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{{short description|Mediterranean friend of Lord Byron}}
'''Nicolo''' or '''Nicolas Giraud''' (born c.&nbsp;1795) is known as a friend and possible lover of ]. The 15-year-old Giraud probably met the poet in about 1810 while Byron was staying in ], where the pair spent a great deal of time together. Giraud was reported to have taught Byron Italian, and was his travel companion in Greece. Byron paid for the boy's education and wrote in his will that Giraud was to receive £7,000 (about £{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} as of {{CURRENTYEAR}}) upon Byron's death; years after Byron and Giraud parted company, Byron changed his will to remove Giraud. Little is known of Giraud other than his involvement with Byron. '''Nicolo''' or '''Nicolas Giraud''' ({{circa|1795}}&nbsp; after 1815) was a friend of English ] poet ]. The two met in 1809 while Byron was staying in ]. Giraud, who at that time of their relationship was a fourteen-year-old majordomo and then student at the ] monastery in Athens,<ref>Fiona MacCarthy, ''Byron: Life and Legend'' (2002) p. 131</ref> reportedly taught Byron Italian, and was his travel companion in Greece. Byron paid for Giraud's education and left him £7,000 (about £{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} in {{CURRENTYEAR}}) in his will. Years after they parted company, Byron changed his will to exclude Giraud. Other than his involvement with Byron, little is known of Giraud's life.


The friendship between Byron and Giraud became a topic of interest among biographers and scholars of Byron. Many believe that the pair's relationship was merely platonic, but correspondence between Byron and his friends has been used since the late-20th century to argue that the two were engaged in a love affair. The earliest claim of a sexual relationship between Giraud and Byron comes from ]'s poem ''Don Leon'', in which Byron is the principal character and Giraud is portrayed as his liberator from the sexual prejudices in Britain. The poem is not biographical, but instead promotes Colman's own social and political views. The relationship between Byron and Giraud has become a topic of interest among scholars and biographers of Byron. Some believe that the pair's interaction was platonic, while others, citing contemporary opinion and correspondence between Byron and his friends, argue that Byron engaged in sexual activity with Giraud. The earliest textual claim of a sexual relationship comes from the anonymous 19th-century poem '']'', believed to have been written by someone in Byron's social circle, in which the poet is the principal character and Giraud is portrayed as his liberator from the sexual prejudices in Britain.{{sfnp|Crompton|1983|page=58|ps=}}


==Biography== ==Life==
]'' in 1813, by ]|alt=Half-length portrait of pale man in his mid twenties, sitting in red coat with gold trim. His left hand is holding an obscured tubular object that is pressed against his body. His dark brown hair is wrapped in an orange and red ], and he has a thin moustache.]]
]
Nicolas Giraud was born in Greece to French parents; the name by which he is most commonly known, Nicolo, was apparently given to him by Byron.<ref name="MacCarthy p. 128">MacCarthy 2002 p. 128</ref> Giraud was said to be the brother-in-law of Giovanni Battista Lusieri, a ] painter and broker for ]. However, Demetrius Zograffo, Byron's guide in Greece, informed Byron that the 60-year-old Lusieri was unmarried, and was courting two women each of whom believed that Lusieri was to marry her. Lusieri certainly had a close relationship with Giraud, so it is possible that the two were related in another way, perhaps as father and son.<ref>Grosskurth 1997 pp. 101–103</ref> In January 1809, Byron met the 15-year-old Giraud in Athens during his travels, and the two were friends until Byron resumed his travels in March.<ref>Grebanier 1970 p. 69</ref> The following year Giraud was working at a ] monastery when he was assigned to teach Byron Italian after the latter's return to Greece. The two spent their days with their studies, swimming, and taking in the landscape as Byron composed poetry.<ref name="Longford p. 40">Longford 1976 p. 40</ref>


Nicolas Giraud was born in Greece to French parents; the name by which he is most commonly known, Nicolo, was given to him by Byron.{{sfnp|MacCarthy|2002|page=128|ps=}} Giraud may have been the brother-in-law of ], a Roman painter and broker for ].{{efn|Some biographers, such as Fiona MacCarthy, simply declare Giraud to be "brother to Lusieri's French wife" (MacCarthy p. 128). Other biographers, including Phyllis Grosskurth, are unwilling to state with such certainty, instead saying Giraud was "supposedly the brother of Lusieri's 'wife{{'"}} (Grosskurth p. 103). Neither provides a source for the declaration of "brother-in-law".}} Demetrius Zograffo, Byron's guide in Greece, informed Byron that the 60-year-old Lusieri was unmarried, and was courting two women, each of whom believed that Lusieri was to marry her. Lusieri certainly had a close relationship with Giraud, so it is possible that the two were related in another way, perhaps as father and son.{{sfnp|Grosskurth|1997|pp=101–103|ps=}}
After Byron took Giraud to visit an English doctor Charles Meryon (a visit the doctor recounts in his memoirs, noting Byron's vivid interest in the boy), rumors were spread by a servant that the consultation concerned an anal rupture. Meryon was a travelling companion with Michael Bruce and ], one of Byron's friends. Accounts from Michael Bruce and ], both witnesses of Byron's interactions with Giraud, provided confirmation of the relationship to Byron's early biographer ], although in disparaging terms. In the summer of 1810, Giraud acted as Byron's major-domo on their travels to the ], and took care of Byron during his illness while at ], eventually becoming sick himself.<ref>MacCarthy 2002 pp. 128–129</ref> After recovering, although still weak, the pair continued on their travels, arriving at Athens on 13&nbsp;October. By November they were joined by Lusieri, a French Consul, and a group of German academics.<ref>Marchand 1957 pp. 260–261</ref>


