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{{Short description|Prejudice towards Iran or Iranian people}} | |||
{{Copyedit|article|date=April 2007}} | |||
<div style="font-size: 85%"> | |||
] all ]ians, get the hell out of my country" and "Release all Americans now" on the other side. This was during a 1979 ] student protest of the ''']'''. Photo: Marion S. Trikosko, ]]] | |||
{| class="wikitable sortable floatright" style="border:1px black; float:right; margin-left:1em;" | |||
{{Discrimination sidebar}} | |||
|+ style="background:#f99;" colspan="2"| Results of 2013 ] poll<br />Views of Iran by country<ref>{{Cite web |last= |first= |date=2013-06-11 |title=Global Views of Iran Overwhelmingly Negative |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2013/06/11/global-views-of-iran-overwhelmingly-negative/ |access-date=2024-10-03 |website=Pew Research Center |language=en-US}}</ref> | |||
!Country polled !! <small>Pos.</small> !! <small>Neg.</small> | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Australia}}|| {{Percentage bar|16|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|68|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Canada}}|| {{Percentage bar|14|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|70|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Czech Republic}} || {{Percentage bar|7|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|74|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Egypt}} || {{Percentage bar|20|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|78|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|France}} || {{Percentage bar|11|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|88|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Germany}} || {{Percentage bar|7|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|85|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Greece}} || {{Percentage bar|21|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|69|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Israel}} || {{Percentage bar|5|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|92|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Italy}} || {{Percentage bar|5|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|85|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Jordan}} || {{Percentage bar|18|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|81|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Lebanon}} || {{Percentage bar|40|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|60|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Palestine}} || {{Percentage bar|37|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|55|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Poland}} || {{Percentage bar|18|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|66|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Russia}} || {{Percentage bar|32|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|49|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Spain}} || {{Percentage bar|7|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|84|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Tunisia}} || {{Percentage bar|30|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|44|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|Turkey}} || {{Percentage bar|19|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|68|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|United Kingdom}} || {{Percentage bar|17|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|59|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|- | |||
| {{Flagcountry|United States}} || {{Percentage bar|16|c=#80FF80|width=50}} || {{Percentage bar|69|c=#FF8080|width=50}} | |||
|} | |||
</div> | |||
'''Anti-Iranian sentiment''' (ایرانی ستیزی also ایران ستیزی) refers to feelings of hostility, hatred, or prejudice towards ], its citizens, or ]. | |||
'''Anti-Iranian sentiment''' or '''Iranophobia''', also called '''anti-Persian sentiment''' or '''Persophobia''',<ref name="RamIranophobia">Ram, H. (2009): ''Iranophobia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession'', ], {{ISBN|9780804760676}}</ref> refers to feelings and expressions of hostility, hatred, discrimination, or prejudice towards ], the ], or ] on the basis of an irrational disdain for their ]. The opposite phenomenon, in which one holds notable feelings of love or interest towards Iranian people for the same reasons, is known as ]. | |||
Historically, discrimination and prejudice against Iranians (and against ] in particular) has been a recurring theme in the ], particularly since the ] in the 7th century. | |||
==By Arabs== | |||
==="Ajam"=== | |||
According to ], the word "]", in Arabic "is applied especially to Persians" and means "to mumble, and speak indistinctly"<ref>], p.700.</ref> (similar to the ] use of words from the root ''nemoy'' ("mute") to refer to the ]; see ]), which is the opposite of the meaning of speaking "chaste and correct Arabic language."<ref>''ibid.''</ref> | |||
==In the Arab world== | |||
: "The distinction of ''Arab'' and ''Ajam'' is already discernible in pre- and early Islamic literature Cf. the ''Ajam Temtemī'' ("stuttering barbarian")."<ref>''ibid''</ref> (also mentioned in<ref>Goldziher. ''Muhammedanische Studien I. p.103. tr I, p.99</ref>) | |||
{{main|Iran–Arab relations|Shia–Sunni relations}} | |||
=== Early Muslim conquests === | |||
: "In general, ''ajam'' was a pejorative term, used by Arabs because of their contrived social and political superiority in early Islam."<ref>], p.700</ref> | |||
==== "Ajam" slur ==== | |||
] also verifies this, stating the meaning as "کند زبانان" i.e. "one who mumbles". For another detailed discourse on this subject see: | |||
The word "ʻ]" is derived from the root ʻ-J-M and refers to "unclear, vague and/or incomprehensible" as opposed to "ʻarabi", which means "clear, understandable; with perfect Arabic tongue".<ref>See also {{cite book|author=Muhammad ibn Ya`qub Firuzabadi|title=al-Qamus al-muhit|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4Y1VAQAACAAJ|year=1987|orig-year=14XX|publisher=Mu'assasat al-Risalah}}; {{cite book|author=Ibn Manzur|title=Lisan al-'Arab|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QYBMHQAACAAJ|year=2000|publisher=Dar Sader}}</ref> ʻAjam came to mean "one who mumbles" or “has difficulty speaking”,<ref>], ''Arab und 'Agam''. Muhammedanische Studien I. Halle. 1889-1890. I p. 101. tr. London 1967-1971, I, p. 98 ] ] and their usage of "mutes" to refer to ]. It came to be "applied especially to Persians", and the distinction of the two terms is found already in pre- and early Islamic literature (ʻAjam Temtemī).{{sfn|Bosworth|1984|p=700}}<ref>Goldziher. ''Muhammedanische Studien I'', p. 103. tr I, p. 99</ref> "In general, ''ajam'' was a pejorative term, used by Arabs because of their contrived social and political superiority in early Islam.", as summarized by ].{{sfn|Bosworth|1984|p=700}} Although ] ] state that the word ʻajami is used for all ''non-Arabs'', the designation was primarily used for Persians.<ref>Franz Rosenthal, "The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History By Ibn Khaldun, 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad Ibn Haldun", Princeton University Press, 1967, {{ISBN|0-691-09797-6}}, p. 311 (footnote 1206)</ref> | |||
*], '''Arab und 'Agam''. Muhammedanische Studien I. Halle. 1889-1890. I p.101. tr. London 1967-1971, I, p.98[C. E. Bosworth. | |||
==== Zoroastrian-based slurs ==== | |||
However, ] ] state that the word Ajami is used for all non-Arabs. The word itself is derived from the root A-J-M and refers to "to be unclear, vauge and/or incomprehensible" as opposed to Arabi, which means "clear, understandable, with perfect Arabic tongue".<ref>Al-Fairouzabadi; The Surrounding Ocian (Al Qamoos Al Muheet) ''in Arabic''</ref><ref>Ibn Manthoor; The Toung of the Arabs (Lisan Al Arab) ''in Arabic''</ref><ref>Al-Bustani, P.; Surrounding the Surrounding (Muheet Al Muheet) ''in Arabic''</ref><ref>Abu Al-Azm, Abdul Ghani; The Rich (Al Ghani) ''in Arabic''</ref> | |||
Many ] ] Arabs use slurs against Persians by calling them "fire worshippers" and "majus". '']'' or ''majusi'' (ماجوس) is an Arabic term for the ] in ]. | |||
==== Umayyad period ==== | |||
===Anti-Iranianism in early Islamic period=== | |||
] states, "The Iranians chafed under ] rule. The Umayyads rose from traditional Arab aristocracy. They tended to marry other Arabs, creating an ethnic stratification that discriminated against Iranians. Even as Arabs adopted traditional Iranian bureaucracy, Arab tribalism disadvantaged Iranians."<ref>]. ''Eternal Iran''. Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. {{ISBN|1-4039-6276-6}}, p. 17.</ref> | |||
====By sources==== | |||
] states that "The Iranians chafed under Umayyid rule. The Umayyids rose from traditional Arab aristocracy. They tended to marry other Arabs, creating an ethnic stratification that discriminated against Iranians. Even as Arabs adopted traditional Iranian bureaucracy, Arab tribalism disadvantaged Iranians."<ref>]. ''Eternal Iran''. Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. ISBN 1-4039-6276-6, p. 17.</ref> | |||
Many ] believed that Iranian converts should not clothe themselves as Arabs, and many other forms discrimination that existed.<ref>"]. Mohammedanische Studien". Vol 2. p. 138–9</ref><ref>*"Ansab al Ashraf" or "Futuh al-Buldan" by ], p. 417. | |||
*"Tarikh-i Sistan". p82. | |||
*"Tarikh e Qum". p254-6.</ref> ], is said to have sent a letter addressed to Ziyad ibn Abih, the then governor of Iraq, wrote:<ref>{{Cite book|url=http://al-mostabserin.com/english/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Kitab-e-Sulaym-Ibn-Qays-Al-Hilali.pdf|title=The Book of Sulaym ibn Qays|last=Sulaym ibn Qays|chapter=Hadith No.23|access-date=2019-11-11|archive-date=2019-11-11|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191111002758/http://al-mostabserin.com/english/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/Kitab-e-Sulaym-Ibn-Qays-Al-Hilali.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
{{blockquote|And keep an eye on the Mawali (non Arab) and those Ajam who have accepted Islam and choose the style of Umar Ibn Khattab in dealing with them because in that is humiliation and degradation for them. And let Arab marry their women but their women should not marry Arab. Let Arab be their inheritors but they should not be inheritors of Arab. Reduce their subsistence and benefits and make them go in front in wars and let them maintain the roads, cut the trees and do not let them be the Imam of Arab in congregational prayers and do not let anyone of them be in the front row of prayer when Arab are present, unless the row is not completed by Arab. Do not appoint anyone of them as a Governor on the border of Muslims and do not appoint anyone as a Governor in any city. No one from them should be a Governor for making rules and decisions for Muslims because this was the style and habit of Umar. May Allah, from the Ummah of Muhammad (S.A.W), and particularly from Bani-Umayyah reward him, reward him greatly..|Mu'awiya}}Mistreatment of Iranians and other non-Arabs during the early period of Islam is well documented. Under the Umayyads, many '']s'' (non-Arab Muslims) employed by a patron enjoyed favourable positions as equal to Arab Muslims, but they were generally victims of cultural bias and even sometimes considered to be on an equal footing of a slave. According to sources of that time, the mistreatment of mawlas was a general rule. They were denied any positions in the government under Umayyad rule.<ref>{{cite book|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=xSDE7LgTFvUC&pg=PA64|title= Citizenship in the Arab World: Kin, Religion and Nation-state|author= Gianluca Palo Parolin|publisher= ]|year= 2009|pages= 63, 64|isbn= 9789089640451}}</ref> | |||
The inhumane treatment of Iranians by the victorious Arab forces are also documented. See:<ref>The following sources: | |||
The Umayyid Arabs are even reported to have prevented the mawali from having '']s'', as an Arab was only considered worthy of a ''kunya''.<ref>Jurji Zaydan, p. 228 (زیدان، جرجی، تاریخ تمدن اسلام ، ترجمه علی جواهرکلام، تهران: امیرکبیر ، چاپ نهم ، 137)</ref> They were required to pay taxes for not being an Arab: | |||
*"Ansab al Ashraf" or "Futuh al-Buldan" by ]. p.417. | |||
*"Tarikh-i Sistan". p82. | |||
*"Tarikh e Qum". p254-6.</ref> | |||
], in a famous letter addressed to Ziyad ibn Abih, the then governor of Iraq, wrote: | |||
{{blockquote|During the early centuries of Islam when the Islamic empire was really an Arab kingdom, the Iranians, Central Asians and other non-Arab peoples who had converted to Islam in growing numbers as ''mawali'' or 'clients' of an Arab lord or clan, had in practice acquired an inferior socio-economic and racial status compared to Arab Muslims, though the mawali themselves fared better than the empire's non-Muslim subjects, the Ahl al-Dhimmah ('people of the covenant'). The ةawali, for instance, paid special taxes, often similar to the jizyaا (poll tax) and the kharaj (land tax) levied on the Zoroastrians and other non-Muslim subjects, taxes which were never paid by the Arab Muslims.|]|<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.iis.ac.uk/view_article.asp?ContentID=101275|title=The Institute of Ismaili Studies - Sectarian and National Movements in Iran, Khurasan and Transoxania During Umayyad and Early 'Abbasid Times|work=iis.ac.uk|access-date=2006-05-31|archive-date=2007-09-27|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070927235255/http://www.iis.ac.uk/view_article.asp?ContentID=101275|url-status=dead}}</ref>}} | |||
:''Be watchful of Iranian Muslims and never treat them as equals of Arabs. Arabs have a right to take in marriage their women, but they have no right to marry Arab women. Arabs are entitled to inherit their legacy, but they cannot inherit from an Arab. As far as possible they are to be given lesser pensions and lowly jobs. In the presence of an Arab a non-Arab shall not lead the congregation prayer, nor they are to be allowed to stand in the first row of prayer, nor to be entrusted with the job of guarding the frontiers or the post of a qadi. | |||
===== References in Persian literature ===== | |||
Mistreatment of Persians and other non-Arabs during early Islam is well documented. To begin with, the Umayyids did not recognize equal rights of a Mawali, and believed that only "pure Arab blood" was worthy of ruling.<ref>Momtahen, H. ''Nehzat-i Shu'ubiyeh...'', p.145. (ممتحن ، حسینعلی ، نهضت شعوبیه جنبش ملی ایرانیان در برابر خلافت اموی و عباسی ، تهران : باورداران ، چاپ دوم ، 1368)</ref> Neither did they make any effort to mend relations with the Mawali after making declarations like: | |||
] presents a lengthy discussion on the large flux and influence of the victorious Arabs on the literature, language, culture and society of Persia during the two centuries following the ] in his book '']''.<ref>{{cite book|author=ʻAbd al-Ḥusayn Zarrīnʹkūb|author-link=Abdolhossein Zarinkoob|title=Dū qarn-i sukūt : sarguz̲asht-i ḥavādis̲ va awz̤āʻ-i tārīkhī dar dū qarn-i avval-i Islām (Two Centuries of Silence)|location=Tihrān|publisher=Sukhan|year=1379|oclc=46632917 |id= {{Listed Invalid ISBN|964-5983-33-6}} }}</ref> | |||
=====Suppression of Iranian languages===== | |||
: "We blessed you with the sword (referring to the conquests) and dragged you into heaven by chains of our religion. This by itself is enough for you to understand that we are superior to you."<ref>Momtahen, H. ''Nehzat-i Shu'ubiyeh...'', p.146. (ممتحن ، حسینعلی ، نهضت شعوبیه جنبش ملی ایرانیان در برابر خلافت اموی و عباسی ، تهران : باورداران ، چاپ دوم ، 1368). </ref> | |||
After the Islamic conquest of the ], during the reign of the ] dynasty, the ] conquerors imposed ] as the primary language of the subject peoples throughout their empire. Not happy with the prevalence of the ] in the ], ] ordered the official language of the conquered lands to be replaced by Arabic, sometimes by force.<ref>'']'', by ], Abdolhosein Zarrinkoub, et al. Section on ''The Arab Conquest of Iran and its aftermath''. Vol 4, 1975, London, p. 46</ref> According to ] | |||
{{blockquote|When ] under the command of ] was sent to ] with a military expedition and conquered it for the second time, he swiftly killed whoever wrote the Khwarazmian native language that knew of the Khwarazmian history, science and culture. He then killed all their ] priests and burned and wasted their books, until gradually the illiterate only remained, who knew nothing of writing and hence their history was mostly forgotten.|Biruni ''From The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries''|<ref>وقتی قتبیه بن مسلم سردار حجاج، بار دوم بخوارزم رفت و آن را باز گشود هرکس را که خط خوارزمی می نوشت و از تاریخ و علوم و اخبار گذشته آگاهی داشت از دم تیغ بی دریغ درگذاشت و موبدان و هیربدان قوم را یکسر هلاک نمود و کتابهاشان همه بسوزانید و تباه کرد تا آنکه رفته رفته مردم امی ماندند و از خط و کتابت بی بهره گشتند و اخبار آنها اکثر فراموش شد و از میان رفت Biruni ''From The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries'' (الآثار الباقية عن القرون الخالية), pp. 35, 36, 48</ref>}} | |||
The Umayyid Arabs are even reported to have prevented the Mawali from having '']s'', as an Arab was only considered worthy of a ''kunya''.<ref>'''Jurji Zaydan''', p.228 (زیدان، جرجی، تاریخ تمدن اسلام ، ترجمه علی جواهرکلام، تهران: امیرکبیر ، چاپ نهم ، 137)</ref> They were required to pay taxes for not being an Arab: | |||
It is difficult to imagine the Arabs not implementing anti-Persian policies in the light of such events, writes Zarrinkoub in his famous ''Two Centuries of Silence'',<ref>Zarrinkoub, Abdolhossein, | |||
: "During the early centuries of Islam when the Islamic empire was really an 'Arab kingdom', the Iranians, Central Asians and other non-Arab peoples who had converted to Islam in growing numbers as mawali, or 'clients' of an Arab lord or clan, had in practice acquired an inferior socio-economic and racial status compared to Arab Muslims, though the mawali themselves fared better than the empire's non-Muslim subjects, the ahl al-dhimma ('people of the book'). The mawali, for instance, paid special taxes, often similar to the jizya (poll tax) and the kharaj (land tax) levied on the Zoroastrians and other non-Muslim subjects, taxes which were never paid by the Arab Muslims." | |||
''Dū qarn-i sukūt : sarguz̲asht-i ḥavādis̲ va awz̤āʻ-i tārīkhī dar dū qarn-i avval-i Islām (Two Centuries of Silence)'', Tihrān: Sukhan, 1379 (2000), {{OCLC|46632917}}</ref> where he exclusively writes of this topic. Reports of Persian speakers being tortured are also given in al-Aghānī.<ref>al-Aghānī (الاغانی). ''Abū al-Faraj al-Isfahāni''. Vol 4, p. 423</ref> | |||
==== After Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam ==== | |||
====References in Persian literature==== | |||
{{Main article|Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam}} | |||
] presents a lengthy discussion on the large flux and influence of the victorious Arabs on the literature, language, culture, and society of Persia during the two centuries following the ] in his book "Two Centuries of Silence".<ref>{{cite book|author=ʻAbd al-Ḥusayn Zarrīnʹkūb|authorlink=Abdolhossein Zarinkoob|title= | |||
{{Primary sources|section|date=May 2014}} | |||
Dū qarn-i sukūt : sarguz̲asht-i ḥavādis̲ va awz̤āʻ-i tārīkhī dar dū qarn-i avval-i Islām (Two Centuries of Silence)|location=Tihrān|publisher=Sukhan|year=1379 (2000)|id={{OCLC|46632917}}, {{Listed Invalid ISBN|964-5983-33-6}} }}</ref> | |||
Predominantly-Shia Islamic Iran has always exhibited a sympathetic side for ] (the cousin and son-in-law of ]) and his progeny.{{citation needed|date=April 2022}} Even when Persia was largely Sunni, that was still evident, as can be seen from the writings remaining from that era. ] for example praises Ali in a section entitled "Learn from ʻAli". It recounts Ali's explanation as to why he declined to kill someone who had spit in his face as ʻAli was defeating him in battle. ] in praise of Ali's progeny is quite ubiquitous and abundant.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ijss-sn.com/uploads/2/0/1/5/20153321/ijss_reza_jul_52_-_2017.pdf|title=The Manifestation of Guardianship in the Persian Poetry from the Beginning Till the End of the Safavid Era|last=Ahmad Khanlari, Mahmoud Fazilat|date=2017|website=INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENTIFIC STUDY|access-date=2018-08-03|archive-date=2018-08-03|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180803074406/https://www.ijss-sn.com/uploads/2/0/1/5/20153321/ijss_reza_jul_52_-_2017.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> These all stem from numerous traditions regarding Ali's favor of Persians being as equals to Arabs. | |||
Several early Shiite sources speak of a dispute arising between an Arab and an Iranian woman. Referring the case to ʻAli for arbitration, ʻAli reportedly did not allow any discrimination between the two to take place. His judgment thus invited the protest of the Arab woman. Thereupon, ʻAli replied, "In the Qurʼan, I did not find the progeny of Ishmael (the Arabs) to be any higher than the Iranians."<ref>{{cite book|title=Algharat|volume=1|page=70}}; {{cite book|title=Tarikh-i Yaghubi|volume=2|page=183}}; {{cite book|title=]|volume=41|page=137}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite web|url=https://iranian.com/2005/02/10/more-muslim-than-others/|title=More Muslim than others?|last=Kasraie|first=Nima|date=February 2005|website=The Iranian}}</ref> | |||
=====Persian language suppressed===== | |||
{{main|Anti-Persian sentiments}} | |||
