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{{short description|Form of autocracy specific to Russian monarchies}}
'''Tsarist autocracy'''<Ref>As used in </ref> ({{lang-ru|царское самодержавие}}, ] ''tsarskoye samoderzhaviye''), also known as '''tsarist absolutism''',<Ref>As used in </ref> '''Russian absolutism'''<Ref>As used in </ref> or '''Russian autocracy'''<Ref>As used in </ref> refers to a form of ] specific to ] and the ].
{{Conservatism in Russia|Ideologies}}
{{basic forms of government}}
{{monarchism}}


'''Tsarist autocracy'''{{Ref label|a|a|none}} ({{langx|ru|царское самодержавие|tsarskoye samoderzhaviye}}), also called '''Tsarism''', was an ], a form of ] localised with the ] and its successor states, the ] and the ].{{Ref label|b|b|none}} In it, the ] possessed in principle authority and wealth, with more power than ]s counterbalanced by legislative authority, as well as a more religious authority than Western monarchs. The institution originated during the time of ] (1462−1505) and was abolished after the ].
== Features ==
The center of the tsarist autocracy was the person of the ] himself, a ] with absolute powers.<ref name=lee>Stephen J. Lee ''Russia and the USSR, 1855-1991: Autocracy and Dictatorship'', Routledge, 2006
ISBN 0415335779, </ref> The rights of state power in their entire extent belonged to the tsar. However, the tsar did not directly exercise all of his rights. Power was entrusted by him to persons and institutions, acting in his name, by his orders, and within the limits, laid down for them by law. The purpose of the system was to benefit the entire country of Russia.<ref name=lee/> A metaphor existed likening tsar to the father, and all of the subjects of the Empire, to his children; it was even used in Orthodox ]s.<ref>Robert D. Crews, ''For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia'', Harvard University Press, 2006, ISBN 0674021649, </ref>. This metaphor is present in the common Russian expression "царь-батюшка", literally "tsar-dear father".


== Alternative names ==
Another key feature was related to ], as in Russia, the tsar owned a much higher proportion of the state (lands, enterprises, etc.) than in Western monarchies.<ref>Deborah Goodwin, Matthew Midlane, ''Negotiation in International Conflict: Understanding Persuasion'', Taylor & Francis, 2002, ISBN 0714681938, </ref><ref>Nicolas Spulber, ''Russia's Economic Transitions: From Late Tsarism to the New Millennium'', Cambridge University Press, 2003, ISBN 0521816998, </ref><ref>Reinhard Bendix, ''Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait'', University of California Press, 1977, ISBN 0520031946, </ref><ref>Richard Pipes, ''Russian Conservatism and Its Critics: A Study in Political Culture'', Yale University Press, 2007, ISBN 0300122691, </ref><ref>Catherine J. Danks, ''Russian Politics and Society: An Introduction'', Pearson Education, 2001, ISBN 0582473004, </ref><ref>Stefan Hedlund, ''Russian Path Dependence: A People with a Troubled History'', Routledge, 2005, ISBN 0415354005, </ref>
{{no original research|section|date=November 2024|reason=These are textbook cases of ].}}
Imperial autocracy,{{Ref label|c|c|none}} Russian autocracy,{{Ref label|d|d|none}} Muscovite autocracy,{{Ref label|e|e|none}} tsarist absolutism,{{Ref label|f|f|none}} imperial absolutism,{{Ref label|g|g|none}} Russian absolutism,{{Ref label|h|h|none}} Muscovite absolutism,{{Ref label|i|i|none}} Muscovite despotism,{{Ref label|j|j|none}}{{Ref label|k|k|none}} Russian despotism,{{Ref label|l|l|none}} tsarist despotism{{Ref label|m|m|none}} or imperial despotism.{{Ref label|n|n|none}}


== History ==
The tsarist autocracy had many supporters within Russia. Major Russian advocates and theorists of autocracy included the world famous writer, ],<ref name=Scanlan>James Patrick Scanlan, ''Dostoevsky the Thinker: A Philosophical Study'', Cornell University Press, 2002, ISBN 0801439949, </ref><ref name=Viereck/>, ],<ref>Richard Pipes, ''Russian Conservatism and Its Critics: A Study in Political Culture'', Yale University Press, 2007, ISBN 0300122691, </ref> ],<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0674750012, </ref> ],<ref name=Scanlan/> ]<ref name=lee/><ref name=Viereck/> and ]. They all argued that strong and prosperous Russia needs a strong tsar, and philosophies of ] and ] are not fit for Russia.<ref name=Viereck/> For common people, the tsar was responsible for all good in their lives, while all the disasters came from meddling bureaucracy, nobles, and such.
] (reigned 1462–1505) built upon ] traditions and laid foundations for the tsarist autocracy which with some variations would govern Russia for centuries.<ref name=pt>Peter Truscott, ''Russia First: Breaking with the West'', I. B. Tauris, 1997, {{ISBN|1-86064-199-7}}, </ref><ref name=Viereck/> ] in Russia gradually developed during the 17th and 18th centuries, replacing the ] of the ].