Byron met Giraud in Athens in January 1809 when he was fourteen, and later paid for Nicolo to study at the Capuchin monastery in Athens. In 1810, Giraud began to teach Byron Italian. The two spent their days studying and swimming, while Byron intermittently composed poetry.{{sfnp|Longford|1976|page=40|ps=}} In a letter to ], dated 23&nbsp;August 1810 and written at the Capuchin monastery of Mendele near Athens where he was residing, Byron states:
Byron and Giraud eventually parted ways in ], ]. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in communication through letters, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will an annuity to the sum of £7,000 (£{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} as of {{CURRENTYEAR}}),{{Inflation-fn|UK}}<ref name="MacCarthy p. 135">MacCarthy 2002 p. 135</ref> almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy.<ref>Knight 1952 p.185</ref> The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of Rochdale, Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud&nbsp;... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years."<ref>Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30</ref> However Byron later removed Giraud from his will, as he did with his other boyish companions including John Edleston.<ref>Quennell 1967 p. 32</ref>


{{blockquote|But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his "Padrone" and his "amico", and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but "''morire insieme''" . The latter I hope to avoid&nbsp;– as much of the former as he pleases.<ref>Marchand 1957 qtd. p. 254</ref>}}
Giraud wrote to Byron January 1815:

<blockquote>My most precious Master, I cannot describe the grief of my heart at not seeing you for such a long time. Ah, if only I were a bird and could fly so as to come and see you for one hour, and I would be happy to die at the same time. Hope tells me that I shall see you again and that is my consolation for not dying immediately. It is two years now since I spoke English. I have completely forgotten it.<ref name="MacCarthy p. 135"/></blockquote>
In 1809, Giraud developed a dangerous fever and Byron took him to visit ], an English doctor who recounted the visit in his memoirs and noted Byron's vivid interest in the boy. Afterwards, one of Byron's Albanian servants, Vassily, claimed that Meryon diagnosed Giraud with internal injuries and early signs of septicaemia resulting from an anal rupture, an injury consistent with sexual abuse.<ref>Kirsten Ellis, ''Star of the Morning: The Extraordinary Life of Lady Hester Stanhope'' (2008) p. 131</ref> Meryon was the private physician of ], who was at that time travelling with Michael Bruce, a friend of Byron's from Cambridge. Accounts from Bruce and ], both witnesses to Byron's interactions with Giraud, provided confirmation of the relationship to Byron's early biographer ].
Byron was not responding to Nicolo's letters however, which Nicolo mentions in the letter: "It is now almost three years that I am at Athens; and have sent you many letters, but I have not received any answer".<ref>Grosskurth 1997 qtd. p. 126</ref> It is possible that Byron did not respond because he was married and, according to the 20th-century Byron biographer Phyllis Grosskurth, "Nicolo was the last person he would have wanted to hear from."<ref>Grosskurth 1997 p. 126</ref>

In mid-1810, Giraud acted as Byron's ] on their travels to the ], and took care of Byron during his illness while at ], eventually becoming ill himself.{{sfnp|MacCarthy|2002|pages=128–129|ps=}} After recovering, although still weak, the pair continued on their travels, arriving at Athens on 13&nbsp;October. By November they were joined by Lusieri, Louis François Sébastien Fauvel, who was a French consul, and a group of German academics.{{sfnp|Marchand|1957|pages=260–261|ps=}}

Byron and Giraud parted in ], Malta. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in contact by letter, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will a bequest of £7,000 (£{{formatnum:{{Inflation|UK|7000|1810|r=-4}}|0}} in {{CURRENTYEAR}}),{{Inflation-fn|UK}}{{sfnp|MacCarthy|2002|page=135|ps=}} almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy.{{sfnp|Knight|1952|page=185|ps=}} The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of ], Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud&nbsp;... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years."<ref>Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30</ref> Byron later removed Giraud from his will (as he did with John Edleston&nbsp;– who predeceased him&nbsp;– and other boy companions).{{sfnp|Quennell|1967|p=32|ps=}}

