a positive and progressive paradigm. The aim was to assign religious signification to the idea of African centeredness. However, it has come to refer to a broad cultural movement of the late twentieth century that has a set of philosophical, political, and artistic ideas which provides the basis for the musical, sartorial, and aesthetic dimensions of the African personality. On the other hand, Afrocentricity, as I have previously defined it, is a theory of agency, that is, the idea that African people must be viewed and view themselves as agents rather than spectators to historical revolution and change. To this end Afrocentricity seeks to examine every aspect of the subject place of Africans in historical, literary, architectural, ethical, philosophical, economic, and political life.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi K.|title=An Afrocentric Manifesto|publisher=Polity Press|year=2007|isbn=978-07456-4102-7|location=Cambridge, UK|pages=17}}</ref> </blockquote> | |||
==History of Afrocentrism== | |||
==History== | |||
] journal ''The Crisis'' depicting "Ra-Maat-Neb, one of the black kings of the Upper Nile."]] The beginnings of Afrocentric scholarship can be found in the work of ] and Caribbean intellectuals early in the twentieth century. Publications such as '']'' and the ''Journal of Negro History'' sought to counter the prevailing view in the West that Africa had contributed nothing to human cultural history that was not the result of incursions by Europeans and ]. These journals sought to stress the blackness of some Egyptian ]s and to investigate ] African history. The editor of ''The Crisis'' ] went on to research West African culture and to attempt to construct a ] value system based on West African traditions. DuBois later became editor of the ''Encyclopedia Africana.'' Some aspects of DuBois's approach is evidenced in the work of the ] anthopologist ], who claimed to have identified a pan-African language and to have proved that ancient Egyptians were indeed black-skinned. | |||
] journal '']'' depicting "Ra-Maat-Neb, one of the kings of the Upper Nile", a copy of the relief portraying ] on ].]] | |||
Afrocentrism has its origins in the work of African and ] intellectuals in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, following social changes in the United States and Africa due both to the end of ] and the decline of ]. Following the ], African Americans in the ] gathered together in communities to evade white control, established their own church congregations, and worked hard to gain education. They increasingly took more active public roles despite severe racial discrimination and segregation.<ref>Du Bois, W. E. B., ''Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880''. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1935; reprint New York: The Free Press, 1998.</ref> American and African intellectuals looked to the African past for a re-evaluation of what its civilizations had achieved and what they meant for contemporary people.<ref>"". Accessed 19 November 2007. 2009-10-31.</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://pages.prodigy.net/gmoses/moweb/unity.htm |title=Afrocentricity as a Quest for Cultural Unity: Reading Diop in English |access-date=13 November 2007 |last=Moses |first=Greg |publisher=National Association for African American Studies |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071212071725/http://pages.prodigy.net/gmoses/moweb/unity.htm |archive-date=12 December 2007 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
{{Blockquote|The combination of the European centuries gives us about four to five hundred years of solid European domination of intellectual concepts and philosophical ideas. Africa and Asia were subsumed under various headings of the European hierarchy. If a war between the European powers occurred it was called a World War and the Asians and Africans found their way on the side of one European power or the other. There was this sense of assertiveness about European culture that advanced with Europe's trade, religious, and military forces.<ref>.</ref>|Molefi Asante|"De-Westernizing Communication: Strategies for Neutralizing Cultural Myths"}} | |||
As an ideology and political movement, Afrocentrism had its beginnings in activism among black intellectuals, political figures, and historians in the context of the US American ].<ref>{{cite journal|author=Olaniyan, T. | |||
However, Diop also drew on the ideas of ], a follower of the ] leader ], who emphasised the importance of ] as a great black civilization and who argued that black peoples should develop pride in African history. James's book ''Stolen Legacy'' (1954) is often cited as one of the foundational texts of modern Afrocentrism. James claimed that Greek philosophy was "stolen" from Ancient Egyptian mystery traditions and that these had developed from distinctively African cultural roots. For James, the works of ] and other Greek thinkers were in fact poor synopses of some aspects of Ancient Egyptian wisdom. The Greeks were violent and quarrelsome people, unlike the Egyptians, and were not naturally capable of philosophy. | |||
|year=2006 | |||
|title=From Black Aesthetics To Afrocentrism (or, A Small History of an African And African American Discursivepractice) | |||
|journal=West Africa Review | |||
|issn = 1525-4488}} | |||
</ref>{{Page needed|date=October 2015}} According to U.S. professor Victor Oguejiofor Okafor, concepts of Afrocentricity lie at the core of disciplines such as ].<ref>Victor Oguejiofor Okafor, "The Place of Africalogy in the University Curriculum", ''Journal of Black Studies'', vol. 26 no. 6, July 1999, pp. 688–712.</ref> But ] claims that Afrocentrism roots are not exclusively African: | |||
{{Blockquote|Despite the fulminations of ethno-chauvinists and other prejudiced persons, it remains a fact that the contributions of white scholars, like Boas, Malinowski, and Herskovits, were fundamental to that complex of ideas that we designate to days as Afrocentrism...Students of African and African American history have long appreciated the irony that much of what we now call Afrocentrism was developed during the 1930s by the Jewish American scholar ]{{citation needed|date=December 2019}}|Wilson J. Moses|''Historical Sketches of Afrocentrism'' | |||
}} | |||
In 1987, ] published his '']'', in which he claims that ancient Greece was colonized by northern invaders mixing with a colony established by ] (modern Lebanon). A major theme of the work is the alleged denial by Western academia of the African and (western) Asiatic influence on ancient Greek culture. | |||
These ideas were not wholly new, but date back to eighteenth century ] texts that drew on ancient writings that claimed Greek thinkers studied in Egypt. The poet ] had also attacked "the stolen and perverted writings of Homer and Ovid, of Plato and Cicero," asserting that they were copies of more ancient ] wisdom. Such views were associated with ] and ] thought that rejected ] Greco-Roman culture as the model for civilization. James's distinct contribution was to tie these claims to an opposition between white European and black African identity, associating these alleged ancient appropriations of black wisdom with white ] exploitation of black peoples and thefts of artifacts from black African cultures. By claiming that the Greeks were barbaric and were innately incapable of ], he also inverted normative imperialist racial hierarchies, which made the same claims about black Africans. | |||
James's approach was copied by a number of other writers and has had an influence on many books that claim to prove that black Africans originated intellectual or technological achievements that were later claimed by whites. Some of these books are not considered to be serious scholarship. However, several later writers have abandoned James's more extreme claims to concentrate on the notion that modern black peoples should center their understanding of culture and history on Africa. ]'s book ''Afrocentricity'' (1988) directly connected Afrocentrism to radical black civil-rights politics, arguing that African Americans should look to African cultures "as a critical corrective to a displaced agency among Africans." | |||
==Aspects of Afrocentricity and Afrocentrism== | |||
Other authors have adapted James's assertion that Egyptian culture's influence on the Greeks has been underestimated. Among such scholars the most influential is ], whose book '']'' stressed influence of what he called ] and ] civilizations on the classical ones. Yet other writers have abandoned the claim that Europeans stole African culture, but concentrate on the study of indigenous African civilizations and peoples as a corrective to emphasis on European and ] influence on the continent. Such Afrocentric scholars maintain that a ] from a view of world history centered around European accomplishments and racist assumptions about other peoples and cultures to one that emphasizes the black beginnings of humankind and black contributions to ], would result in significant attitudinal shifts in the West and elsewhere. Indeed, many claim that a dramatic shift has already occurred. This, then, they argue, challenges the Eurocentric view of world history which for so many centuries devalued and appropriated, or simply ignored achievements by blacks. | |||
===Afrocentricity book=== | |||
==Criticisms of Afrocentrism== | |||
{{main|Afrocentricity (book)}} | |||
In 2000, African American Studies professor ], gave a lecture entitled "Afrocentricity: Toward a New Understanding of African Thought in this Millennium,"<ref>Kete Asante, Molefi, , University of Liverpool, 2 August 2000, accessed 11 February 2009 {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090302025412/http://www.asante.net/articles/Liverpool-Address.html |date=2 March 2009 }}.</ref> in which he presented many of his ideas: | |||
Critics of Afrocentrism counter that much historical Afrocentric research simply lacks scientific merit and that it actually seeks to supplant and counter one form of racism with another, rather than attempt to arrive at the truth. Among scholarly critics, ]'s ''Not out of Africa'' is widely regarded as the foremost critical work. In it, she contends Afrocentric historical claims are grounded in ] and ] rather than sound scholarship. Like most other classical scholars, she rejects James's views on the ground that his sources predate the decipherment of Egyptian ]. Actual ancient Egyptian texts show little similarity to Greek philosophy. She also contends that Bernal underestimates the distinctiveness of Greek intellectual culture. Asante, however, disputes her conclusions. | |||
* Africa has been betrayed by international commerce, by ] and ], by the structure of knowledge imposed by the Western world, by its own leaders, and by the ignorance of its own people of its past. | |||
* ] originated in Africa and the first philosophers in the world were Africans. | |||
Afrocentrists tend to emphasise the racial and cultural unity of Africa as a whole as the home of black, or ], peoples. However, critics assert that Afrocentrism relies on a projection of modern racial and geographical categories onto ancient cultures in which they simply did not exist. It is argued that in ancient Western culture, the distinction between Europe and Africa was not as important as the notion that civilized peoples ''encircled'' the Mediterranean sea. The farther from the Mediterranean they were, the more alien they were considered to be. This applied to all peoples. The equation of "African" with black identity has also been criticized, partly because movement of populations around the Mediterranean in ancient times makes any rigid distinctions among ]n, Asian, and European peoples of the area problematic; and partly because the notion of a unified "black" or Negroid race is itself considered to be unsustainable by many modern geneticists. Further, Diop's claim to have discovered a pan-African proto-language is rejected by almost all linguists. | |||
* Afrocentricity constitutes a new way of examining data, and a novel orientation to data; it carries with it assumptions about the current state of the African world. | |||
* His aim is "to help lay out a plan for the recovery of African place, respectability, accountability, and leadership." | |||
* Afrocentricity can stand its ground among any ideology or religion: Marxism, ], ], ], or ]. Your Afrocentricity will emerge in the presence of these other ideologies because it is from you. | |||
* Afrocentrism is the only ideology that can liberate African people. | |||
Asante also stated: | |||
People think of themselves as belonging to races defined by skin color and ] and link this to their ancestry. One of the impacts of this is that historical achievements are ascribed to races with which modern peoples identify themselves. Others insist that this approach violates the fundamental demand of history as a discipline, which should aspire to understand events as they occurred, not as they affect the self-esteem of modern people. | |||
{{blockquote|As a cultural configuration, the Afrocentric idea is distinguished by five characteristics: | |||
# an intense interest in psychological location as determined by symbols, motifs, rituals, and signs. | |||
# a commitment to finding the subject-place of Africans in any social, political, economic, or religious phenomenon with implications for questions of sex, gender, and class. | |||
# a defence of African cultural elements as historically valid in the context of art, music, and literature. | |||
# a celebration of centeredness and agency and a commitment to lexical refinement that eliminates pejoratives about Africans or other people. | |||
# a powerful imperative from historical sources to revise the collective text of African people.}} | |||
However, Wilson J. Moses, said of Asante: "His second book, ''The Afrocentric Idea'' (1987), was a creative and in some respects brilliant but rambling theoretical work, much influenced by the revolution in "]" that occurred in American intellectual life during the late 1970s and early 1980s." Some also assert that the definition of Afrocentricity has never sat still long enough to be properly described and accurately critiqued.{{Citation needed|date=September 2015}} | |||
===Afrocentric education=== | |||
Afrocentrists, however, contend that race as a social and political construct still exists. They argue that the racist untruths propounded for centuries– that blacks had no civilization, no written language, no culture and no history of any note before coming into contact with Europeans– make the racial identity of ancient Egypt an important issue. Further, such lies have been applied to a particular, broad category of humanity based on the same "racial" phenotype and lineages used by Afrocentrists in refuting such myths. However artificial and discredited a construct, the matter of race became an important and enduring issue, Afrocentrists argue, when whites and others pronounced an entire segment of humanity inherently inferior on the basis of it. Further, such biases persist today. As a result, Afrocentrists contend, it is important to set the historical record straight within the context in which the history of human civilizations heretofore has been framed, taught and studied— and that is the context of race. | |||
{{Main|Afrocentric education}} | |||
Afrocentric education is education designed to empower peoples of the African diaspora. A central premise behind it is that many Africans have been subjugated by limiting their awareness of themselves and indoctrinating them with ideas that work against them.<ref>Woodson, Dr. Carter G. (1933). ''The Mis-Education of the Negro''. Khalifah's Booksellers & Associates.</ref> To control a people's culture is to control their tools of self-determination in relationship to others.<ref>Akbar, Dr. Na'im (1998).</ref> Like ], proponents assert that what educates one group of people does not necessarily educate and empower another group–so they assert educational priorities distinctly for the Africans in a given context. | |||
===Afrocentric theology=== | |||
Crucial to this aspect of the debate are arguments about whether the ancient Egyptians reasonably can be considered to have been black and the extent of significant cultural or racial links between sub-Saharan and nonblack North African peoples. | |||
{{Further|Black theology|Black church}} | |||