After the Islamic conquest of the Persian Empire, during the reign of the ] dynasty, the ] conquerors imposed ] as the primary language of the subject peoples throughout their empire. ], who was not happy with the prevalence of the ] in the ], ordered the official language of the conquered lands to be replaced by Arabic, sometimes by force.<ref>'']'', by ], ], et al. Section on ''The Arab Conquest of Iran and its aftermath''. Vol 4, 1975. London. p.46</ref> | |||
In another such tradition, Ali was once reciting a sermon in the city of ]h, when ], a commander in the Arab army protested, "Amir-al-Momeneen! These Iranians are excelling the Arabs right in front of your eyes and you are doing nothing about it!" He then roared, "I will show them who the Arabs are!" Ali immediately retorted, "While fat Arabs rest in soft beds, the Iranians work hard on the hottest days to please God with their efforts. And what do these Arabs want from me? To ostracize the Iranians and become an oppressor! I swear by the God that splits the nucleus and creates Man, I heard the prophet once say, just as you strike the Iranians with your swords in the name of Islam, so will the Iranians one day strike you back the same way for Islam."<ref>{{cite book|title=Safinat-ol Bihar|author=Shaykh 'Abbas al-Qummi|volume=2|page=693}}; {{cite book|title=Sharh Nahj-ul Balaghih Ebn Abi-alhadid|volume=19|page=124}}</ref><ref name=":0" /> | |||
From Biruni's ''From The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries'' (الآثار الباقية عن القرون الخالية): | |||
<blockquote> | |||
:وقتی قتبیه بن مسلم سردار حجاج، بار دوم بخوارزم رفت و آن را باز گشود هرکس را که خط خوارزمی می نوشت و از تاریخ و علوم و اخبار گذشته آگاهی داشت از دم تیغ بی دریغ درگذاشت و موبدان و هیربدان قوم را یکسر هلاک نمود و کتابهاشان همه بسوزانید و تباه کرد تا آنکه رفته رفته مردم امی ماندند و از خط و کتابت بی بهره گشتند و اخبار آنها اکثر فراموش شد و از میان رفت | |||
<br> | |||
:''"When ] under the command of ] was sent to ] with a military expedition and conquered it for the second time, he swiftly killed whomever wrote the Khwarazmian native language that knew of the Khwarazmian history, science, and culture. He then killed all their ] priests and burned and wasted their books, until gradually the illiterate only remained, who knew nothing of writing, and hence their history was mostly forgotten."<ref>]. ''From The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries'' (الآثار الباقية عن القرون الخالية). p.35, 36, 48</ref>'' | |||
</blockquote> | |||
When the ] city of ] fell to the forces of Mu'awiyeh, news reached Ali that the city had been sacked and plundered spilling much innocent blood.<ref name=":0" /> Early Shi'ite sources report that Ali gathered all the people of Kufa to the mosque and gave a fiery sermon. After describing the massacre, he said, "If somebody hearing this news now faints and dies of grief, I fully approve of it!"<ref>''Nahj ol Balagheh. Sobhi Saleh.'' Sermon 27</ref><ref name=":0" /> According to Kasraie, It is from here that Ali is said to have had more sympathy for Iranians while author S. Nureddin Abtahi claims that ] highly resented them.<ref>Abtahi, S. Nureddin. ''Iranian dar Quran va rivayat''. p75.</ref><ref name=":0" /> | |||
It is difficult to imagine the Arabs not implementing anti-Persian policies in light of such events, writes ] in his famous ''Two Centuries of Silence'',<ref>Zarrinkoub, Abdolhossein, | |||
''Dū qarn-i sukūt : sarguz̲asht-i ḥavādis̲ va awz̤āʻ-i tārīkhī dar dū qarn-i avval-i Islām (Two Centuries of Silence)'', Tihrān: Sukhan, 1379 (2000), {{OCLC|46632917}}</ref> where he exclusively writes of this topic. Reports of Persian speakers being tortured are also given in al-Aghānī.<ref>al-Aghānī (الاغانی). ''Abū al-Faraj al-Isfahāni''. Vol 4, p.423</ref> | |||
=== |
===Modern era=== | ||
====Iraq==== | |||
{{Primarysources|section|date=March 2008}} | |||
It was in ] where the first ], mainly of Palestinian and Syrian descent, formed the basis of their overall philosophies. Prominent among them were individuals such as ] (the ]) and Syrian nationalists such as ] and ]. ], who served as advisor to the ] and later as Director General of Education and Dean of the College of Law, was particularly instrumental in shaping the Iraqi educational system. Other prominent ] were ] and ], as well as Sati' al-Husri, ], ] and ] (brother of ]). These individuals formed the nucleus and genesis of true pan-Arabism. | |||
Predominantly Shia Iran has always exhibited a sympathetic side for Ali and his progeny. Even when Persia was largely Sunni, this was still evident as can be seen from the writings remaining from that era. ] for example, praises Ali (in a section entitled "Learn from Ali"), which recounts Ali ibn Abi Talib's explanation as to why he declined to kill someone who had spit in his face as Ali was defeating him in battle. ] in praise of Ali's progeny is quite ubiquitous and abundant. These all stem from numerous traditions regarding Ali's favor of Persians being as equals to Arabs. | |||
Sati' al-Husri's campaigns against schools suspected of being positive towards Persia are well documented.<ref>See for example: ''Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq'', By ], 1998 {{ISBN|0-520-21439-0}}, p. 152–154</ref> One dramatic example is found in the 1920s when the Iraqi Ministry of Education ordered Husri to appoint Muhammad Al-Jawahiri as a teacher in a Baghdad school. A short excerpt of Husri's interview with the teacher is revealing:<ref>], ''Republic of Fear'', New York: Pantheon Books, 1989, p. 153–154</ref> | |||
In ] (vol.9, bab 124), a tradition quoted from ] reads: | |||
:"One day a group of the ] (Iranian clinets of Arab tribes) came to Amir al-Mu'minin 'Ali and complained about the conduct of the Arabs. They said to him that the Messenger of God did not make any distinction between Arabs and non-Arabs in the disbursement of public funds (bayt ul-mal) or in the matter of marriage. They added that the Prophet distributed public funds equally among Muslims and let Salman (Persian Muslim), Bilal (black African Muslim) and Suhayb (Roman Muslim) marry Arab women, but today Arabs discriminated between themselves and us. 'Ali went to the Arabs and discussed the matter with them, but it was to no avail. The Arabs shouted, "It is quite impossible! Impossible! "'All, annoyed and angered by this turn of affairs, returned to the Mawali and told them with utmost regret, "They are not prepared to treat you equally and as Muslims enjoying equal rights. I advise you to go into trade and God will make you prosper." | |||
: "Husri: First, I want to know your nationality. | |||
Several sources speak of a dispute arising between an Arab and an Iranian woman. Referring the case to ] for arbitration, Ali reportedly did not allow any discrimination between the two to take place. His judgment thus invited the protest of the Arab woman. Thereupon, Ali replied: "In the Quran, I did not find the progeny of Ishmael (the Arabs) to be any higher than the Iranians."<ref>See the following sources: | |||
: Jawahiri: I am an Iranian. | |||
: Husri: In that case we cannot appoint you." | |||
] forced out tens of thousands of people of Persian origin from Iraq in the 1970s, after having been accused of being spies for Iran and ].<ref>''Saddam: His Rise and Fall'', by Con Coughlin, 2005, {{ISBN|0-06-050543-5}}, p. 148</ref><ref>Saddam Hussein: An American Obsession By Andrew Cockburn, Patrick Cockburn, {{ISBN|1-85984-422-7}}, p. 80</ref> Today, many of them live in Iran.<ref>''The Iraq War: Hidden Agendas and Babylonian Intrigue'', by Raphael Israeli, {{ISBN|1-903900-90-5}}, 2004, p.49</ref><ref>''A History of Iraq'', by Charles Tripp, {{ISBN|0-521-52900-X}}, 2002, p. 230</ref> | |||
*''"Algharat"'' Vol 1 p70. | |||
*''"Tarikh-i Yaghubi"'' Vol 2 p183. | |||
*'']'' Vol 41 p137.</ref> | |||
=====Iran–Iraq War===== | |||
Again, Ali was once reciting a sermon in the city of ], when ''Ash'as ibn Qays'', a commander in the Arab army protested: "Amir-al-Momeneen! These Iranians are excelling the Arabs right in front of your eyes, and you are doing nothing about it!" He then roared: "I, will show them who the Arabs are!" | |||
Early on in his career, Saddam Hussein and ] ideologues targeted the Arabs of southwest Iran in an endeavour to have them separate and join 'the Arab nation.'<ref name=autogenerated1>Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography by Efraim Karsh, Inari Rautsi, Dr Joseph M Stowell- P145</ref> Hussein made no effort to conceal ] in his war against Iran (which he called "the second Battle of al-Qādisiyyah).<ref name=autogenerated1 /> An intense campaign of propaganda during his reign meant that many school children were taught that Iran provoked Iraq into invading and that the invasion was fully justified.<ref>Con Coughlin. Saddam: His Rise and Fall, page 19. {{ISBN|978-0-06-050543-1}}: Quoted from Samir al-Khalil. Republic of Fear, 1989. University of California press. pg 17</ref> | |||
"Yellow revolution", "yellow wind", "yellow storm" were thrown as slurs by Saddam Hussein against Iran due to ]'s ] during the Mongol wars and the terms "Persian" and "Elamites" were also used by Saddam as insults.<ref name="Long2009">{{cite book|author=Jerry M. Long|title=Saddam's War of Words: Politics, Religion, and the Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yRzUAAAAQBAJ&q=saddam+yellow+snake&pg=PA69|date=17 August 2009|publisher=University of Texas Press|isbn=978-0-292-77816-0|pages=69–}}</ref> | |||
Ali immediately retorted: "While fat Arabs rest in soft beds, the Iranians work hard on the hottest days to please God with their efforts. And what do these Arabs want from me? To ostracize the Iranians and become an oppressor! I swear by the God that splits the nucleus and creates Man, I heard the prophet once say: Just as you strike the Iranians with your swords in the name of Islam, so will the Iranians one day strike you back the same way, for Islam."<ref>See the following sources: | |||
On 2 April 1980, a half-year before the outbreak of the war, Saddam Hussein visited ] in Baghdad. By drawing parallels to the 7th-Century defeat of Persia in the ], he announced: | |||
*''Safinat-ol Bihar'' by Shaykh 'Abbas al-Qummi. Vol 2. p693. | |||
*''Sharh Nahj-ul Balaghih Ebn Abi-alhadid'' Vol 19, p124.</ref> | |||
: "In your name, brothers, and on behalf of the Iraqis and Arabs everywhere, we tell those cowards who try to avenge Al-Qadisiyah that the spirit of Al-Qadisiyah as well as the blood and honor of the people of Al-Qadisiyah who carried the message on their spearheads are greater than their attempts."<ref>Saddām, 'Address given'. Baghdād, ''Voice of the Masses in Arabic'', 1200 GMT 02 April 1980. FBIS-MEA-80-066. 03 April 1980, E2-3.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=Hide and Seek: The Search for Truth in Iraq|last=Duelfer|first=Charles|publisher=Hachette UK|year=2008|isbn=9780786744114|pages=Section 2}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.biblesearchers.com/prophecy/daniel/daniel8-7.shtml|title=The Rise of the Ancient Persian Empire with the Pahlavi Dictator, the Shah of Iran. Daniel's Vision of the Ram and the He-Goat|last=Mock|first=MD Robert|date=April–June 2006|website=BibleSearchers.com}}</ref> | |||
When the ] city of ] fell to the forces of Mu'awiyeh, news reached Ali that the city had been sacked and plundered spilling much innocent blood. Ali gathered all the people of Kufah to the mosque, and gave a fiery sermon. After describing the massacre, he said: "If somebody, hearing this news now faints and dies of grief, I fully approve of it!"<ref>''Nahj ol Balagheh. Sobhi Saleh.'' Sermon 27</ref> It is from here that Ali is said to have had more sympathy for Iranians while Omar highly resented them.<ref>Abtahi, S. Nureddin. ''Iranian dar Quran va rivayat''. p75.</ref> | |||
Saddam also accused Iranians of "murdering the second (Umar), third (]) and fourth (Ali) Caliphs of Islam", invading the three islands of ] and ] in the ] and attempting to destroy the Arabic language and civilization.<ref>''Tallal Etrisi'' طلال عتریسی in: ''Arab-Iranian Relations'', edited by: Khair El-Din Haseeb. 1998. {{ISBN|1-86064-156-3}}</ref> | |||
The following traditions are also recorded in Safinat al-Bihar:<ref>Shaykh 'Abbas al-Qummi, (under wali), c.f. al-Kay.</ref> | |||
In the war, Iraq made extensive use of ] (such as ]) against Iranian ] and ] as well as ]s. Iran expected a condemnation by UN of this act and sent allegation to UN. At time (-1985) the UN Security Council issued statements that "chemical weapons had been used in the war." However, in these UN-statements Iraq was not mentioned by name, so that the situation is viewed as "in a way, the international community remained silent as Iraq used weapons of mass destruction against Iranian as well as Iraqi Kurds" and it is believed that the United States had prevented UN from condemning Iraq.<ref name=iranica-IIW>S. M. Gieling, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081016020220/http://www.iranica.com/newsite/articles/unicode/v13f6/v13f6001c.html#vii |date=2008-10-16 }}, in ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', 2006.</ref> | |||
: Mughirah, comparing ] with 'Umar, always used to say, " 'Ali showed greater consideration and kindness to the Mawali, while 'Umar, on the contrary, did not like them." | |||
In December 2006, Hussein said he would take responsibility "with honour" for any attacks on Iran using conventional or chemical weapons during the 1980–1988 war, but he took issue with charges he ordered attacks on Iraqis.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20950607-1702,00.html |title=Saddam admits Iran gas attacks |access-date=2006-12-18 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070527021050/http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,20950607-1702,00.html |archive-date=2007-05-27 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=worldNews&storyID=2006-12-18T153115Z_01_PAR843520_RTRUKOC_0_US-IRAQ-SADDAM.xml&WTmodLoc=IntNewsHome_C2_worldNews-1 |title=Business & Financial News, Breaking US & International News - Reuters.com |access-date=8 February 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080505033543/http://today.reuters.com/news/articlenews.aspx?type=worldNews |archive-date=5 May 2008 }}</ref> | |||
: A man came to Ja'far al-Sadiq and said, "People say that one who is neither a pure Arab nor a pure mawla is of base origin." The Imam asked him, "What do you mean by 'pure mawla'?" The man replied, "It is a person whose parents were slaves earlier." The Imam asked again, "What is the merit in being a pure mawla?" The man answered, "That is because the Prophet said that a people's mawla is from themselves. Therefore, a pure mawla of Arabs is like Arabs. Hence the man of merit is one who is either a pure Arab or a pure mawla associated with Arabs." The Imam replied, "Haven't you heard that the Prophet declared that he was the wali (guardian) of those who have no wali? Didn't he also say, 'I am the wali of every Muslim, whether he be Arab or non-Arab'? And doesn't a person whose wali is the Prophet therefore belong to the Prophet?" He then added: "Of these two which is superior: the one who is related to the Prophet and is from him or the one related to a boorish Arab who urinates over his feet?" Then he said: "One who embraces Islam out of his free choice, willingly is far more superior to him who has embraced Islam due to fear. These hypocritical Arabs were converted to Islam because of fear, while the Iranians came to the fold of Islam willingly and with pleasure. | |||
On the execution day, Hussein said, "I spent my whole life fighting the infidels and the intruders, I destroyed the invaders and the Persians." He also stressed that the Iraqis should fight the Americans and the Persians.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/6220087.stm|title=BBC NEWS - Middle East - Witness to Saddam's death|access-date=8 February 2015}}</ref> Mowaffak al Rubiae, Iraq's National Security adviser, who was a witness to Hussein's execution described him as repeatedly shouting "down with ]."<ref>{{cite news|title=A Historic Day For Iraq |url=http://news.sky.com/skynews/video/videoplayer/0,,30000-witness_301206_0700,00.html |publisher=Sky News |date=2006-12-30 |access-date=2006-12-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070122042840/http://news.sky.com/skynews/video/videoplayer/0%2C%2C30000-witness_301206_0700%2C00.html |archive-date=22 January 2007 |url-status=live }}</ref> Hussein built an anti-Iranian monument called ] in Baghdad in 1989 to commemorate his declaration of victory over Iran in the Iran-Iraq war (though the war is generally considered a stalemate). After his fall, it was reported that the new Iraqi government had organized the Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era and that the Hands of Victory monument had begun to be dismantled. However, the demolition was later halted.<ref></ref> | |||
===Modern times=== | |||
It was in ] where the first Arab nationalists, mainly of Palestinian and Syrian descent, formed the basis of their overall philosophies. Prominent among them were individuals such as ] (the ]), and Syrian nationalists such as Shukri al-Quwatli and Jamil Mardam. ], who served as advisor to the Ministry of Education; and later Director General of Education, and Dean of the College of Law was particularly instrumental in shaping the Iraqi educational system. Other prominent ] were ], ], as well as Sati' al-Husri, ], ], and Sami Shwkat (brother of ]). These individuals formed the nucleus and genesis of true pan-Arabism. | |||
=====]===== | |||
Satia Al-Husri's campaigns against schools suspected of being positive towards Persia are well documented<ref>See for example: ''Republic of Fear: The Politics of Modern Iraq'', By Kanan Makiya, 1998 ISBN 0520214390 p.152-154</ref>. One dramatic example is found in the 1920s when the Iraqi Ministry of Education ordered Husri to appoint Muhammad Al-Jawahiri as a teacher in a Baghdad school. A short excerpt of Husri's interview with the teacher is revealing<ref>], ''Republic of Fear'', New York: Pantheon Books, 1989, p.153-154</ref>: | |||
Since 2019, anti-Iranian unrest has spiked in Iraq as Iran was blamed for sectarianism and political interferences. This has transcended into football during the ], with Iran and Iraq shared each win after two games.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://amwaj.media/article/iraq-and-iran-playoff-more-than-a-football-game|title=Why Iraq-Iran football matches are more than games}}</ref> | |||
====United Arab Emirates==== | |||
: "Husri: First, I want to know your nationality. | |||
=====Persian Gulf naming dispute===== | |||
: Jawahiri: I am an Iranian. | |||
{{main|Persian Gulf naming dispute}} | |||
: Husri: In that case we cannot appoint you." | |||
The name of the ] has become contested by some Arab countries since the 1960s<ref>] (Autumn 1980). "Security Considerations in the Persian Gulf". '']''. Vol. 5, No. 2. pp. 79–113.</ref> in connection with the emergence of ] and ], resulting in the invention of the toponym "Arabian Gulf" ({{langx|ar|الخليج العربي}}) (used in some Arab countries),<ref name="AT">Abedin, Mahan (4 December 2004). . ]. Retrieved 13 May 2012.</ref><ref>{{cite book| author = Bosworth, C. Edmund | year = 1980 | chapter = The Nomenclature of the Persian Gulf | pages = xvii–xxxvi | editor = Cottrell, Alvin J.| title = The Persian Gulf States: A General Survey | location = Baltimore, Maryland | publisher = ] | quote = Not until the early 1960s does a major new development occur with the adoption by the Arab states bordering on the Gulf of the expression ''al-Khalij al-Arabi'' as a weapon in the psychological war with Iran for political influence in the Gulf; but the story of these events belongs to a subsequent chapter on modern political and diplomatic history of the Gulf. ''(p. xxxiii.)''| author-link = Clifford Edmund Bosworth }}</ref> "the Gulf" and other alternatives such as the "Gulf of Basra", as it was known during the ] rule of the region.<ref>{{cite web|title=The Coast of Arabia the Red Sea, and Persian Sea of Bassora Past the Straits of Hormuz to India, Gujarat and Cape Comorin|url=https://www.wdl.org/en/item/2914/|language=en|date=1707}}</ref> | |||
====Saudi Arabia==== | |||
] Al Majid Al Tikriti forced out tens of thousands of people of Persian origin from Iraq in the 1970s, after having been accused of being spies for ] and ]<ref>''Saddam: His Rise and Fall'', by Con Coughlin, 2005, ISBN 0060505435, p.148</ref><ref>Saddam Hussein: An American Obsession By Andrew Cockburn, Patrick Cockburn, ISBN 1859844227 p.80</ref>. Today, many of them live in ]<ref>''The Iraq War: Hidden Agendas and Babylonian Intrigue'', by Raphael Israeli, ISBN 1903900905, 2004, p.49</ref><ref>''A History of Iraq'', by Charles Tripp, ISBN 052152900X, 2002, p.230</ref>. | |||
{{further|Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict}} | |||
'']'' magazine, quoted in '']'', states, "] has become more dangerous than ] itself. The ] has come to renew the Persian presence in the region. This is the real clash of civilizations."<ref>The Times: ''An unholy alliance threatening catastrophe.'' Anatole Kaletsky. Jan 4, 2007.</ref> | |||
In response to accusations made by Iran's supreme leader ] ] that Saudi authorities were responsible for killing Muslims injured during the ], ], Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, stated in 2016 that Iranian leaders are descendants of ] and are "not Muslims."<ref>{{cite news|title=Saudi Arabia's top cleric says Iran's leaders 'not Muslims'|url=https://apnews.com/article/de39bb5b398a4a049b6574b0b1c3c963|access-date=2 December 2020|last1=al-Shihri|first1=Abdullah|last2=Batrawy|first2=Aya|work=]}}</ref> | |||