Giraud wrote to Byron in January 1815:
{{blockquote|My most precious Master, I cannot describe the grief of my heart at not seeing you for such a long time. Ah, if only I were a bird and could fly so as to come and see you for one hour, and I would be happy to die at the same time. Hope tells me that I shall see you again and that is my consolation for not dying immediately. It is two years now since I spoke English. I have completely forgotten it.{{sfnp|MacCarthy|2002|page=135|ps=}}}}
Byron had not been responding to Nicolo's letters, which Nicolo mentions in the letter: "It is now almost three years that I am at Athens; and have sent you many letters, but I have not received any answer".<ref>Grosskurth 1997 qtd. p. 126</ref> It is possible that Byron did not respond because he was married and, according to the 20th-century Byron biographer ], "Nicolo was the last person he would have wanted to hear from."{{sfnp|Grosskurth|1997|page=126|ps=}}


==Relationship with Byron== ==Relationship with Byron==
Moore, Byron's early biographer, described the relationship between Byron and Giraud as: Early biographers, who had a tendency to idealise Byron, generally depicted his relationship with Giraud as platonic, generous and paternal. Moore, Byron's friend and chosen biographer, described the relationship between Byron and Giraud as:
<blockquote>During this period of his stay in Greece, we find him forming one of those extraordinary friendships&nbsp;– if attachment to persons so inferior to himself can be called by that name&nbsp;– of which I have already mentioned two or three instances in his younger days, and in which the pride of being a protector, and the pleasure of exerting gratitude, seem to have constituted to his mind the chief, pervading charm. The person, whom he now adopted in this manner, and from similar feelings to those which had inspired his early attachments to the cottage-boy near Newstead, and the young chorister at Cambridge, was a Greek youth, named Nicolo Giraud, the son, I believe, of a widow lady, in whose house the artist Lusieri lodged. In this young man he appear to have taken the most lively, and even brotherly, interest.<ref>Moore 1835 p. 114</ref></blockquote> However, Moore's work was commented on by Byron's close friend, ], who noted that "Moore had not the remotest guess at the real reason which induced Lord B. at that time to prefer having no Englishman immediately or constantly near him."<ref>Crompton, 1998, p.375</ref> Regardless of Moore's bias against the lower class and Byron's spending time with other boys during his times in Greece, Byron was close to Giraud while the two were together.<ref>Knight 1953 pp. 71–72</ref> {{blockquote|one of those extraordinary friendships&nbsp;– if attachment to persons so inferior to himself can be called by that name&nbsp;– of which I have already mentioned two or three instances in his younger days, and in which the pride of being a protector, and the pleasure of exerting gratitude, seem to have constituted to his mind the chief, pervading charm. The person, whom he now adopted in this manner, and from similar feelings to those which had inspired his early attachments to the cottage-boy near Newstead, and the young chorister at Cambridge, was a Greek youth, named Nicolo Giraud, the son, I believe, of a widow lady, in whose house the artist Lusieri lodged. In this young man he appear to have taken the most lively, and even brotherly, interest.{{sfnp|Moore|1836|page=114V}}}} However, it is worth noting that Moore's stance was criticised by Byron's close friend John Hobhouse, who claimed that "Moore had not the remotest guess at the real reason which induced Lord B. at that time to prefer having no Englishman immediately or constantly near him."<ref>Crompton 1998 qtd. p. 375</ref>


]
]
In a letter from 23&nbsp;August 1810 to Hobhouse written at the Capuchin monastery of ] near Athens where he was residing, Byron states: "But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his 'Padrone' and his 'amico', and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but 'morire insieme' . The latter I hope to avoid&nbsp;– as much of the former as he pleases."<ref name="MacCarthy p. 128"/>


Andrew Maurois argues that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness"<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 555</ref> and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions".<ref>Maurois 1930 p. 140</ref> Likewise, ] believes that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 77</ref> However, Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in{{'"}}.<ref>Knight 1953 p. 72</ref> Leslie Marchand points out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment.<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 255</ref> Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".<ref>Marchand 1957 p. 256</ref> Early 20th-century biographer André Maurois argued that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness"{{sfnp|Maurois|1930|page=555|ps=}} and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions".{{sfnp|Maurois|1930|page=140}} Likewise, ], in his 1953 biography of Byron, claimed that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels.{{sfnp|Knight|1952|page=77|ps=}} Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in{{'"}}.{{sfnp|Knight|1952|page=72|ps=}} In ''Byron: A Biography'', published in 1957, Marchand pointed out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment.{{sfnp|Marchand|1957|page=255|ps=}} Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".{{sfnp|Marchand|1957|page=256|ps=}}