The ] in the United States developed out of the ] of African spirituality and European-American ]; early members of the churches made certain stories their own{{citation needed|date=December 2017}}. During the ] years, the idea of deliverance out of ], as in the story of ], was especially important{{citation needed|date=December 2017}}. After ] and the restoration of white supremacy, their hope was based on deliverance from segregation and other abuses{{citation needed|date=December 2017}}. They found much to respond to in the idea of a personal relationship with ], and shaped their churches by the growth of music and worship styles that related to African as well as European-American traditions.{{citation needed|date=September 2011}} | |||
Twentieth-century "Africentric approaches" to Christian ] and preaching have been more deliberate. Writers and thinkers emphasize "Black presence" in the ], including the idea of a "]".<ref>Peters, Ronald Edward (ed.), ''Africentric Approaches to Christian Ministry: Strengthening Urban Congregations in African American Communities'', University Press of America (2006), {{ISBN|978-0-7618-3264-5}}.</ref>{{Page needed|date=October 2015}} | |||
==Egypt and black identity== | |||
], 18th Dynasty Egypt.]wood sculpture of the wife of the pharaoh ], mother of Akhenaton, depicted here wearing a Nubian wig.]] ], 18th Dynasty Egypt, ] sculpture of the wife of Akhenaton]]Many Afrocentrists insist that ancient Egyptians were black African peoples, often emphasising that this black identity was strongest in early Egyptian history, but waxed and waned over time. Among Afrocentrist authors, it is common to refer to Egypt as "Kemet," the indigenous term for the country, which means "black land." Traditionally, mainstream scholars contend this term refers to the dark, fertile soil beside the Nile, in contrast to the desert beyond it, labelled the "red land" by Egyptians. Afrocentrists, however, associate the term with Egyptian racial identity, pointing out that ancient Egyptians also called themselves "Kmemeu," or "the black people" and their subjects "Kemetu," or "the blacks' people." They also cite the archaeological evidence, particularly that of temple statuary, and the writings of ] and other ancient authors, who refer to the dark skin and woolly hair of Egyptians. Opponents would argue that indigenous Egyptian terminology is best translated as "people of the black land," and that Western classical writers usually described Egyptians as a mid-tone between black Ethiopians and pale Europeans. Herodotus himself is clear that Egyptians look different from Ethiopians. ] states that "the Ethiopians stain the world and depict a race of men steeped in darkness. Less sun-burnt are the natives of India. The land of Egypt, flooded by the Nile, darkens bodies more mildly owing to the inundation of its fields: it is a country nearer to us and its moderate climate imparts a medium tone." | |||
===Kwanzaa=== | |||
Both Afrocentrists and mainstream scholars typically connect the ancient Egyptian language with those of various other African peoples. However, most linguists consider Egyptian a typical example of an ] (otherwise called "Hamito-Semitic") language - a language group, most probably native to Africa, that covers ], the ], much of ] and ], and most of the ]. As a result, speakers of Afro-Asiatic languages are multi-ethnic and possess a wide range of skin colors. In contrast, Afrocentrists commonly link ancient Egyptian with languages of the ] family, virtually all the speakers of which are blacks. For example, Diop claims that the ancient Egyptian language has vocabulary in common with ], while ] links it with ]. However, mainstream scholars contend it is inadequate to list similar-sounding or possibly related terms in different languages; only a rigorous investigation using the methodology of ], in particular the ], suffices. | |||
In 1966 ] of the black separatist ] created ]; which became the first specifically African American holiday to be widely observed amongst African Americans.<ref>{{cite book|editor=Jaynes, Gerald D.|title=Encyclopedia of African American society|date=2005|publisher=]|location=]|isbn=1452265410|page=420|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UZx2AwAAQBAJ&pg=PT520|access-date=26 September 2015}}</ref><ref name="Kwanzaa Date">{{cite news|url=https://select.nytimes.com/search/restricted/article?res=F00B1EFD395C0C738FDDAB0994DB484D81|work=]"|title=The Evening Hours|date=30 December 1983 |access-date=15 December 2006 | first=Ron | last=Alexander}}</ref> Karenga rejected liberation theology and considered the practice of Christianity anti-thetical to the creation of an African-American identity independent from white America.<ref>Karenga, Maulana (1967). "Religion". In Clyde Halisi, James Mtume. The Quotable Karenga. Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press. pp. 25. 23769.8.</ref> Karenga said his goal was to "give Blacks an alternative to the existing holiday and give Blacks an opportunity to celebrate themselves and history, rather than simply imitate the practice of the dominant society."<ref name="Mugane2015">{{cite book|last=Mugane|first=John M.|title=The Story of Swahili|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zIwNCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA255|date=15 July 2015|publisher=]|location=]|isbn=978-0-89680-489-0|page=255}}</ref> | |||
===Race and Pan-African identity=== | |||
Afrocentrists also cite the results of Diop's forensic tests of ] content in Egyptian mummies and of forensic reconstruction of skulls to prove their contention that the early dynastic Egyptians were black Africans and remained so in predominant part for millennia. Opponents question the validity of Diop's tests, contending that reliable evidence about melanin levels cannot be easily extracted from ] because of the chemical treatment to which they have been subjected. Likewise, reconstructions of faces from skulls relies on assumptions concerning ethnicity, and such results as have been obtained are ambiguous. However, supporters of Diop's claims assert that similar tests for determining the melanin content in bones have been used by police departments in the gathering of forensic evidence around the world. | |||
{{anchor|race}} | |||
{{Further|Ancient Egyptian race controversy|Pan-Africanism}} | |||
Many Afrocentrists{{Who|date=October 2015}} seek to challenge concepts such as ], ] perspectives, and race-neutral pedagogies. There are strong ties between Afrocentricity and ].<ref>Leonardo, Zeus (2005). ''Critical Pedagogy and Race'', p. 129 {{ISBN|1-4051-2968-9}}.</ref> | |||
Afrocentrists agree with the current scientific consensus that holds that Africans exhibit a range of types and physical characteristics, and that such elements as wavy hair or aquiline facial features are part of a continuum of African types that do not depend on admixture with Caucasian groups. They cite work by Hiernaux<ref name=Hiernaux>{{cite book | |||
Opponents of Afrocentrism often argue that Egyptians belong among the ] peoples of the ], pointing to the fact that Egypt is at the extreme north eastern edge of the African continent, close to both ] and Arabia. However, rather than being comprised of a singular people, Egypt also extends south into areas occupied by undeniably black-skinned people. Further, "Semitic" also defines a language group that also includes many black African peoples. | |||
|author=Hiernaux, J. | |||
|year=1974 | |||
|title=The People of Africa | |||
|publisher=Weidenfeld and Nicolson | |||
}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=October 2015}} and Hassan<ref name="Hassan1988">{{cite journal|author=Hassan, F.A.|year=1988|title=The Predynastic of Egypt|journal=Journal of World Prehistory|volume=2|issue=2|pages=135–185|doi=10.1007/BF00975416|jstor=25800540|s2cid=153321928}}</ref> that they believe demonstrates that populations could vary based on micro-evolutionary principles (], drift, selection), and that such variations existed in both living and fossil Africans.<ref name=Keita1992>{{cite journal | |||
|author=Keita, S. | |||
|year=1992 | |||
|title=Further Studies of Crania From Ancient Northern Africa: An Analysis of Crania From First Dynasty Egyptian Tombs, Using Multiple Discriminant Functions | |||
|journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology | |||
|volume=87 | |||
|pages=245–54 | |||
|doi=10.1002/ajpa.1330870302 | |||
|pmid=1562056 | |||
|issue=3 | |||
}}</ref> | |||
Afrocentrists have condemned what they consider to be attempts at dividing African peoples into racial clusters as new versions of discredited theories, such as the ] and the ]. These theories, they contend, attempted to identify certain African ethnicities, such as Nubians, Ethiopians and Somalis, as "Caucasoid" groups that entered Africa to bring civilization to the natives. They believe that Western academics have traditionally limited the peoples they defined as "Black" Africans to those south of the ], but used broader "Caucasoid" or related categories to classify peoples of Egypt or North Africa. Afrocentrists also believe strongly in the work of certain anthropologists who have suggested that there is little evidence to support that the first North African populations were closely related to "Caucasoids" of Europe and western Asia.<ref name="Hiernaux"/> | |||
It is commonly accepted that the population of Egypt was, at least in later dynasties, a mixture of black African; Mediterranean; Semitic; and, even later, European peoples. However, these very categories are disputable and indeterminate. In typical portrayals of Egyptians in their own art, from the ] onwards they appear as brown-skinned (using a ] pigment). The tomb of ] contained a box on which the king was depicted riding a chariot over black-skinned people, presumably representing Nubia. There were also walking sticks, the handles of which depicted both black-skinned and pale-skinned conquered adversaries, representing defeated Nubian and Asiatic enemies. Sometimes, such depictions of skin tones were symbolic, and the details of this imagery have yet to be fully explained. | |||
In 1964 Afrocentric scholar ] expressed a belief in such a double standard: | |||
However, skin color among various populations of indigenous Africans differs naturally. Today, a brown-skinned ] is generally considered no less a black African than a very dark-skinned Nubian. Afrocentrists argue that the same can be said of Nubians and Egyptians. There are numerous representations in Egyptian sculpture and murals spanning more than three millennia of individuals with dark skin, of faces which are broad across the cheekbones, with full lips and pronounced ]s. In fact, the ] (above left) clearly exhibits these same characteristics. Such features are characteristic of a "Negroid", or Africoid, ]. In fact, prognathism— a forward-slanting facial profile— is a key indicator used by ] experts today to determine racial identity. It is important to note, however, that all aspects of the standard Africoid phenotype of coarse, curly hair; broad, flat noses and full lips do not apply to all black peoples, many of whom have relatively straight hair and narrower facial features. Paradoxically, while these peoples posses a range of skin tones and some diverge from the classically Africoid phenotype, they are considered no less "Negro," no less black, than other autochthonous peoples of the African continent— many of the Nilotic and Cushitic peoples of northeast and ] being examples. Further, these indigenous, black, African peoples of the Nile Valley all comprised in part—and Afrocentrists believe in predominant part—the ethnically diverse kingdoms of ancient dynastic Egypt. | |||
{{blockquote|But it is only the most gratuitous theory that considers the Dinka, the Nouer and the Masai, among others, to be Caucasoids. What if an African ethnologist were to persist in recognising as white only the blond, blue-eyed Scandinavians, and systematically refused membership to the remaining Europeans, and Mediterraneans in particular—the French, Italians, Greek, Spanish, and Portuguese? Just as the inhabitants of Scandinavia and the Mediterranean countries must be considered as two extreme poles of the same anthropological reality, so should the Negroes of East and West Africa be considered as the two extremes in the reality of the Negro world. To say that a Shillouk, a Dinka, or a Nouer is a Caucasoid is for an African as devoid of sense and scientific interest as would be, to a European, an attitude that maintained that a Greek or a Latin were not of the same race.{{citation needed|date=October 2015}}}} | |||
French historian Jean Vercoutter has claimed that ] workers routinely classified Negroid remains as Mediterranean, even though they found such remains in substantial numbers with ancient artefacts.<ref>Jean Vercoutter, ''The Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering Meroitic Script''. Paris: UNESCO, 1978, pp. 15–36.</ref> | |||
===Cranial analysis and forensic reconstruction of mummified remains=== | |||
] woman, and Chief Parakhu.]]The ancient Egyptians themselves traced their origin to a land they called "]," , or "Ta Nteru" ("Land of the Gods"). Scholars once commonly thought Punt was located on what is today the ], but it is now thought to have been in either southern ] or ]. The ancient Puntites commonly were described as black peoples with "Negroid" features and elongated, or ], heads. In fact, an elongated skull is considered a racial trait of the black African populations of the region, and of certain Africoid populations, generally. In the classic "Negroid" phenotype, the skull is typically significantly longer than that of the ] phenotype. Some ] populations also are known to have long heads; however, a Nordic presence in the Nile Valley in prehistoric times is implausible. | |||
Some Afrocentrists{{Who|date=October 2015}} have adopted a ] perspective that people of color are all "African people" or "] Africans," citing physical characteristics they exhibit in common with Black Africans. Afrocentric scholar ] writes that they are all part of the "global African community." Some Afrocentric writers include in the ] the ] of India, "]s" of Southeast Asia (], the ] and ]); and the ] peoples of Australia and Melanesia.{{Citation needed|date=October 2015}} | |||
Wrote historian ] in her 1926 work ''The Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient ] Empire'': | |||
<blockquote>In the inscriptions relative to the campaigns of Pepi I, Negroes are represented as immediately adjoining the Egyptian frontier. This seems to perplex some authors. They had always been there. This was the Old Race of predynastic Egypt—the primitive ]. This was the aboriginal race of Abyssinia. It was symbolized by the Great Sphinx and the marvelous face of Cheops. Take any book of Egyptian history containing authentic cuts and examine the faces of the first pharaohs, they are distinctively Ethiopian. The "Agu" of the monuments represented this aboriginal race. They were the ancestors of the Nubians. and were the ruling race of Egypt. Petrie in 1892 exhibited before the British Association, some skulls of the Third and Fourth Dynasties, showing distinct Negroid characteristics. They were dolichocephalic or long skulled. The findings of archaeology more and more reveal that Egypt was Cushite in her beginning and that Ethiopians were not a branch of the ] in the sense that they are so represented in the average ethnological classifications of today.</blockquote> | |||
===Pre-Columbian Africa-Americas theories=== | |||
]] | |||
{{Main|Pre-Columbian Africa-Americas contact theories}} | |||
1500 years after the founding of the first dynasty and after centuries of miscegenation of the population of Egypt among various ethnic groups, Tutankhamun's father and others of the 18th dynasty show facio-cranial characteristics which are in conformity with an Africoid phenotype (see image of Queen Tiye above). Documentaries in 2002 and 2003 aired on the ] in the U.S. provided strikingly Africoid images of both Tutankhamun and Nefertiti based on ] reconstruction of ] remains. However, more recent forensic reconstructions of Tutankhamun produced a somewhat different result. | |||
In the 1970s, ] advanced the theory that the complex civilizations of the Americas were the result of trans-oceanic influence from the Egyptians or other African civilizations. Such a claim is his primary thesis in ''They Came Before Columbus'', published in 1978. The few ] writers seek to establish that the ] people, who built the first highly complex civilization in ] and are considered by some to be the mother civilization for all other civilizations of Mesoamerica, were deeply influenced by Africans. Van Sertima said that the Olmec civilization was a hybrid one of Africans and Native Americans. His theory of pre-Columbian American-African contact has since met with considerable and detailed opposition by scholars of Mesoamerica. Van Sertima has been accused of "doctoring" and twisting data to fit his conclusions, inventing evidence, and ignoring the work of respected Central and South American scholars to advance his own theory.<ref name="Ortiz1997"/> Mainstream historians of Mesoamerica overwhelmingly reject that view with detailed rebuttals.<ref name="Ortiz1997">{{cite journal | |||