After the chaotic ] (1598–1613), the first monarch of the ], ] (reigned 1613–1645), was elected to the throne by a ] ("assembly of the land"). During Michael's reign, when the Romanov dynasty was still weak, such assemblies were summoned annually. The Romanov dynasty consolidated absolute power in Russia during the reign of ] (reigned 1682–1725), who reduced the power of the ] and strengthened the central power of the tsar, establishing a bureaucratic ] based on the ] but theoretically open to all classes of the society, in place of the nobility-only ] which ] had abolished in 1682 at the request of the highest boyars.<ref name=petro3436>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|0-674-75001-2}}, </ref><ref>], ''A Military History of Russia: From Ivan the Terrible to the War in Chechnya'', Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006, {{ISBN|0-275-98502-4}}, </ref><ref>Paul Bushkovitch, ''Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power, 1671–1725'', Cambridge University Press, 2001, {{ISBN|0-521-80585-6}}, {{Dead link|date=November 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> Peter I also strengthened state control over the ].<ref name=petro3436/>
In Poland, tsarist autocracy has been analyzed more critically by ].


Peter's reforms provoked a series of palace coups seeking to restore the power of the nobility.<ref name=petro3639>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|0-674-75001-2}}, </ref> To end them, ], whose reign (1762–1796) is often regarded as the high point of absolutism in Russia, in 1785 issued the ], legally affirming the rights and privileges they had acquired in preceding years, and the Charter of the Towns, establishing municipal self-government. This placated the powerful classes of society but left real power in the hands of the state bureaucracy.<ref name=petro3639/> Building on this, ] (reigned 1801–1825) established the ] as an advisory legislative body. ] (1855–1881) established a system of elected local self-government (]) and an independent judicial system, but Russia did not have a national-level representative assembly (]) or a ] until the ].<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|0-674-75001-2}}, </ref>
== History ==
] built upon ] traditions and laid foundations for the tsarist autocracy, a system that with some variations would govern Russia for centuries.<ref name=pt>Peter Truscott, ''Russia First: Breaking with the West'', I.B.Tauris, 1997
ISBN 186064199, </ref><ref name=Viereck>Peter Viereck, ''Conservative Thinkers: From John Adams to Winston Churchill'', Transaction Publishers, 2005
ISBN 1412805260, </ref> Additional influences include the ] and the ] ideas and administrative system, credited with bringing the culture exhibiting some characteristics of an ] to Russia (it should be noted, however, that terms ''oriental despotism'' and its development, the ''Russian despotism'', have been criticized as misleading, since Muscovy, and Russia, never had characteristics of pure ], such as the ruler being identified with a ]).<ref>Donald Ostrowski, ''Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304-1589'', Cambridge University Press, 2002, ISBN 0521894107, </ref><ref> Professor Gerhard Rempel, ]</ref><ref name=Viereck/>


The system was abolished after the ].
] reduced the power of the ] and strengthened the central power of the ], establishing a bureaucratic ] based on the ] but open to all classes of the society, in place of the nobility-only ] which ] had abolished in ].<ref name=petro3436>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0674750012, </ref><ref>David R. Stone, ''A Military History of Russia: From Ivan the Terrible to the War in Chechnya'', Greenwood Publishing Group, 2006, ISBN 0275985024, </ref><ref>Paul Bushkovitch, ''Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power, 1671-1725'', Cambridge University Press, 2001, ISBN 0521805856, </ref> Peter I also strengthened the state's control over the church (the ]).<ref name=petro3436/> Peter's reform caused a series of palace coups seeking to restore the power of the nobility.<ref name=petro3639>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0674750012, http://books.google.com/books?id=5XGXwAzRav4C&pg=PA36&vq=catherine&dq=%22tsarist+absolutism%22&as_brr=3&source=gbs_search_s&cad=0 Google Print, p.36-39]</ref> To end them, ], whose reign is often regarded as the high point of absolutism in Russia, in 1785 issued charter to the nobility and gentry, legally affirming civil rights they had acquired in preceding years, and charter of the Cities, establishing municipal self-government. This placated the gentry, however in fact the real power rested with the state's bureaucracy.<ref name=petro3639/> This was built on by later Tsars. ] established ] as advisory legislative body. Although ] established system of elected local self-government (]) and an independent judicial system, Russia did not have a national-level representative assembly (]) or a ] until the ].<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0674750012, </ref> The system was abolished after the ].