A few critics disagree with the speculation over Giraud's and Byron's relationship. The early 20th-century biographer, Ethel Mayne, points out both the commonality of such a relationship to Byron and the inherent ambiguity when she says, "His stay was also marked by one of those amibiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life&nbsp;... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811&nbsp;...a considerable sum of money".<ref>Mayne 1913 pp. 179–180</ref> Elizabeth Longford disagrees with the claims that there was a physical relationship between the two and argues, "Byron's especial favorite among the 'ragazzi' was Nicolo Giraud. He had first taken up with Nicolo while Hobhouse was away in Euboea the year before, but there is no evidence that his feelings for Nicolo were anything but romantic and protective."<ref name="Longford p. 40"/> Jerome Christensen argues that "we know little more than what Byron tells us".<ref>Christensen 1993 p. 59</ref> Later critics and biographers have frequently asserted that the relationship between Byron and Nicolo was sexual, and should be viewed as part of a pattern in Byron's life of sexual engagement with socially inferior young boys. For instance, the early 20th-century biographer ] pointed out both the frequency of such relationships in Byron's life and their inherent ambiguity. She notes that Nicolo's "stay was also marked by one of those ambiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life&nbsp;... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811&nbsp;... a considerable sum of money".{{sfnp|Mayne|1913|pages=179–180|ps=}}


However, Christensen is quick to point out that "Although there is no evidence that Lord Byron, ''padrone'' and ''amico'', was ever so vulgar as to set an exact market value on his sexual arrangements in Greece, Nicolo Giraud, Eustathius's replacement in Byron's affections, was employed as 'dragoman and Major Domo', a position that almost certainly entailed payment in love ''and'' money".<ref>Christensen 1993 p. 61</ref> D. L. MacDonald simply describes Giraud as "The great love of Byron's Eastern tour",<ref>MacDonald 1986 p. 61</ref> and D. S. Neff describes the two as part of "an amorous relationship".<ref>Neff 2002 p. 408</ref> Others, like Jay Losey and William Brewer, speculate that Byron's relationship with Giraud was modeled on a Grecian form of pederasty,<ref>Losey and Brewer 2000 p. 75</ref> and homosexual studies scholar Louis Crompton believes that pederasty was a facet of Byron's life and that his letters hinted towards a sexual relationship between Byron and Giraud.<ref>Crompton 1998 p. 148</ref> As Paul Douglass points out, Crompton also claims that biographers like Leslie Marchand ignored the nature of Byron's relationship with Giraud. However, Douglass also mentions that Crompton's work, ''Byron and Greek Love'' "focuses Byron's life around a single issue, rather than attempting to create a larger view. Such studies prompt negative responses from those who feel the writer warps Byron to fit the theme, presenting a one-sided account".<ref>Douglass 2004 p. 22</ref> Christensen speculated that Byron's relationship with Giraud was sexual and transactional, writing that "although there is no evidence that Lord Byron... was ever so vulgar as to set an exact market value on his sexual arrangements in Greece, Nicolo Giraud... was employed as 'dragoman and Major Domo', a position that almost certainly entailed payment in love ''and'' money".{{sfnp|Christensen|1993|page=61|ps=}} D. L. MacDonald's 1986 biography described Giraud as "The great love of Byron's Eastern tour",{{r|MacDonald}} and D. S. Neff's 2002 work describes the two as part of "an amorous relationship".{{r|Neff}} Others, such Jay Losey and William Brewer in their analysis of 19th-century sexuality, speculate that Byron's relationship with Giraud was modeled on a Grecian form of ],{{sfnp|Losey|Brewer|2000|page=75|ps=}} and homosexual studies scholar Louis Crompton believes that pederasty was a facet of Byron's life and that his letters hinted towards a sexual relationship between Byron and Giraud.{{sfnp|Crompton|1998|page=148|ps=}} As Paul Douglass, in an analysis of Byron biographical studies, points out, Crompton also claims that biographers like Marchand ignored the nature of Byron's relationship with Giraud. Douglass also mentions that Crompton's work, ''Byron and Greek Love'' "focuses Byron's life around a single issue, rather than attempting to create a larger view. Such studies prompt negative responses from those who feel the writer warps Byron to fit the theme, presenting a one-sided account".{{sfnp|Douglass|2004|page=22|ps=}}


Benita Eisler argues that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Although, as Eisler claims, Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, he wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions.<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 273</ref> During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and Lady Melbourne that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course."<ref>Eisler 2000 p. 274</ref> However, Nigel Leask believes that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud,<ref>Leask 2004 p. 111</ref> and Fiona MacCarthy notes that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female".<ref>MacCarthy 2002 p. 129</ref> In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".<ref>Douglass 2004 pp. 22–23</ref> ], in 2000, argued that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Eisler claimed that Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, but wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions.{{sfnp|Eisler|2000|page=273|ps=}} During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and ] that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course."{{sfnp|Eisler|2000|page=274|ps=}} Nigel Leask, in 2004, argues that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud,{{sfnp|Leask|2004|page=111|ps=}} and Fiona MacCarthy notes in her 2002 biography that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female".{{sfnp|MacCarthy|2002|page=129|ps=}}