|author1=Ortiz de Montellano, Bernardo | |||
|author-link=Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano | |||
|author2=Gabriel Haslip Viera | |||
|author3=Warren Barbour | |||
|year=1997 | |||
|title=They were NOT here before Columbus: Afrocentric hyper-diffusionism in the 1990s | |||
|journal=Ethnohistory | |||
|pages=199–234 | |||
|volume=44 | |||
|doi=10.2307/483368 | |||
|issue=2 | |||
|jstor=483368 | |||
}}</ref> | |||
Claims have been also forwarded contending that African civilizations were founding influences on the Chinese ] cultures.<ref name=Ortiz1997/><ref>{{cite web|url=http://dcn.davis.ca.us/~gizmo/2001/clarence.html |title=Clarence Walker encourages black Americans to discard Afrocentrism |access-date=13 November 2007 |last=Sherwin |first=Elisabeth |publisher=Davis Community Network | archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20071017065428/http://dcn.davis.ca.us/~gizmo/2001/clarence.html| archive-date= 17 October 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> | |||
An interesting aspect of the recent reconstructions is their somewhat bucktoothed appearance. This form of facial projection, called an alveolar prognathism, with large incisors, is a trademark physical characteristic of many Sudanese, Somalis and other indigenous peoples of the region. An 1870 edition of the ''Journal of the Ethnological Society of London'' describes in detail the peoples referred to as "Australians": | |||
===Afrocentrism and Ancient Egypt=== | |||
<blockquote> The males of this type are commonly of fair stature, with well-developed torso and arms, but relatively and absolutely slender legs. The colour of the skin is some shade of chocolate-brown; and the eyes are very dark brown, or black. The hair is usually raven-black, fine and silky in texture; and it is never woolly, but usually wavy and tolerably long. …The Australians are invariably dolichocephalic, the cranial index rarely exceeding 75 or 76, and often not amounting to more than 71 or 72. …The nose is broad rather than flat; the jaws are heavy, and the lips remarkably coarse and flexible. There is usually strongly marked alveolar prognathism. The teeth are large, and the fangs usually stronger and more distinctly marked than in other forms of mankind.</blockquote> | |||
{{Main|Ancient Egyptian race controversy}} | |||
Several Afrocentrists have claimed that important cultural characteristics of ancient ] were indigenous to Africa and that these features were present in other early African civilizations<ref name=Diop1964>{{cite journal | |||
|author=Diop, C.A. | |||
|year=1964 | |||
|title=Evolution of the Negro world' | |||
|volume=23 | |||
|issue=51 | |||
|pages=5–15 | |||
}}</ref> such as the later ] and the ] civilizations of ].<ref>Bruce Williams, "The lost pharaohs of Nubia", in Ivan van Sertima (ed.), ''Egypt Revisited'' (New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction, 1993).</ref> Scholars who have held this view include ], ], ], ], ], and ] as well as the Afrocentrist writers ] and ]. The claim has also been made by many Afrocentric scholars that the Ancient Egyptians themselves were ] (sub-saharan African) rather than North African/Maghrebi, and that the various invasions on Egypt resulted in the "Africanity" of Ancient Egypt becoming diluted, resulting in the modern diversity seen today.<ref name="Ivan van Sertima 1994">{{cite book|author=Van Sertima, Ivan|title=Egypt, Child of Africa|author-link=Ivan van Sertima|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y7KmBTz2vUoC|year=1994|publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=1-56000-792-3}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=October 2015}} Examining this view, Egyptologist ], wrote that "Any characterization of race of the ancient Egyptians depends on modern cultural definitions, not on scientific study. Thus, by modern American standards it is reasonable to characterise the Egyptians as 'black', while acknowledging the scientific evidence for the physical diversity of Africans". Smith, however, expressed criticism of Egyptologists and Afrocentrists that defined ancient Egyptians "as members of an essentialist racial category" with perceived "Caucasoid" or "Negroid/Africoid" phenotypes".<ref>{{cite book |last=Smith |first=Stuart Tyson |date=2001 |title=The Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt |volume=3 |editor-first=Donald |editor-last=Redford |publisher=] |pages=27–28}}</ref> | |||
As historian ] argued, mainstream ] and other scholars strongly object to Afrocentric Egyptology, viewing it as "theurapetic mythology" for black people, since it fails to provide sufficient evidence or persuasive interpretations to back up its claims.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Fritze |first=Ronald H. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vkSkDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA333 |title=Egyptomania: A History of Fascination, Obsession and Fantasy |date=2021-02-04 |publisher=Reaktion Books |isbn=978-1-78023-685-8 |pages=333 |language=en |quote=Mainstream Egyptologists and other scholars strongly object to Afrocentric Egyptology. It is viewed as a 'therapeutic mythology' that is not based on convincing evidence or persuasive interpretations.}}</ref> | |||
The accompanying map in the journal article places these "Australian" peoples in the Nile Valley, India and Australia, which is in keeping with patterns of migragtion and settlement well documented in ancient texts and oral histories, as well as supported in part by the modern ] evidence of ] ]. (See "Black-centered history and Africa" below.) | |||
Stephen Howe, professor in the history and cultures of colonialism at Bristol University,<ref>{{Cite web|title=Author Page |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/author/stephen-howe/|website=openDemocracy|date=23 June 2012 |access-date=2020-05-07}}</ref> writes that contrary to "Afrocentric speculation, depending on undocumented assertions that the relatively light-skinned people of the lower Nile today descend from ] rather than earlier residents". Howe also cited a 1995 publication which stated "the latest major synthetic work on African populations is firmly of the opinion that "It was not the Arabs physically displaced Egyptians. Instead the Egyptians were transformed by relatively small number of immigrants bringing in new ideas, which, when disseminated, created a wider ethnic identity".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Howe|first=Stephen|title=Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes|publisher=Verso|year=1998|isbn=9781859848739|pages=137}}</ref> | |||
]] Scientific examination and analysis of skulls of royal Egyptian mummies across several dynasties confirm a predominance over time of sloping and dolichocephalic cranial structures and/or significant alveolar prognathisms and receding chins. Further, these characteristics, common to "mesolithic Nubians" as well as modern-day Nubians, were prominent features in royal mummies of the late 17th and 18th Dynasties: Queen Ahmes-Nefertari, Amenhotep I, Queen Meryetamon, Thutmose I, Thutmose II, Tjuya (Queen Tiye's mother), and an "Elder Lady" thought likely to be Queen Tiye among them. The controversial fair skin and hazel eyes of the French team's reconstruction of King Tutankhamun notwithstanding, Tutankhamun's prominent alveolar prognathism, large front teeth, receding chin and dolichocephalic cranium , evidence extremely strong Nilotic— that is to say, black African— characteristics. In fact, according to facio-cranial analysis, King Tutankhamun shared precisely the same distinctive racial characteristics specific to the Nilotic and Cushitic blacks of the region as his fellow royals of the 17th and 18th Dynasties noted above. | |||
S.O.Y. Keita, a ] and research affilitate at the ] who has been described as sympathetic to Afrocentrism,<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wRdJAAAAYAAJ&q=shomarka+keita+afrocentrist |title=Cornell University Courses of Study |date=1996 |publisher=Cornell University |pages=423 |language=en |quote=We shall then read from the works of "Afrocentrist" writers of history including Chancellor Williams, Yosef ben Yochanen and Chiekh Anta Diop as well as those of sympathetic scholars such as St. Clair Drake and Shomarka Keita.}}</ref> but defined his position as that "it is not a question of “African” “influence”; Ancient Egypt was organically African. Studying early Egypt in its ]n context is not “Afrocentric,” but simply correct".<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Kamugisha |first1=Aaron |title=Finally in Africa? Egypt, from Diop to Celenko |journal=Race & Class |date=July 2003 |volume=45 |issue=1 |pages=31–60 |doi=10.1177/0306396803045001002 |s2cid=145514370 |url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0306396803045001002 |language=en |issn=0306-3968}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Finally in Africa? Egypt, from Diop to Celenko |url=https://wasalaam.wordpress.com/2007/01/16/finally-in-africa-egypt-from-diop-to-celenko/ |website=SEYFETTİN |language=en |date=16 January 2007}}</ref> Keita has argued that the original inhabitants of the Nile Valley were primarily a variety of indigenous Northeast Africans from the areas of the desiccating Sahara and more southerly areas. He reviewed studies on the biological affinities of the Ancient Egyptian population and described the skeletal morphologies of early dynastic Egyptian remains as a "Saharo-tropical African variant". He also noted that over time gene flow from the Near East and Europe added more genetic variability to the region.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Keita |first1=S. O. Y. |title=Studies and Comments on Ancient Egyptian Biological Relationships |journal=History in Africa |date=1993 |volume=20 |pages=129–154 |doi=10.2307/3171969 |jstor=3171969 |s2cid=162330365 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3171969 |issn=0361-5413}}</ref> In 2022, Keita argued that some genetic studies have a "default racialist or racist approach" and should be interpreted in a framework with other sources of evidence.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Keita Shomarka. |title="Ancient Egyptian "Origins and "Identity" In Ancient Egyptian society : challenging assumptions, exploring approaches |date=2022 |isbn=978-0367434632 |location=Abingdon, Oxon |pages=124–135}}</ref> Several other academics, including ], ], | |||
In the most recent attempt to put a face on the long-dead monarch, three separate teams of Egyptian, ] and ]n investigators each produced a reconstruction of what they determined to be an accurate likeness of King Tutankhamun. The Egyptian and French teams knew the identity of the subject whose face they were reconstructing, the Egyptians working from ] of the skull itself, the French and American teams working from identical plastic reproductions. The American team, however, did not know the identity of the specimen. | |||
Bruce Williams, ], ], Lanny Bell and A.J. Boyce across various disciplines have contended that Ancient Egypt was fundamentally an African civilization, with cultural and biological connections to Egypt's African neighbors.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Celenko |first1=Theodore |title=Egypt in Africa |date=1996 |publisher=Indianapolis Museum of Art |isbn=0936260645 |location=Indianapolis, Ind. |pages=1–134}}</ref> | |||
Scholars have challenged the various assertions of Afrocentrists on the cultural and biological characteristics of Ancient Egyptian civilization and its people. At a ] Symposium in the 1970s, some of the participants, including ], ], ] and ] expressed "profound" disagreement with the "Black", homogeneous hypothesis.<ref>UNESCO, "Symposium on the Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script; Proceedings", (Paris, 1978), pp. 3–134.</ref> Despite contestations, ] decided to include his "Origin of the ancient Egyptians" in the General History of Africa, with an editorial comment mentioning the disagreement. However, Diop's chapter was credited as a "painstakingly researched contribution"<ref name="auto">{{cite book |title=Ancient civilizations of Africa |date=1990 |publisher=J. Currey |location=London |isbn=0852550928 |pages=43–46 |edition=Abridged}}</ref> in the general conclusion of the symposium report by the International Scientific Committee's Rapporteur, Professor Jean Devisse,<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mokhtar |first1=Gamal |title=Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Unesco International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa) |date=1990 |publisher=Currey |isbn=978-0-85255-092-2 |page=33 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gZWuVAL2GooC |language=en}}</ref> which nevertheless lead to a "real lack of balance" in the discussion among participants.<ref>{{cite book |title=The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script : proceedings of the symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974. |date=1978 |publisher=Unesco |isbn=92-3-101605-9 |location=Paris |pages=86, 93–94, 99}}</ref> The ancient world did not employ racial categories such as "Black" or "White" as they had no conception of "race", but rather labeled groups according to their land of origin and cultural traits. However, Keita studying the controversy, finds simplistic political appellations (in the negative or affirmative) describing ancient populations as "black" or "white" to be inaccurate and instead focuses on the ancestry of ancient Egypt as being a part of the native and diverse biological variation of Africa, which includes a variety of phenotypes and skin gradients.<ref>{{cite journal |doi=10.1525/an.2007.48.9.19 |volume=48 |title=Advancing Biocultural Perspectives: Optimism from a Workshop |year=2007 |journal=Anthropology News |pages=19–20 |last1=Agustà |issue=9}}; see also "Forensic Misclassification of Ancient Nubian Crania: Implications for Assumptions About Human Variation", Frank L'Engle Williams, Robert L. Belcher, George J. Armelago's, Current Anthropology. (2005); An Analysis of Crania From Tell-Duweir Using Multiple Discriminant Functions, S. O. Y. Keita, ''American Journal of Physical Anthropology'', 75: 375–390 (1988); "Interpreting African Genetic Diversity, S. O. Y. Keita & Rick Kittles, ''African Archaeological Review'', Vol. 16, No. 2 (1999); "Race": Confusion About Zoological and Social Taxonomies, and Their Places in Science", S. O. Y. Keita, A. J. Boyce, Field Museum of Chicago Institute of Biological Anthropology, Oxford University, ''American Journal of Human Biology'', 13: 569–575 (2001).</ref> | |||
According to a widely publicized press release dated ] ], ] of Egypt's Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), announced that "Based on this skull, the American and French teams both concluded that the subject was Caucasoid (the type of human typically found, for example, in North Africa, Europe, and the Middle East)." | |||
Egyptian Egyptologist ] has gone on record as saying that the Ancient Egyptians were not black and “We believe that the origin of Ancient Egyptians was purely Egyptian based on the discovery made by British Egyptologist ] at Naqada, and this is why the Ancient Egyptian civilisation did not occur in ], it occurred only here”.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Samil |first=Nehar |date=2021 |title=Claims that Ancient Egyptians were black untrue: Zahi Hawass |url=https://dailynewsegypt.com/2021/04/14/claims-that-ancient-egyptians-were-african-untrue-zahi-hawass/ |access-date=2022-09-08 |website=Daily News Egypt}}</ref> In 2022, Hawass reiterated his view that "Africans have nothing to do with the pyramids ]"<ref>{{cite web |title=Egyptians Create Viral Hashtag Against Kevin Hart's Cairo Performance |date=14 August 2024 |url=https://egyptianstreets.com/2022/12/19/egyptians-create-viral-hashtag-against-kevin-harts-cairo-performance/amp/}}</ref> and stated that Africans "ruled in Egypt in the late Era, at the time of the 25th dynasty". Hawass also accused some international figures of African descent that promoted Afrocentrism of ] and ] of Egyptian history.{{Citation needed|date=September 2023}} | |||
In a telephone interview with the Washington Post, Susan Antón, a member of the American team, described the specimen as "somewhat equivocal." | |||