== Features ==
<section begin=tsarist autocracy />
The ] himself, the embodiment of ] authority, stood at the center of the tsarist autocracy, with full power over the state and its people.<ref name=lee>Stephen J. Lee ''Russia and the USSR, 1855–1991: Autocracy and Dictatorship'', Routledge, 2006. {{ISBN|0-415-33577-9}}, </ref> The autocrat delegated power to persons and institutions acting on his orders, and within the limits of his laws, for the common good of all Russia.<ref name=lee/> The tsar was metaphorically a father and all of his subjects were his children; this metaphor even appeared in Orthodox ],<ref>Robert D. Crews, ''For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia'', Harvard University Press, 2006, {{ISBN|0-674-02164-9}}, </ref> and is remembered in the common Russian expression "царь-батюшка" ''tsar-batyushka'' ("tsar-dear father").

Furthermore, contrary to the movement for separation of church and state in West European monarchies, the Russian Empire combined monarchy with the supreme authority on religious issues (see ] and ] for details).

Another key feature related to ]. In Russia, the tsar owned a much higher proportion of the state (lands, enterprises, etc.) than did Western monarchs.<ref>Deborah Goodwin, Matthew Midlane, ''Negotiation in International Conflict: Understanding Persuasion'', Taylor & Francis, 2002, {{ISBN|0-7146-8193-8}}, </ref><ref>Nicolas Spulber, ''Russia's Economic Transitions: From Late Tsarism to the New Millennium'', Cambridge University Press, 2003, {{ISBN|0-521-81699-8}}, </ref><ref>Reinhard Bendix, ''Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait'', the University of California Press, 1977, {{ISBN|0-520-03194-6}}, </ref><ref>Richard Pipes, ''Russian Conservatism and Its Critics: A Study in Political Culture'', Yale University Press, 2007, {{ISBN|0-300-12269-1}}, </ref><ref>Catherine J. Danks, ''Russian Politics and Society: An Introduction'', Pearson Education, 2001, {{ISBN|0-582-47300-4}}, </ref><ref>Stefan Hedlund, ''Russian Path Dependence: A People with a Troubled History'', Routledge, 2005, {{ISBN|0-415-35400-5}}, </ref>

The tsarist autocracy had many supporters within Russia. Major Russian advocates and theorists of the autocracy included writer ],<ref name=Viereck>Peter Viereck, ''Conservative Thinkers: From John Adams to Winston Churchill'', Transaction Publishers, 2005, {{ISBN|1-4128-0526-0}}, </ref><ref name=Scanlan>James Patrick Scanlan, ''Dostoevsky the Thinker: A Philosophical Study'', Cornell University Press, 2002, {{ISBN|0-8014-3994-9}}, </ref> ],<ref>Richard Pipes, ''Russian Conservatism and Its Critics: A Study in Political Culture'', Yale University Press, 2007, {{ISBN|0-300-12269-1}}, </ref> ],<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|0-674-75001-2}}, </ref> ],<ref name=Scanlan/> ]<ref name=Viereck/><ref name=lee/> and ]. They all argued that a strong and prosperous Russia needed a strong tsar and that philosophies of ] and ] were alien to it.<ref name=Viereck/><section end=tsarist autocracy />