====Iran–Iraq War==== | |||
] an Anti-Iranian monument in Baghdad ]] | |||
Early on in his career, ] and ] ideologues targeted the Arabs of southwest ] in an endeavour to have them separate and join “the Arab nation”. <ref name=autogenerated1>Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography by Efraim Karsh, Inari Rautsi, Dr Joseph M Stowell- P145</ref>Saddam made no effort to conceal ] in his war against Iran (which he called "the second Battle of al-Qādisiyyah).<ref name=autogenerated1 /> An intense campaign of propaganda during his reign meant that many school children were taught that Iran provoked Iraq into invading and that the invasion was fully justified.<ref>Con Coughlin. Saddam: His Rise and Fall, page 19. ISBN 9780060505431: Quoted from Samir al-Khalil. Republic of Fear, 1989. University of California press. pg 17</ref> | |||
====Bahrain==== | |||
On ] ], a half-year before the outbreak of the war, in a visit by Saddām to al-Mustansiriyyah University in Baghdad, drawing parallels to the 7th-Century defeat of Persia in the ] he announced: | |||
{{further|Bahrain–Iran relations}} | |||
Since the Islamic Revolution, Bahrain and Iran have always been tense. In 1981, Bahraini ] fundamentalists orchestrated ] under the auspices of a front organisation, the ] in hope to install an Iran-based cleric to rule Bahrain.<ref> ''U.S. Library of Congress''</ref> Since then, the two countries do not enjoy strong relations. Iran's support for the ] increased tensions between Bahrain and Iran, with Bahrain accusing Iran of funding the protests to destabilize the island.<ref>Staff writer (16 March 2011). {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121024011948/http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2011/0316/breaking3.html |date=2012-10-24 }}. ] (via '']'').</ref><ref>{{cite web|date=16 March 2011 |url=http://www.isna.ir/ISNA/NewsView.aspx?ID=News-1735952&Lang=E |title=Iran FM Discusses Bahrain Crisis with UN, AL Chiefs |publisher=] |access-date=2 November 2016 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110318085822/http://isna.ir/ISNA/NewsView.aspx?ID=News-1735952&Lang=E |archive-date=18 March 2011 }}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=56562 |agency=IPS News |date=20 July 2011 |access-date=2 November 2016|title=Bitter Divides Persist Below Bahrain's Relatively Calm Surface |last=Slavin |first=Barbara |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110920035347/http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=56562 |archive-date=20 September 2011 }}</ref> Eventually, Bahrain cut ties with Iran in 2016 following the ] and the Iranian threat to Bahrain.<ref>{{Cite web|title=عن بنا {{!}} وكالة أنباء البحرين|url=https://www.bna.bh/AboutBNA.aspx?cms=iQRpheuphYtJ6pyXUGiNqladb1RZ0e3I|access-date=2021-03-27|website=www.bna.bh}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | url = https://www.wsj.com/articles/bahrain-severs-diplomatic-ties-with-iran-1451908884 | title = Bahrain Severs Diplomatic Ties with Iran | newspaper= Wall Street Journal | access-date = 2 November 2016 | author = Ahmed A Omran}}</ref> | |||
During the ] between Bahrain and Iran, Bahrain beat Iran 3–1, thus Iran lost the chance to qualify directly for the World Cup to rival Saudi Arabia. Bahrainis had waved the ] to demonstrate its solidarity with the Saudis and anti-Iranian sentiment.<ref>{{Cite web|title=History of Iran vs Bahrain|url=https://www.teammelli.com/2015/01/10/history-of-iran-vs-bahrain/|access-date=2021-03-27|website=www.teammelli.com|archive-date=2022-12-21|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221221151900/https://www.teammelli.com/2015/01/10/history-of-iran-vs-bahrain/|url-status=dead}}</ref> The same thing occurred ], with Bahrainis whistling at the ] and jeering at the Iranian team. The match also ended with a Bahraini victory.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2019-11-16|title=FIFA fines Bahrain after fans whistle Iran anthem|url=https://www.tehrantimes.com/news/442049/FIFA-fines-Bahrain-after-fans-whistle-Iran-anthem|access-date=2021-03-27|website=Tehran Times|language=en}}</ref> | |||
: "In your name, brothers, and on behalf of the Iraqis and Arabs everywhere we tell those cowards who try to avenge Al-Qadisiyah that the spirit of Al-Qadisiyah as well as the blood and honor of the people of Al-Qadisiyah who carried the message on their spearheads are greater than their attempts."<ref>Saddām, 'Address given'. Baghdād, ''Voice of the Masses in Arabic'', 1200 GMT 02 April 1980. FBIS-MEA-80-066. 03 April 1980, E2-3.)''</ref>{{Verify source|date=March 2008}} | |||
====Kuwait==== | |||
Saddam also accused Iranians of "murdering the second (Umar), third (Uthman), and fourth (Ali) Caliphs of Islam", invading the three islands of ] and ] in the "Arabic Gulf", and attempting to destroy the Arabic language and civilization.<ref>''Tallal Etrisi'' طلال عتریسی in: ''Arab-Iranian Relations'', edited by: Khair El-Din Haseeb. 1998. ISBN 1-86064-156-3</ref> | |||
{{See also|Kuwaiti Persian}} | |||
] (Ajam) are subjected to discrimination and xenophobic hate campaigns. The anti-] attitude of the Kuwaiti government towards ] will eventually lead to the disappearance of the language in Kuwaiti society, as Abdulmuhsen Dashti projects.<ref name=":13"/> The government of Kuwait tries to delegitimise the use of the language in as many domains as possible.<ref name=":13">{{Cite journal|date=2004|title=Language Maintenance or Shift? An Ethnographic Investigation of the Use of Farsi among Kuwaiti Ajams: A Case Study.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F_45YAAACAAJ|author=AbdulMohsen Dashti|journal=Arab Journal for the Humanities|volume=22|issue=87|pages=73–249}}</ref> | |||
The Persian language has been considered a significant threat to the dominant Sunni Arab population. The Kuwaiti television series Karimo attempted to address the ] of Kuwaitis of Iranian descent.<ref name="culture">{{cite book|author=Andrew Hammond|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OQTHEAAAQBAJ&dq=kuwaiti&pg=PT148|title=Pop Culture in North Africa and the Middle East: Entertainment and Society Around the World|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=California|date=2017|pages=143|isbn=9781440833847}}</ref> The show showed Kuwaiti actors speaking fluent Persian;<ref name="culture"/> which resulted in some racist discourse against the Ajam community.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QJ0DDDZ0vi8|title=كريمو مسلسل كويتي باللغة الفارسية|date=September 7, 2010|via=YouTube}}</ref> The ] channel advertised the show in Farsi and Arabic.<ref name="culture"/> | |||
It has often been claimed that Iraq recruited non-Iraqi Arabs during the war to balance the far superior number of Iranian forces on the ground.<ref>See the article میراث پان عربیسم in the journal مجله سیاسی-اقتصادی No. 209-210, p.12</ref> | |||
In 2009, it was estimated that 89% of Kuwaiti Ajam aged 40-70 spoke Persian fluently as their native language; whereas only 28% of Kuwaiti Ajam aged 12-22 spoke Persian.<ref name=":34"/> Cultural, political, and economic ] creates a strong incentive for Kuwaiti Ajam to abandon their language in favor of Arabic which is widely perceived as a more prestigious language. This happens because Kuwaiti Ajam families want to achieve a higher social status, have a better chance to get employment and/or acceptance in a given social network so they adopt the cultural and linguistic traits of socially dominant groups with ] to ] them, through various means of ] coercion. The generation of Kuwaiti Ajam born between 1983 and 1993 are reported to have a minimal proficiency in their language unlike the older generations of Kuwaiti Ajam.<ref name=":34">{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=z46ZEAAAQBAJ&dq=ajam%20language%20kuwait&pg=PA122|title=Arabic Sociolinguistics|editor=Enam Al-Wer |editor2=Uri Horesh |editor3=Bruno Herin |editor4=Rudolf De Jong |date=2020|pages=122–125|publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=9781316865521}}</ref><ref name=":12">{{Cite journal|date=2009|title=Ideology, Identity, and Linguistic Capital: A Sociolinguistic Investigation of Language Shift Among the Ajam of Kuwait|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RHyiQwAACAAJ|author=Batoul Hassan|journal=The University of Essex}}</ref> Since the 1980s and 1990s, many Kuwaiti Ajam parents have reported an unwillingness to pass the Persian language on to their children, as it will hurdle their integration into the ].<ref name=":34"/> The Ajam feel pressure to abandon ties that could be interpreted as showing belonging to Iran, as Persian is synonymous with Iranian, and the Persian language is actually called Iranian in Kuwaiti Arabic.<ref name=":12"/> In several interviews conducted by PhD student Batoul Hasan, Ajam youth have shown hesitation to use or learn Persian due to stigmatisation and prejudice in Kuwait.<ref name=":12"/><ref name=":34"/> | |||
In December 2006, Saddam Hussein said he would take responsibility "with honour" for any attacks on Iran using conventional or chemical weapons during the 1980-1988 war but he took issue with charges he ordered attacks on Iraqis.<ref></ref><ref></ref> | |||
In 2012, MP Muhammad Hassan al-Kandari called for a "firm legal action" against an advertisement for teaching the Persian language in ].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.alaan.cc/article/108712/ليس-مقبولاً-ربط-الشيعة-في-الخليج-بإيران..-بنظر-د.-صلاح-الفضلي-/|title=ليس مقبولاً ربط الشيعة في الخليج بإيران.. بنظر د. صلاح الفضلي|first=جريدة الآن|last=الالكترونية|website=Alaan Online Newspaper}}</ref> | |||
On the execution day, Saddam Hussein said: "I spent my whole life fighting the infidels and the intruders I destroyed the invaders and the Persians". He also stressed that the Iraqis should fight the Americans and the Persians.<ref></ref> Mowaffak al Rubiae, Iraq's National Security adviser, who was a witness to Saddam's execution described Saddam as repeatedly shouting "down with ]."<ref>{{cite news |title='A Historic Day For Iraq'|url=http://news.sky.com/skynews/video/videoplayer/0,,30000-witness_301206_0700,00.html|publisher=Sky News|date=2006-12-30|accessdate=2006-12-30}}</ref> Saddam has built an Anti-Iranian monument called ] in Baghdad in 1989 to commemorate his declaration of victory over Iran in the Iran-Iraq war (though the war was considered by many to have ended in stalemate). After falling of Saddam it was reported that the new Iraqi government had organized the Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era and that the Hands of Victory monument had begun to be dismantled. However the demolition of the monument was stoped later<ref></ref> | |||
] recognise Kuwaiti Persian as an ].<ref name="unesco">{{cite web|url=https://en.wal.unesco.org/languages/kuwaiti-persian|title=Kuwaiti Persian|work=]}}</ref> The decline of Kuwaiti Persian is a reflection of the forced homogeneity of Kuwait's national identity and marginalisation of ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity among Kuwaiti citizens.<ref name="lse">{{cite news|title=Monolithic Representations of 'Arabness': From the Arab Nationalists to the Arab Gulf|url=https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/mec/2018/12/18/monolithic-representations-of-arabness-from-the-arab-nationalists-to-the-arab-gulf/|author=Rana Almutawa|newspaper=Middle East Centre |date=18 December 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://manshoor.com/amp/politics-and-economics/kuwaiti-identity-nationalism/|title=رحلة البحث عن الهوية الكويتية: هل يؤثر التجنيس على الهوية الوطنية؟|author=Shaikha AlBahaweed|work=Manshoor|date=17 January 2023|language=Arabic}}</ref> Unlike ] and Dubai where the Ajam citizens still speak their language (including the youngest generations).<ref name=":98">{{Cite book |author=Rana AlMutawa|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oU3cEAAAQBAJ&dq=ajam+of+kuwait&pg=PA180|title=Everyday Life in the Spectacular City: Making Home in Dubai|page=180-181|year=2024| publisher=Univ of California Press |isbn=9780520395060}}</ref> | |||
====Other Arab states==== | |||
Some Arab states show hostility to Iran. ''Al-Salafi magazine'', quoted in ''The ]'', states: "Iran has become more dangerous than Israel itself. The Iranian revolution has come to renew the Persian presence in our region. This is the real clash of civilisations."<ref>The Times: ''An unholy alliance threatening catastrophe.'' Anatole Kaletsky. Jan 4, 2007. </ref> | |||
====Lebanon==== | |||
In January 2007 ]n King Abdullah said that attempts to convert Muslim Sunnis to the Shi'a branch of Islam will not succeed, and that Sunnis would always make up the majority of the world Muslims. Although Abdullah did not mention Iran by name, his comments appeared aimed at easing Arab concerns over the Persian Shi'a nation's growing influence in the Middle East. "We are following up on this matter and we are aware of the dimensions of spreading Shi'ism and where it has reached," Abdullah told the ]i Al-Siyassah daily. "However, we believe that this process will not achieve its goal because the majority of Sunni Muslims will never change their faith," he added. Ultimately, "the majority of Muslims seem immune to any attempts by other sects to penetrate it (Sunnism) or diminish its historical power." While there have been no specific examples of Iranians trying to convert Sunnis, Arabs fear such conversions would accompany Iran's growing powers.<ref></ref> | |||
{{further|Iran–Lebanon relations}} | |||
The ] saw Iran and its ally ] got antagonized by Lebanese protesters over the increasing economic decline and Iranian meddling on Lebanese sectarian system.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Collard|first=Rebecca|title=Untouchable No More: Hezbollah's Fading Reputation|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/27/lebanon-protests-hezbollah-fading-reputation/|access-date=2021-03-27|website=Foreign Policy|date=27 November 2019 |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Protests in Lebanon are a problem for Hezbollah|url=https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/lebanon-hezbollah-stands-against-protests|access-date=2021-03-27|website=www.lowyinstitute.org|language=en|archive-date=2020-11-27|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201127042430/https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/lebanon-hezbollah-stands-against-protests|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
====Jordan==== | |||
{{further|Iran–Jordan relations}} | |||
The outbreak of ] and subsequent establishment of an Islamic regime in Iran changed drastically relationship from positive to negative. Jordan immediately backed ] on the ] of 1980s<ref>{{cite journal|title=Between Iraq and a Hard Place: Jordanian-Iraqi Relations|first=Curtis|last=Ryan|date=19 March 2019|journal=Middle East Report|issue=215|pages=40–42|doi=10.2307/1520157|df=dmy-all|jstor=1520157|url=https://libres.uncg.edu/ir/asu/f/Ryan_Curtis_2000_RECAPP_Between%20Iraq%20and%20a%20Hard%20Place.pdf}}</ref> and Iran severed diplomatic tie with Jordan aftermath. Due to Jordan's support for Iraq, even during the ],<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1991/02/07/world/war-in-the-gulf-jordan-jordanian-ends-neutrality-assailing-allied-war-effort.html|title=WAR IN THE GULF: Jordan; Jordanian Ends Neutrality, Assailing Allied War Effort|first1=Alan|last1=Cowell|date=7 February 1991|access-date=19 March 2019|website=]|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180210011748/http://www.nytimes.com/1991/02/07/world/war-in-the-gulf-jordan-jordanian-ends-neutrality-assailing-allied-war-effort.html|archive-date=10 February 2018|url-status=live|df=dmy-all}}</ref> it took a decade before Iran and Jordan could normalize its relations. | |||
Furthermore, Jordanian solidarity with majority of its Gulf allies have further strained relationship with Iran and increases anti-Iranian sentiment.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1034206687|title=Jordan and Saudi Arabia draw closer|website=Country.eiu.com|access-date=19 March 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181206153443/http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1034206687|archive-date=6 December 2018|url-status=live|df=dmy-all}}</ref> Jordan has strongly opposed Iranian influence in Iraq and Syria, and has sought to work with Saudi Arabia, Israel and Russia to remove Iranian influence.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.memri.org/reports/concern-jordan-over-pro-iranian-forces-border|title=Concern In Jordan Over Pro-Iranian Forces On Border|website=Memri.org|access-date=19 March 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190208105914/https://www.memri.org/reports/concern-jordan-over-pro-iranian-forces-border|archive-date=8 February 2019|url-status=live|df=dmy-all}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20181002-iran-in-the-jordan-syria-relations/|title=Iran in Jordan-Syria relations|date=2 October 2018|website=Middle East Monitor|access-date=19 March 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181003123326/https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20181002-iran-in-the-jordan-syria-relations/|archive-date=3 October 2018|url-status=live|df=dmy-all}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/syria/.premium-iran-out-of-syria-jordan-s-king-and-israel-share-a-strategy-1.6177047|title=Analysis : The Jordanian King's Roller-coaster Ride Into Syria to Stop Iran|first=Zvi|last=Bar'el|date=17 June 2018|access-date=19 March 2019|website=Haaretz.com|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190206062825/https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/syria/.premium-iran-out-of-syria-jordan-s-king-and-israel-share-a-strategy-1.6177047|archive-date=6 February 2019|url-status=live|df=dmy-all}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://rasanah-iiis.org/english/centre-for-researches-and-studies/jordan-iran-relations-history-and-future/|title=Jordan-Iran Relations: History and Future|date=2016-12-27|website=International Institute for Iranian Studies|language=ar|access-date=2020-02-18}}</ref> | |||
In 2017, Jordan summoned the Iranian envoy over its political remarks calling for anti-kingdom uprisings among Arab countries.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Jordan summons Iranian ambassador to protest Iranian official's remarks|url=http://www.xinhuanet.com//english/2017-04/10/c_136194719.htm|access-date=2021-03-27|website=Xinhua {{!}} English.news.cn}}</ref> | |||
===Al-Qaida === | |||
] has been increasingly singling out Iran and Shiites, describing the "Persians" as the enemy of Arabs and complicit in the occupation of Iraq <ref>Copyright © 2008 Yahoo! Inc</ref>. | |||
==In the Netherlands== | |||
The requests of the Ministry of Education and Foreign Affairs of the ] to monitor Iranian students has led to a situation that Iranian students cannot educate in ] in the city of ] and ] in the city of ]. The latter university has even asked the ] (the Dutch intelligence service) to monitor the Iranian students. AIVD stated that it was not their duty to do this, and the University has decided to stop admitting any applicants from Iran no matter what degree they are seeking. The reason provided by the Dutch government is that it fears the theft of sensitive nuclear information to assist the Iranian government to construct nuclear weapons. Remarkably only students from Iran are excluded and not from all countries which violate ] resolutions (e.g. Pakistan, India, North korea, Israel). <ref> http://www.nisnews.nl/public/030108_2.htm </ref> | |||
Iranians are the only category in the Netherlands that were placed under such restriction<ref></ref> and it was the first time after the ] occupation during the ] that in this part of Europe restrictions were put on people based upon ethnicity, religion or race. ], a parliamentarian of the ] (SP) ,condemned this '']'', using a German word which is associated with the ] <ref></ref>.<ref></ref> Although the Dutch authorities state that the ]'s resolution 1737 (2006) authorizes them and obliges all member states of the UN to take such a measure, the Netherlands remains the only country to have done so.<ref>http://iraansestudenten.nl/docs/briefiraansestudenten.pdf</ref> | |||
== |
===Al-Qaeda=== | ||
], leader of ] since 2011, singled out Iran and ] in his messages over the years, claiming in 2008 that "Persians" are the enemy of Arabs and that Iran cooperated with the U.S. during the ].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna26611113|title=Al-Qaida tape blasts Iran for working with U.S.|date=September 8, 2008|agency=]|access-date=December 2, 2020}}</ref> | |||
{{see also|Human rights of Kurdish people in Turkey}} | |||
Iran's Minister of Culture ] has called the disrespect to the Persian ] by some Pan-Turkists, as the "introduction to Anti-Iranianism".<ref></ref>{{Rs|date=January 2008}} Azeri-Canadian pyschologist ] claims that pan-Turkist groups have encouraged anti-Iranian sentiments.<ref>{{verify credibility}}</ref> | |||
==In the United States== | |||
Historically the ] Muslims were discriminated in the Ottoman Empire as they were associated with their Iranian neighbors. In Turkey relatively large communities of ], ] and ] are ] ], while some areas in the Eastern Anatolia, notably ] and ] are ]. Even in modern Turkey, Kurds and other Iranic peoples are targets of discrimination and violence (e.g. the 1993 ] Massacre). <ref>Karin Vorhoff. 1995. Zwischen Glaube, Nation und neuer Gemeinschaft: Alevitische Identitat in der Türkei der Gegenwart, pp. 107-108.</ref> | |||