In 2008, Stuart Tyson Smith expressed criticism of a facial reconstruction of Tutankhamun as "very light-skinned" which reflected "bias" and "predictably and justifiably, it has provoked protests from Afrocentrists" as "Egyptologists have been strangely reluctant to admit that the ancient Egyptians were rather dark-skinned Africans, especially the farther south one goes".<ref>{{cite web |last1=Smith |first1=Stuart Tyson |title=Review of From Slave to Pharaoh: The Black Experience of Ancient Egypt by Donald Redford. |url=https://www.academia.edu/43275262 |website=Near Eastern Archaeology 71:3 |date=1 January 2008}}</ref> | |||
<blockquote> "The decidedly masculine jaw was the giveaway, she said, although the rounded forehead, the sharp brow and the prominent eyes suggested a woman. Age was easy, she said. The third molars were in the process of coming in, something that happens between the ages of 18 and 20. Race was "the hardest call." The shape of the cranial cavity indicated an African, while the nose opening suggested narrow nostrils — a European characteristic. The skull was a North African." </blockquote> | |||
In 2011, ], professor of Egyptian Archaeology and Philology argued that the UNESCO-sponsored conference on the General History of Africa in 1974 "did not change the Eurocentric climate of research" and of the need to incorporate both African-centred studies and White European, academic perspectives. He later outlined that "research conferences and publications on the history and language of Kemet remain dominated ... by those brought up and trained in European, not African societies and languages (which include Arabic)".<ref>{{cite book |title=Egypt in its African context : proceedings of the conference held at the Manchester Museum, University of Manchester, 2–4 October 2009 |date=2011 |publisher=Archaeopress |location=Oxford |isbn=978-1407307602 |pages=7–9}}</ref> | |||
Contrary to Hawass' pronouncement, Antón did not use the term "Caucasoid", or any other racial term, to describe the skull of King Tutankhamun. A close reading of her comments indicates Antón found a clearly Africoid cranium, but with a narrow nasal cavity. While she did not assign an explicit racial classification, Antón's finding of typically Negroid ("African") cranial characteristics, except for a narrow nasal opening, is consonant with the physical characteristics of both the Nilotic and Cushitic blacks of the Nile River Valley, generally, and North Africa in particular, a region which today includes the present-day predominantly black North African nation of ], with Ethiopia and Eritrea immediately to the east. There is no ethnic group in North Africa (or elsewhere on the planet) known to possess the precise cluster of phenotypical characteristics, of dolichocephalism—so extreme in King Tutankhamun that for years scientists suspected a genetic deformity—pronounced alveolar prognathism with enlarged incisors, resulting in a bucktoothed appearance and a receding chin line; and a narrow nasal cavity, other than the indigenous black Africans of the region. The uniqueness of this set of characteristics is underscored by the fact that the American team, contrary to the French and Egyptian teams, produced its findings absent any knowledge whatsoever of the skull's identity or origin. | |||
=== African-American Afrocentric "hoteps" and the far-right === | |||
The French team's "Caucasoid" reconstruction, which has been exhibited prominently as the "real" image of King Tutankhamun, has sparked considerable criticism. Detractors point to the French team's decision to arbitrarily assign pale skin and hazel eyes to the young king based on modern-day, highly miscegenated, Arabized Egyptians, features which they contend do not properly reflect the eye or skin color of the average citizen of ], or of today's rural Egypt. Arabs did not occupy Egypt until the 7th century AD. Critics charge the French team with deliberately whitening their reconstruction, particularly in light of the fact that the French team knew the identity of the specimen and that most, if not all, Egyptian artifacts which portray the boy king depict him with considerably darker skin, fuller lips, dark eyes, and a broader nose. Others have argued that even mummy portraits of presumably highly miscegenated Egyptian subjects of the Roman era nearly 1,500 years after Tutankhamun's death reflect a blacker, more Afro-Semitic-looking Egyptian populace than is represented by the Egyptian reconstruction. Afrocentrists long have charged Hawass and the Arab Egyptian government with mounting a campaign to destroy and appropriate black African Egyptian culture. Finally, the highly pronounced expressions of the classic Nilotic phenotype exhibited by the skull of Tutankhamun and the complete absence of any physical incongruity which might indicate the presence of another ethnic bloodline—such as a flattening or rounding of the skull (extremely dolichocephalic in the case of King Tutankhamun), which is evident in some royal mummies across the millennia— are strong indicators that the dark brown pigments used in most of the contemporaneous renderings of the young king likely closely approximated the monarch's natural skin tone. | |||
{{main|Hoteps}} | |||
] who use the Black Egyptian hypothesis as a source of ] have been called "the ]" (after the Egyptian word '']'').<ref name="Lovett">{{cite journal |last1=Lovett |first1=Miranda |title=Reflecting on the Rise of the Hoteps |journal=Sapiens |date=July 21, 2020 |url=https://www.sapiens.org/culture/hotep/ |access-date=July 7, 2021}}</ref> The term has often been used disparagingly by non-hotep African-Americans,<ref name="Damon">{{cite news |last1=Young |first1=Damon |url= https://www.theroot.com/hotep-explained-1790854506 |title=Hotep, Explained |work=The Root |access-date=July 7, 2021 |date=2016-03-05}}</ref> some of whom have linked the ideology of the hotep community – which is ], ] and ] – to the ].<ref name="Sheffield">{{cite news |last1=Sheffield |first1=Matthew |title=Laura Ingraham meets the Afrocentric "alt-right" — and it's every bit as weird as it sounds |url=https://www.salon.com/2018/04/23/laura-ingraham-meets-the-afrocentric-alt-right-and-its-every-bit-as-weird-as-that-sounds/ |access-date=July 7, 2021 |work=Salon |date=April 23, 2018}}</ref> Hoteps have been described as promoting ] and ] about black people and black history.<ref name="Lovett" /> Some have argued hotep beliefs are too narrow-minded (focusing only on Egypt as opposed to other aspects of ]),<ref>{{cite news |last1=Bastién |first1=Angelica Jade |title='Insecure' Season 1, Episode 2: Failure to Change |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/16/arts/television/insecure-season-1-episode-2-failure-to-change.html |access-date=July 7, 2021 |work=The New York Times |date=October 17, 2016}}</ref> and ] argue that hoteps perpetuate ] by policing women's sexuality and not criticizing predatory black men.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Bowen |first1=Sesali |title=What Dear White People Got Right About Hoteps |url=https://www.refinery29.com/en-us/2018/05/198583/hotep-meaning-dear-white-people-slang |access-date=July 7, 2021 |work=refinery29 |date=May 8, 2018}}</ref> | |||
===Ethnographic murals of the New Kingdom=== | |||
===Alkebulan=== | |||
] from the tomb of Ramesses III. The standard portrayal of an Egyptian is the first large figure at the top left. The other images are typically portrayals of "Asiatics" (long beards), "Libyans" (yellow/green cloak) and "Nubians" (black-skinned). However in this image the labels differ from the norm. The black figure at the bottom left is labelled as an Egyptian, and the captions for Asiatics and Libyans are transposed]] | |||
Among Afrocentrists the name 'Alkebulan' (also spelled 'Al Kebulan' or 'Alkebu Lan') is sometimes used a replacement for 'Africa.' Users often erroneously claim that it derives from the ] for 'Land of the Blacks' (in reality '']''), or alternatively that it comes from one or more indigenous African languages and means 'Garden of Life' or 'Motherland'.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Maku |first1=Bright |title=Alkebulan: Understanding the origins behind Africa's original name |url=https://www.skabash.com/alkebulan-africas-original-name/ |website=Skabash! |date=6 February 2023 |access-date=10 May 2024}}</ref> The earliest record of the term 'Alkebulan' is the introduction to an 1813 Spanish poem celebrating the ], in which the author claimed an Arabic origin of the term. In the 20th century it was popularized by ], though this is sometimes incorrectly credited to ] in a non-existent book called “The Kemetic History of Afrika”.<ref>{{cite web |title=The Ancient Name for Africa was "Alkebulan" meaning "Mother of Mankind" |url=https://theafricanhistory.com/770 |website=The African History |date=3 July 2020 |access-date=10 May 2024}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Alkebulan: The Original Name Of Africa And How To Pronounce It |url=https://africaglobalradio.com/alkebulan-the-original-name-of-africa-and-how-to-pronounce-it/ |website=Africa Global Radio |date=15 March 2022 |access-date=10 May 2024}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Jacobs |first1=Frank |title=Africa, uncolonized: a detailed look at an alternate continent |url=https://bigthink.com/strange-maps/africa-uncolonized/ |website=Big Think |date=11 November 2014 |access-date=10 May 2024}}</ref> | |||
There are numerous images in which Egyptians are contrasted with non-Egyptian peoples. Like other peoples throughout history, the Egyptians seem to have identified themselves as an ideal or norm of sorts among other populations. Further, there is evidence the ancient Egyptians thought in terms of national identity and ethnicity; the modern Western concept of "race" was alien to them. During the ], Egyptian ] extended to the north as far as the ] empire and into Nubia to the south. At this time, Egyptian sacred literature and imagery commented systematically on differences based on these two criteria. This is evident in ]'s "]", in which it is said that the peoples of the world are differented by God: "Their tongues are separate in speech/And their natures as well;/ | |||
Their skins are distinguished./The countries of Syria and Nubia, the land of Egypt,/ | |||
You set every man in his place." | |||
==Reception== | |||
This differentiation of peoples is later refined in the ], a sacred text that describes the passage of the soul though the underworld. This contains a description of the distinct peoples known to the Egyptians: Egyptians themselves, plus Asiatics, Nubians and Libyans. These peoples are illustrated in several tomb decorations, in which they are differentiated by skin-color and clothing. These depict Egyptians ("Ret," or "men," often used as "ret na romé," meaning "we men above mankind"); Asiatics/Semites ("AAMW" or "Namu,": "travelers" or "wanderers," often used as "namu sho," or "people who travel the sands," meaning nomads or Bedu/Bedouin); other Africans ("Nahasu," or "strangers"); and, finally, Libyans, ("TMHHW", or Tamhu," a term for which several etymologies have been proposed). In most cases the Egyptians are depicted as red-brown, wearing loincloths. Uniquely, in the tomb of ] a label identifies figures identical to Nubians as Egyptians. Quite strikingly, these images of the Ret and the Nahasu are identical in every way, including dress. Afrocentrists use this as evidence that Egyptians were identical to other Africans. Other Egyptologists take the view that the artists mislabelled the images because the labels are reversed for TMHHW (Libyans) and AAMW (Asiatics/Semites) as well. | |||
Afrocentrism has encountered opposition from mainstream scholars who charge it with historical inaccuracy, scholarly ineptitude, and racism.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Early |first=Gerald |author-link=Gerald Early |date=17 May 2002 |title=Afrocentrism |url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Afrocentrism |access-date=2022-08-02 |website=] |language=en}}</ref> | |||
==Black-centered history and Africa== | |||
], a critic of the movement, summarises its goals in the preface to his book '']'',<ref name="ReferenceA">Yaacov Shavit, ''History in Black: African-Americans in Search of an Ancient Past'', Frank Cass Publishers, 2001, pp. vii.</ref> in which he states: | |||
The relationship among racial, cultural and continental identities is one of the more difficult problems in Afrocentic thought. Despite the problems with a Eurocentric approach to history, there has been a common European cultural identity for many centuries. It is more difficult to make the same claim for Africa, in which diverse cultures often were unaware of one another's existence. For this reason, some Afrocentrists have been accused of manufacturing "African" cultural values by cherry-picking from wholly different peoples. | |||
{{blockquote|Thus, if historical myths and legends, or an invented history, play such a major role in the founding of every national reconstruction, the question that should concern us here is the nature of the distinct style in which black Americans imagine their past. The answer to this question is that radical Afrocentrism, the subject of this study, which plays a central role in shaping the modern historical world-view of a large section of the African-American (or Afro-American) community, is far more than an effort to follow the line taken by many ] groups and nations in modern rewriting, inventing or developing collective identity and national history. Rather, it is a large-scale historical project to rewrite the history of the whole of humankind from an Afrocentric point of view. The result is a new reconstruction of world history: it is a universal history.}} | |||
In other instances, the concept of black racial identity has been used to include among "African" peoples populations generally thought of as non-Africans, such as the ] (sometimes called "Veddoid") peoples of Australia and New Guinea and the Tamils (also called Dravidians) of India and the people of the rest of the ]. Also included in the ] are the "]s") of the ] (Thailand, Java, Borneo, Sumatra and Malaysia, Vietnam and Cambodia); the Africoid, aboriginal peoples of ], ] and]; and, speculatively, the ] of what is now ]. Afrocentrists who adopt this approach contend that such peoples are African in a racial sense, just as the white inhabitants of Australia may be said to be European. Critics would argue that such peoples were not recent emigrants from Africa, and the entire population of the world might just as reasonably be considered part of an African race according to the ] model of human migration. Studies show that these darker-skinned ethic groups— with the exception, of course, of the Olmecs— and "]" ]ns are genetically closer to one another than they are to indigenous Africans. However, Afrocentrists point out that such genetic similarities are due to the fact that the aboriginal peoples of Asia were Africoid Negritos and Australoid types, who later mixed and developed in isolation with populations of the eventually more dominant Mongoloid phenotype over time. This fact, they contend, does not change the fundamental black racial identity of these peoples based on the traditional metrics of the classic "Negroid" phenotype, physical similarities with other peoples classified as Negroid and presumptive patterns of prehistoric migrations. In such matters, Afrocentrists adopt the ] perspective that such peoples are all "African people" or "] Africans." As Afrocentric scholar Runoko Rashidi writes, they are all part of the "global African community." | |||
Other critics, such as ], contend that the Afrocentric historical approach is entrenched in myth and fantasy.<ref name=":3">{{Cite book |last=Stearns |first=Peter N. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Qx4ZAQAAIAAJ |title=The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World: 1750 to the Present |date=2008 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-517632-2 |pages=59 |quote=Opponents of Afrocentrism claim that this approach is entrenched in myth and fantasy. Mary Lefkowitz, in ''Not Out of Africa'', argues that Afrocentrism is grounded in identity politics and not in sound scholarship. |language=en}}</ref> She argues that Afrocentrism is grounded in ] and ] rather than sound scholarship.<ref name=":3" /> In '']'',<ref name=":4">* by ], '']''.</ref> philosophy professor ] labeled Afrocentrism "]". He argued that Afrocentrism's prime goal was to encourage ] and ethnic pride in order to effectively combat the destructive consequences of cultural and universal racism.<ref name=":4" /><ref>Robert Todd Carroll (2003), ''The Skeptic's Dictionary: A Collection of Strange Beliefs, Amusing Deceptions, and Dangerous Delusions'', New York: John Wiley & Sons, {{ISBN|0-471-27242-6}} (paperback). p. 148</ref> Professor of history ] has described Afrocentrism as "a mythology that is racist, reactionary, essentially therapeutic and is eurocentrism in black face."<ref name="Banner-haley2003">{{cite journal | |||