== Influences == == Influences ==
Some historians see the traditions of Tsarist autocracy as partially responsible for laying groundworks for the ] in the ].<ref name=mal>David Lloyd Hoffmann, ''Stalinism: The Essential Readings'', Blackwell Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0631228918, </ref><ref name=Viereck/> <ref>Dennis J. Dunn, ''The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars, and Commissars'', Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2004, ISBN 0754636100, </ref><ref name=pt/> They see the traditions of autocracy and patrimonialism as dominating Russia's political culture for centuries; for example, ] wrote that Russian political culture is "rooted in the historical experience of centuries of absolutism."<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0674750012, </ref> All of those views had been challenged by other historians (for example, and Martin Malia (as cited by Hoffmann)).<ref name=mal/> Some historians see the traditions of tsarist autocracy as partially responsible for laying the groundwork for the ] in the ].<ref name=pt/><ref name=Viereck/><ref name=mal>David Lloyd Hoffmann, ''Stalinism: The Essential Readings'', Blackwell Publishing, 2003, {{ISBN|0-631-22891-8}},.</ref><ref>Dennis J. Dunn, ''The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars, and Commissars'', Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2004, {{ISBN|0-7546-3610-0}}, </ref> They see the traditions of autocracy and patrimonialism as dominating Russia's political culture for centuries; for example, ] is described as "the most consistent" defender of the position that the uniqueness of Russian political heritage is inseparable from its ethnic identity. In White's opinion, autocracy is the defining factor in the history of Russian politics.<ref name=nnp29>Nicolai N. Petro, </ref> He wrote that Russian political culture is "rooted in the historical experience of centuries of absolutism".<ref>Nicolai N. Petro, ''The Rebirth of Russian Democracy: An Interpretation of Political Culture'', Harvard University Press, 1995, {{ISBN|0-674-75001-2}}, </ref> Those views had been challenged by other historians, for example, ] and ] (as cited by Hoffmann).<ref name=mal/> ] is another influential historian among non-specialists who holds the position about the distinctness of Russian history and political system, describing the absolutism of the Muscovite political system as "patrimonial", and saw the stability of the ] in the fact that Russians accepted the legitimacy of this patrimonial organization.<ref name=nnp29/>


Some historians have pointed to a ] in the concept. For example, American ] analysts, including ], linked the Soviet government's autocratic rule to ] influences during its history, and biographies of Russian leaders often stressed their possible Asiatic ancestries. In the tradition of the racist ideology of the Nazis, they maintained that Asiatic influences rendered the Russians, along with the ], untrustworthy.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yHh6gwshyKIC&q=despot+russian&pg=RA2-PA229|title=Dominance by design: technological imperatives and America's civilizing mission|author=Michael Adas|publisher=]|year=2006|isbn=0-674-01867-2|pages=230–231}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Modernization from the other shore|author=David C. Engerman|year=2003|publisher=]|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UkFlO7hoxOMC&q=russian+despotism+racial+asiatic&pg=PA260|page=260|isbn=0-674-01151-1}}</ref>
==See also==
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]


== Criticism of the concept ==
==References==
Historians of different backgrounds have criticized the concept of tsarist autocracy in its various forms. Their complaints range from the different names of the model being too vague,{{sfn|Halperin|2002|p=501}} to its chronological implications (it is impossible to consider Russia in different centuries the same) as well as to its content (the question how Russian or "tsarist" autocracy differs from "regular" autocracy or from European absolutism for that matter).{{sfn|Halperin|2002|p=501}}
{{reflist}}


Regarding the substance of the autocracy model, its equation with despotism and its supposed origins in Mongol rule, as well as its supposed rise in medieval Muscovy, have been heavily debated.<ref>D. Ostrowski, ''Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influence on the Steppe Frontier, 1304-1589'' (Cambridge 1998) 91-95; M. Poe, 'The Consequences of the Military Revolution in Muscovy: A Comparative Perspective', ''Comparative Studies in Society and History'' 38 4 (1996) 603-604; R.O. Crummey, 'Russian Absolutism and the Nobility', ''Journal of Modern History'' 49 3 (1977) 456-459.</ref> For one, Marxist Soviet scholars were concerned with prerevolutionary absolutism and identified the boyar elites and the bureaucracy as its pillars. For example, Sergey M. Troitskii claimed that the Russian monarchs held sway of the nobility which was reduced to state service. According to Troitskii, absolutism in Russia was the same as everywhere else. This led to a difficult position within Marxism because absolutism revolves around institutions and laws, which were fundamentally less important than the socioeconomic base of society.<ref>A. Gerschenkron, 'Soviet Marxism and Absolutism', ''Slavic Review'' 30 4 (1971) 855.</ref> This raises the question of how absolutism could be the same when socioeconomic circumstances in Russia were not the same as elsewhere.
==Further reading==

*Paul Dukes, ''The Making of Russian Absolutism, 1613-1801'', Longman, 1986
In order to reconcile the non-socioeconomic nature of absolutism with Marxist theory, Soviet scholar Alexander N. Chistozvonov proposed to group the Russian monarchy with the Prussian and Austrian ones, forming a distinct mix of Western European absolutism and "oriental despotism".<ref>Crummey, 'Russian Absolutism', 458-459.</ref> In the eyes of Chistozvonov, whatever absolutist or autocratic elements were indeed present in Russia, they were not unique and do not warrant Russia's exclusive categorization.
*Marshall Poe, ''"Russian despotism" : the origins and dissemination of an early modern commonplace''. Thesis (Ph. D. in History). ], 1993.