{{See also|Iranian Americans|Iran–United States relations|Definitions of whiteness in the United States}} | |||
] all ]ians, get the hell out of my country"during a 1979 ], student protest of the ''']'''.]] | |||
===Residential segregation=== | |||
In 2008 the celebration of ], the traditional new year celebration of the ] by Kurds resulted into two deaths and the arrest of 130 Kurds by the Turkish riot police. <ref></ref> <ref></ref> | |||
Between the 1920s and the 1960s, some houses in the ] neighborhood of ], a suburb of Washington, D.C., included anti-Iranian language in racial covenants that were part of property deeds. One deed in Rock Creek Hills declared that homes in the neighborhood "shall never be used or occupied by...negroes or any person or persons, of negro blood or extraction, or to any person of the Semitic Race, blood or origin, or Jews, Armenians, Hebrews, Persians and Syrians, except...partial occupancy of the premises by domestic servants."<ref name="Racist housing covenants">{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/racist-housing-covenants/2020/10/21/9d262738-0261-11eb-8879-7663b816bfa5_story.html |title=Racist housing covenants haunt property records across the country. New laws make them easier to remove. |newspaper=] |accessdate=2024-01-23}}</ref> | |||
=== Iran's Islamic Revolution === | |||
Although Turkey under ] and ] has good relations with Iran, December 2007 the Turkish Ambassador to ] assured the Israeli side that Turkey will offer support to some Iranian regionalist movements and their allies in the republic of ] and made some ] claims towards the Iranian nation and its national unity.<ref> Congress of Azerbaijanis in Middle East is Genuine Lobby of Turkic World for Protection of Azerbaijan and Turkey – Turkish Ambassador to Israel | |||
03.12.07 18:35 | http://news.trendaz.com/index.shtml?show=news&newsid=1087439&lang=EN</ref> | |||
== |
==== Iran hostage crisis ==== | ||
The ] of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979 precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the US have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.<ref>{{cite news|first=Mehdi|last=Bozorgmehr|title=No solidarity: Iranians in the U.S.|url=http://www.Iranian.com/Opinion/2001/May/Iranians/index.html#3a|work=The Iranian|date=2001-05-02|access-date=2007-02-02| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070210193243/http://www.iranian.com/Opinion/2001/May/Iranians/index.html| archive-date= 10 February 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> | |||
] meets ] on ] - ] ]. Rumsfeld visited again on ] ], the day the UN reported that Iraq had used ] and ] nerve agent against Iranian troops. During the 1980s, the United States maintained '''cordial relations with Saddam''' as a bulwark against Iran. The ] reported from Baghdad on ] ], that "'''American diplomats pronounce themselves satisfied with Iraq''' and the U.S., and suggest that normal diplomatic ties have been established in all but name."<ref name=autogenerated2>]: http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82</ref>]] | |||
The November 1979 ] of the U.S. embassy in Tehran precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, directed both against the ] and Iranian nationals and immigrants. And even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981, they sometimes flare up.{{Fact|date=April 2008}} In response, some Iranian immigrants to the U.S. have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.<ref>{{cite news|first=Mehdi|last=Bozorgmehr|title=No solidarity: Iranians in the U.S.|url=http://www.Iranian.com/Opinion/2001/May/Iranians/index.html#3a|work=The Iranian|date=]|accessdate=2007-02-02}}</ref> | |||
In October 2007, ], a senior Pentagon official, shocked a group of ] MPs by saying ''"I hate all Iranians" ''<ref name=autogenerated3></ref> | |||
According to the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans (PAAIA), nearly half of Iranian Americans surveyed in 2008 by ] have themselves experienced or personally know another Iranian American who has experienced discrimination because of their ethnicity or country of origin. The most common types of discrimination reported are airport security, ], employment or business discrimination, ] and discrimination at the hands of immigration officials.<ref>{{cite web|title=Survey of Iranian Americans: 84% Support Establishing U.S. Interest Section in Iran|url=http://www.payvand.com/news/08/dec/1117.html|access-date=8 February 2015}}</ref> | |||
=== Active support for Saddam against Iran === | |||
For three decades (starting in 1979), a BBQ restaurant in Houston, Texas hung an anti-Iranian poster featuring a re-enactment of ].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Falkenberg|first=Lisa|date=2011-11-10|title=Falkenberg: Anti-Iranian poster 'history, not hate' at Texan's joint|url=https://www.chron.com/news/columnists/falkenberg/article/Falkenberg-Anti-Iranian-poster-history-not-2261350.php|access-date=2022-02-11|website=Chron|language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite web|last=Casiano|first=Louis|date=2011-11-06|title=BBQ joint with 'Iranian' poster draws fans and foes|url=https://www.chron.com/news/houston-texas/article/BBQ-joint-with-Iranian-poster-draws-fans-and-2254303.php|access-date=2022-02-11|website=Chron|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Rufca|first=Sarah|date=November 4, 2011|title=Why I can't feign outrage at the racist Iranian hanging poster in a Katy barbecue restaurant|url=https://houston.culturemap.com/news/restaurants-bars/11-04-11-why-i-cant-feign-outrage-at-the-racist-iranian-hanging-poster-in-a-katy-barbecue-restaurant/|access-date=2022-02-11|website=CultureMap Houston|language=en}}</ref> This restaurant poster has drawn both protesters and fans to the restaurant in 2011.<ref name=":1" /><ref>{{Cite web|last=Ambrose|first=Amber|date=2011-11-04|title=A Side of Lynching With Your Barbecue Plate|url=https://houston.eater.com/2011/11/4/6638977/a-side-of-lynching-with-your-barbecue-plate|access-date=2022-02-11|website=Eater Houston|language=en}}</ref> | |||
{{seealso|U.S. support for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war}} | |||
] is an American-born Canadian sociologist and author, with a focus on the racialization of migrants from Iran, as well as the entire ] region.<ref>{{Cite web|last1=Nasir|first1=Noreen|last2=Contreras|first2=Russell|date=February 5, 2020|title='Othered' in the US: Old Story Plays Out Daily|url=http://www.newspapers.com/image/646060041/|url-access=subscription|access-date=2022-02-11|website=Newspapers.com|publisher=The Herald-Sun, Associated Press|page=A8|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Taxin|first=Amy|date=February 13, 2019|title=After The 1979 Revolution|url=http://www.newspapers.com/image/592266919/|url-access=subscription|access-date=2022-02-11|website=Newspapers.com|publisher=The Desert Sun|pages=A11, A14|language=en}}</ref> | |||
The USA actively supported ] in his ]. (Note however that there was also ].) The USA supported Saddam by supplying him with intelligence,<ref> Bob Woodward, "CIA Aiding Iraq in Gulf War; Target Data From U.S. Satellites Supplied for Nearly Two Years," ], 15 December 1986.</ref> economic aid, weapons,<ref>See: http://www.iranchamber.com/history/articles/arming_iraq.php</ref> and by normalizing relations with Saddam's government, broken during the 1967 ]. President Ronald Reagan had decided that the United States ''"could not afford to allow Iraq to lose the war to Iran"'', and that the United States ''"would do whatever was necessary to prevent Iraq from losing the war with Iran."''<ref>See statement by former ] official Howard Teicher, dated 1/31/95, to the US District Court, Southern District of Florida: | |||
*UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, Plaintiff, v. Case No. 93-241-CR-HIGHSMITH, CARLOS CARDOEN, FRANCO SAFTA, JORGE BURR, INDUSTRIAS CARDOEN LIMITADA, DECLARATION OF a/k/a INCAR, HOWARD TEICHER, SWISSCO MANAGEMENT GROUP, INC. EDWARD A. JOHNSON, RONALD W. GRIFFIN, and TELEDYNE INDUSTRIES, INC., d/b/a, TELEDYNE WAH CHANG ALBANY. 1/31/95. A link about the trial: http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=1291</ref> President Reagan formalized this policy by issuing a National Security Decision Directive ("NSDD") to this effect in June, 1982.<ref>''Ibid.''</ref> | |||
==== Iran–United States conflict ==== | |||
During the 1980s, the United States maintained ''cordial relations with Saddam'' as a bulwark against Iran. After Rumsfeld's visit on ] ], the day the UN reported that Iraq had used ] and ] nerve agent against Iranian troops, the ] reported from Baghdad on ] ], that "''American diplomats pronounce themselves satisfied with Iraq'' and the U.S., and suggest that normal diplomatic ties have been established in all but name."<ref name=autogenerated2 />] | |||
In January 2020, the fear of “Iranophobia” has raised in the Iranian-American community by ] of top Iranian commander ] led to an intensifying crisis between Iran and the United States. Following some reactions of the United States including, patrols of Law enforcement in streets Lily Tajaddini, an Iranian-American activist in Washington, DC, declared “Posts like this insinuate that Iran is a terrorist country and thus Iranians are terrorists. It makes people feel scared to say they are Iranian in fear of how others might react”.The news tells people that Iranians are terrorists.<ref name="Samira"/> | |||
A survey conducted by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans (a non-profit for Iranian Americans) mentioned that "more than 50 percent of Iranian Americans oppose any kind of action by the US against Iran". Mana Kharrazi, an Iranian-American community organizer reported that violent reactions on Iran were not accepted by some parts of the Iranian-American community.<ref name="Samira">{{cite web |last1=Sadeque |first1=Samira |title=Fears of increased 'Iranophobia' grip Iranian-American community |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/1/29/fears-of-increased-iranophobia-grip-iranian-american-community |website=aljazeera}}</ref> | |||
] (IR655) was a commercial flight operated by Iran Air that flew from Bandar Abbas, Iran to Dubai, UAE. On Sunday July 3, 1988, towards the end of the Iran Iraq War, the aircraft flying IR655 was shot down by the U.S. Navy guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes between Bandar Abbas and Dubai, killing all 290 civilians, among whom 66 children. The Vincennes was inside Iranian territorial waters at the time. The men of the ''Vincennes'' were all awarded combat-action ribbons. Lustig, the air-warfare co-ordinator, won the navy’s ] for "heroic achievement," ... to "quickly and precisely complete the firing procedure"<ref> Retrieved September 13, 2006</ref> | |||
===Depictions of Iranians in Hollywood=== | |||
===Anti-Iranian sentiments in the media=== | |||
Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has vilified Iranians as in<ref>''The U.S. Media and the Middle East: Image and Perception''. Praeger, 1997; Greenwood, 1995.</ref> television programs such as '']'',<ref>''Los Angeles Times'': June 27, 2010.</ref> '']'', '']'' (1986),<ref>, ''The New York Times''.</ref> and '']'' (1981), which was based on a true story.<ref>"", (1981) (TV), IMDB.</ref> Critics maintain that Hollywood's "tall walls of exclusion and discrimination have yet to crumble when it comes to the movie industry's persistent misrepresentation of Iranians and their ]".<ref>{{cite web | |||
] has referred to Iranians as "ragheads",<ref></ref> and ] has called the Iranian people "rug merchants." Additionally, the ] recently ran a cartoon that portrayed Iran as a sewer with ] crawling out of it.<ref></ref> ], a close advisor to United States president George W. Bush, during a meeting with visiting British MPs, stated that "I hate all Iranians", reported by ] newspaper.<ref name=autogenerated3 /> | |||
|url = http://www.campaigniran.org/casmii/index.php?q=node/1646 | |||
|title = 'Axis of Evil' Seeps into Hollywood | |||
|publisher = Asia Times | |||
|date = March 15, 2007 | |||
|access-date = March 26, 2007 | |||
|archive-date = September 27, 2007 | |||
|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20070927075419/http://www.campaigniran.org/casmii/index.php?q=node/1646 | |||
|url-status = dead | |||
}}</ref> In March 2013, Iran complained to Hollywood about various films, such as ]'s Oscar-winning '']'', that portray the country in an unrealistically negative light.<ref name="theguardian"/> | |||
For decades, U.S. entertainment companies have been tried to illustrate Iran as a bloodthirsty country concerned about "bringing down America".<ref name="washington">{{cite news |last1=Zeitchik |first1=Steven |title=The Trump administration is seeking to demonize Iran. Hollywood has been doing that for years. |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/01/14/trump-administration-is-seeking-demonize-iran-hollywood-has-been-doing-that-years/ |newspaper=washington post}}</ref> | |||
Other example of the stereotyping the Iranians as terrorist, awkward, ill-groomed and anti-West is found in ]s. These sagas (comic books) are more than just entertainments, at least to many readers; they are the post-industrial equivalent of folk tales and as such, they have gone pretty deeply into a lot of psyches. In ''''']''''', ] comes to blows with the ], who is trying to sell ] extremists a ]. Batman follows the Joker, who escapes to ]. There the Joker meets ] ] who appoints him as Iranian Ambassador to the ]. The Joker addresses the ], saying he and the "country's current leaders... have a lot in common", before lethally gassing the assembly.<ref name="SHAHEEN">{{cite web |title=The Comic Book Arab|publisher=AMEU|work=The Link|url=http://www.ameu.org/page.asp?iid=142&aid=186&pg=1 |accessdate=May 25 |accessyear=2008 |date=November - December, 1991 |author=Shaheen, Jack}}</ref>The mentioning of Iran was later ] to the fictional Middle Eastern state of ], and panel with the image of the Ayatollah removed. ] first appears in comic book ] as a 17-year-old Muslim boy from ] (as stated in ''The Ultimates'' v2 #12) who witnesses ]'s led invasion of his country. Outraged, he becomes the Middle East counterpart to Captain America, then killed by Captain America. | |||
] #429, the ], a ] super-villain is garbed in Arabian<ref name="SHAHEEN"><!-- page 1, line 15 from the bottom of the page --></ref>clothing, is shown allied with the Iranians]] | |||
=== |
====''Not Without My Daughter'' (1991)==== | ||
The 1991 film '']'' was criticized for its portrayal of Iranian society. Filmed in ], it was based on an autobiography ] by ]. In the book and film, an American woman (Mahmoody) traveled to Tehran with her young daughter to visit her Iranian-born family of her husband. Mahmoody's husband then undergoes a strange transformation in Iran, ranging from an educated and sophisticated citizen to an abusive, backwards peasant, eventually deciding that they will not return to the United States. Betty is told that she can divorce him and leave, but their daughter must stay in Tehran under ]. Ultimately, after 18 months in Iran, Betty and her daughter escape to the American embassy in Turkey. | |||
{{Expand|section|date=April 2008}} | |||
Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has gradually shown signs of vilifying Iranians.<ref>See detailed analysis in: ''The U.S. Media and the Middle East: Image and Perception''. Praeger, 1997; Greenwood, 1995.</ref> Hollywood network productions such as '']'',<ref></ref> '']'', '']'' (1986),<ref></ref> ''Escape From Iran: The Canadian Caper'' (1981) (based on a true story),<ref></ref> | |||
Several Western critics, including ] of the '']'' and Caryn James of '']'', criticized the film for stereotyping Iranians as misogynistic and fanatical. According to Ebert, the film depicts Islamic society "in shrill terms", where women are "willing or unwilling captives of their men", deprived of "what in the West would be considered basic ]". Furthermore, Ebert says, "No attempt is made—deliberately, I assume—to explain the Muslim point of view, except in rigid sets of commands and rote statements".<ref>{{cite news|last=Ebert|first=Roger|title=Not Without My Daughter|publisher=Chicago Sun Times|date=1991-01-11|url=http://rogerebert.suntimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/19910111/REVIEWS/101110303/1023|access-date=2007-03-20|author-link=Roger Ebert|archive-date=2011-06-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110605191101/http://rogerebert.suntimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=%2F19910111%2FREVIEWS%2F101110303%2F1023|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|work=The New York Times|last=James|first=Caryn|title=Embrace the Stereotype; Kiss the Movie Goodbye|date=1991-01-27|access-date=2007-03-20|url=http://movies2.nytimes.com/mem/movies/review.html?res=9D0CE3DE1630F934A15752C0A967958260}}</ref> Ebert then contends, "If a movie of such a vitriolic and spiteful nature were to be made in America about any other ethnic group, it would be denounced as racist and prejudiced."<ref>Ebert, Roger. "Not Without My Daughter", '']'', January 11, 1991.</ref> | |||
According to Kaveh Afrasiabi: | |||
:"Hollywood's tall walls of exclusion and discrimination have yet to crumble when it comes to the movie industry's persistent misrepresentation of Iranians and their collective identity immersed in a long thread of history."<ref>"'Axis of evil' seeps into Hollywood". Asia Times. March 15, 2007. Link: </ref> | |||
According to Jane Campbell, the film "only serves to reinforce the media stereotype of Iranians as terrorists who, if not actively bombing public buildings or holding airline passengers hostage, are untrustworthy, irrational, cruel, and barbaric."<ref>{{cite book|last=Campbell |first=J. |title=Portrayals of Iranians in U.S. Motion Pictures|year= 1997|page= 180}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.Iranian.com/Opinion/Aug98/Media/index.html|title=THE IRANIAN: Features, Iranins in U.S. media, Yahya Kamalipour|work=iranian.com}}</ref> | |||
Some of Hollywood's "stereotypical"<ref></ref> and anti-Iranian movies include: '']'' (in which a character, apparently without any context, says "Fuck Iran"), '']'' (in which several mobs join together to demolish an Iranian mob operating in Canada), '']'' (partially centering upon a wealthy Iranian who is in the process of divorcing his American wife. In one scene, the wife, speaking to her Iranian husband utters "you goddamn towel heads, sand rats"), '']'' (Defense Secretary of US using the term "Arabian Gulf" instead of the Persian Gulf, another character saying "... this is way too smart for Iranian scientists")'']'', '']'', '']'', '']'', ''] (1985)'', '']'', '']''. | |||
The film was also criticized in Iran. A 2002 ] article claimed that the film " smears...against Iran" and "stereotyped Iranians as cruel characters and wife-beaters". In a Finnish documentary, '']'',<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.netnative.com/news/02/nov/1078.html|title=Finnish documentary counters anti-Iran propaganda in US film|work=netnative.com|access-date=2007-03-15|archive-date=2007-02-20|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070220204740/http://www.netnative.com/news/02/nov/1078.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> film maker ] tells Mahmoody's husband's side of the story, showing Iranian eyewitnesses accusing the Hollywood film of spreading lies and "treasons". Alice Sharif, an American woman living with her Iranian husband in Tehran, accuses Mahmoody and the filmmakers of deliberately attempting to foment anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.netnative.com/news/02/nov/1078.html|title=Finnish documentary counters anti-Iran propaganda in US film|date=2002-11-22|publisher=Islamic Republic News Agency|format=reprint|access-date=2007-03-20| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070220204740/http://www.netnative.com/news/02/nov/1078.html| archive-date= 20 February 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|publisher=]|url=https://www.variety.com/review/VE1117920473.html?categoryid=31&cs=1|title=Without My Daughter|last=Nesselson|first=Lisa|date=2003-04-10|access-date=2007-03-20}}</ref> | |||
Examples of recent films displaying these tendencies are ], ''Alexander'', and ]. | |||
===='' |
====''Alexander'' (2004)==== | ||
The 2004 film '']'' by American director ] has been accused of negative and inaccurate portrayal of Persians. In particular, according to historian ], the Persian soldiers who fought at the ] are wrongly portrayed as unclean, disorganized, and wearing ]s, in contrast to the well-disciplined Greek army.<ref>"", ''RadioFreeEurope''.</ref> The destruction of Persepolis was done by Alexander who is a hated figure in eyes of Iranians.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Tait |first1=Robert |title=Hollywood film accused of insulting Iran |url=https://www.theguardian.com/film/2008/dec/13/usa-iran-the-wrestler |website=the guardian|date=13 December 2008 }}</ref> According to Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones, Professor of Ancient History at ]: "Oliver Stone's movie ''Alexander'' (2004) displays all the familiar ] notions about the inferiority and picturesqueness of Eastern societies. So much so, indeed, that in terms of its portrayal of East–West relationships, ''Alexander'' has to be seen as a stale cultural statement and a worn-out reflection of the continuing Western preoccupation with an imaginary exotic Orient."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Llewellyn-Jones |first1=Lloyd |editor1-last=Daryaee |editor1-first=Touraj |editor1-link=Touraj Daryaee |title=King of the Seven Climes: A History of the Ancient Iranian World (3000 BCE - 651 CE) |date=2017 |publisher=UCI Jordan Center for Persian Studies|location=Irvine, CA |isbn=978-0692864401|page=64 |chapter=The Achaemenid Empire}}</ref> | |||