The ] (also known as the "Out of Africa" hypothesis) posits that the ] evolved in Africa, later migrating and populating other continents, out-competing other related species such as that exemplified by ]. The details of this migration remain open to study. Other hypotheses suggest more complicated patterns of migration, evolution, and interbreeding of various subspecies. In all currently accepted scientific models, Africa plays a major role in the biological evolution and peopling of the world. However, this has little bearing on the question of the contribution of Africa and Africans to the ''culture'' and civilizations that emerged thousands of years later. | |||
|author=Banner-haley, C.P. | |||
|year=2003 | |||
|title=We Can't Go Home Again: An Argument about Afrocentrism | |||
|journal=Journal of Southern History | |||
|volume=69 | |||
|issue=3 | |||
|pages=663–665 | |||
|url=https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&se=gglsc&d=5002551537 | |||
|access-date=13 November 2007 | |||
|doi=10.2307/30040016 | |||
|jstor=30040016 | |||
|last2=Walker | |||
|first2=Clarence E.}}</ref> | |||
Classicist ] rejects ]'s theories about Egyptian contributions to Greek civilization as being faulty scholarship. She writes that ancient Egyptian texts show little similarity to Greek philosophy. Lefkowitz states that ] could not have stolen his ideas from the great ] as James suggested, because the library was founded after Aristotle's death. On the basis of such errors, Lefkowitz calls Afrocentrism "an excuse to teach myth as history."<ref>Lefkowitz 1996, pp. 125–126, 137–141</ref> Mary Lefkowitz in 1997 whilst criticising elements of Afrocentrism had acknowledged that the origins of the ancient Egyptians were more clear due to the "recent evidence on skeletons and DNA suggests that the people who settled in the Nile valley, like all of humankind, came from somewhere south of the Sahara; they were not (as some nineteenth-century scholars had supposed) invaders from the North".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lefkowitz |first1=Mary R. |title=Not out of Africa : how Afrocentrism became an excuse to teach myth as history |date=1996 |location=New York |isbn=046509838X |pages=242}}</ref> | |||
==A different world-view== | |||
In 2002, Ibrahim Sundiata wrote in the '']'' that: | |||
<blockquote>I am apt to suspect the Negroes...to be naturally inferior to the White. There never was a civilized nation of any other complexion than white.... — ], 18th century European philosopher</blockquote> | |||
{{blockquote|The word "Afrocentric" has been traced by Derrick Alridge to the American historian W.E.B. Du Bois, who employed it in the early 1960s. During the 1970s, Molefi Kete Asante appropriated the term, insisting that he was the only person equipped to define it, and asserting that even the holy archangels Du Bois and ] had an imperfect and immature grasp of a concept that finds ultimate expression in his own pontifications. Subsequently, it became a catchall "floating signifier," nebulous, unstable, and infinitely mutable.<ref>, ''American Historical Review'', (1996).</ref>}} | |||
<blockquote>When we classify mankind by color, the only one of the primary races...which has not made a creative contribution to any of our twenty-one civilizations is the black race. — ], 19th century historian</blockquote> | |||
Literature and languages scholar ], a supporter of Afrocentric ideas, has warned Afrocentrists to avoid certain pitfalls,<ref name="cain">{{cite journal | last1 = Hope Felder | first1 = Cain | year = 1994 | title = Afrocentrism, the Bible, and the Politics of Difference | url = http://www.nathanielturner.com/twoscholarsdiscussafrocentrism.htm | journal = The Princeton Seminary Bulletin | volume = XV | issue = 2 }}</ref> including: | |||
<blockquote>A Black skin means membership in a race of men which has never created a civilization of any kind. — John Burgess, 19th century scholar</blockquote> | |||
* Demonizing categorically all white people, without careful differentiation between persons of goodwill and those who consciously perpetuate racism. | |||
* Adopting ] as a curricular alternative that eliminates, marginalizes, or vilifies European heritage to the point that Europe epitomizes all the evil in the world. | |||
* Gross over-generalizations and using factually or incorrect material is bad history and bad scholarship.<ref name="cain"/> | |||
] writes that although Afrocentricity can mean many things, the popular press has generally given most attention to its most outlandish theories.<ref name="Glazer1997">Nathan Glazer, ''We Are All Multiculturalists Now'', Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997 {{ISBN|0-674-94836-X}}.</ref> Glazer agrees with many of the findings and conclusions presented in Lefkowitz's book ''Not Out of Africa''. Yet he also argues that Afrocentrism often presents legitimate and relevant scholarship.<ref name="Glazer1997"/> The late ] was also a critic of Afrocentrism. He wrote: | |||
Afrocentrists argue that the ignorance and blatant racism of such mainstream scholars and historians, as well as what they consider to be the attendant appropriation or "whitewashing" of black history, make the study of world history with new eyes an important undertaking. It is in this sense that the Afrocentrist paradigm legitimately may be considered to be "therapeutic." That is not to say, however, that it is necessarily, as Lefkowitz has charged, "an excuse to teach myth as history." | |||
{{Blockquote|Populist Afrocentrism was the perfect social theory for the upwardly mobile black petty bourgeoisie. It gave them a sense of ethnic superiority and cultural originality, without requiring the hard, critical study of historical realities. It provided a philosophical blueprint to avoid concrete struggle within the real world.... It was, in short, only the latest theoretical construct of a politics of racial identity, a world-view designed to discuss the world but never really to change it.<ref name="autogenerated192"/>}} | |||
While their findings may be sometimes tentative and often controversial, Afrocentrist scholars do not approach Afrocentrism as artful storytelling or pseudo-social science. It is neither fiction nor mere sophistry. In their eyes, Afrocentrism is a critical, ] approach to history, based on a ] which is fundamentally and radically different from that of many of their relatively recent, mainstream predecessors; but which harkens back to an earlier view of the history of world civilizations. It is the examination and analysis of existing scholarship, as well as the study of the original historical record itself, grounded in scholarly inquiry and rigorous research. | |||
Some Afrocentrists{{Who|date=October 2015}} agree in rejecting those works which critics have characterized as examples of bad scholarship. Adisa A. Alkebulan states that the work of Afrocentric scholars is not fully appreciated because critics use the claims of "a few non-Afrocentrists" as "an indictment against Afrocentricity."<ref name="DefendingtheParadigm">Adisa A. Alkebulan, "Defending the Paradigm", ''Journal of Black Studies'', Vol. 37, No. 3, pp. 410–427 (2007).</ref> | |||
==List of notable Afrocentric historians== | |||
In 1996, the historian ] critically reviewed the new work of Mary Lefkowitz on Afrocentrism as "Eurocentric". He criticized her book ''Not out of Africa: How Afrocentrism became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History'' for what he saw as her neglect of the African-American historic literature of the 19th and 20th centuries. Meier believes she fails to take the African-American experiences into account, to the extent that she "fails to answer the question raised in this book's subtitle".<ref>Meier, August, , ''Journal of American History'', December 1996.</ref>{{Irrelevant citation|reason=This is a section on Afrocentrism's reception. Not Lefkowitz's works.|date=August 2022}} | |||
*Dr. ], professor, author: ''Afrocentricity: The theory of Social Change''; ''The Afrocentric Idea''; ''The Egyptian Philosophers: Ancient African Voices from Imhotep to Akhenaten'' | |||
*Dr. ], college professor and lecturer; founder, Temple of the Black Messiah, School of History and Religion; co-founder and creative director, Fourth Dynasty Publishing Company, Silver Spring, ] | |||
*Dr. ], Egyptologist; founding director of the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilization; founder and director of the Kemetic Institute, ] | |||
*Dr. ],, author: ''The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality''; ''Civilization or Barbarism: An Authentic Anthropology''; ''Precolonial Black Africa''; ''The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity''; ''The Peopling of Ancient Egypt & the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script'' | |||
*Dr. H.B. ("Barry") Fell, Harvard professor, linguist, author: ''Saga America'', 1980 | |||
*], lecturer, syndicated columnist, author: ''Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire'', 1926. | |||
*Dr. ], author: ''African Origins of Major "Western Religions"''; ''Black Man of the Nile and His Family''; ''Africa: Mother of Western Civilization''; ''New Dimensions in African History''; ''The Myth of Exodus and Genesis and the Exclusion of Their African Origins''; ''Africa: Mother of Western Civilization''; ''Abu Simbel to Ghizeh: A Guide Book and Manual'' | |||
*Dr. ], author: ''Introduction to African Civilizations''; ''The global African community: The African presence in Asia, Australia, and the South Pacific'' | |||
*], author: ''Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands : The Old World''; ''Nature Knows No Color Line''; ''Sex and Race: A History of White, Negro, and Indian Miscegenation in the Two Americas : The New World''; ''100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof: A Short Cut to the World History of the Negro'' | |||
*Dr. ], author: ''They Came before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient Amerca'', ''African Presence in Early Europe''; ''Blacks in Science Acient and Modern''; ''African Presence in Early Asia''; ''African Presence in Early America''; ''Early America Revisited''; ''Egypt Revisited: Journal of African Civilizations''; ''Nile Valley Civilizations''; ''Egypt: Child of Africa (Journal of African Civilizations, V. 12)''; ''The Golden Age of the Moor (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol. 11, Fall 1991)''; ''Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern''; ''Great African Thinkers: Cheikh Anta Diop'' | |||
*Dr. ], author: ''The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race from 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D.'' | |||
*Dr. ], author: ''Ancient Egypt and Black Africa : a student's handbook for the study of Ancient Egypt in philosophy, linguistics, and gender relations'' | |||
*Dr. ], III, author: ''SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind''; ''The Teachings of Ptahhotep'' | |||
] describes the controversy over Afrocentrism as a ]. He believes certain "epistemologies" are warring with each other: the "epistemology of blackness" argues for the "responsibilities and potential of black peoples to function in and contribute to the progress of civilization."<ref>Maghan Keita, ''Race and the Writing of History: Riddling the Sphinx'', p. 7.</ref> | |||
==Related topics== | |||
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==List of prominent authors== | |||
==External links== | |||
* ],<ref>.</ref>{{Better source needed|date=January 2021}} professor, author and activist: ''Yurugu: An Afrikan-centered Critique of European Cultural Thought and Behavior'' (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1994). | |||
* | |||
* ], professor, author: ''Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change''; ''The Afrocentric Idea''; ''The Egyptian Philosophers: Ancient African Voices from Imhotep to Akhenaten'' | |||
* | |||
* ], Egyptologist; founding director of the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilization; founder and director of the Kemetic Institute, ] | |||
* | |||
* ],<ref>{{cite web|last1=Clarke|first1=John Henrik|author-link1=John Henrik Clarke|title=Cheikh Anta Diop and the New Light on African History|url=http://nbufront.org/html/MastersMuseums/JHClarke/Contemporaries/CheikhAntaDiop.html|website=nbufront.org|publisher=National Black United Front|access-date=15 October 2015|url-status=usurped|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090219211731/http://nbufront.org/html/MastersMuseums/JHClarke/Contemporaries/CheikhAntaDiop.html|archive-date=19 February 2009}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=Cheikh Anta Diop, The Pharoah of Knowledge|url=http://home3.inet.tele.dk/mcamara/antadiop.html|access-date=15 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070613205716/http://home3.inet.tele.dk/mcamara/antadiop.html|archive-date=13 June 2007}}</ref> author: ''The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality''; ''Civilization or Barbarism: An Authentic Anthropology''; ''Precolonial Black Africa''; ''The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity''; ''The Peopling of Ancient Egypt & the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script'' | |||
* | |||
* ], author: ''African Origins of Major "Western Religions"''; ''Black Man of the Nile and His Family''; ''Africa: Mother of Western Civilization''; ''New Dimensions in African History''; ''The Myth of Exodus and Genesis and the Exclusion of Their African Origins''; ''Abu Simbel to Ghizeh: A Guide Book and Manual'' | |||
* | |||
* {{Cite book |last = Jones | |||
* | |||
|first = Gayl | |||
* | |||
|author-link = Gayl Jones | |||
* | |||
|title = The Healing | |||
* | |||
|publisher = Beacon Press | |||
* by T. A. Schmitz (]) | |||
|year = 1998 | |||
* | |||
|location = Boston | |||
* | |||
|url = https://archive.org/details/healing00jone | |||
* | |||
|isbn = 978-0-8070-6314-9 | |||
* | |||
}} The protagonist of this novel describes her ongoing daily experiences in the US using a consistently Afrocentric perspective. | |||
* | |||
* ],<ref>{{cite web|last1=Rashidi|first1=Runoko|author-link1=Runoko Rashidi|title=The Global African Presence|url=http://www.cwo.com/%7Elucumi/runoko.html|website=cwo.com|access-date=15 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120114134424/http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/runoko.html|archive-date=14 January 2012}}</ref> author: ''Introduction to African Civilizations''; ''The global African community: The African presence in Asia, Australia, and the South Pacific'' | |||
* | |||
* ], author: ''Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands: The Old World''; ''Nature Knows No Color Line''; ''Sex and Race: A History of White, Negro, and Indian Miscegenation in the Two Americas: The New World''; ''100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof: A Short Cut to the World History of the Negro'' | |||
* | |||
* ], author: ''They Came before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America'', '' {{ISBN|0-88738-664-4}}''; ''Blacks in Science Ancient and Modern''; ''African Presence in Early Asia''; ''African Presence in Early America''; ''Early America Revisited''; ''Egypt Revisited: Journal of African Civilizations''; ''Nile Valley Civilizations''; ''Egypt: Child of Africa (Journal of African Civilizations, V. 12)''; ''The Golden Age of the Moor (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol. 11, Fall 1991)''; ''Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern''; ''Great African Thinkers: Cheikh Anta Diop''<ref>{{cite web|last1=Sertima|first1=Ivan Van|author-link1=Ivan Van Sertima|title=Journal of African Civilizations|url=http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/sertima.html|website=cwo.com|access-date=15 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060426084454/http://www.cwo.com/~lucumi/sertima.html|archive-date=26 April 2006}}</ref> | |||
* | |||
* ], author: ''The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race from 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D.'' | |||
* | |||
* ], author: ''Ancient Egypt and Black Africa: a student's handbook for the study of Ancient Egypt in philosophy, linguistics, and gender relations'' | |||