*Hugh Ragsdale, ''The Russian Tragedy: The Burden of History'', M.E. Sharpe, 1996, ISBN 1563247550
Similarly struggling with Marxist conceptions, Soviet historian Petr A. Zaionchkovskii and his student Larisa G. Zakharova focused on the importance of the political convictions of Russian officials and bureaucrats to explain nineteenth-century political decision-making. By showing that the state was not a unified and powerful whole (commanded by the economically dominant class), they likewise tackled common (Marxist) conceptions of Russian autocracy.<ref>P.A. Zaionchkovskii, ''Otmena krepostnogo prava v Rossii'' (Moscow 1968); P.A. Zaionchkovski, ''Pravitel'stvennyi apparat samoderzhavnoi Rossii v XIX v.'' (Moscow 1978); L.G. Zakharova, ''Aleksandr II i otmena krepostnogo prava v Rossii'' (Moscow 2011).</ref> While like Troitskii, they studied the nobility and bureaucracy (in a later period), Zaionchkovskii and Zakharova painted a different picture of the tsar's position. Coinciding with Western scholars like Robert Crummey, they lay bare the interdependence of monarch and nobility in the practice of rule.<ref>Crummey, 'Russian Absolutism', 466-467.</ref>

Outside Russia and the Soviet Union, Hans-Joachim Torke among others tried to counter the notion of an all-powerful autocratic state by pointing at the mutual dependency of service elites and the state (coining the term "state-conditioned society").<ref>Crummey, ‘Russian Absolutism’, 466; R.O. Crummey, 'Hans-Joachim Torke, 1938-2000', ''Kritika'' 2 3 (2001) 702</ref> Torke acknowledges that the tsars were not reined in by any form of constitution, but he emphasizes, for example, the limitations of Christian morality and court customs. The so-called "American school" of the 1980s and 1990s argued for the important role of elite networks and their power in court. Edward Keenan went even further in his well-known piece on Muscovite political culture, claiming that the tsar was merely a puppet in the hands of boyars who wielded the actual power behind the scenes.<ref>P. Bushkovitch, ''Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power, 1671-1725'' (Cambridge 2004) 4; E.L. Keenan, 'Muscovite Political Folkways', ''Russian Review'' 45 2 (1986) 115-181.</ref>

For others, like David Ransel and Paul Bushkovitch, it goes too far to portray relations between tsar and nobility like Keenan does, because it does not appreciate their complexity. Bushkovitch argues that the theoretic lack of limitations on the power of the tsar is irrelevant and instead claims that the "crucial question" is where the real power lay. In his view, this can only be shown by the political narrative of events.<ref>D.L. Ransel, ''The Politics of Catherinian Russia: The Panin Party'' (New Haven 1975); Bushkovitch, ''Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power'', 29.</ref> Bushkovitch placed the balance of power between the tsar, the individual boyars, and the tsar's favorites at the center of political decision-making. In so doing, Bushkovitch found that on the one hand, the tsar's relative power fluctuated per monarch, and on the other hand, that the nobility was all but unified; the balance of power changed with each tsar as well as the rise of boyars and in the case of Peter I even shifted multiple times.

] cautioned against views that too easily claim tsar and state dominance in politics or society.{{sfn|Halperin|2002|pp=501–507}} While acknowledging the institutional differences between Muscovy and Western European monarchies, Halperin nevertheless stresses that these differences should not be considered absolute. In his view, the practice of rule, a matter of human interactions, is more important than theory and abstractions.{{sfn|Halperin|2002|pp=501–507}}

== See also ==
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]

== Notes ==
{{no original research|section|date=November 2024|reason=These are textbook cases of ].}}
'''a''' {{note label|a|a|none}} As used in .

'''b''' {{note label|b|b|none}} The existing literature pairs the words ''Russian, tsarist, Muscovite'' and ''imperial'' with ''despotism, absolutism'' and ''autocracy'' in all possible combinations, rarely giving clear definitions. ''Tsarist'' can be indeed applicable to the entire period (see also ]), but ''Muscovite'' is applicable only to the period of the ], which was replaced by ], a period for which the words ''imperial'' and ''Russian'' are applicable. Further, we can look at ''Muscovite despotism'' as a precursor for the ''tsarist absolutism'', however, the very use of the word despotism has problems (see following note). Finally, care should be taken with the term ]: Today, the autocrat is usually seen as synonymous with despot, tyrant, and/or dictator, though each of these terms originally had a separate and distinct meaning. Overall, out of the available terms, "tsarist autocracy" is the one that seems most correct for the entire period discussed, but it is worth keeping in mind that there are no ]s and that the Russian political system evolved through time.