The 1991 film '']'' was criticized for its portrayal of Iranian society. Filmed in ], it was based on the ]-nominated autobiography by ]. In the book and film, an American woman (Mahmoody) traveled to Tehran with her young daughter to visit her Iranian-born husband's family. Mahmoody's husband then undergoes a transformation in Iran, becoming increasingly domineering and abusive, eventually deciding that they will not return to the United States. Betty is told that she can leave, but their daughter must stay in Tehran. Ultimately, after 18 months in Iran, Betty and her daughter escape to the United States. | |||
====''300'' (2007)==== | |||
Several Western critics, including ] of the '']'' and Caryn James of '']'', criticized the film for stereotyping Iranians as misogynistic and fanatical. According to Ebert, the film depicts Islamic society "in shrill terms," where women are "willing or unwilling captives of their men," deprived "of what in the West would be considered basic human rights." Further, Ebert says: "No attempt is made - deliberately, I assume - to explain the Muslim point of view, except in rigid sets of commands and rote statements."<ref>{{cite news|last=Ebert|first=Roger|title=Not Without My Daughter|publisher=Chicago Sun Times|date=]|url=http://rogerebert.suntimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/19910111/REVIEWS/101110303/1023|accessdate=2007-03-20|authorlink=Roger Ebert}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|publisher=The New York Times|last=James|first=Caryn|title=Embrace the Stereotype; Kiss the Movie Goodbye|date=]|accessdate=2007-03-20|url=http://movies2.nytimes.com/mem/movies/review.html?res=9D0CE3DE1630F934A15752C0A967958260}}</ref> Ebert then contends: | |||
The 2007 ] '']'' by ], an ] of ]'s 1998 ] ], was criticized for its portrayal of combatants, perceived as racist,<ref>{{cite news |title=A racist gorefest |work=The Guardian |access-date=2007-03-21 |url=http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/masoud_golsorkhi/2007/03/the_release_of_the_box.html | location=London | first=Masoud | last=Golsorkhi | date=2007-03-19| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070321231252/http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/masoud_golsorkhi/2007/03/the_release_of_the_box.html| archive-date= 21 March 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> in the Persian army at the ]. Reviewers in the United States and elsewhere "noted the political overtones of the West-against-Iran story line and the way Persians are depicted as ], sexually flamboyant and evil in contrast to the noble Greeks".<ref>{{cite news|last=Karimi |first=Nasser |agency=Associated Press |format=reprint |title=Iranians Outraged by '300' Movie |url=http://film.guardian.co.uk/apnews/story/0,,-6478028,00.html |date=2007-03-13 |access-date=2007-03-14 |location=London |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070317053547/http://film.guardian.co.uk/apnews/story/0%2C%2C-6478028%2C00.html |archive-date=17 March 2007 |url-status=dead }}</ref> With bootleg versions of the film already available in ] with the film's international release and news of the film's surprising success at the U.S. ], it prompted widespread anger in Iran. ] of '']'' reported, "All of Tehran was outraged. Everywhere I went yesterday, the talk vibrated with indignation over the film".<ref name="300 v. 70m">{{cite news|last=Moaveni |first=Azadeh |publisher=] |title=''300'' Versus 70 Million Iranians |date=2007-03-13 |access-date=2007-03-14 |url=http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1598886,00.html?cnn=yes |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070316101637/http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0%2C8599%2C1598886%2C00.html?cnn=yes |archive-date=16 March 2007 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Newspapers in Iran featured headlines such as "Hollywood declares war on Iranians" and "300 AGAINST 70 MILLION" (Iran's population). '']'', an independent Iranian newspaper, said that "he film depicts Iranians as demons, without culture, feeling or humanity, who think of nothing except attacking other nations and killing people".<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> Four Iranian ] have called for Muslim countries to ban the film,<ref name="the guardian">{{cite news|last=Tait |first=Robert |work=The Guardian |date=2007-03-14 |access-date=2007-03-14 |title=Iran accuses Hollywood of 'psychological warfare' |url=http://film.guardian.co.uk/news/story/0,,2033630,00.html |location=London |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070317054239/http://film.guardian.co.uk/news/story/0%2C%2C2033630%2C00.html |archive-date=17 March 2007 |url-status=live }}</ref> and a group of Iranian film makers submitted a letter of protest to ] regarding the film's alleged misrepresentation of Iranian history and culture.<ref>See '']'' newspaper, accessed March 15, 2007 {{cite web|url=http://www.baztab.ir/news/63042.php |title=اعتراض كارگردانان ايراني به سكوت يونسكو در برابر فيلم "300" |access-date=2007-03-15 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070317200620/http://www.baztab.ir/news/63042.php |archive-date=2007-03-17 }}</ref> Iran's cultural advisor to president ] has called the film an "American attempt for ] against Iran".<ref>{{cite news |title=واكنش مشاور رئیس جمهور به فیلم 300 |publisher=Sharif News |access-date=2007-03-21 |url=http://sharifnews.com/?22728| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20070316101445/http://www.sharifnews.com/?22728| archive-date= 16 March 2007 | url-status= live}}</ref> | |||
{{cquote|If a movie of such a vitriolic and spiteful nature were to be made in America about any other ethnic group, it would be denounced as racist and prejudiced.<ref>Ebert, Roger. ''Not Without My Daughter'', ], January 11, 1991.</ref>}} | |||
Moaveni identified two factors which may have contributed to the intensity of Iranian indignation over the film. First, she describes the timing of the film's release, on the eve of Norouz (]), the Persian ], as "inauspicious." Second, Iranians tend to view the era depicted in the film as "a particularly noble page in their history". Moaveni also suggests that "the box office success of ''300'', compared with the relative flop of ''Alexander'' (another spurious period epic dealing with Persians), is cause for considerable alarm, signaling ominous U.S. intentions".<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> | |||
According to Jane Campbell, the film | |||
According to '']'', Iranian critics of ''300'', ranging from bloggers to government officials, have described the movie "as a calculated attempt to demonise Iran at a time of intensifying U.S. pressure over the country's nuclear programme".<ref name="the guardian"/> An Iranian government ] described the film as "hostile behavior which is the result of cultural and psychological warfare".<ref name="the guardian"/> Moaveni reported that the Iranians she interacted with were "adamant that the movie was secretly funded by the U.S. government to prepare Americans for going to war against Iran".<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> | |||
{{cquote|...only serves to reinforce the media stereotype of Iranians as terrorists who, if not actively bombing public buildings or holding airline passengers hostage, are untrustworthy, irrational, cruel, and barbaric.<ref> Campbell, J. ''Portrayals of Iranians in U.S. Motion Pictures''. 1997. p.180. Also see </ref>.}} | |||
] of ] states, "If ''300'', the new battle epic based on the graphic novel by Frank Miller and Lynn Varley, had been made in ], it would be studied today alongside '']'' as a textbook example of how ] fantasy and ] myth can serve as an incitement to ]. Since it is a product of the post-ideological, post-] 21st century, ''300'' will instead be talked about as a technical achievement, the next blip on the increasingly blurry line between movies and video games.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.slate.com/id/2161450 |title=A Movie Only a Spartan Could Love |author=Stevens, Dana |publisher=] |date=March 8, 2007 |access-date=2008-06-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080617221745/http://www.slate.com/id/2161450 |archive-date=17 June 2008 |url-status=live }}</ref> | |||
The film was also criticized in Iran. A 2002 ] article claimed that the film made " smears... against Iran" and "stereotyped Iranians as cruel characters and wife-beaters". In a Finnish documentary, ''Without My Daughter'',<ref></ref> film maker ] tells Mahmoody's husband's side of the story, showing Iranian eyewitnesses accusing the Hollywood film of spreading lies and "treasons". Alice Sharif, an American woman living with her Iranian husband in Tehran, accuses Mahmoody and the filmmakers of deliberately attempting to foment anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.netnative.com/news/02/nov/1078.html|title=Finnish documentary counters anti-Iran propaganda in US film|date=]|publisher=Islamic Republic News Agency|format=reprint|accessdate=2007-03-20}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|publisher=]|url=http://www.variety.com/review/VE1117920473.html?categoryid=31&cs=1|title=Without My Daughter|last=Nesselson|first=Lisa|date=]|accessdate=2007-03-20}}</ref> | |||
===='' |
====''Argo'' (2012)==== | ||
'']'' has not been shown in public in Iran. It narrates the story of the 1979 ] and in particular ] by the ]. The film faced several reactions from supporters of the Islamic republic and opponents. The film was criticized for a negative portrayal of Iranians, including both revolutionaries and civilians.<ref name="theguardian">{{cite web |last1=Kamali Dehghan |first1=Saeed |title=Iran to sue Hollywood over a series of films, including the Oscar-winning Argo |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/mar/12/iran-sue-hollywood-distorting-image |website=The Guardian|date=12 March 2013 }}</ref> | |||
The 2004 film ], by American director ], has been accused of negative and inaccurate portrayal of Persians.<ref></ref><ref></ref> | |||
==In the Netherlands== | |||
====''300''==== | |||
The 2007 film ], an ] of ]'s 1998 ], was widely criticized for its "racist"<ref>{{cite news |title=A racist gorefest |publisher=] |accessdate=2007-03-21 |url=http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/masoud_golsorkhi/2007/03/the_release_of_the_box.html}}</ref> portrayal of Persian combatants at the ]. Reviewers in the United States and elsewhere "noted the political overtones of the West-against-Iran story line – and the way Persians are depicted as ], sexually flamboyant and evil in contrast to the noble Greeks." (It should be noted Frank Miller did refer to many backwards and uncivilized aspects of Greek society.)<ref>{{cite news |last=Karimi |first=Nasser |publisher=] |format=reprint |title=Iranians Outraged by `300' Movie |url=http://film.guardian.co.uk/apnews/story/0,,-6478028,00.html |date=] |accessdate=2007-03-14}}</ref> With bootleg versions of the film already available in ] with the film's international release and news of the film's surprising success at the U.S. ] prompted widespread anger in that country. ] of '']'' reported: "All of Tehran was outraged. Everywhere I went yesterday, the talk vibrated with indignation over the film..."<ref name="300 v. 70m">{{cite news |last=Moaveni |first=Azadeh |publisher=] |title=''300'' Versus 70 Million Iranians |date=] |accessdate=2007-03-14 |url=http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1598886,00.html?cnn=yes}}</ref> Newspapers in Iran featured headlines such as "Hollywood declares war on Iranians" and "300 AGAINST 70 MILLION" (Iran's population). '']'', an independent Iranian newspaper, said that "he film depicts Iranians as demons, without culture, feeling or humanity, who think of nothing except attacking other nations and killing people"<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> Four Iranian ] have called for Muslim countries to ban the film,<ref name="the guardian">{{cite news|last=Tait|first=Robert|publisher=]|date=]|accessdate=2007-03-14|title=Iran accuses Hollywood of 'psychological warfare'|url=http://film.guardian.co.uk/news/story/0,,2033630,00.html }}</ref> and a group of Iranian film makers have submitted a letter of protest to ] regarding the film's alleged misrepresentation of Iranian history and culture.<ref>See ] newspaper accessed March 15, 2007: http://www.baztab.ir/news/63042.php</ref> Iran's cultural advisor to president ] has called the film an "American attempt for ] against Iran".<ref>{{cite news |title=واكنش مشاور رئیس جمهور به فیلم 300 |publisher=] |accessdate=2007-03-21 |url=http://sharifnews.com/?22728}}</ref> | |||
=== Iran's nuclear program === | |||
Moaveni identified two factors which may have contributed to the intensity of Iranian indignation over the film. First, she describes the timing of the film's release, on the eve of ], the Persian ], as "inauspicious". Second, Iranians tend to view the era depicted in the film as "a particularly noble page in their history." Moaveni also suggests that "the box office success of ''300'', compared with the relative flop of ''Alexander'' (another spurious period epic dealing with Persians) is cause for considerable alarm, signaling ominous U.S. intentions."<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> | |||
In 2015, requests of the Ministries of Education and Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands to monitor Iranian students prevented them from studying at the ] in the city of ] and ] in the city of ]. The latter university had even asked the ], the Dutch intelligence service, to monitor Iranian students. AIVD stated that it was not its duty to do so, and the University decided to stop admitting any applicants from Iran, regardless of the degree sought. The Dutch government said that it fears the theft of sensitive ] that could assist the Iranian government in constructing nuclear weapons. After protests were lodged, the Dutch government announced again that Iranian students and Dutch citizens of Iranian heritage were not allowed to study at many Dutch universities or go to some areas in the Netherlands.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.iraansestudenten.nl/#Nieuws|title=IraanseStudenten: Stop verdachtmaking van Iraniers|access-date=8 February 2015}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.payvand.com/news/08/jan/1022.html|title=Dutch Universities Rejecting Iranian Students due to "Nuclear Threat"|date=January 2008|website=Payvand.com|access-date=2018-08-03|archive-date=2008-01-04|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080104213651/http://www.payvand.com/news/08/jan/1022.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
Additionally, in 2008 several other universities stated that the government had prohibited them from admitting students from Iran, and technical colleges were not allowed to give Iranian students access to knowledge of nuclear technology.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nisnews.nl/public/030108_2.htm |title=Dutch Universities Rejecting Iranian Students due to Nuclear Threat |access-date=2008-10-11 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080120175709/http://www.nisnews.nl/public/030108_2.htm |archive-date=2008-01-20 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.iraansestudenten.nl/?Nieuws|title=IraanseStudenten: Stop verdachtmaking van Iraniers|work=iraansestudenten.nl}}</ref> It was noted that it was the first time after the German occupation during the Second World War that ethnic-, religion- or racial-based restrictions were imposed in the Netherlands. ], a parliamentarian of the ] (SP), condemned the '']'', deliberately using a German word associated with the Second World War.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.seniorplaza.nl/1930-1945.htm|title=1930-1945|work=seniorplaza.nl|access-date=2008-04-15|archive-date=2008-04-08|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080408113303/http://www.seniorplaza.nl/1930-1945.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://harryvanbommel.sp.nl/weblog/2007/12/29/berufsverbot-voor-iraanse-studenten/|title=Weblog Harry van Bommel » Berufsverbot voor Iraanse studenten|work=sp.nl|access-date=2008-01-31|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080201012929/http://harryvanbommel.sp.nl/weblog/2007/12/29/berufsverbot-voor-iraanse-studenten/|archive-date=2008-02-01|url-status=dead}}</ref> | |||
According to '']'', Iranian critics of ''300'', ranging from bloggers to government officials, have described the movie "as a calculated attempt to demonise Iran at a time of intensifying US pressure over the country's nuclear programme."<ref name="the guardian"/> An Iranian government ] described the film as "hostile behavior which is the result of cultural and psychological warfare."<ref name="the guardian"/> Moaveni reported that the Iranians she interacted with were "adamant that the movie was secretly funded by the U.S. government to prepare Americans for going to war against Iran.<ref name="300 v. 70m"/> | |||
Although the Dutch authorities state that the ]'s resolution 1737 (2006) authorises them and obliges all member states of the UN to take such a measure, it remains the only country to have done so.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://iraansestudenten.nl/docs/briefiraansestudenten.pdf |title=Facsimile of letter from Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken |date=2007-09-19 |website=Iraansestudenten.nl |access-date=2016-10-27 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080227221018/http://iraansestudenten.nl/docs/briefiraansestudenten.pdf |archive-date=2008-02-27 |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
Dana Stevens of ] states: | |||
On 3 February 2010, a court in ] ruled that the Dutch government's policy to ban Iranian-born students and scientists from certain master's degrees and from nuclear research facilities was overly broad and in violation of an international civil rights treaty.<ref name="Enserink 2015">{{cite web | last=Enserink | first=Martin | title=Court Rebukes Dutch Policy on Iranian Scientists | website=News | date=2015-12-31 | url=https://www.science.org/content/article/court-rebukes-dutch-policy-iranian-scientists | access-date=2016-01-02}}</ref> | |||
{{cquote|''If 300, the new battle epic based on the graphic novel by Frank Miller and Lynn Varley, had been made in ], it would be studied today alongside ] as a textbook example of how ] fantasy and ] myth can serve as an incitement to total war. Since it's a product of the post-ideological, post-] 21st century, 300 will instead be talked about as a technical achievement, the next blip on the increasingly blurry line between movies and video games.''<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.slate.com/id/2161450|title=A Movie Only a Spartan Could Love|author=Stevens, Dana|publisher=]|date=], ]|accessdate=2008-06-22}}</ref>}} | |||
==In the Turkic world== | |||
== Anti-Iranian Sentiment in U.S. Television Broadcasting == | |||
{{see also|Erdoğan Iran poem controversy|Pan-Turkism#Pseudoscientific theories}} | |||
In May 2005, the ] network broadcast a special program, ''Iran: The Nuclear Threat'', hosted by ]. Kaveh Afrasiab, an analyst and expert on Iran who once worked with Wallace at ABC, noted that the program "lacked the minutest evidence of objectivity, displaying instead piles of prejudice on top of prejudice reminding one of the Iraq weapons of mass destruction threat played up by the right-wing, sensationalist, network during 2002 and early 2003, duping millions of American viewers about the authenticity of the Bush administration's allegations against the regime of Saddam Hussain."<ref></ref> | |||
== |
===Turkey=== | ||
According to a 2013 survey, 75% of ] look at Iran unfavorably against 14% with favorable views.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Poushter|first1=Jacob|title=The Turkish people don't look favorably upon the U.S., or any other country, really|url=http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/10/31/the-turkish-people-dont-look-favorably-upon-the-u-s-or-any-other-country-really/|agency=]|date=31 October 2014}}</ref> Political scientist ] writes that there are two significant groups in Turkey that are hostile towards Iran: "the ] and the ultra-] elite" and the "ultranationalists with ] aspirations" (such as the ]).<ref>{{cite book|last1=Hunter|first1=Shireen T.|author-link1=Shireen Hunter|title=Iran's Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era: Resisting the New International Order|date=2010|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, California|isbn=9780313381942|page=}}</ref> Canadian author ] also suggests that pan-Turkist groups (the Grey Wolves in particular) have encouraged anti-Iranian sentiments.<ref>{{cite web|last1=Farrokh|first1=Kaveh|author-link1=Kaveh Farrokh|url=http://www.rozanehmagazine.com/NoveDec05/AZPartIIb.html |title=Pan-Turanianism Takes Atim At Azerbaijan: A Geopolitical Agenda|work=Rozaneh Magazine|quote=Pan-Turanian activists have attempted to turn these celebrations into anti-Persian events. There are reports that Grey Wolves activists from Turkey and the Republic of Azerbaijan join the celebrations, chant anti-Iranian slogans and distribute anti-Iran literature.}}</ref> | |||