* | |||
* ], III, author: ''SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind''; ''The Teachings of Ptahhotep'' | |||
==See also== | |||
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==References== | ==References== | ||
{{reflist}} | |||
==Literature== | |||
* Asante, Molefi Kete. ''Kemet, Afrocentricity, and knowledge''. Africa World Press, 1990). | |||
===Primary=== | |||
* Bailey, Randall C (ed.). ''Yet with a steady beat: contemporary U.S. Afrocentric biblical interpretation'' (Society of Biblical Literature, 2003). | |||
* {{cite book|last=Ani|first=Marimba|title=Yurugu: An African-centered Critique of European Thought and Behavior|year=1994|publisher=Africa World Press|location=Trenton, N.J.|isbn=0-86543-248-1}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi Kete|author-link=Molefi Kete Asante|title=Afrocentricity|year=1988|edition=rev.|publisher=Africa World Press|location=Trenton, N.J.|isbn=0-86543-067-5}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi Kete|title=Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge|year=1990|publisher=Africa World Press|location=Trenton, N.J.|isbn=0-86543-188-4}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Asante|first=Molefi Kete|title=The Afrocentric Idea|year=1998|publisher=Temple University Press|location=Philadelphia|isbn=1-56639-594-1|url=https://archive.org/details/afrocentricidea00asan}} | |||
*Asante, Molefi Kete (2007). An Afrocentric Manifesto. Cambridge: Polity Press. {{ISBN|978-07456-4102-7}} | |||
* {{cite book|last=Karenga|first=Maulana|author-link=Ron Karenga|title=Introduction to Black Studies|year=1993|edition=2nd|publisher=University of Sankore Press|location=Los Angeles|isbn=0-943412-16-1|url=https://archive.org/details/introductiontobl00kare}} | |||
* {{cite journal|author=Kershaw, Terry|title="Afrocentrism and the Afrocentric method." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'' |year=1992 |volume=16 |issue=3 |pages=160–168}} | |||
===Secondary=== | |||
* Berlinerblau, Jacques. ''Heresy in the University: The Black Athena Controversy and the Responsibilities of American Intellectuals'' (Rutgers University Press, 1999) | |||
* Adeleke, Tunde. (2009). The Case Against Afrocentrism. University Press of Mississippi. {{ISBN|978-1-60473-293-1}} | |||
*{{cite book |editor=Bailey, Randall C.|title=Yet With a Steady Beat: Contemporary U.S. Afrocentric Biblical Interpretation|publisher=Society of Biblical Literature|year=2003}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Berlinerblau, Jacques|title=Heresy in the University: The Black Athena Controversy and the Responsibilities of American Intellectuals|url=https://archive.org/details/heresyinuniversi00berl|url-access=registration|publisher=Rutgers University Press|year=1999}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Binder, Amy J.|title=Contentious curricula: Afrocentrism and creationism in American public schools|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2002}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Browder, Anthony T.|title=Nile Valley Contributions To Civilization: Exploding the Myths, Volume 1|location=Washington, DC |publisher=Institute of Karmic Guidance|year=1992}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Henderson, Errol Anthony|title=Afrocentrism and World Politics: towards a new paradigm|publisher=Praeger|location=Westport, Connecticut|year=1995}} | |||
* {{cite book |editor1=Henke, Holger |editor2=Reno, Fred|title=Modern political culture in the Caribbean|publisher=University of the West Indies Press|year=2003}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Howe, Stephen|title=Afrocentrism: mythical pasts and imagined homes|url=https://archive.org/details/afrocentrism00step|url-access=registration|publisher=Verso|location=London|year=1998|isbn=9781859848739 }} | |||
* Konstan, David. "Inventing Ancient Greece: ", ''History and Theory'', Vol. 36, No. 2. (May 1997), pp. 261–269. | |||
*{{cite book |last=Lefkowitz |first=Mary |title=History Lesson: A Race Odyssey |author-link=Mary Lefkowitz |publisher=Yale University Press |year=1996 |isbn=0-300-12659-X}} | |||
*{{cite book |last=Lefkowitz |first=Mary |title=Not Out of Africa: How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History |year=1996 |publisher=Basic Books |location=New York |isbn=0-465-09837-1 |url=https://archive.org/details/notoutofafricaho00lefk_1 }} | |||
* {{cite book |editor1=Lefkowitz, Mary R. |editor2=Guy MacLean Rogers|title=Black Athena Revisited|url=https://archive.org/details/blackathenarevis00lefk_0 |url-access=registration |publisher=University of North Carolina Press|year=1996|isbn=0-8078-4555-8}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Moses, Wilson Jeremiah|author-link=Wilson Jeremiah Moses|title=Afrotopia: the roots of African American popular history|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1998}} | |||
* {{cite book |author1=Sniderman, Paul M.|author2=Piazza, Thomas|title=Black Pride and Black Prejudice|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2002}} | |||
* {{cite book |author=Walker, Clarence E.|title=We Can't Go Home Again: An Argument about Afrocentrism|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2000|isbn=0-19-509571-5}} | |||
==External links== | |||
* Binder, Amy J. ''Contentious curricula : Afrocentrism and creationism in American public schools'' (, 2002). | |||
{{wikiquote}} | |||
* {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181123082650/http://www.asante.net/articles/1/afrocentricity/ |date=23 November 2018 }} by ], asante.net | |||
* Browder, Anthony T. ''Nile Valley Contributions To Civilization: Exploding the Myths'', Volume 1. (Washington, DC: Institute of Karmic Guidance, 1992). | |||
* ] comments on the emergence of Afrocentric thought in the African American community. | |||
* | |||
* Crawford, Clinton. ''Recasting Ancient Egypt In The African Context: Toward A Model Curriculum Using Art And Language''. (Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press, 1996. | |||
*{{in lang|fr}} | |||
{{Pan-Africanism}} | |||
* Henderson, Errol Anthony. ''Afrocentrism and world politics: towards a new paradigm'' (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 1995). | |||
{{Influential geocultural perspectives of history & geography}} | |||
* Henke, Holger and Reno, Fred (eds.). ''Modern political culture in the Caribbean'' (University of the West Indies Press, 2003). | |||
* Howe, Stephen. ''Afrocentrism: mythical pasts and imagined homes'' (Verso, London, 1998). | |||
*Houston, Drusilla Dunjee. ''Wonderful Ethiopians of the Ancient Cushite Empire'' (Universal Publishing Co.: Oklahoma City, 1926). | |||
* Kershaw, Terry. "Afrocentrism and the Afrocentric method." ''Western Journal of Black Studies'', 1992, 16(3), pp 160-168. | |||
* Lefkowitz, Mary R. ''Not out of Africa: how Afrocentrism became an excuse to teach myth as history'' (BasicBooks, NY, c1996). | |||
* Lefkowitz, Mary R. and Rogers, Guy MacLean (editors) ''Black Athena Revisited'' (University of North Carolina Press, 1996) | |||
* Lewis, Martin W. ''The myth of continents: a critique of metageography'' (University of California Press, 1997). | |||
* Magida, Arthur J. ''Prophet of rage a life of Louis Farrakhan and his nation'' (BasicBooks, NY, 1996). | |||
* Moses, Wilson Jeremiah. ''Afrotopia: the roots of African American popular history'' (Cambridge University Press, 1998). | |||
* Sniderman, Paul M. and Piazza, Thomas. ''Black pride and black prejudice'' (Princeton University Press, 2002). | |||
* Spivey, Donald. ''Fire from the soul: a history of the African-American struggle'' (Carolina Academic Press, 2003). | |||
* Walker, Clarence E. ''We Can't Go Home Again: An Argument about Afrocentrism'' (Oxford University Press, 2000). | |||
{{Authority control}} | |||
* Wells, Spencer. ''The Journey of Man: A Genetic Odyssey'' (Princeton University Press, 2002). | |||
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Latest revision as of 00:25, 22 December 2024
African ethnocentrismFor the study of African culture and history, see African studies. For the academic theory, see Afrocentricity. For the book, see Afrocentricity (book).
Afrocentrism is a worldview that is centered on the history of people of African descent or a view that favors it over non-African civilizations. It is in some respects a response to Eurocentric attitudes about African people and their historical contributions. It seeks to counter what it sees as mistakes and ideas perpetuated by the racist philosophical underpinnings of Western academic disciplines as they developed during and since Europe's Early Renaissance as justifying rationales for the enslavement of other peoples, in order to enable more accurate accounts of not only African but all people's contributions to world history. Afrocentricity deals primarily with self-determination and African agency and is a pan-African point of view for the study of culture, philosophy, and history.
Afrocentrism is a scholarly movement that seeks to conduct research and education on global history subjects, from the perspective of historical African peoples and polities. It takes a critical stance on Eurocentric assumptions and myths about world history, in order to pursue methodological studies of the latter. Some of the critics of the movement believe that it often denies or minimizes European, Near Eastern, and Asian cultural influences while exaggerating certain aspects of historical African civilizations that independently accomplished a significant level of cultural and technological development. In general, Afrocentrism is usually manifested in a focus on the history of Africa and its role in contemporary African-American culture among others.
What is today broadly called Afrocentrism evolved out of the work of African American intellectuals in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, but flowered into its modern form due to the activism of African American intellectuals in the U.S. civil rights movement and in the development of African American studies programs in universities. However, following the development of universities in African colonies in the 1950s, African scholars became major contributors to African historiography. A notable pioneer is the professor Kenneth Dike, who became chairman of the Committee on African Studies at Harvard in the 1970s. In strict terms Afrocentrism, as a distinct historiography, reached its peak in the 1980s and 1990s. Today it is primarily associated with Cheikh Anta Diop, John Henrik Clarke, Ivan van Sertima and Molefi Kete Asante. Asante, however, describes his theories as Afrocentricity.
Proponents of Afrocentrism support the claim that the contributions of various Black African people have been downplayed or discredited as part of the legacy of colonialism and slavery's pathology of "writing Africans out of history".
Major critics of Afrocentrism include Mary Lefkowitz, who dismiss it as pseudohistory, reactive, and obstinately therapeutic. Others, such as Kwame Anthony Appiah, believe that Afrocentrism defeats its purpose of dismantling unipolar studies of world history by seeking to replace Eurocentricity with an equally ethnocentric and hierarchical curriculum, and negatively essentializes European culture and people of European descent. Clarence E. Walker claims it to be "Eurocentrism in blackface".
Terminology
The term "Afrocentrism" dates to 1962. The adjective "Afrocentric" appears in a typescript proposal for an entry in Encyclopedia Africana, possibly due to W. E. B. Du Bois. The abstract noun "Afrocentricity" dates to the 1970s, and was popularized by Molefi Asante's Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (1980). Molefi Kete Asante's theory, Afrocentricity, has been one developed in academic settings and may incorporate the terms Afrocentric to describe scholarship and Afrocentrists to describe scholars, but does not use Afrocentrism. According to Asante, though the two terms are often confused to mean the same, Afrocentrists are not adherents of Afrocentrism. This has caused confusing notions about who is considered an Afrocentrist, as various scholars who may or may not be associated with Asante and his works have been erroneously given the title, even by other academics. Asante has written that Afrocentricity and Afrocentrism are not the same and neither do they share the same origin:
By way of distinction, Afrocentricity should not be confused with the variant Afrocentrism. The term “Afrocentrism” was first used by the opponents of Afrocentricity who in their zeal saw it as an obverse of Eurocentrism. The adjective “Afrocentric” in the academic literature always referred to “Afrocentricity.” However, the use of “Afrocentrism” reflected a negation of the idea of Afrocentricity as a positive and progressive paradigm. The aim was to assign religious signification to the idea of African centeredness. However, it has come to refer to a broad cultural movement of the late twentieth century that has a set of philosophical, political, and artistic ideas which provides the basis for the musical, sartorial, and aesthetic dimensions of the African personality. On the other hand, Afrocentricity, as I have previously defined it, is a theory of agency, that is, the idea that African people must be viewed and view themselves as agents rather than spectators to historical revolution and change. To this end Afrocentricity seeks to examine every aspect of the subject place of Africans in historical, literary, architectural, ethical, philosophical, economic, and political life.
History
Afrocentrism has its origins in the work of African and African diaspora intellectuals in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, following social changes in the United States and Africa due both to the end of slavery and the decline of colonialism. Following the American Civil War, African Americans in the South gathered together in communities to evade white control, established their own church congregations, and worked hard to gain education. They increasingly took more active public roles despite severe racial discrimination and segregation. American and African intellectuals looked to the African past for a re-evaluation of what its civilizations had achieved and what they meant for contemporary people.
The combination of the European centuries gives us about four to five hundred years of solid European domination of intellectual concepts and philosophical ideas. Africa and Asia were subsumed under various headings of the European hierarchy. If a war between the European powers occurred it was called a World War and the Asians and Africans found their way on the side of one European power or the other. There was this sense of assertiveness about European culture that advanced with Europe's trade, religious, and military forces.
— Molefi Asante, "De-Westernizing Communication: Strategies for Neutralizing Cultural Myths"
As an ideology and political movement, Afrocentrism had its beginnings in activism among black intellectuals, political figures, and historians in the context of the US American civil rights movement. According to U.S. professor Victor Oguejiofor Okafor, concepts of Afrocentricity lie at the core of disciplines such as African American studies. But Wilson J. Moses claims that Afrocentrism roots are not exclusively African:
Despite the fulminations of ethno-chauvinists and other prejudiced persons, it remains a fact that the contributions of white scholars, like Boas, Malinowski, and Herskovits, were fundamental to that complex of ideas that we designate to days as Afrocentrism...Students of African and African American history have long appreciated the irony that much of what we now call Afrocentrism was developed during the 1930s by the Jewish American scholar Melville Herskovits
— Wilson J. Moses, Historical Sketches of Afrocentrism
In 1987, Martin Bernal published his Black Athena, in which he claims that ancient Greece was colonized by northern invaders mixing with a colony established by Phoenicia (modern Lebanon). A major theme of the work is the alleged denial by Western academia of the African and (western) Asiatic influence on ancient Greek culture.
Aspects of Afrocentricity and Afrocentrism
Afrocentricity book
Main article: Afrocentricity (book)In 2000, African American Studies professor Molefi Kete Asante, gave a lecture entitled "Afrocentricity: Toward a New Understanding of African Thought in this Millennium," in which he presented many of his ideas:
- Africa has been betrayed by international commerce, by missionaries and imams, by the structure of knowledge imposed by the Western world, by its own leaders, and by the ignorance of its own people of its past.