In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".{{sfnp|Douglass|2004|pages=22–23|ps=}}
===Don Leon===
]
George Colman, Byron's friend, anonymously wrote a poem called ''Don Leon'' that, according to Bernard Grebanier, "depicts Byron as having wooed Giraud with gifts when they first met, and to have busied himself with developing the boy's mind".<ref name="Grebanier p. 76">Grebanier 1970 p. 76</ref>


===''Don Leon''===
The narrator of ''Don Leon'' praises Giraud and claims that Giraud was so beautiful that he:<ref name="Grebanier p. 76"/>

An unknown author anonymously wrote a poem called ''Don Leon'' that, according to Bernard Grebanier, "depicts Byron as having wooed Giraud with gifts when they first met, and to have busied himself with developing the boy's mind".{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=76|ps=}}

The narrator of ''Don Leon'' praises Giraud and claims that Giraud was so beautiful that he:{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=76|ps=}}
:Gave pleasing doubts of what his sex might be; :Gave pleasing doubts of what his sex might be;
:And who that saw him would perplexed have been, :And who that saw him would perplexed have been,
:For beauty marked his gender epicoene. :For beauty marked his gender epicoene.

Throughout the poem, the narrator describes how Byron (Don Leon) spent his time with Giraud:<ref name="Grebanier p. 76"/> Throughout the poem, the narrator describes how Byron (Don Leon) spent his time with Giraud:{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=76|ps=}}
:Spent half in love and half in poetry! :Spent half in love and half in poetry!
:The muse each morn I wooed, each eve the boy, :The muse each morn I wooed, each eve the boy,
:And tasted sweets that never seemed to cloy. :And tasted sweets that never seemed to cloy.

The poem ends with Giraud's beauty conquering any fears that Byron may have about their relationship:<ref name="Grebanier p. 77">Grebanier 1970 p. 77</ref> The poem ends with Giraud's beauty conquering any fears that Byron may have about their relationship:{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=77|ps=}}
:But thou, Giraud, whose beauty would unlock :But thou, Giraud, whose beauty would unlock
:The gates of prejudice, and bid me mock :The gates of prejudice, and bid me mock
Line 52: Line 63:
:Within that monkish cell was gratified. :Within that monkish cell was gratified.


G. Wilson Knight, unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, but he was to say that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature".<ref name="Grebanier p. 77"/> However, Grebanier believes that Colman, "As a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense, he must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain."<ref>Grebanier 1970 pp. 77–78</ref> Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but was to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, which was the reason for his exile. However, the poem does focus on Giraud, and, as Grebanier argues,"If, the poem says, our hero's affections were fastened upon Nicolo Giraud, the affair, after all, took place in a Turkish world; he was but following the custom of the country. Once he had seen a beautiful Ganymede of fifteen attending the Turkish Governor, a Grecian youth, publicly known as the Governor's 'catamite.' Was it criminal to do what the Governor was doing?"<ref name="Grebanier p. 78">Grebanier 1970 p. 78</ref> ], unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, although he says that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature".{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=77|ps=}} Grebanier believes that Colman, as "a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense&nbsp;... must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain."{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|pp=77–78|ps=}} Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, the reason for his exile. The poem does focus on Giraud, and, as Grebanier argues, "If, the poem says, our hero's affections were fastened upon Nicolo Giraud" then Byron's actions are acceptable because "he was but following the custom of the country. Once he had seen a beautiful Ganymede of fifteen attending the Turkish Governor, a Grecian youth, publicly known as the Governor's 'catamite.' Was it criminal to do what the Governor was doing?"{{sfnp|Grebanier|1970|page=78|ps=}}


Byrne Fone emphasizes how the poem and the fictional discussion of Giraud and Byron's relationship reveal insights into 19th-century British views on homosexuality. To Fone, the poem was written by one who knew Byron and reveals Byron's homosexuality. Fone also argues that the 1833 publication of the poem was prompted by both the arrest of William Bankes, a homosexual friend of Byron's, and the execution of Henry Nicholls for homosexual activity. The poem's references to well known homosexual men, including William Beckford and William Courtenay, used both to talk about the unfair treatment of homosexual men who had committed no real crime, and that England is hypocritical when it comes to sex. The poem then claims that England's treatment of homosexuals forces Don Leon to travel to Greece in order to fulfill his desires and be free of intellectual control, which is fulfilled when Don Leon is able to be with Giraud. The fictional Giraud, according to Fone, allows Don Leon to break free of the homophobia of England. The poem, as he points out, tries to convince Moore to mention Byron's homosexual desires. Fone concludes, "It is not only the poem that is an effective attack on homophobic prejudice, but the example of the poet himself."<ref>Fone 2001 p. 258</ref> Byrne Fone, a historian of homosexuality-related issues, emphasizes how the poem and the fictional discussion of Giraud and Byron's relationship reveal insights into 19th-century British views on homosexuality. To Fone, the poem was written by one who knew Byron and reveals Byron's homosexuality. Fone also argues that the 1833 publication of the poem was prompted by the arrest of ], a homosexual friend of Byron, and the execution of Henry Nicholls for homosexual activity. The opening lines of the poem mention "crippled ]", ] and ]. Fone argues that the references to Beckford and Courtenay are used both to talk about the unfair treatment of homosexual men who had committed no real crime, and to emphasise England's hypocrisy when it comes to sex. The poem then claims that England's treatment of homosexuals forces Don Leon to travel to Greece in order to fulfill his desires and be free of intellectual control, which is fulfilled when Don Leon is able to be with Giraud. The fictional Giraud, according to Fone, allows Don Leon to break free of the ] of England. The poem, as he points out, tries to convince Moore to mention Byron's homosexual desires. Fone concludes, "It is not only the poem that is an effective attack on homophobic prejudice, but the example of the poet himself."{{sfnp|Fone|2001|pages=258–265|ps=}}