{{Reflist|2}} | |||
==== Ottoman Empire ==== | |||
{{Discrimination}} | |||
Historically, the ] Muslims were discriminated in the ] as they were associated with their Iranian/Persian neighbors. In Turkey, relatively large communities of ], ] and ] are ] ], while some areas in Eastern Anatolia, notably ] and ], are ].<ref>Karin Vorhoff. 1995. Zwischen Glaube, Nation und neuer Gemeinschaft: Alevitische Identitat in der Türkei der Gegenwart, pp. 107-108.</ref> | |||
== |
===Azerbaijan=== | ||
{{main article|Anti-Iranian sentiment in Azerbaijan}} | |||
{{see also|Campaign on granting Nizami the status of the national poet of Azerbaijan|Azerbaijan (toponym)#Southern Azerbaijan|label 1=Nizami as Azerbaijan's national poet}} | |||
Historic falsifications in the Republic of ], in relation to ] and ], are "backed by state and state backed non-governmental organizational bodies", ranging "from elementary school all the way to the highest level of universities".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |page=85 (note 277) |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies |url=https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |access-date=2021-01-01 |archive-date=2022-09-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220914063448/https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
* ] | |||
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* 1987 Massacre of Iranian pilgrims | |||
* ] by Iraqi terrorists | |||
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As a result of the two ] of the 19th century, the border between what is present-day ] and the Republic of Azerbaijan was formed.<ref name="Croissant">{{cite book |last1=Croissant |first1=Michael P. |title=The Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict: Causes and Implications |date=1998 |publisher=Praeger Publishers |page=61}}</ref> Although there had not been a historical ] state to speak of in history, the demarcation, set at the ], left significant numbers of what were later coined "Azerbaijanis" to the north of the Aras river.<ref name="Croissant"/><ref>{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |pages=9–10 (note 26) |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies |url=https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |access-date=2021-01-01 |archive-date=2022-09-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220914063448/https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> During the existence of the ] of the ], ] political elites of ] who were loyal to the Communist cause, in tandem with Soviet-era historical revisionism and myth-building, invented a national history based on the existence of an Azeri nation-state that dominated the areas to the north and south of the ], which was supposedly torn apart by an ]-] conspiracy in the ] of 1828.<ref name="Kamrava">{{cite book |last1=Ahmadi |first1=Hamid |editor1-last=Kamrava |editor1-first=Mehran |title=The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus |date=2017 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190869663 |pages=109–110 |chapter=The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism}}</ref><ref name="Croissant"/> This "imagined community" was cherished, promoted and institutionalized in formal history books of the educational system of the Azerbaijan SSR and the post-Soviet Azerbaijan Republic.<ref name="Kamrava"/> As the Soviet Union was a closed society, and its people were unaware of the actual realities regarding Iran and its Azeri citizens, the elites in Soviet Azerbaijan kept cherishing and promoting the idea of a "united Azerbaijan" in their activities.<ref name="Kamrava2">{{cite book |last1=Ahmadi |first1=Hamid |editor1-last=Kamrava |editor1-first=Mehran |title=The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus |date=2017 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190869663 |page=110 |chapter=The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism}}</ref> This romantic thought led to the founding of nostalgic literary works, known as the "literature of longing"; examples amongst this genre are, for instance, ''Foggy Tabriz'' by ], and ''The Coming Day'' by ].<ref name="Kamrava2"/> As a rule, works belonging to the "literature of longing" genre were characterized by depicting the life of ] as a misery due to suppression by the "Fars" (Persians), and by narrating fictional stories about Iranian Azeris waiting for the day when their "brothers" from the "north" would come and liberate them.<ref name="Kamrava2"/> Works that belonged to this genre, as the historian and political scientist Zaur Gasimov explains, "were examples of blatant ] stigmatizing the “division” of the nation along the river Araxes, as well as denunciations of economic and cultural exploitation of Iranian Azerbaijanis, etc."<ref name="Gasimov"/> Gasimov adds: "an important by-product of this literary genre was strongly articulated anti-Iranian rhetoric. Tolerance and even support of this anti-Iranian rhetoric by the communist authorities were obvious."<ref name="Gasimov">{{cite journal |last1=Gasimov |first1=Zaur |title=Observing Iran from Baku: Iranian Studies in Soviet and Post-Soviet Azerbaijan |journal=Iranian Studies |date=2022|page=49|volume=55|issue=1|doi=10.1080/00210862.2020.1865136|s2cid=233889871 }}</ref> | |||
== External links == | |||
* | |||
* (in Persian) | |||
* (in Persian) | |||
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* (in Persian) | |||
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* This is a translated excerpt in Persian of (the Arab) Tallal Etrisi's work in: ''Arab-Iranian Relations'', edited by: Khair El-Din Haseeb. 1998. ISBN 1-86064-156-3 | |||
* http://www.bbc.co.uk/Persian/iran/story/2006/11/061117_mf_ucla.shtml Iranian-American Student Abused]''(by BBC Persian)'' | |||
* (BBC Persian) | |||
* (in Persian) | |||
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* (BBC) | |||
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During the Soviet nation building campaign, any event, both past and present, that had ever occurred in what is the present-day Azerbaijan Republic and ] were rebranded as phenomenons of "Azerbaijani culture".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |page=17 |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies}}</ref> Any Iranian ruler or poet that had lived in the area was assigned to the newly rebranded identity of the ] ], in other words "Azerbaijanis".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |page=17 |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies |url=https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |access-date=2021-01-01 |archive-date=2022-09-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220914063448/https://persianpoetry.arizona.edu/sites/persianpoetry.sites.arizona.edu/files/POLITICIZATION%20OF%20NEZAMI_0.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> | |||
According to Michael P. Croissant: "It was charged that the "two Azerbaijans", once united, were separated artificially by a conspiracy between ] and ]".<ref name="Croissant"/> This notion based on illegitimate historic revisionism suited Soviet political purposes well (based on "anti-imperialism"), and became the basis for irredentism among ] in the last years of the Soviet Union, shortly prior to the establishment of the Azerbaijan Republic in 1991.<ref name="Croissant"/> | |||
In the Republic of Azerbaijan, periods and aspects of Iranian history are usually claimed as being an "Azerbaijani" product in a distortion of history, and historic Iranian figures, such as the ] poet ] are called "Azerbaijanis", contrary to universally acknowledged fact.<ref name="Arakelova">{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |pages=i, 91–92 |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies}}</ref><ref name="Talattof">{{cite journal |last1=Talattof |first1=Kamran |title=Reviewed Work: Ali Doostzadeh, On the Modern Politicization of the Persian Poet Nezami Ganjavi (Yerevan Series for Oriental Studies—1) by Siavash Lornejad |journal=Iran & the Caucasus |date=2012 |volume=16 |issue=3 |pages=380–383|doi=10.1163/1573384X-20120025 }}</ref> In the Azerbaijan SSR, forgeries such as an alleged "Turkish '']''" and falsified verses were published in order to "Turkify" Nizami Ganjavi.<ref name="Talattof"/> Although this type of irredentism was initially the result of the nation building policy of the Soviets, it became an instrument for "biased, pseudo-academic approaches and political speculations" in the nationalistic aspirations of the young Azerbaijan Republic.<ref name="Arakelova"/> In the modern Azerbaijan Repuiblic, historiography is written with the aim of retroactively Turkifying many of the peoples and kingdoms that existed prior to the arrival of Turks in the region, including the Iranian ].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lornejad |first1=Siavash |last2=Doostzadeh |first2=Ali |editor1-last=Arakelova |editor1-first=Victoria |editor2-last=Asatrian |editor2-first=Garnik |title=On the modern politicization of the Persian poet Nezami Ganjavi |date=2012 |pages=18, 85 (note 277) |publisher=Caucasian Centre for Iranian Studies}}</ref> | |||
According to professor of history ]:<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bournoutian |first1=George |title=The 1820 Russian Survey of the Khanate of Shirvan: A Primary Source on the Demography and Economy of an Iranian Province prior to its Annexation by Russia |date=2016 |publisher=Gibb Memorial Trust |page=xvi}}</ref>{{blockquote|"As noted, in order to construct an Azerbaijani national history and identity based on the territorial definition of a nation, as well as to reduce the influence of Islam and Iran, the ], prompted by Moscow devised an ], which replaced the Arabo-Persian script. In the 1930s a number of Soviet historians, including the prominent Russian Orientalist, ], were instructed by the Kremlin to accept the totally unsubstantiated notion that the territory of the ] (except ], which had become ]) was part of an Azerbaijani nation. Petrushevskii's two important studies dealing with the ], therefore, use the term Azerbaijan and Azerbaijani in his works on the history of the region from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Other Russian academics went even further and claimed that an Azeri nation had existed from ancient times and had continued to the present. Since all the Russian surveys and almost all nineteenth-century Russian primary sources referred to the Muslims who resided in the South Caucasus as "Tatars" and not "]", Soviet historians simply substituted Azerbaijani for Tatars. Azeri historians and writers, starting in 1937, followed suit and began to view the three-thousand-year history of the region as that of Azerbaijan. The pre-Iranian, Iranian, and Arab eras were expunged. Anyone who lived in the territory of Soviet Azerbaijan was classified as Azeri; hence the great Iranian poet ], who had written only in Persian, became the national poet of ]."}} | |||
Bournoutian adds:<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bournoutian |first1=George |title=The 1820 Russian Survey of the Khanate of Shirvan: A Primary Source on the Demography and Economy of an Iranian Province prior to its Annexation by Russia |date=2016 |publisher=Gibb Memorial Trust |pages=xvii, xv, xviii}}</ref>{{blockquote|Although after ]'s death arguments rose between Azerbaijani historians and Soviet Iranologists dealing with the history of the region in ancient times (specifically the era of the ]), no Soviet historian dared to question the use of the term Azerbaijan or Azerbaijani in modern times. As late as 1991, the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, published a book by an Azeri historian, in which it noy only equated the "Tatars" with the present-day Azeris, but the author, discussing the population numbers in 1842, also included ] and ] in "Azerbaijan". The author, just like Petrushevskii, totally ignored the fact that between 1828 and 1921, Nakhichivan and Ordubad were first part of the ] and then part of the ] and had only become part of Soviet Azerbaijan, some eight decades later (...) Although the overwhelming number of nineteenth-century Russian and Iranian, as well as present-day European historians view the Iranian province of ] and the present-day ] as two separate ''geographical'' and ''political'' entities, modern Azeri historians and geographers view it as a single state that has been separated into "northern" and "southern" sectors and which will be united in the future. (...) Since the collapse of the Soviet Union the current Azeri historians have not only continued to use the terms "northern" and "southern" Azerbaijan, but also assert that the present-day ] was a part of northern Azerbaijan. In their fury over what they view as the "Armenian occupation" of ] ]], Azeri politicians and historians deny any historic Armenian presence in the South Caucasus and add that all Armenian architectural monuments located in the present-day Republic of Azerbaijan are not Armenian but Albanian]]."}} | |||
Since 1918, political elites with Pan-Turkist-oriented sentiments in the area that comprises the present-day Azerbaijan Republic have depended on the concept of ] in order to create an anti-Iranian sense of ethnicity amongst Iranian Azeris.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ahmadi |first1=Hamid |editor1-last=Kamrava |editor1-first=Mehran |title=The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus |date=2017 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190869663 |page=106 |chapter=The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism}}</ref> According to political adviser Eldar Mamedov, "Anti-Iranian policies carried out by various Azerbaijani governments since the 1990s."<ref>{{cite news|last1=Mamedov|first1=Eldar|title=Azerbaijan: Time to Address the Potential Salafi Danger|url=http://www.eurasianet.org/node/70721|work=eurasianet.org|publisher=]|date=31 October 2014}}</ref> Azerbaijan's second President ] (1992–93) and his government has been widely described as pursuing Pan-Turkic and anti-Iranian policies.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Cornell|first1=Svante|author-link1=Svante Cornell|title=Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus|date=2005|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781135796693|page=87|quote=Elchibey's anti-Iranian rhetoric and the subsequent deterioration of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations to below freezing point...}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Peimani|first1=Hooman|title=Iran and the United States: The Rise of the West Asian Regional Grouping|date=1999|publisher=Praeger|isbn=9780275964542|page=35|quote=Characterized by its anti-Iranian, anti-Russian, pro-Turkish outlook, the Elchibey government's pursuit of pan-Turkism...}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Grogan|first1=Michael S.|title=National security imperatives and the neorealist state: Iran and realpolitik|date=2000|publisher=Naval Postgraduate School|pages=68–69|quote=Elchibey was anti-Iranian, pan-Azeri}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|editor1-last=Eichensehr|editor1-first=Kristen E.|editor2-last=Reisman|editor2-first=William Michael|title=Stopping Wars and Making Peace: Studies in International Intervention|date=2009|publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers|isbn=9789004178557|page=57|quote=radically pro-Turkish and anti-Iranian President Elchibey in June made Iran unacceptable to Azerbaijan as a mediator.}}</ref> Iranian Azerbaijani intellectuals who have promoted Iranian cultural and national identity and put forth a reaction to early pan-Turkist claims over Iran's Azerbaijan region have been dubbed traitors to the "Azerbaijani nation" within the pan-Turkist media of the Republic of Azerbaijan.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ahmadi |first1=Hamid |editor1-last=Kamrava |editor1-first=Mehran |title=The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus |date=2017 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0190869663 |page=121 |chapter=The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism}}</ref> The Azerbaijani government also lends support to anti-Iranian scholars situated in the West.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Heiran-Nia |first1=Javad |last2=Monshipouri |first2=Mahmood |editor1-last=Kamrava |editor1-first=Mehran |title=Raisi and Iran's Foreign Policy Toward the South Caucasus |journal=The Muslim World |date=2023 |volume=113 |issue=1–2 |page=131 |doi=10.1111/muwo.12460|s2cid=257093804 }}</ref> In addition to being Turkocentric, Azerbaijan's post-Soviet national identity is strongly anti-Iran. It has been built in various ways to oppose Iran as "the other," not just as a country but also as a culture and historical entity. Nowadays, being Azerbaijani means rejecting any ties to Iran.{{sfn|Mamedov|2017|p=31}} | |||
==In Russia== | |||
{{Main article|Russo-Persian Wars}} | |||
=== Russian Empire === | |||
In the 19th century, during the existence of the ], Russians dealt with Iran as an inferior "Orient", and held its people in contempt whilst ridiculing all aspects of ].<ref name="Andreeva">{{Encyclopædia Iranica Online|last=Andreeva|first=Elena|title=RUSSIA i. Russo-Iranian Relations up to the Bolshevik Revolution|url=https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/russia-i-relations|year=2014}}</ref> The Russian version of contemporaneous Western attitudes of superiority differed however. As Russian national identity was divided between East and West and ] held many Asian elements, Russians consequently felt equivocal and even inferior to ]. In order to stem the tide of this particular ], they tried to overcompensate to Western European powers by overemphasizing their own Europeanness and Christian faith, and by expressing scornfully their low opinion of Iranians. The historian Elena Andreeva adds that this trend was not only very apparent in over 200 Russian travelogues written about Iran and published in the course of the 19th and early 20th centuries, but also in diplomatic and other official documents.<ref name="Andreeva"/> | |||
==See also== | |||
{{Portal|Iran}} | |||
{{Wiktionary|Persophobia}} | |||
{{Wiktionary|Iranophobia}} | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
==References== | |||
{{Reflist|30em}} | |||
==Further reading== | |||
{{Commons}} | |||
*{{cite book|last=Bosworth|first=Clifford Edmund|chapter=Ajam|author-link=Clifford Edmund Bosworth|title=Encyclopædia Iranica|volume=1|date=December 15, 1984|pages=700–1|url=https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ajam}} | |||
* {{cite journal|last1=Morozova|first1=Irina|title=Contemporary Azerbaijani Historiography on the Problem of "Southern Azerbaijan" after World War II|journal=Iran and the Caucasus|date=2005|volume=9|issue=1|pages=85–120|doi=10.1163/1573384054068114}} | |||
* {{Cite journal|last=Farnia|first=Nina|date=August 1, 2011|title=Law's Inhumanities: Peripheral Racialization and the Early Development of an Iranian Race|url=https://doi.org/10.1215/1089201X-1264352|journal=Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East|volume=31|issue=2 |pages=455–473|doi=10.1215/1089201X-1264352 |s2cid=143607791 }} | |||
* {{Cite book|last=Maghbouleh|first=Neda|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TdHdnQAACAAJ|title=The Limits of Whiteness: Iranian Americans and the Everyday Politics of Race|publisher=Stanford University Press|year=2017|isbn=9781503603370|location=Stanford, CA}} | |||
* {{cite book |last=Mamedov|first=Eldar |title=The New Geopolitics of the South Caucasus: Prospects for Regional Cooperation and Conflict Resolution |publisher=]|year=2017 |isbn=978-1498564960 |editor-last=Hunter|editor-first=Shireen T.|editor-link1=Shireen T. Hunter|pages=27–64|chapter=Azerbaijan Twenty-Five Years after Independence: Accomplishments and Shortcomings|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1Ls1DwAAQBAJ}} | |||
{{DEFAULTSORT:Anti-Iranian Sentiment}} | |||
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Latest revision as of 18:48, 18 December 2024
Prejudice towards Iran or Iranian peopleCountry polled | Pos. | Neg. |
---|---|---|
Australia | 16% | 68% |
Canada | 14% | 70% |
Czech Republic | 7% | 74% |
Egypt | 20% | 78% |
France | 11% | 88% |
Germany | 7% | 85% |
Greece | 21% | 69% |
Israel | 5% | 92% |
Italy | 5% | 85% |
Jordan | 18% | 81% |
Lebanon | 40% | 60% |
Palestine | 37% | 55% |
Poland | 18% | 66% |
Russia | 32% | 49% |
Spain | 7% | 84% |
Tunisia | 30% | 44% |
Turkey | 19% | 68% |
United Kingdom | 17% | 59% |
United States | 16% | 69% |
Anti-Iranian sentiment or Iranophobia, also called anti-Persian sentiment or Persophobia, refers to feelings and expressions of hostility, hatred, discrimination, or prejudice towards Iran, the Iranian government, or Iranian people on the basis of an irrational disdain for their national and cultural affiliation. The opposite phenomenon, in which one holds notable feelings of love or interest towards Iranian people for the same reasons, is known as Iranophilia or Persophilia.
Historically, discrimination and prejudice against Iranians (and against Persians in particular) has been a recurring theme in the Arab world, particularly since the Arab conquest of Iran in the 7th century.