- Philosophy originated in Africa and the first philosophers in the world were Africans.
- Afrocentricity constitutes a new way of examining data, and a novel orientation to data; it carries with it assumptions about the current state of the African world.
- His aim is "to help lay out a plan for the recovery of African place, respectability, accountability, and leadership."
- Afrocentricity can stand its ground among any ideology or religion: Marxism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, or Judaism. Your Afrocentricity will emerge in the presence of these other ideologies because it is from you.
- Afrocentrism is the only ideology that can liberate African people.
Asante also stated:
As a cultural configuration, the Afrocentric idea is distinguished by five characteristics:
- an intense interest in psychological location as determined by symbols, motifs, rituals, and signs.
- a commitment to finding the subject-place of Africans in any social, political, economic, or religious phenomenon with implications for questions of sex, gender, and class.
- a defence of African cultural elements as historically valid in the context of art, music, and literature.
- a celebration of centeredness and agency and a commitment to lexical refinement that eliminates pejoratives about Africans or other people.
- a powerful imperative from historical sources to revise the collective text of African people.
However, Wilson J. Moses, said of Asante: "His second book, The Afrocentric Idea (1987), was a creative and in some respects brilliant but rambling theoretical work, much influenced by the revolution in "critical theory" that occurred in American intellectual life during the late 1970s and early 1980s." Some also assert that the definition of Afrocentricity has never sat still long enough to be properly described and accurately critiqued.
Afrocentric education
Main article: Afrocentric educationAfrocentric education is education designed to empower peoples of the African diaspora. A central premise behind it is that many Africans have been subjugated by limiting their awareness of themselves and indoctrinating them with ideas that work against them. To control a people's culture is to control their tools of self-determination in relationship to others. Like educational leaders of other cultures, proponents assert that what educates one group of people does not necessarily educate and empower another group–so they assert educational priorities distinctly for the Africans in a given context.
Afrocentric theology
Further information: Black theology and Black churchThe black church in the United States developed out of the creolization of African spirituality and European-American Christianity; early members of the churches made certain stories their own. During the antebellum years, the idea of deliverance out of slavery, as in the story of Exodus, was especially important. After Reconstruction and the restoration of white supremacy, their hope was based on deliverance from segregation and other abuses. They found much to respond to in the idea of a personal relationship with Jesus, and shaped their churches by the growth of music and worship styles that related to African as well as European-American traditions.
Twentieth-century "Africentric approaches" to Christian theology and preaching have been more deliberate. Writers and thinkers emphasize "Black presence" in the Christian Bible, including the idea of a "Black Jesus".
Kwanzaa
In 1966 Maulana Karenga of the black separatist US Organization created Kwanzaa; which became the first specifically African American holiday to be widely observed amongst African Americans. Karenga rejected liberation theology and considered the practice of Christianity anti-thetical to the creation of an African-American identity independent from white America. Karenga said his goal was to "give Blacks an alternative to the existing holiday and give Blacks an opportunity to celebrate themselves and history, rather than simply imitate the practice of the dominant society."
Race and Pan-African identity
Further information: Ancient Egyptian race controversy and Pan-Africanism
Many Afrocentrists seek to challenge concepts such as white privilege, color-blind perspectives, and race-neutral pedagogies. There are strong ties between Afrocentricity and Critical race theory.
Afrocentrists agree with the current scientific consensus that holds that Africans exhibit a range of types and physical characteristics, and that such elements as wavy hair or aquiline facial features are part of a continuum of African types that do not depend on admixture with Caucasian groups. They cite work by Hiernaux and Hassan that they believe demonstrates that populations could vary based on micro-evolutionary principles (climate adaptation, drift, selection), and that such variations existed in both living and fossil Africans.
Afrocentrists have condemned what they consider to be attempts at dividing African peoples into racial clusters as new versions of discredited theories, such as the Hamitic hypothesis and the Dynastic Race Theory. These theories, they contend, attempted to identify certain African ethnicities, such as Nubians, Ethiopians and Somalis, as "Caucasoid" groups that entered Africa to bring civilization to the natives. They believe that Western academics have traditionally limited the peoples they defined as "Black" Africans to those south of the Sahara, but used broader "Caucasoid" or related categories to classify peoples of Egypt or North Africa. Afrocentrists also believe strongly in the work of certain anthropologists who have suggested that there is little evidence to support that the first North African populations were closely related to "Caucasoids" of Europe and western Asia.
In 1964 Afrocentric scholar Cheikh Anta Diop expressed a belief in such a double standard:
But it is only the most gratuitous theory that considers the Dinka, the Nouer and the Masai, among others, to be Caucasoids. What if an African ethnologist were to persist in recognising as white only the blond, blue-eyed Scandinavians, and systematically refused membership to the remaining Europeans, and Mediterraneans in particular—the French, Italians, Greek, Spanish, and Portuguese? Just as the inhabitants of Scandinavia and the Mediterranean countries must be considered as two extreme poles of the same anthropological reality, so should the Negroes of East and West Africa be considered as the two extremes in the reality of the Negro world. To say that a Shillouk, a Dinka, or a Nouer is a Caucasoid is for an African as devoid of sense and scientific interest as would be, to a European, an attitude that maintained that a Greek or a Latin were not of the same race.
French historian Jean Vercoutter has claimed that archaeological workers routinely classified Negroid remains as Mediterranean, even though they found such remains in substantial numbers with ancient artefacts.
Some Afrocentrists have adopted a pan-Africanist perspective that people of color are all "African people" or "diasporic Africans," citing physical characteristics they exhibit in common with Black Africans. Afrocentric scholar Runoko Rashidi writes that they are all part of the "global African community." Some Afrocentric writers include in the African diaspora the Dravidians of India, "Negritos" of Southeast Asia (Thailand, the Philippines and Malaysia); and the aboriginal peoples of Australia and Melanesia.
Pre-Columbian Africa-Americas theories
Main article: Pre-Columbian Africa-Americas contact theoriesIn the 1970s, Ivan van Sertima advanced the theory that the complex civilizations of the Americas were the result of trans-oceanic influence from the Egyptians or other African civilizations. Such a claim is his primary thesis in They Came Before Columbus, published in 1978. The few hyper-diffusionist writers seek to establish that the Olmec people, who built the first highly complex civilization in Mesoamerica and are considered by some to be the mother civilization for all other civilizations of Mesoamerica, were deeply influenced by Africans. Van Sertima said that the Olmec civilization was a hybrid one of Africans and Native Americans. His theory of pre-Columbian American-African contact has since met with considerable and detailed opposition by scholars of Mesoamerica. Van Sertima has been accused of "doctoring" and twisting data to fit his conclusions, inventing evidence, and ignoring the work of respected Central and South American scholars to advance his own theory. Mainstream historians of Mesoamerica overwhelmingly reject that view with detailed rebuttals.
Claims have been also forwarded contending that African civilizations were founding influences on the Chinese Xia cultures.
Afrocentrism and Ancient Egypt
Main article: Ancient Egyptian race controversySeveral Afrocentrists have claimed that important cultural characteristics of ancient Egypt were indigenous to Africa and that these features were present in other early African civilizations such as the later Kerma and the Meroitic civilizations of Nubia. Scholars who have held this view include Marcus Garvey, George James, Martin Bernal, Ivan van Sertima, John Henrik Clarke, and Molefi Kete Asante as well as the Afrocentrist writers Cheikh Anta Diop and Chancellor Williams. The claim has also been made by many Afrocentric scholars that the Ancient Egyptians themselves were Black African (sub-saharan African) rather than North African/Maghrebi, and that the various invasions on Egypt resulted in the "Africanity" of Ancient Egypt becoming diluted, resulting in the modern diversity seen today. Examining this view, Egyptologist Stuart Tyson Smith, wrote that "Any characterization of race of the ancient Egyptians depends on modern cultural definitions, not on scientific study. Thus, by modern American standards it is reasonable to characterise the Egyptians as 'black', while acknowledging the scientific evidence for the physical diversity of Africans". Smith, however, expressed criticism of Egyptologists and Afrocentrists that defined ancient Egyptians "as members of an essentialist racial category" with perceived "Caucasoid" or "Negroid/Africoid" phenotypes".
As historian Ronald H. Fritze argued, mainstream Egyptologists and other scholars strongly object to Afrocentric Egyptology, viewing it as "theurapetic mythology" for black people, since it fails to provide sufficient evidence or persuasive interpretations to back up its claims.
Stephen Howe, professor in the history and cultures of colonialism at Bristol University, writes that contrary to "Afrocentric speculation, depending on undocumented assertions that the relatively light-skinned people of the lower Nile today descend from Arab conquerors rather than earlier residents". Howe also cited a 1995 publication which stated "the latest major synthetic work on African populations is firmly of the opinion that "It was not the Arabs physically displaced Egyptians. Instead the Egyptians were transformed by relatively small number of immigrants bringing in new ideas, which, when disseminated, created a wider ethnic identity".
S.O.Y. Keita, a biological anthropologist and research affilitate at the Smithsonian Institution who has been described as sympathetic to Afrocentrism, but defined his position as that "it is not a question of “African” “influence”; Ancient Egypt was organically African. Studying early Egypt in its African context is not “Afrocentric,” but simply correct". Keita has argued that the original inhabitants of the Nile Valley were primarily a variety of indigenous Northeast Africans from the areas of the desiccating Sahara and more southerly areas. He reviewed studies on the biological affinities of the Ancient Egyptian population and described the skeletal morphologies of early dynastic Egyptian remains as a "Saharo-tropical African variant". He also noted that over time gene flow from the Near East and Europe added more genetic variability to the region. In 2022, Keita argued that some genetic studies have a "default racialist or racist approach" and should be interpreted in a framework with other sources of evidence. Several other academics, including Christopher Ehret, Fekri Hassan, Bruce Williams, Frank Yurco, Molefi Kete Asante, Lanny Bell and A.J. Boyce across various disciplines have contended that Ancient Egypt was fundamentally an African civilization, with cultural and biological connections to Egypt's African neighbors.
Scholars have challenged the various assertions of Afrocentrists on the cultural and biological characteristics of Ancient Egyptian civilization and its people. At a UNESCO Symposium in the 1970s, some of the participants, including Jean Vercoutter, Serge Sauneron, Gunnar Säve-Söderbergh and Jean Leclant expressed "profound" disagreement with the "Black", homogeneous hypothesis. Despite contestations, UNESCO decided to include his "Origin of the ancient Egyptians" in the General History of Africa, with an editorial comment mentioning the disagreement. However, Diop's chapter was credited as a "painstakingly researched contribution" in the general conclusion of the symposium report by the International Scientific Committee's Rapporteur, Professor Jean Devisse, which nevertheless lead to a "real lack of balance" in the discussion among participants. The ancient world did not employ racial categories such as "Black" or "White" as they had no conception of "race", but rather labeled groups according to their land of origin and cultural traits. However, Keita studying the controversy, finds simplistic political appellations (in the negative or affirmative) describing ancient populations as "black" or "white" to be inaccurate and instead focuses on the ancestry of ancient Egypt as being a part of the native and diverse biological variation of Africa, which includes a variety of phenotypes and skin gradients.
Egyptian Egyptologist Zahi Hawass has gone on record as saying that the Ancient Egyptians were not black and “We believe that the origin of Ancient Egyptians was purely Egyptian based on the discovery made by British Egyptologist Flinders Petrie at Naqada, and this is why the Ancient Egyptian civilisation did not occur in Africa, it occurred only here”. In 2022, Hawass reiterated his view that "Africans have nothing to do with the pyramids scientifically" and stated that Africans "ruled in Egypt in the late Era, at the time of the 25th dynasty". Hawass also accused some international figures of African descent that promoted Afrocentrism of racism and fabrication of Egyptian history.
In 2008, Stuart Tyson Smith expressed criticism of a facial reconstruction of Tutankhamun as "very light-skinned" which reflected "bias" and "predictably and justifiably, it has provoked protests from Afrocentrists" as "Egyptologists have been strangely reluctant to admit that the ancient Egyptians were rather dark-skinned Africans, especially the farther south one goes".
In 2011, Stephen Quirke, professor of Egyptian Archaeology and Philology argued that the UNESCO-sponsored conference on the General History of Africa in 1974 "did not change the Eurocentric climate of research" and of the need to incorporate both African-centred studies and White European, academic perspectives. He later outlined that "research conferences and publications on the history and language of Kemet remain dominated ... by those brought up and trained in European, not African societies and languages (which include Arabic)".
African-American Afrocentric "hoteps" and the far-right
Main article: HotepsAfrican-Americans who use the Black Egyptian hypothesis as a source of black pride have been called "the hoteps" (after the Egyptian word hotep). The term has often been used disparagingly by non-hotep African-Americans, some of whom have linked the ideology of the hotep community – which is anti-feminist, anti-gay and anti-Semitic – to the far-right. Hoteps have been described as promoting false histories and misinformation about black people and black history. Some have argued hotep beliefs are too narrow-minded (focusing only on Egypt as opposed to other aspects of African history), and black feminists argue that hoteps perpetuate rape culture by policing women's sexuality and not criticizing predatory black men.
Alkebulan
Among Afrocentrists the name 'Alkebulan' (also spelled 'Al Kebulan' or 'Alkebu Lan') is sometimes used a replacement for 'Africa.' Users often erroneously claim that it derives from the Arabic for 'Land of the Blacks' (in reality Bilad as-Sudan), or alternatively that it comes from one or more indigenous African languages and means 'Garden of Life' or 'Motherland'. The earliest record of the term 'Alkebulan' is the introduction to an 1813 Spanish poem celebrating the defenders of Zaragoza, in which the author claimed an Arabic origin of the term. In the 20th century it was popularized by Yosef Ben-Jochannan, though this is sometimes incorrectly credited to Cheikh Anta Diop in a non-existent book called “The Kemetic History of Afrika”.
Reception
Afrocentrism has encountered opposition from mainstream scholars who charge it with historical inaccuracy, scholarly ineptitude, and racism.