'''c''' {{note label|c|c|none}}
As used in .

'''d''' {{note label|d|d|none}}
As used in .

'''e''' {{note label|e|e|none}}
As used in .

'''f''' {{note label|f|f|none}}
As used in .

'''g''' {{note label|g|g|none}}
As used in .

'''h''' {{note label|h|h|none}}
As used in .

'''i''' {{note label|i|i|none}}
As used in .

'''j''' {{note label|j|j|none}}
As used in .

'''k''' {{note label|k|k|none}}
The terms ''oriental despotism'' and its development, the '']'' or ''Russian despotism'', have been criticized as misleading, since Muscovy, and Russia, never had characteristics of pure ], such as the ruler being identified with a ].<ref name=Viereck/><ref>Donald Ostrowski, ''Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304–1589'', Cambridge University Press, 2002, {{ISBN|0-521-89410-7}}, </ref><ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070930230346/http://mars.wnec.edu/~grempel/courses/russia/lectures/07tartar.html |date=2007-09-30 }} Professor Gerhard Rempel, ].</ref>

'''l''' {{note label|l|l|none}}
As used in .

'''m''' {{note label|m|m|none}}
As used in .

'''n''' {{note label|n|n|none}}
As used in .

== References ==
{{reflist|30em}}

== Further reading ==
* ], ''The Making of Russian Absolutism, 1613–1801'', Longman, 1986
* {{cite journal |last=Halperin |first=Charles J. |authorlink=Charles J. Halperin |title=Muscovy as a Hypertrophic State: A Critique |journal=Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History |volume=3 |issue=3 |date=2002 |issn=1538-5000 |doi=10.1353/kri.2002.0036 |pages=501–507}}
* ], ''"Russian despotism": the origins and dissemination of an early modern commonplace''. Thesis (Ph.D. in history). ], 1993.
* Hugh Ragsdale, ''The Russian Tragedy: The Burden of History'', M.E. Sharpe, 1996, {{ISBN|1-56324-755-0}}
* Richard Pipes, ''Russia under the Old Regime'', (Penguin 1995), {{ISBN|978-0-14-024768-8}}


== External links == == External links ==
* . By the Chancery of the Committee of Ministers, St. Petersburg. 1896. * . By the Chancery of the Committee of Ministers, St. Petersburg. 1896.
* {{YouTube|f8ZqBLcIvw0|The Origins of Russian Authoritarianism}} by Kraut


{{authoritarian types of rule}}
{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Tsarist Autocracy}}
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Latest revision as of 02:49, 10 December 2024

Form of autocracy specific to Russian monarchies
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Tsarist autocracy (Russian: царское самодержавие, romanizedtsarskoye samoderzhaviye), also called Tsarism, was an autocracy, a form of absolute monarchy localised with the Grand Duchy of Moscow and its successor states, the Tsardom of Russia and the Russian Empire. In it, the Tsar possessed in principle authority and wealth, with more power than constitutional monarchs counterbalanced by legislative authority, as well as a more religious authority than Western monarchs. The institution originated during the time of Ivan III (1462−1505) and was abolished after the Russian Revolution of 1917.

Alternative names

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Imperial autocracy, Russian autocracy, Muscovite autocracy, tsarist absolutism, imperial absolutism, Russian absolutism, Muscovite absolutism, Muscovite despotism, Russian despotism, tsarist despotism or imperial despotism.

History

Ivan III (reigned 1462–1505) built upon Byzantine traditions and laid foundations for the tsarist autocracy which with some variations would govern Russia for centuries. Absolutism in Russia gradually developed during the 17th and 18th centuries, replacing the despotism of the Grand Duchy of Moscow.

After the chaotic Time of Troubles (1598–1613), the first monarch of the Romanov dynasty, Michael of Russia (reigned 1613–1645), was elected to the throne by a Zemsky Sobor ("assembly of the land"). During Michael's reign, when the Romanov dynasty was still weak, such assemblies were summoned annually. The Romanov dynasty consolidated absolute power in Russia during the reign of Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725), who reduced the power of the nobility and strengthened the central power of the tsar, establishing a bureaucratic civil service based on the Table of Ranks but theoretically open to all classes of the society, in place of the nobility-only mestnichestvo which Feodor III had abolished in 1682 at the request of the highest boyars. Peter I also strengthened state control over the Russian Orthodox Church.