==Notes==
{{reflist|colwidth=25em}}


==References== ==References==
'''Notes'''
{{notelist|notes=}}

'''Citations'''
{{reflist|30em|refs=

<ref name="MacDonald">
{{citation |last=MacDonald |first=D. L. |title=Orientalism and Eroticism in Byron and Merrill |date=November 1986 |journal=] |volume=21 |issue=1/2 |pages=60–64|doi=10.2307/1316412 |jstor=1316412 }}
</ref>

<ref name="Neff">
{{citation |last=Neff |first=D. S. |title=Bitches, Mollies, and Tommies: Byron, Masculinity, and the History of Sexualities |date=July 2002 |journal=] |volume=11 |issue=3 |pages=395–438|doi=10.1353/sex.2003.0019 |pmid=17354358 |s2cid=13437792 }}
</ref>

}}

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{{refend}} {{refend}}

{{Byron}}
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Giraud, Nicolo}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Giraud, Nicolo}}
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Latest revision as of 12:50, 28 October 2024

Mediterranean friend of Lord Byron

Nicolo or Nicolas Giraud (c. 1795 – after 1815) was a friend of English Romantic poet Lord Byron. The two met in 1809 while Byron was staying in Athens. Giraud, who at that time of their relationship was a fourteen-year-old majordomo and then student at the Capuchin monastery in Athens, reportedly taught Byron Italian, and was his travel companion in Greece. Byron paid for Giraud's education and left him £7,000 (about £630,000 in 2024) in his will. Years after they parted company, Byron changed his will to exclude Giraud. Other than his involvement with Byron, little is known of Giraud's life.

The relationship between Byron and Giraud has become a topic of interest among scholars and biographers of Byron. Some believe that the pair's interaction was platonic, while others, citing contemporary opinion and correspondence between Byron and his friends, argue that Byron engaged in sexual activity with Giraud. The earliest textual claim of a sexual relationship comes from the anonymous 19th-century poem Don Leon, believed to have been written by someone in Byron's social circle, in which the poet is the principal character and Giraud is portrayed as his liberator from the sexual prejudices in Britain.

Life

Half-length portrait of pale man in his mid twenties, sitting in red coat with gold trim. His left hand is holding an obscured tubular object that is pressed against his body. His dark brown hair is wrapped in an orange and red bandana, and he has a thin moustache.
Lord Byron in Albanian Dress in 1813, by Thomas Phillips

Nicolas Giraud was born in Greece to French parents; the name by which he is most commonly known, Nicolo, was given to him by Byron. Giraud may have been the brother-in-law of Giovanni Battista Lusieri, a Roman painter and broker for Lord Elgin. Demetrius Zograffo, Byron's guide in Greece, informed Byron that the 60-year-old Lusieri was unmarried, and was courting two women, each of whom believed that Lusieri was to marry her. Lusieri certainly had a close relationship with Giraud, so it is possible that the two were related in another way, perhaps as father and son.

Byron met Giraud in Athens in January 1809 when he was fourteen, and later paid for Nicolo to study at the Capuchin monastery in Athens. In 1810, Giraud began to teach Byron Italian. The two spent their days studying and swimming, while Byron intermittently composed poetry. In a letter to John Hobhouse, dated 23 August 1810 and written at the Capuchin monastery of Mendele near Athens where he was residing, Byron states:

But my friend, as you may easily imagine, is Nicolo who by-the-by, is my Italian master, and we are already very philosophical. I am his "Padrone" and his "amico", and the Lord knows what besides. It is about two hours since, that, after informing me he was most desirous to follow him (that is me) over the world, he concluded by telling me it was proper for us not only to live, but "morire insieme" . The latter I hope to avoid – as much of the former as he pleases.