In the Arab world
Main articles: Iran–Arab relations and Shia–Sunni relationsEarly Muslim conquests
"Ajam" slur
The word "ʻajam" is derived from the root ʻ-J-M and refers to "unclear, vague and/or incomprehensible" as opposed to "ʻarabi", which means "clear, understandable; with perfect Arabic tongue". ʻAjam came to mean "one who mumbles" or “has difficulty speaking”, similar to the Slavic ethnonym and their usage of "mutes" to refer to Germans. It came to be "applied especially to Persians", and the distinction of the two terms is found already in pre- and early Islamic literature (ʻAjam Temtemī). "In general, ajam was a pejorative term, used by Arabs because of their contrived social and political superiority in early Islam.", as summarized by Clifford Bosworth. Although Arabic dictionaries state that the word ʻajami is used for all non-Arabs, the designation was primarily used for Persians.
Zoroastrian-based slurs
Many Sunni fundamentalist Arabs use slurs against Persians by calling them "fire worshippers" and "majus". Majus or majusi (ماجوس) is an Arabic term for the Magi in Zoroastrianism.
Umayyad period
Patrick Clawson states, "The Iranians chafed under Umayyad rule. The Umayyads rose from traditional Arab aristocracy. They tended to marry other Arabs, creating an ethnic stratification that discriminated against Iranians. Even as Arabs adopted traditional Iranian bureaucracy, Arab tribalism disadvantaged Iranians."
Many Arab Muslims believed that Iranian converts should not clothe themselves as Arabs, and many other forms discrimination that existed. Mu'awiya I, is said to have sent a letter addressed to Ziyad ibn Abih, the then governor of Iraq, wrote:
And keep an eye on the Mawali (non Arab) and those Ajam who have accepted Islam and choose the style of Umar Ibn Khattab in dealing with them because in that is humiliation and degradation for them. And let Arab marry their women but their women should not marry Arab. Let Arab be their inheritors but they should not be inheritors of Arab. Reduce their subsistence and benefits and make them go in front in wars and let them maintain the roads, cut the trees and do not let them be the Imam of Arab in congregational prayers and do not let anyone of them be in the front row of prayer when Arab are present, unless the row is not completed by Arab. Do not appoint anyone of them as a Governor on the border of Muslims and do not appoint anyone as a Governor in any city. No one from them should be a Governor for making rules and decisions for Muslims because this was the style and habit of Umar. May Allah, from the Ummah of Muhammad (S.A.W), and particularly from Bani-Umayyah reward him, reward him greatly..
— Mu'awiya
Mistreatment of Iranians and other non-Arabs during the early period of Islam is well documented. Under the Umayyads, many mawlas (non-Arab Muslims) employed by a patron enjoyed favourable positions as equal to Arab Muslims, but they were generally victims of cultural bias and even sometimes considered to be on an equal footing of a slave. According to sources of that time, the mistreatment of mawlas was a general rule. They were denied any positions in the government under Umayyad rule.
The Umayyid Arabs are even reported to have prevented the mawali from having kunyahs, as an Arab was only considered worthy of a kunya. They were required to pay taxes for not being an Arab:
During the early centuries of Islam when the Islamic empire was really an Arab kingdom, the Iranians, Central Asians and other non-Arab peoples who had converted to Islam in growing numbers as mawali or 'clients' of an Arab lord or clan, had in practice acquired an inferior socio-economic and racial status compared to Arab Muslims, though the mawali themselves fared better than the empire's non-Muslim subjects, the Ahl al-Dhimmah ('people of the covenant'). The ةawali, for instance, paid special taxes, often similar to the jizyaا (poll tax) and the kharaj (land tax) levied on the Zoroastrians and other non-Muslim subjects, taxes which were never paid by the Arab Muslims.
— Farhad Daftary,
References in Persian literature
Zarrinkoub presents a lengthy discussion on the large flux and influence of the victorious Arabs on the literature, language, culture and society of Persia during the two centuries following the Islamic conquest of Persia in his book Two Centuries of Silence.
Suppression of Iranian languages
After the Islamic conquest of the Sassanid Empire, during the reign of the Ummayad dynasty, the Arab conquerors imposed Arabic as the primary language of the subject peoples throughout their empire. Not happy with the prevalence of the Iranian languages in the divan, Hajjāj ibn Yusuf ordered the official language of the conquered lands to be replaced by Arabic, sometimes by force. According to Biruni
When Qutaibah bin Muslim under the command of Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef was sent to Khwarazmia with a military expedition and conquered it for the second time, he swiftly killed whoever wrote the Khwarazmian native language that knew of the Khwarazmian history, science and culture. He then killed all their Zoroastrian priests and burned and wasted their books, until gradually the illiterate only remained, who knew nothing of writing and hence their history was mostly forgotten.
— Biruni From The Remaining Signs of Past Centuries,
It is difficult to imagine the Arabs not implementing anti-Persian policies in the light of such events, writes Zarrinkoub in his famous Two Centuries of Silence, where he exclusively writes of this topic. Reports of Persian speakers being tortured are also given in al-Aghānī.
After Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam
Main article: Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia IslamThis section relies excessively on references to primary sources. Please improve this section by adding secondary or tertiary sources. Find sources: "Anti-Iranian sentiment" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (May 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
Predominantly-Shia Islamic Iran has always exhibited a sympathetic side for Ali (the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad) and his progeny. Even when Persia was largely Sunni, that was still evident, as can be seen from the writings remaining from that era. Rumi for example praises Ali in a section entitled "Learn from ʻAli". It recounts Ali's explanation as to why he declined to kill someone who had spit in his face as ʻAli was defeating him in battle. Persian literature in praise of Ali's progeny is quite ubiquitous and abundant. These all stem from numerous traditions regarding Ali's favor of Persians being as equals to Arabs.
Several early Shiite sources speak of a dispute arising between an Arab and an Iranian woman. Referring the case to ʻAli for arbitration, ʻAli reportedly did not allow any discrimination between the two to take place. His judgment thus invited the protest of the Arab woman. Thereupon, ʻAli replied, "In the Qurʼan, I did not find the progeny of Ishmael (the Arabs) to be any higher than the Iranians."
In another such tradition, Ali was once reciting a sermon in the city of Kufah, when Ash'as ibn Qays, a commander in the Arab army protested, "Amir-al-Momeneen! These Iranians are excelling the Arabs right in front of your eyes and you are doing nothing about it!" He then roared, "I will show them who the Arabs are!" Ali immediately retorted, "While fat Arabs rest in soft beds, the Iranians work hard on the hottest days to please God with their efforts. And what do these Arabs want from me? To ostracize the Iranians and become an oppressor! I swear by the God that splits the nucleus and creates Man, I heard the prophet once say, just as you strike the Iranians with your swords in the name of Islam, so will the Iranians one day strike you back the same way for Islam."
When the Sassanid city of Anbar fell to the forces of Mu'awiyeh, news reached Ali that the city had been sacked and plundered spilling much innocent blood. Early Shi'ite sources report that Ali gathered all the people of Kufa to the mosque and gave a fiery sermon. After describing the massacre, he said, "If somebody hearing this news now faints and dies of grief, I fully approve of it!" According to Kasraie, It is from here that Ali is said to have had more sympathy for Iranians while author S. Nureddin Abtahi claims that Umar highly resented them.
Modern era
Iraq
It was in Baghdad where the first Arab nationalists, mainly of Palestinian and Syrian descent, formed the basis of their overall philosophies. Prominent among them were individuals such as Mohammad Amin al-Husayni (the Mufti of Jerusalem) and Syrian nationalists such as Shukri al-Quwatli and Jamil Mardam. Sati' al-Husri, who served as advisor to the Ministry of Education and later as Director General of Education and Dean of the College of Law, was particularly instrumental in shaping the Iraqi educational system. Other prominent Pan-Arabists were Michel Aflaq and Khairallah Talfah, as well as Sati' al-Husri, Salah al-Din al-Bitar, Zaki al-Arsuzi and Sami Shwkat (brother of Naji Shawkat). These individuals formed the nucleus and genesis of true pan-Arabism.
Sati' al-Husri's campaigns against schools suspected of being positive towards Persia are well documented. One dramatic example is found in the 1920s when the Iraqi Ministry of Education ordered Husri to appoint Muhammad Al-Jawahiri as a teacher in a Baghdad school. A short excerpt of Husri's interview with the teacher is revealing:
- "Husri: First, I want to know your nationality.
- Jawahiri: I am an Iranian.
- Husri: In that case we cannot appoint you."
Saddam Hussein forced out tens of thousands of people of Persian origin from Iraq in the 1970s, after having been accused of being spies for Iran and Israel. Today, many of them live in Iran.
Iran–Iraq War
Early on in his career, Saddam Hussein and pan-Arab ideologues targeted the Arabs of southwest Iran in an endeavour to have them separate and join 'the Arab nation.' Hussein made no effort to conceal Arab nationalism in his war against Iran (which he called "the second Battle of al-Qādisiyyah). An intense campaign of propaganda during his reign meant that many school children were taught that Iran provoked Iraq into invading and that the invasion was fully justified.
"Yellow revolution", "yellow wind", "yellow storm" were thrown as slurs by Saddam Hussein against Iran due to Hulagu's 1258 sack of Baghdad during the Mongol wars and the terms "Persian" and "Elamites" were also used by Saddam as insults.
On 2 April 1980, a half-year before the outbreak of the war, Saddam Hussein visited Al-Mustansiriya University in Baghdad. By drawing parallels to the 7th-Century defeat of Persia in the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah, he announced:
- "In your name, brothers, and on behalf of the Iraqis and Arabs everywhere, we tell those cowards who try to avenge Al-Qadisiyah that the spirit of Al-Qadisiyah as well as the blood and honor of the people of Al-Qadisiyah who carried the message on their spearheads are greater than their attempts."
Saddam also accused Iranians of "murdering the second (Umar), third (Uthman) and fourth (Ali) Caliphs of Islam", invading the three islands of Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunbs in the Persian Gulf and attempting to destroy the Arabic language and civilization.
In the war, Iraq made extensive use of chemical weapons (such as mustard gas) against Iranian troops and civilians as well as Iraqi Kurds. Iran expected a condemnation by UN of this act and sent allegation to UN. At time (-1985) the UN Security Council issued statements that "chemical weapons had been used in the war." However, in these UN-statements Iraq was not mentioned by name, so that the situation is viewed as "in a way, the international community remained silent as Iraq used weapons of mass destruction against Iranian as well as Iraqi Kurds" and it is believed that the United States had prevented UN from condemning Iraq.
In December 2006, Hussein said he would take responsibility "with honour" for any attacks on Iran using conventional or chemical weapons during the 1980–1988 war, but he took issue with charges he ordered attacks on Iraqis.
On the execution day, Hussein said, "I spent my whole life fighting the infidels and the intruders, I destroyed the invaders and the Persians." He also stressed that the Iraqis should fight the Americans and the Persians. Mowaffak al Rubiae, Iraq's National Security adviser, who was a witness to Hussein's execution described him as repeatedly shouting "down with Persians." Hussein built an anti-Iranian monument called Hands of Victory in Baghdad in 1989 to commemorate his declaration of victory over Iran in the Iran-Iraq war (though the war is generally considered a stalemate). After his fall, it was reported that the new Iraqi government had organized the Committee for Removing Symbols of the Saddam Era and that the Hands of Victory monument had begun to be dismantled. However, the demolition was later halted.
2019 Iraqi protests
Since 2019, anti-Iranian unrest has spiked in Iraq as Iran was blamed for sectarianism and political interferences. This has transcended into football during the 2022 FIFA World Cup qualification, with Iran and Iraq shared each win after two games.
United Arab Emirates
Persian Gulf naming dispute
Main article: Persian Gulf naming disputeThe name of the Persian Gulf has become contested by some Arab countries since the 1960s in connection with the emergence of pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism, resulting in the invention of the toponym "Arabian Gulf" (Arabic: الخليج العربي) (used in some Arab countries), "the Gulf" and other alternatives such as the "Gulf of Basra", as it was known during the Ottoman rule of the region.
Saudi Arabia
Further information: Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflictAl-Salafi magazine, quoted in The Times, states, "Iran has become more dangerous than Israel itself. The Iranian Revolution has come to renew the Persian presence in the region. This is the real clash of civilizations."
In response to accusations made by Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei that Saudi authorities were responsible for killing Muslims injured during the 2015 Mina stampede, Abdul-Aziz ibn Abdullah Al ash-Sheikh, Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia, stated in 2016 that Iranian leaders are descendants of Zoroastrians and are "not Muslims."
Bahrain
Further information: Bahrain–Iran relationsSince the Islamic Revolution, Bahrain and Iran have always been tense. In 1981, Bahraini Shia fundamentalists orchestrated a coup attempt under the auspices of a front organisation, the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain in hope to install an Iran-based cleric to rule Bahrain. Since then, the two countries do not enjoy strong relations. Iran's support for the March 2011 protests in Bahrain increased tensions between Bahrain and Iran, with Bahrain accusing Iran of funding the protests to destabilize the island. Eventually, Bahrain cut ties with Iran in 2016 following the 2016 attack on the Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran and the Iranian threat to Bahrain.
During the 2002 World Cup qualification between Bahrain and Iran, Bahrain beat Iran 3–1, thus Iran lost the chance to qualify directly for the World Cup to rival Saudi Arabia. Bahrainis had waved the flag of Saudi Arabia to demonstrate its solidarity with the Saudis and anti-Iranian sentiment. The same thing occurred 20 years later, with Bahrainis whistling at the Iranian National Anthem and jeering at the Iranian team. The match also ended with a Bahraini victory.
Kuwait
See also: Kuwaiti PersianKuwaitis of Iranian descent (Ajam) are subjected to discrimination and xenophobic hate campaigns. The anti-preservation attitude of the Kuwaiti government towards Kuwaiti Persian will eventually lead to the disappearance of the language in Kuwaiti society, as Abdulmuhsen Dashti projects. The government of Kuwait tries to delegitimise the use of the language in as many domains as possible.
The Persian language has been considered a significant threat to the dominant Sunni Arab population. The Kuwaiti television series Karimo attempted to address the identity crisis of Kuwaitis of Iranian descent. The show showed Kuwaiti actors speaking fluent Persian; which resulted in some racist discourse against the Ajam community. The Alrai TV channel advertised the show in Farsi and Arabic.
In 2009, it was estimated that 89% of Kuwaiti Ajam aged 40-70 spoke Persian fluently as their native language; whereas only 28% of Kuwaiti Ajam aged 12-22 spoke Persian. Cultural, political, and economic marginalization creates a strong incentive for Kuwaiti Ajam to abandon their language in favor of Arabic which is widely perceived as a more prestigious language. This happens because Kuwaiti Ajam families want to achieve a higher social status, have a better chance to get employment and/or acceptance in a given social network so they adopt the cultural and linguistic traits of socially dominant groups with enough power imbalance to culturally integrate them, through various means of ingroup and outgroup coercion. The generation of Kuwaiti Ajam born between 1983 and 1993 are reported to have a minimal proficiency in their language unlike the older generations of Kuwaiti Ajam. Since the 1980s and 1990s, many Kuwaiti Ajam parents have reported an unwillingness to pass the Persian language on to their children, as it will hurdle their integration into the dominant culture. The Ajam feel pressure to abandon ties that could be interpreted as showing belonging to Iran, as Persian is synonymous with Iranian, and the Persian language is actually called Iranian in Kuwaiti Arabic. In several interviews conducted by PhD student Batoul Hasan, Ajam youth have shown hesitation to use or learn Persian due to stigmatisation and prejudice in Kuwait.
In 2012, MP Muhammad Hassan al-Kandari called for a "firm legal action" against an advertisement for teaching the Persian language in Rumaithiya.
UNESCO recognise Kuwaiti Persian as an endangered language. The decline of Kuwaiti Persian is a reflection of the forced homogeneity of Kuwait's national identity and marginalisation of ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity among Kuwaiti citizens. Unlike Bahrain and Dubai where the Ajam citizens still speak their language (including the youngest generations).
Lebanon
Further information: Iran–Lebanon relationsThe 2019–20 Lebanese protests saw Iran and its ally Hezbollah got antagonized by Lebanese protesters over the increasing economic decline and Iranian meddling on Lebanese sectarian system.
Jordan
Further information: Iran–Jordan relationsThe outbreak of Iranian Revolution and subsequent establishment of an Islamic regime in Iran changed drastically relationship from positive to negative. Jordan immediately backed Saddam Hussein on the Iran–Iraq War of 1980s and Iran severed diplomatic tie with Jordan aftermath. Due to Jordan's support for Iraq, even during the Gulf War, it took a decade before Iran and Jordan could normalize its relations.
Furthermore, Jordanian solidarity with majority of its Gulf allies have further strained relationship with Iran and increases anti-Iranian sentiment. Jordan has strongly opposed Iranian influence in Iraq and Syria, and has sought to work with Saudi Arabia, Israel and Russia to remove Iranian influence.
In 2017, Jordan summoned the Iranian envoy over its political remarks calling for anti-kingdom uprisings among Arab countries.
Al-Qaeda
Ayman al-Zawahiri, leader of Al-Qaeda since 2011, singled out Iran and Shia Muslims in his messages over the years, claiming in 2008 that "Persians" are the enemy of Arabs and that Iran cooperated with the U.S. during the occupation of Iraq.
In the United States
See also: Iranian Americans, Iran–United States relations, and Definitions of whiteness in the United StatesResidential segregation
Between the 1920s and the 1960s, some houses in the Rock Creek Hills neighborhood of Kensington, Maryland, a suburb of Washington, D.C., included anti-Iranian language in racial covenants that were part of property deeds. One deed in Rock Creek Hills declared that homes in the neighborhood "shall never be used or occupied by...negroes or any person or persons, of negro blood or extraction, or to any person of the Semitic Race, blood or origin, or Jews, Armenians, Hebrews, Persians and Syrians, except...partial occupancy of the premises by domestic servants."
Iran's Islamic Revolution
Iran hostage crisis
The Iranian hostage crisis of the US embassy in Tehran in November 1979 precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the US have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.
According to the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans (PAAIA), nearly half of Iranian Americans surveyed in 2008 by Zogby International have themselves experienced or personally know another Iranian American who has experienced discrimination because of their ethnicity or country of origin. The most common types of discrimination reported are airport security, social discrimination, employment or business discrimination, racial profiling and discrimination at the hands of immigration officials.
For three decades (starting in 1979), a BBQ restaurant in Houston, Texas hung an anti-Iranian poster featuring a re-enactment of lynching. This restaurant poster has drawn both protesters and fans to the restaurant in 2011.
Neda Maghbouleh is an American-born Canadian sociologist and author, with a focus on the racialization of migrants from Iran, as well as the entire Middle Eastern and North African region.
Iran–United States conflict
In January 2020, the fear of “Iranophobia” has raised in the Iranian-American community by the US killing of top Iranian commander Qassem Soliemani led to an intensifying crisis between Iran and the United States. Following some reactions of the United States including, patrols of Law enforcement in streets Lily Tajaddini, an Iranian-American activist in Washington, DC, declared “Posts like this insinuate that Iran is a terrorist country and thus Iranians are terrorists. It makes people feel scared to say they are Iranian in fear of how others might react”.The news tells people that Iranians are terrorists.
A survey conducted by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans (a non-profit for Iranian Americans) mentioned that "more than 50 percent of Iranian Americans oppose any kind of action by the US against Iran". Mana Kharrazi, an Iranian-American community organizer reported that violent reactions on Iran were not accepted by some parts of the Iranian-American community.
Depictions of Iranians in Hollywood
Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has vilified Iranians as in television programs such as 24, John Doe, On Wings of Eagles (1986), and Escape From Iran: The Canadian Caper (1981), which was based on a true story. Critics maintain that Hollywood's "tall walls of exclusion and discrimination have yet to crumble when it comes to the movie industry's persistent misrepresentation of Iranians and their collective identity". In March 2013, Iran complained to Hollywood about various films, such as Ben Affleck's Oscar-winning Argo, that portray the country in an unrealistically negative light.
For decades, U.S. entertainment companies have been tried to illustrate Iran as a bloodthirsty country concerned about "bringing down America".