Yaacov Shavit, a critic of the movement, summarises its goals in the preface to his book History in Black, in which he states:
Thus, if historical myths and legends, or an invented history, play such a major role in the founding of every national reconstruction, the question that should concern us here is the nature of the distinct style in which black Americans imagine their past. The answer to this question is that radical Afrocentrism, the subject of this study, which plays a central role in shaping the modern historical world-view of a large section of the African-American (or Afro-American) community, is far more than an effort to follow the line taken by many ethnic groups and nations in modern rewriting, inventing or developing collective identity and national history. Rather, it is a large-scale historical project to rewrite the history of the whole of humankind from an Afrocentric point of view. The result is a new reconstruction of world history: it is a universal history.
Other critics, such as Mary Lefkowitz, contend that the Afrocentric historical approach is entrenched in myth and fantasy. She argues that Afrocentrism is grounded in identity politics and myth rather than sound scholarship. In The Skeptic's Dictionary, philosophy professor Robert Todd Carroll labeled Afrocentrism "pseudohistorical". He argued that Afrocentrism's prime goal was to encourage black nationalism and ethnic pride in order to effectively combat the destructive consequences of cultural and universal racism. Professor of history Clarence E. Walker has described Afrocentrism as "a mythology that is racist, reactionary, essentially therapeutic and is eurocentrism in black face."
Classicist Mary Lefkowitz rejects George James's theories about Egyptian contributions to Greek civilization as being faulty scholarship. She writes that ancient Egyptian texts show little similarity to Greek philosophy. Lefkowitz states that Aristotle could not have stolen his ideas from the great Library at Alexandria as James suggested, because the library was founded after Aristotle's death. On the basis of such errors, Lefkowitz calls Afrocentrism "an excuse to teach myth as history." Mary Lefkowitz in 1997 whilst criticising elements of Afrocentrism had acknowledged that the origins of the ancient Egyptians were more clear due to the "recent evidence on skeletons and DNA suggests that the people who settled in the Nile valley, like all of humankind, came from somewhere south of the Sahara; they were not (as some nineteenth-century scholars had supposed) invaders from the North".
In 2002, Ibrahim Sundiata wrote in the American Historical Review that:
The word "Afrocentric" has been traced by Derrick Alridge to the American historian W.E.B. Du Bois, who employed it in the early 1960s. During the 1970s, Molefi Kete Asante appropriated the term, insisting that he was the only person equipped to define it, and asserting that even the holy archangels Du Bois and Cheikh Anta Diop had an imperfect and immature grasp of a concept that finds ultimate expression in his own pontifications. Subsequently, it became a catchall "floating signifier," nebulous, unstable, and infinitely mutable.
Literature and languages scholar Cain Hope Felder, a supporter of Afrocentric ideas, has warned Afrocentrists to avoid certain pitfalls, including:
- Demonizing categorically all white people, without careful differentiation between persons of goodwill and those who consciously perpetuate racism.
- Adopting multiculturalism as a curricular alternative that eliminates, marginalizes, or vilifies European heritage to the point that Europe epitomizes all the evil in the world.
- Gross over-generalizations and using factually or incorrect material is bad history and bad scholarship.
Nathan Glazer writes that although Afrocentricity can mean many things, the popular press has generally given most attention to its most outlandish theories. Glazer agrees with many of the findings and conclusions presented in Lefkowitz's book Not Out of Africa. Yet he also argues that Afrocentrism often presents legitimate and relevant scholarship. The late Manning Marable was also a critic of Afrocentrism. He wrote:
Populist Afrocentrism was the perfect social theory for the upwardly mobile black petty bourgeoisie. It gave them a sense of ethnic superiority and cultural originality, without requiring the hard, critical study of historical realities. It provided a philosophical blueprint to avoid concrete struggle within the real world.... It was, in short, only the latest theoretical construct of a politics of racial identity, a world-view designed to discuss the world but never really to change it.
Some Afrocentrists agree in rejecting those works which critics have characterized as examples of bad scholarship. Adisa A. Alkebulan states that the work of Afrocentric scholars is not fully appreciated because critics use the claims of "a few non-Afrocentrists" as "an indictment against Afrocentricity."
In 1996, the historian August Meier critically reviewed the new work of Mary Lefkowitz on Afrocentrism as "Eurocentric". He criticized her book Not out of Africa: How Afrocentrism became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History for what he saw as her neglect of the African-American historic literature of the 19th and 20th centuries. Meier believes she fails to take the African-American experiences into account, to the extent that she "fails to answer the question raised in this book's subtitle".
Maghan Keita describes the controversy over Afrocentrism as a cultural war. He believes certain "epistemologies" are warring with each other: the "epistemology of blackness" argues for the "responsibilities and potential of black peoples to function in and contribute to the progress of civilization."
List of prominent authors
- Marimba Ani, professor, author and activist: Yurugu: An Afrikan-centered Critique of European Cultural Thought and Behavior (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1994).
- Molefi Kete Asante, professor, author: Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change; The Afrocentric Idea; The Egyptian Philosophers: Ancient African Voices from Imhotep to Akhenaten
- Jacob Carruthers, Egyptologist; founding director of the Association for the Study of Classical African Civilization; founder and director of the Kemetic Institute, Chicago
- Cheikh Anta Diop, author: The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality; Civilization or Barbarism: An Authentic Anthropology; Precolonial Black Africa; The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity; The Peopling of Ancient Egypt & the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script
- Yosef Ben-Jochannan, author: African Origins of Major "Western Religions"; Black Man of the Nile and His Family; Africa: Mother of Western Civilization; New Dimensions in African History; The Myth of Exodus and Genesis and the Exclusion of Their African Origins; Abu Simbel to Ghizeh: A Guide Book and Manual
- Jones, Gayl (1998). The Healing. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 978-0-8070-6314-9. The protagonist of this novel describes her ongoing daily experiences in the US using a consistently Afrocentric perspective.
- Runoko Rashidi, author: Introduction to African Civilizations; The global African community: The African presence in Asia, Australia, and the South Pacific
- J.A. Rogers, author: Sex and Race: Negro-Caucasian Mixing in All Ages and All Lands: The Old World; Nature Knows No Color Line; Sex and Race: A History of White, Negro, and Indian Miscegenation in the Two Americas: The New World; 100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof: A Short Cut to the World History of the Negro
- Ivan van Sertima, author: They Came before Columbus: The African Presence in Ancient America, African Presence in Early Europe ISBN 0-88738-664-4; Blacks in Science Ancient and Modern; African Presence in Early Asia; African Presence in Early America; Early America Revisited; Egypt Revisited: Journal of African Civilizations; Nile Valley Civilizations; Egypt: Child of Africa (Journal of African Civilizations, V. 12); The Golden Age of the Moor (Journal of African Civilizations, Vol. 11, Fall 1991); Great Black Leaders: Ancient and Modern; Great African Thinkers: Cheikh Anta Diop
- Chancellor Williams, author: The Destruction of Black Civilization: Great Issues of a Race from 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D.
- Théophile Obenga, author: Ancient Egypt and Black Africa: a student's handbook for the study of Ancient Egypt in philosophy, linguistics, and gender relations
- Asa Hilliard, III, author: SBA: The Reawakening of the African Mind; The Teachings of Ptahhotep
See also
- "Out of Africa" theory
- African-American culture
- African philosophy
- African Renaissance
- Anti-Europeanism
- Americentrism
- Asiacentrism
- Basking in reflected glory
- Black orientalism
- Black supremacy
- Ethnocentrism
- Nationalism and archaeology
- Négritude
- Nuwaubian Nation
- Pseudohistory
- Race and ethnicity in the United States
- Reverse discrimination
References
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{{cite journal}}
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(help) - Bruce Williams, "The lost pharaohs of Nubia", in Ivan van Sertima (ed.), Egypt Revisited (New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction, 1993).
- Van Sertima, Ivan (1994). Egypt, Child of Africa. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 1-56000-792-3.
- Smith, Stuart Tyson (2001). Redford, Donald (ed.). The Oxford encyclopedia of ancient Egypt. Vol. 3. Oxford University Press. pp. 27–28.
- Fritze, Ronald H. (4 February 2021). Egyptomania: A History of Fascination, Obsession and Fantasy. Reaktion Books. p. 333. ISBN 978-1-78023-685-8.
Mainstream Egyptologists and other scholars strongly object to Afrocentric Egyptology. It is viewed as a 'therapeutic mythology' that is not based on convincing evidence or persuasive interpretations.
- "Author Page". openDemocracy. 23 June 2012. Retrieved 7 May 2020.
- Howe, Stephen (1998). Afrocentrism: Mythical Pasts and Imagined Homes. Verso. p. 137. ISBN 9781859848739.
- Cornell University Courses of Study. Cornell University. 1996. p. 423.
We shall then read from the works of "Afrocentrist" writers of history including Chancellor Williams, Yosef ben Yochanen and Chiekh Anta Diop as well as those of sympathetic scholars such as St. Clair Drake and Shomarka Keita.
- Kamugisha, Aaron (July 2003). "Finally in Africa? Egypt, from Diop to Celenko". Race & Class. 45 (1): 31–60. doi:10.1177/0306396803045001002. ISSN 0306-3968. S2CID 145514370.
- "Finally in Africa? Egypt, from Diop to Celenko". SEYFETTİN. 16 January 2007.
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- Keita Shomarka. (2022). "Ancient Egyptian "Origins and "Identity" In Ancient Egyptian society : challenging assumptions, exploring approaches. Abingdon, Oxon. pp. 124–135. ISBN 978-0367434632.
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- UNESCO, "Symposium on the Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script; Proceedings", (Paris, 1978), pp. 3–134.
- Ancient civilizations of Africa (Abridged ed.). London : J. Currey. 1990. pp. 43–46. ISBN 0852550928.
- Mokhtar, Gamal (1990). Ancient Civilizations of Africa (Unesco International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa). Currey. p. 33. ISBN 978-0-85255-092-2.
- The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script : proceedings of the symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974. Paris: Unesco. 1978. pp. 86, 93–94, 99. ISBN 92-3-101605-9.
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Opponents of Afrocentrism claim that this approach is entrenched in myth and fantasy. Mary Lefkowitz, in Not Out of Africa, argues that Afrocentrism is grounded in identity politics and not in sound scholarship.
- ^ *Afrocentrism by Robert Todd Carroll, Skeptic's Dictionary.
- Robert Todd Carroll (2003), The Skeptic's Dictionary: A Collection of Strange Beliefs, Amusing Deceptions, and Dangerous Delusions, New York: John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 0-471-27242-6 (paperback). p. 148
- Lefkowitz 1996, pp. 125–126, 137–141
- Lefkowitz, Mary R. (1996). Not out of Africa : how Afrocentrism became an excuse to teach myth as history. New York. p. 242. ISBN 046509838X.
{{cite book}}
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- ^ Hope Felder, Cain (1994). "Afrocentrism, the Bible, and the Politics of Difference". The Princeton Seminary Bulletin. XV (2).
- ^ Nathan Glazer, We Are All Multiculturalists Now, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997 ISBN 0-674-94836-X.
- Adisa A. Alkebulan, "Defending the Paradigm", Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 37, No. 3, pp. 410–427 (2007).
- Meier, August, "Review: Mary Lefkowitz, Not out of Africa: How Afrocentrism became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History", Journal of American History, December 1996.
- Maghan Keita, Race and the Writing of History: Riddling the Sphinx, p. 7.
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Literature
Primary
- Ani, Marimba (1994). Yurugu: An African-centered Critique of European Thought and Behavior. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 0-86543-248-1.
- Asante, Molefi Kete (1988). Afrocentricity (rev. ed.). Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 0-86543-067-5.
- Asante, Molefi Kete (1990). Kemet, Afrocentricity, and Knowledge. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press. ISBN 0-86543-188-4.
- Asante, Molefi Kete (1998). The Afrocentric Idea. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 1-56639-594-1.
- Asante, Molefi Kete (2007). An Afrocentric Manifesto. Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-07456-4102-7
- Karenga, Maulana (1993). Introduction to Black Studies (2nd ed.). Los Angeles: University of Sankore Press. ISBN 0-943412-16-1.
- Kershaw, Terry (1992). ""Afrocentrism and the Afrocentric method." Western Journal of Black Studies". 16 (3): 160–168.
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help)
Secondary
- Adeleke, Tunde. (2009). The Case Against Afrocentrism. University Press of Mississippi. ISBN 978-1-60473-293-1
- Bailey, Randall C., ed. (2003). Yet With a Steady Beat: Contemporary U.S. Afrocentric Biblical Interpretation. Society of Biblical Literature.
- Berlinerblau, Jacques (1999). Heresy in the University: The Black Athena Controversy and the Responsibilities of American Intellectuals. Rutgers University Press.
- Binder, Amy J. (2002). Contentious curricula: Afrocentrism and creationism in American public schools. Princeton University Press.
- Browder, Anthony T. (1992). Nile Valley Contributions To Civilization: Exploding the Myths, Volume 1. Washington, DC: Institute of Karmic Guidance.
- Henderson, Errol Anthony (1995). Afrocentrism and World Politics: towards a new paradigm. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger.
- Henke, Holger; Reno, Fred, eds. (2003). Modern political culture in the Caribbean. University of the West Indies Press.
- Howe, Stephen (1998). Afrocentrism: mythical pasts and imagined homes. London: Verso. ISBN 9781859848739.
- Konstan, David. "Inventing Ancient Greece: ", History and Theory, Vol. 36, No. 2. (May 1997), pp. 261–269.
- Lefkowitz, Mary (1996). History Lesson: A Race Odyssey. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-12659-X.
- Lefkowitz, Mary (1996). Not Out of Africa: How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse to Teach Myth as History. New York: Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-09837-1.
- Lefkowitz, Mary R.; Guy MacLean Rogers, eds. (1996). Black Athena Revisited. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-4555-8.
- Moses, Wilson Jeremiah (1998). Afrotopia: the roots of African American popular history. Cambridge University Press.
- Sniderman, Paul M.; Piazza, Thomas (2002). Black Pride and Black Prejudice. Princeton University Press.
- Walker, Clarence E. (2000). We Can't Go Home Again: An Argument about Afrocentrism. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509571-5.
External links
- Afrocentricity Archived 23 November 2018 at the Wayback Machine by Molefi Kete Asante, asante.net
- "The Afrocentric Hustle" Stanley Crouch comments on the emergence of Afrocentric thought in the African American community.
- Afrocentrism: The Argument We're Really Having by Ibrahim Sundiata
- ankhonline.com(in French)
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