In 1809, Giraud developed a dangerous fever and Byron took him to visit Charles Lewis Meryon, an English doctor who recounted the visit in his memoirs and noted Byron's vivid interest in the boy. Afterwards, one of Byron's Albanian servants, Vassily, claimed that Meryon diagnosed Giraud with internal injuries and early signs of septicaemia resulting from an anal rupture, an injury consistent with sexual abuse. Meryon was the private physician of Lady Hester Stanhope, who was at that time travelling with Michael Bruce, a friend of Byron's from Cambridge. Accounts from Bruce and Howe Browne, both witnesses to Byron's interactions with Giraud, provided confirmation of the relationship to Byron's early biographer Thomas Moore.

In mid-1810, Giraud acted as Byron's majordomo on their travels to the Peloponnese, and took care of Byron during his illness while at Patras, eventually becoming ill himself. After recovering, although still weak, the pair continued on their travels, arriving at Athens on 13 October. By November they were joined by Lusieri, Louis François Sébastien Fauvel, who was a French consul, and a group of German academics.

Byron and Giraud parted in Valletta, Malta. Byron saw to Giraud's education by paying for his schooling in a monastery on the island. The two stayed in contact by letter, and after a year Giraud left the monastery, telling Byron that he was tired of the company of monks. Shortly after Giraud left Malta, Byron drew up for him in his will a bequest of £7,000 (£630,000 in 2024), almost twice as much as he later lent for refitting the Greek Navy. The will read: "To Nicolo Giraud of Athens, subject of France, but born in Greece, the sume of seven thousand pounds sterling, to be paid from the sale of such parts of Rochdale, Newstead or elsewhere, as may enable the said Nicolo Giraud ... to receive the above sum on his attaining the age of twenty-one years." Byron later removed Giraud from his will (as he did with John Edleston – who predeceased him – and other boy companions).

Giraud wrote to Byron in January 1815:

My most precious Master, I cannot describe the grief of my heart at not seeing you for such a long time. Ah, if only I were a bird and could fly so as to come and see you for one hour, and I would be happy to die at the same time. Hope tells me that I shall see you again and that is my consolation for not dying immediately. It is two years now since I spoke English. I have completely forgotten it.

Byron had not been responding to Nicolo's letters, which Nicolo mentions in the letter: "It is now almost three years that I am at Athens; and have sent you many letters, but I have not received any answer". It is possible that Byron did not respond because he was married and, according to the 20th-century Byron biographer Phyllis Grosskurth, "Nicolo was the last person he would have wanted to hear from."

Relationship with Byron

Early biographers, who had a tendency to idealise Byron, generally depicted his relationship with Giraud as platonic, generous and paternal. Moore, Byron's friend and chosen biographer, described the relationship between Byron and Giraud as:

one of those extraordinary friendships – if attachment to persons so inferior to himself can be called by that name – of which I have already mentioned two or three instances in his younger days, and in which the pride of being a protector, and the pleasure of exerting gratitude, seem to have constituted to his mind the chief, pervading charm. The person, whom he now adopted in this manner, and from similar feelings to those which had inspired his early attachments to the cottage-boy near Newstead, and the young chorister at Cambridge, was a Greek youth, named Nicolo Giraud, the son, I believe, of a widow lady, in whose house the artist Lusieri lodged. In this young man he appear to have taken the most lively, and even brotherly, interest.

However, it is worth noting that Moore's stance was criticised by Byron's close friend John Hobhouse, who claimed that "Moore had not the remotest guess at the real reason which induced Lord B. at that time to prefer having no Englishman immediately or constantly near him."

A black and white portrait of man wearing a black jacket and white shirt with a black bow tie. He is partly bald with short, wavy hair around the sides of his head. He is sitting on a chair with a book on his lap, his right hand on top of the book, and his left hand resting on top of his right. A table is to his right and a partially open window sits above and to the right of the table. A dark curtain is behind him.
Thomas Moore, Byron's early biographer

Early 20th-century biographer André Maurois argued that "what Byron was capable of loving in another was a certain kind of innocence and youthfulness" and that the relationship was one of Byron's "protective passions". Likewise, G. Wilson Knight, in his 1953 biography of Byron, claimed that Byron became protective over Giraud just as he did with all of the children he met during his travels. Giraud was special to Byron, and, according to Knight, "it was probably of Nicolo that he was thinking when he wrote that Greece was 'the only place I was ever contented in'". In Byron: A Biography, published in 1957, Marchand pointed out that Byron "wished Hobhouse there to share the nonsensical gaiety" of when Byron and Giraud were together, but changed his mind after remembering that Hobhouse's personality would not be conducive to entertainment. Their time together "was a relaxed pleasure that was to remember more fondly than most of the adventures of his travels".

Later critics and biographers have frequently asserted that the relationship between Byron and Nicolo was sexual, and should be viewed as part of a pattern in Byron's life of sexual engagement with socially inferior young boys. For instance, the early 20th-century biographer Ethel Mayne pointed out both the frequency of such relationships in Byron's life and their inherent ambiguity. She notes that Nicolo's "stay was also marked by one of those ambiguous friendships with a youth infinitely below him in rank which have already been seen to recur in his life ... The patron was supposed to be learning Italian from ; this made a pretext for giving him, on their parting at Malta in 1811 ... a considerable sum of money".