Not Without My Daughter (1991)
The 1991 film Not Without My Daughter was criticized for its portrayal of Iranian society. Filmed in Israel, it was based on an autobiography of the same name by Betty Mahmoody. In the book and film, an American woman (Mahmoody) traveled to Tehran with her young daughter to visit her Iranian-born family of her husband. Mahmoody's husband then undergoes a strange transformation in Iran, ranging from an educated and sophisticated citizen to an abusive, backwards peasant, eventually deciding that they will not return to the United States. Betty is told that she can divorce him and leave, but their daughter must stay in Tehran under Islamic law. Ultimately, after 18 months in Iran, Betty and her daughter escape to the American embassy in Turkey.
Several Western critics, including Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun Times and Caryn James of The New York Times, criticized the film for stereotyping Iranians as misogynistic and fanatical. According to Ebert, the film depicts Islamic society "in shrill terms", where women are "willing or unwilling captives of their men", deprived of "what in the West would be considered basic human rights". Furthermore, Ebert says, "No attempt is made—deliberately, I assume—to explain the Muslim point of view, except in rigid sets of commands and rote statements". Ebert then contends, "If a movie of such a vitriolic and spiteful nature were to be made in America about any other ethnic group, it would be denounced as racist and prejudiced."
According to Jane Campbell, the film "only serves to reinforce the media stereotype of Iranians as terrorists who, if not actively bombing public buildings or holding airline passengers hostage, are untrustworthy, irrational, cruel, and barbaric."
The film was also criticized in Iran. A 2002 Islamic Republic News Agency article claimed that the film " smears...against Iran" and "stereotyped Iranians as cruel characters and wife-beaters". In a Finnish documentary, Without My Daughter, film maker Alexis Kouros tells Mahmoody's husband's side of the story, showing Iranian eyewitnesses accusing the Hollywood film of spreading lies and "treasons". Alice Sharif, an American woman living with her Iranian husband in Tehran, accuses Mahmoody and the filmmakers of deliberately attempting to foment anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States.
Alexander (2004)
The 2004 film Alexander by American director Oliver Stone has been accused of negative and inaccurate portrayal of Persians. In particular, according to historian Kaveh Farrokh, the Persian soldiers who fought at the Battle of Gaugamela are wrongly portrayed as unclean, disorganized, and wearing turbans, in contrast to the well-disciplined Greek army. The destruction of Persepolis was done by Alexander who is a hated figure in eyes of Iranians. According to Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones, Professor of Ancient History at Cardiff University: "Oliver Stone's movie Alexander (2004) displays all the familiar Orientalist notions about the inferiority and picturesqueness of Eastern societies. So much so, indeed, that in terms of its portrayal of East–West relationships, Alexander has to be seen as a stale cultural statement and a worn-out reflection of the continuing Western preoccupation with an imaginary exotic Orient."
300 (2007)
The 2007 epic film 300 by Zack Snyder, an adaptation of Frank Miller's 1998 limited comic series of the same name, was criticized for its portrayal of combatants, perceived as racist, in the Persian army at the Battle of Thermopylae. Reviewers in the United States and elsewhere "noted the political overtones of the West-against-Iran story line and the way Persians are depicted as decadent, sexually flamboyant and evil in contrast to the noble Greeks". With bootleg versions of the film already available in Tehran with the film's international release and news of the film's surprising success at the U.S. box office, it prompted widespread anger in Iran. Azadeh Moaveni of Time reported, "All of Tehran was outraged. Everywhere I went yesterday, the talk vibrated with indignation over the film". Newspapers in Iran featured headlines such as "Hollywood declares war on Iranians" and "300 AGAINST 70 MILLION" (Iran's population). Ayende-No, an independent Iranian newspaper, said that "he film depicts Iranians as demons, without culture, feeling or humanity, who think of nothing except attacking other nations and killing people". Four Iranian Members of Parliament have called for Muslim countries to ban the film, and a group of Iranian film makers submitted a letter of protest to UNESCO regarding the film's alleged misrepresentation of Iranian history and culture. Iran's cultural advisor to president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has called the film an "American attempt for psychological warfare against Iran".
Moaveni identified two factors which may have contributed to the intensity of Iranian indignation over the film. First, she describes the timing of the film's release, on the eve of Norouz (Nowruz), the Persian New Year, as "inauspicious." Second, Iranians tend to view the era depicted in the film as "a particularly noble page in their history". Moaveni also suggests that "the box office success of 300, compared with the relative flop of Alexander (another spurious period epic dealing with Persians), is cause for considerable alarm, signaling ominous U.S. intentions".
According to The Guardian, Iranian critics of 300, ranging from bloggers to government officials, have described the movie "as a calculated attempt to demonise Iran at a time of intensifying U.S. pressure over the country's nuclear programme". An Iranian government spokesman described the film as "hostile behavior which is the result of cultural and psychological warfare". Moaveni reported that the Iranians she interacted with were "adamant that the movie was secretly funded by the U.S. government to prepare Americans for going to war against Iran".
Dana Stevens of Slate states, "If 300, the new battle epic based on the graphic novel by Frank Miller and Lynn Varley, had been made in Germany in the mid-1930s, it would be studied today alongside The Eternal Jew as a textbook example of how race-baiting fantasy and nationalist myth can serve as an incitement to total war. Since it is a product of the post-ideological, post-Xbox 21st century, 300 will instead be talked about as a technical achievement, the next blip on the increasingly blurry line between movies and video games.
Argo (2012)
Argo has not been shown in public in Iran. It narrates the story of the 1979 Iran hostage crisis and in particular the rescue of six American diplomats by the Central Intelligence Agency. The film faced several reactions from supporters of the Islamic republic and opponents. The film was criticized for a negative portrayal of Iranians, including both revolutionaries and civilians.
In the Netherlands
Iran's nuclear program
In 2015, requests of the Ministries of Education and Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands to monitor Iranian students prevented them from studying at the University of Twente in the city of Enschede and Eindhoven University of Technology in the city of Eindhoven. The latter university had even asked the AIVD, the Dutch intelligence service, to monitor Iranian students. AIVD stated that it was not its duty to do so, and the University decided to stop admitting any applicants from Iran, regardless of the degree sought. The Dutch government said that it fears the theft of sensitive nuclear technology that could assist the Iranian government in constructing nuclear weapons. After protests were lodged, the Dutch government announced again that Iranian students and Dutch citizens of Iranian heritage were not allowed to study at many Dutch universities or go to some areas in the Netherlands.
Additionally, in 2008 several other universities stated that the government had prohibited them from admitting students from Iran, and technical colleges were not allowed to give Iranian students access to knowledge of nuclear technology. It was noted that it was the first time after the German occupation during the Second World War that ethnic-, religion- or racial-based restrictions were imposed in the Netherlands. Harry van Bommel, a parliamentarian of the Dutch Socialist Party (SP), condemned the berufsverbot, deliberately using a German word associated with the Second World War.
Although the Dutch authorities state that the UN security council's resolution 1737 (2006) authorises them and obliges all member states of the UN to take such a measure, it remains the only country to have done so.
On 3 February 2010, a court in The Hague ruled that the Dutch government's policy to ban Iranian-born students and scientists from certain master's degrees and from nuclear research facilities was overly broad and in violation of an international civil rights treaty.
In the Turkic world
See also: Erdoğan Iran poem controversy and Pan-Turkism § Pseudoscientific theoriesTurkey
According to a 2013 survey, 75% of Turks look at Iran unfavorably against 14% with favorable views. Political scientist Shireen Hunter writes that there are two significant groups in Turkey that are hostile towards Iran: "the military establishment and the ultra-Kemalist elite" and the "ultranationalists with pan-Turkist aspirations" (such as the Grey Wolves). Canadian author Kaveh Farrokh also suggests that pan-Turkist groups (the Grey Wolves in particular) have encouraged anti-Iranian sentiments.
Ottoman Empire
Historically, the Shia Muslims were discriminated in the Ottoman Empire as they were associated with their Iranian/Persian neighbors. In Turkey, relatively large communities of Turks, Kurds and Zazas are Alevi Shia, while some areas in Eastern Anatolia, notably Kars and Ağrı, are Twelver Shia.
Azerbaijan
Main article: Anti-Iranian sentiment in Azerbaijan See also: Nizami as Azerbaijan's national poet and Azerbaijan (toponym) § Southern AzerbaijanHistoric falsifications in the Republic of Azerbaijan, in relation to Iran and its history, are "backed by state and state backed non-governmental organizational bodies", ranging "from elementary school all the way to the highest level of universities".
As a result of the two Russo-Persian Wars of the 19th century, the border between what is present-day Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan was formed. Although there had not been a historical Azerbaijani state to speak of in history, the demarcation, set at the Aras river, left significant numbers of what were later coined "Azerbaijanis" to the north of the Aras river. During the existence of the Azerbaijan SSR of the Soviet Union, pan-Turkist political elites of Baku who were loyal to the Communist cause, in tandem with Soviet-era historical revisionism and myth-building, invented a national history based on the existence of an Azeri nation-state that dominated the areas to the north and south of the Aras river, which was supposedly torn apart by an Iranian-Russian conspiracy in the Treaty of Turkmenchay of 1828. This "imagined community" was cherished, promoted and institutionalized in formal history books of the educational system of the Azerbaijan SSR and the post-Soviet Azerbaijan Republic. As the Soviet Union was a closed society, and its people were unaware of the actual realities regarding Iran and its Azeri citizens, the elites in Soviet Azerbaijan kept cherishing and promoting the idea of a "united Azerbaijan" in their activities. This romantic thought led to the founding of nostalgic literary works, known as the "literature of longing"; examples amongst this genre are, for instance, Foggy Tabriz by Mammed Said Ordubadi, and The Coming Day by Mirza Ibrahimov. As a rule, works belonging to the "literature of longing" genre were characterized by depicting the life of Iranian Azeris as a misery due to suppression by the "Fars" (Persians), and by narrating fictional stories about Iranian Azeris waiting for the day when their "brothers" from the "north" would come and liberate them. Works that belonged to this genre, as the historian and political scientist Zaur Gasimov explains, "were examples of blatant Azerbaijani nationalism stigmatizing the “division” of the nation along the river Araxes, as well as denunciations of economic and cultural exploitation of Iranian Azerbaijanis, etc." Gasimov adds: "an important by-product of this literary genre was strongly articulated anti-Iranian rhetoric. Tolerance and even support of this anti-Iranian rhetoric by the communist authorities were obvious."
During the Soviet nation building campaign, any event, both past and present, that had ever occurred in what is the present-day Azerbaijan Republic and Iranian Azerbaijan were rebranded as phenomenons of "Azerbaijani culture". Any Iranian ruler or poet that had lived in the area was assigned to the newly rebranded identity of the Transcaucasian Turkophones, in other words "Azerbaijanis". According to Michael P. Croissant: "It was charged that the "two Azerbaijans", once united, were separated artificially by a conspiracy between imperial Russia and Iran". This notion based on illegitimate historic revisionism suited Soviet political purposes well (based on "anti-imperialism"), and became the basis for irredentism among Azerbaijani nationalists in the last years of the Soviet Union, shortly prior to the establishment of the Azerbaijan Republic in 1991.
In the Republic of Azerbaijan, periods and aspects of Iranian history are usually claimed as being an "Azerbaijani" product in a distortion of history, and historic Iranian figures, such as the Persian poet Nizami Ganjavi are called "Azerbaijanis", contrary to universally acknowledged fact. In the Azerbaijan SSR, forgeries such as an alleged "Turkish divan" and falsified verses were published in order to "Turkify" Nizami Ganjavi. Although this type of irredentism was initially the result of the nation building policy of the Soviets, it became an instrument for "biased, pseudo-academic approaches and political speculations" in the nationalistic aspirations of the young Azerbaijan Republic. In the modern Azerbaijan Repuiblic, historiography is written with the aim of retroactively Turkifying many of the peoples and kingdoms that existed prior to the arrival of Turks in the region, including the Iranian Medes.
According to professor of history George Bournoutian:
"As noted, in order to construct an Azerbaijani national history and identity based on the territorial definition of a nation, as well as to reduce the influence of Islam and Iran, the Azeri nationalists, prompted by Moscow devised an "Azeri" alphabet, which replaced the Arabo-Persian script. In the 1930s a number of Soviet historians, including the prominent Russian Orientalist, Ilya Petrushevskii, were instructed by the Kremlin to accept the totally unsubstantiated notion that the territory of the former Iranian khanates (except Yerevan, which had become Soviet Armenia) was part of an Azerbaijani nation. Petrushevskii's two important studies dealing with the South Caucasus, therefore, use the term Azerbaijan and Azerbaijani in his works on the history of the region from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. Other Russian academics went even further and claimed that an Azeri nation had existed from ancient times and had continued to the present. Since all the Russian surveys and almost all nineteenth-century Russian primary sources referred to the Muslims who resided in the South Caucasus as "Tatars" and not "Azerbaijanis", Soviet historians simply substituted Azerbaijani for Tatars. Azeri historians and writers, starting in 1937, followed suit and began to view the three-thousand-year history of the region as that of Azerbaijan. The pre-Iranian, Iranian, and Arab eras were expunged. Anyone who lived in the territory of Soviet Azerbaijan was classified as Azeri; hence the great Iranian poet Nezami, who had written only in Persian, became the national poet of Azerbaijan."
Bournoutian adds:
Although after Stalin's death arguments rose between Azerbaijani historians and Soviet Iranologists dealing with the history of the region in ancient times (specifically the era of the Medes), no Soviet historian dared to question the use of the term Azerbaijan or Azerbaijani in modern times. As late as 1991, the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, published a book by an Azeri historian, in which it noy only equated the "Tatars" with the present-day Azeris, but the author, discussing the population numbers in 1842, also included Nakhichevan and Ordubad in "Azerbaijan". The author, just like Petrushevskii, totally ignored the fact that between 1828 and 1921, Nakhichivan and Ordubad were first part of the Armenian Province and then part of the Yerevan guberniia and had only become part of Soviet Azerbaijan, some eight decades later (...) Although the overwhelming number of nineteenth-century Russian and Iranian, as well as present-day European historians view the Iranian province of Azarbayjan and the present-day Republic of Azerbaijan as two separate geographical and political entities, modern Azeri historians and geographers view it as a single state that has been separated into "northern" and "southern" sectors and which will be united in the future. (...) Since the collapse of the Soviet Union the current Azeri historians have not only continued to use the terms "northern" and "southern" Azerbaijan, but also assert that the present-day Armenian Republic was a part of northern Azerbaijan. In their fury over what they view as the "Armenian occupation" of Nagorno-Karabakh , Azeri politicians and historians deny any historic Armenian presence in the South Caucasus and add that all Armenian architectural monuments located in the present-day Republic of Azerbaijan are not Armenian but Albanian."
Since 1918, political elites with Pan-Turkist-oriented sentiments in the area that comprises the present-day Azerbaijan Republic have depended on the concept of ethnic nationalism in order to create an anti-Iranian sense of ethnicity amongst Iranian Azeris. According to political adviser Eldar Mamedov, "Anti-Iranian policies carried out by various Azerbaijani governments since the 1990s." Azerbaijan's second President Abulfaz Elchibey (1992–93) and his government has been widely described as pursuing Pan-Turkic and anti-Iranian policies. Iranian Azerbaijani intellectuals who have promoted Iranian cultural and national identity and put forth a reaction to early pan-Turkist claims over Iran's Azerbaijan region have been dubbed traitors to the "Azerbaijani nation" within the pan-Turkist media of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani government also lends support to anti-Iranian scholars situated in the West. In addition to being Turkocentric, Azerbaijan's post-Soviet national identity is strongly anti-Iran. It has been built in various ways to oppose Iran as "the other," not just as a country but also as a culture and historical entity. Nowadays, being Azerbaijani means rejecting any ties to Iran.
In Russia
Main article: Russo-Persian WarsRussian Empire
In the 19th century, during the existence of the Russian Empire, Russians dealt with Iran as an inferior "Orient", and held its people in contempt whilst ridiculing all aspects of Iranian culture. The Russian version of contemporaneous Western attitudes of superiority differed however. As Russian national identity was divided between East and West and Russian culture held many Asian elements, Russians consequently felt equivocal and even inferior to Western Europeans. In order to stem the tide of this particular inferiority complex, they tried to overcompensate to Western European powers by overemphasizing their own Europeanness and Christian faith, and by expressing scornfully their low opinion of Iranians. The historian Elena Andreeva adds that this trend was not only very apparent in over 200 Russian travelogues written about Iran and published in the course of the 19th and early 20th centuries, but also in diplomatic and other official documents.
See also
- Anti-Kurdish sentiment
- Anti-Shi'ism
- Shia–Sunni relations
- 1987 Mecca Massacre
- Culture of Iran
- Demographics of Iran
- History of Iran
- Human capital flight from Iran
- Iranian diaspora
- Islam in Iran
- Islamophobia
- Persophile
- Religion in Iran
- Freedom of religion in Iran
- Sectarian violence among Muslims
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- Ahmadi, Hamid (2017). "The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism". In Kamrava, Mehran (ed.). The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus. Oxford University Press. p. 106. ISBN 978-0190869663.
- Mamedov, Eldar (31 October 2014). "Azerbaijan: Time to Address the Potential Salafi Danger". eurasianet.org. Open Society Institute.
- Cornell, Svante (2005). Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus. Routledge. p. 87. ISBN 9781135796693.
Elchibey's anti-Iranian rhetoric and the subsequent deterioration of Azerbaijani-Iranian relations to below freezing point...
- Peimani, Hooman (1999). Iran and the United States: The Rise of the West Asian Regional Grouping. Praeger. p. 35. ISBN 9780275964542.
Characterized by its anti-Iranian, anti-Russian, pro-Turkish outlook, the Elchibey government's pursuit of pan-Turkism...
- Grogan, Michael S. (2000). National security imperatives and the neorealist state: Iran and realpolitik. Naval Postgraduate School. pp. 68–69.
Elchibey was anti-Iranian, pan-Azeri
- Eichensehr, Kristen E.; Reisman, William Michael, eds. (2009). Stopping Wars and Making Peace: Studies in International Intervention. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 57. ISBN 9789004178557.
radically pro-Turkish and anti-Iranian President Elchibey in June made Iran unacceptable to Azerbaijan as a mediator.
- Ahmadi, Hamid (2017). "The Clash of Nationalisms: Iranian response to Baku's irredentism". In Kamrava, Mehran (ed.). The Great Game in West Asia: Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus. Oxford University Press. p. 121. ISBN 978-0190869663.
- Heiran-Nia, Javad; Monshipouri, Mahmood (2023). Kamrava, Mehran (ed.). "Raisi and Iran's Foreign Policy Toward the South Caucasus". The Muslim World. 113 (1–2): 131. doi:10.1111/muwo.12460. S2CID 257093804.
- Mamedov 2017, p. 31.
- ^ Andreeva, Elena (2014). "RUSSIA i. Russo-Iranian Relations up to the Bolshevik Revolution". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica, Online Edition. Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation.
Further reading
- Bosworth, Clifford Edmund (December 15, 1984). "Ajam". Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. 1. pp. 700–1.
- Morozova, Irina (2005). "Contemporary Azerbaijani Historiography on the Problem of "Southern Azerbaijan" after World War II". Iran and the Caucasus. 9 (1): 85–120. doi:10.1163/1573384054068114.
- Farnia, Nina (August 1, 2011). "Law's Inhumanities: Peripheral Racialization and the Early Development of an Iranian Race". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. 31 (2): 455–473. doi:10.1215/1089201X-1264352. S2CID 143607791.
- Maghbouleh, Neda (2017). The Limits of Whiteness: Iranian Americans and the Everyday Politics of Race. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. ISBN 9781503603370.
- Mamedov, Eldar (2017). "Azerbaijan Twenty-Five Years after Independence: Accomplishments and Shortcomings". In Hunter, Shireen T. (ed.). The New Geopolitics of the South Caucasus: Prospects for Regional Cooperation and Conflict Resolution. Lexington Books. pp. 27–64. ISBN 978-1498564960.