Peter's reforms provoked a series of palace coups seeking to restore the power of the nobility. To end them, Catherine the Great, whose reign (1762–1796) is often regarded as the high point of absolutism in Russia, in 1785 issued the Charter to the Gentry, legally affirming the rights and privileges they had acquired in preceding years, and the Charter of the Towns, establishing municipal self-government. This placated the powerful classes of society but left real power in the hands of the state bureaucracy. Building on this, Alexander I (reigned 1801–1825) established the State council as an advisory legislative body. Alexander II (1855–1881) established a system of elected local self-government (Zemstvo) and an independent judicial system, but Russia did not have a national-level representative assembly (Duma) or a constitution until the 1905 Revolution.

The system was abolished after the Russian Revolution of 1917.

Features

The tsar himself, the embodiment of sovereign authority, stood at the center of the tsarist autocracy, with full power over the state and its people. The autocrat delegated power to persons and institutions acting on his orders, and within the limits of his laws, for the common good of all Russia. The tsar was metaphorically a father and all of his subjects were his children; this metaphor even appeared in Orthodox primers, and is remembered in the common Russian expression "царь-батюшка" tsar-batyushka ("tsar-dear father").

Furthermore, contrary to the movement for separation of church and state in West European monarchies, the Russian Empire combined monarchy with the supreme authority on religious issues (see Church reform of Peter I and caesaropapism for details).

Another key feature related to patrimonialism. In Russia, the tsar owned a much higher proportion of the state (lands, enterprises, etc.) than did Western monarchs.

The tsarist autocracy had many supporters within Russia. Major Russian advocates and theorists of the autocracy included writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Mikhail Katkov, Konstantin Aksakov, Nikolay Karamzin, Konstantin Pobedonostsev and Pyotr Semyonov. They all argued that a strong and prosperous Russia needed a strong tsar and that philosophies of republicanism and liberal democracy were alien to it.

Influences

Some historians see the traditions of tsarist autocracy as partially responsible for laying the groundwork for the totalitarianism in the Soviet Union. They see the traditions of autocracy and patrimonialism as dominating Russia's political culture for centuries; for example, Stephen White is described as "the most consistent" defender of the position that the uniqueness of Russian political heritage is inseparable from its ethnic identity. In White's opinion, autocracy is the defining factor in the history of Russian politics. He wrote that Russian political culture is "rooted in the historical experience of centuries of absolutism". Those views had been challenged by other historians, for example, Nicolai N. Petro and Martin Malia (as cited by Hoffmann). Richard Pipes is another influential historian among non-specialists who holds the position about the distinctness of Russian history and political system, describing the absolutism of the Muscovite political system as "patrimonial", and saw the stability of the Soviet Union in the fact that Russians accepted the legitimacy of this patrimonial organization.

Some historians have pointed to a racial element in the concept. For example, American Cold War analysts, including George Kennan, linked the Soviet government's autocratic rule to Tatar influences during its history, and biographies of Russian leaders often stressed their possible Asiatic ancestries. In the tradition of the racist ideology of the Nazis, they maintained that Asiatic influences rendered the Russians, along with the Chinese, untrustworthy.

Criticism of the concept

Historians of different backgrounds have criticized the concept of tsarist autocracy in its various forms. Their complaints range from the different names of the model being too vague, to its chronological implications (it is impossible to consider Russia in different centuries the same) as well as to its content (the question how Russian or "tsarist" autocracy differs from "regular" autocracy or from European absolutism for that matter).

Regarding the substance of the autocracy model, its equation with despotism and its supposed origins in Mongol rule, as well as its supposed rise in medieval Muscovy, have been heavily debated. For one, Marxist Soviet scholars were concerned with prerevolutionary absolutism and identified the boyar elites and the bureaucracy as its pillars. For example, Sergey M. Troitskii claimed that the Russian monarchs held sway of the nobility which was reduced to state service. According to Troitskii, absolutism in Russia was the same as everywhere else. This led to a difficult position within Marxism because absolutism revolves around institutions and laws, which were fundamentally less important than the socioeconomic base of society. This raises the question of how absolutism could be the same when socioeconomic circumstances in Russia were not the same as elsewhere.

In order to reconcile the non-socioeconomic nature of absolutism with Marxist theory, Soviet scholar Alexander N. Chistozvonov proposed to group the Russian monarchy with the Prussian and Austrian ones, forming a distinct mix of Western European absolutism and "oriental despotism". In the eyes of Chistozvonov, whatever absolutist or autocratic elements were indeed present in Russia, they were not unique and do not warrant Russia's exclusive categorization.

Similarly struggling with Marxist conceptions, Soviet historian Petr A. Zaionchkovskii and his student Larisa G. Zakharova focused on the importance of the political convictions of Russian officials and bureaucrats to explain nineteenth-century political decision-making. By showing that the state was not a unified and powerful whole (commanded by the economically dominant class), they likewise tackled common (Marxist) conceptions of Russian autocracy. While like Troitskii, they studied the nobility and bureaucracy (in a later period), Zaionchkovskii and Zakharova painted a different picture of the tsar's position. Coinciding with Western scholars like Robert Crummey, they lay bare the interdependence of monarch and nobility in the practice of rule.

Outside Russia and the Soviet Union, Hans-Joachim Torke among others tried to counter the notion of an all-powerful autocratic state by pointing at the mutual dependency of service elites and the state (coining the term "state-conditioned society"). Torke acknowledges that the tsars were not reined in by any form of constitution, but he emphasizes, for example, the limitations of Christian morality and court customs. The so-called "American school" of the 1980s and 1990s argued for the important role of elite networks and their power in court. Edward Keenan went even further in his well-known piece on Muscovite political culture, claiming that the tsar was merely a puppet in the hands of boyars who wielded the actual power behind the scenes.

For others, like David Ransel and Paul Bushkovitch, it goes too far to portray relations between tsar and nobility like Keenan does, because it does not appreciate their complexity. Bushkovitch argues that the theoretic lack of limitations on the power of the tsar is irrelevant and instead claims that the "crucial question" is where the real power lay. In his view, this can only be shown by the political narrative of events. Bushkovitch placed the balance of power between the tsar, the individual boyars, and the tsar's favorites at the center of political decision-making. In so doing, Bushkovitch found that on the one hand, the tsar's relative power fluctuated per monarch, and on the other hand, that the nobility was all but unified; the balance of power changed with each tsar as well as the rise of boyars and in the case of Peter I even shifted multiple times.

Charles J. Halperin cautioned against views that too easily claim tsar and state dominance in politics or society. While acknowledging the institutional differences between Muscovy and Western European monarchies, Halperin nevertheless stresses that these differences should not be considered absolute. In his view, the practice of rule, a matter of human interactions, is more important than theory and abstractions.

See also

Notes

This section possibly contains original research. These are textbook cases of WP:SYNTH. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed. (November 2024) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

a As used in those publications.

b The existing literature pairs the words Russian, tsarist, Muscovite and imperial with despotism, absolutism and autocracy in all possible combinations, rarely giving clear definitions. Tsarist can be indeed applicable to the entire period (see also historical usage of the term "tsar"), but Muscovite is applicable only to the period of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, which was replaced by tsardom of Russia, a period for which the words imperial and Russian are applicable. Further, we can look at Muscovite despotism as a precursor for the tsarist absolutism, however, the very use of the word despotism has problems (see following note). Finally, care should be taken with the term autocracy: Today, the autocrat is usually seen as synonymous with despot, tyrant, and/or dictator, though each of these terms originally had a separate and distinct meaning. Overall, out of the available terms, "tsarist autocracy" is the one that seems most correct for the entire period discussed, but it is worth keeping in mind that there are no ideal types and that the Russian political system evolved through time.

c As used in those publications.

d As used in those publications.

e As used in those publications.

f As used in those publications.

g As used in those publications.

h As used in those publications.

i As used in those publications.

j As used in those publications.

k The terms oriental despotism and its development, the Muscovite or Russian despotism, have been criticized as misleading, since Muscovy, and Russia, never had characteristics of pure despotism, such as the ruler being identified with a god.

l As used in those publications.

m As used in those publications.

n As used in those publications.

References

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  30. Crummey, 'Russian Absolutism', 466-467.
  31. Crummey, ‘Russian Absolutism’, 466; R.O. Crummey, 'Hans-Joachim Torke, 1938-2000', Kritika 2 3 (2001) 702
  32. P. Bushkovitch, Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power, 1671-1725 (Cambridge 2004) 4; E.L. Keenan, 'Muscovite Political Folkways', Russian Review 45 2 (1986) 115-181.
  33. D.L. Ransel, The Politics of Catherinian Russia: The Panin Party (New Haven 1975); Bushkovitch, Peter the Great: The Struggle for Power, 29.
  34. ^ Halperin 2002, pp. 501–507.
  35. Donald Ostrowski, Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304–1589, Cambridge University Press, 2002, ISBN 0-521-89410-7, Google Print, p.85
  36. Tartar Yoke Archived 2007-09-30 at the Wayback Machine Professor Gerhard Rempel, Western New England College.

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