Christensen speculated that Byron's relationship with Giraud was sexual and transactional, writing that "although there is no evidence that Lord Byron... was ever so vulgar as to set an exact market value on his sexual arrangements in Greece, Nicolo Giraud... was employed as 'dragoman and Major Domo', a position that almost certainly entailed payment in love and money". D. L. MacDonald's 1986 biography described Giraud as "The great love of Byron's Eastern tour", and D. S. Neff's 2002 work describes the two as part of "an amorous relationship". Others, such Jay Losey and William Brewer in their analysis of 19th-century sexuality, speculate that Byron's relationship with Giraud was modeled on a Grecian form of pederasty, and homosexual studies scholar Louis Crompton believes that pederasty was a facet of Byron's life and that his letters hinted towards a sexual relationship between Byron and Giraud. As Paul Douglass, in an analysis of Byron biographical studies, points out, Crompton also claims that biographers like Marchand ignored the nature of Byron's relationship with Giraud. Douglass also mentions that Crompton's work, Byron and Greek Love "focuses Byron's life around a single issue, rather than attempting to create a larger view. Such studies prompt negative responses from those who feel the writer warps Byron to fit the theme, presenting a one-sided account".

Benita Eisler, in 2000, argued that Giraud was one of many of Byron's intended sexual conquests. Eisler claimed that Byron was at first unable to attain "that state of total and complete satisfaction" of a sexual relationship with Giraud, but wrote to Charles Matthews declaring that he would soon conquer any of the boy's remaining inhibitions. During Byron's illness, Byron boasted to Hobhouse and Lady Melbourne that he continued to have sex with one such incident almost causing his death. Although it is uncertain, according to Eisler, "Whether this surfeit of erotic fulfillment involved only Nicolo as partner, he does not say. He was still fond enough of the boy, but his sexual obsession, with its attendant scorekeeping, seems to have run its course." Nigel Leask, in 2004, argues that Hobhouse would have disapproved of Byron's relationship with Giraud, and Fiona MacCarthy notes in her 2002 biography that Lady Melbourne "would have understood his partner to be female".

In a survey of the various biographical opinions and disagreements about Byron's relationships, including Giraud, written before 2004, Douglass points out that "despite the greater certainty about his sexual ambivalence, the exact nature of those relationships remains elusive".

Don Leon

An unknown author anonymously wrote a poem called Don Leon that, according to Bernard Grebanier, "depicts Byron as having wooed Giraud with gifts when they first met, and to have busied himself with developing the boy's mind".

The narrator of Don Leon praises Giraud and claims that Giraud was so beautiful that he:

Gave pleasing doubts of what his sex might be;
And who that saw him would perplexed have been,
For beauty marked his gender epicoene.

Throughout the poem, the narrator describes how Byron (Don Leon) spent his time with Giraud:

Spent half in love and half in poetry!
The muse each morn I wooed, each eve the boy,
And tasted sweets that never seemed to cloy.

The poem ends with Giraud's beauty conquering any fears that Byron may have about their relationship:

But thou, Giraud, whose beauty would unlock
The gates of prejudice, and bid me mock
The sober fears that timid minds endure,
Whose ardent passions women only cure,
Receive this faithful tribute to thy charms,
Not vowed alone, but paid too in thy arms.
For here the wish, long cherished, long denied,
Within that monkish cell was gratified.

G. Wilson Knight, unlike most early critics, thought the poem was worthy of response, although he says that it was from "the most indecent poet of high quality in our literature". Grebanier believes that Colman, as "a recipient of Byron's confidence during a crucial period of the poet's life, and as a man who shared Byron's hatred of pretense ... must have seen an ideal subject in presenting ruthlessly, even brutally, the basic truths about Byron's moral dilemma, as a powerful means of blasting once more that sanctimoniousness which has always been fashionable in Britain." Colman's purpose was not necessarily to discuss Giraud, but to respond to those who spread rumours about Byron and criticized Byron for his failed marriage, the reason for his exile. The poem does focus on Giraud, and, as Grebanier argues, "If, the poem says, our hero's affections were fastened upon Nicolo Giraud" then Byron's actions are acceptable because "he was but following the custom of the country. Once he had seen a beautiful Ganymede of fifteen attending the Turkish Governor, a Grecian youth, publicly known as the Governor's 'catamite.' Was it criminal to do what the Governor was doing?"

Byrne Fone, a historian of homosexuality-related issues, emphasizes how the poem and the fictional discussion of Giraud and Byron's relationship reveal insights into 19th-century British views on homosexuality. To Fone, the poem was written by one who knew Byron and reveals Byron's homosexuality. Fone also argues that the 1833 publication of the poem was prompted by the arrest of William Bankes, a homosexual friend of Byron, and the execution of Henry Nicholls for homosexual activity. The opening lines of the poem mention "crippled Talleyrand", William Beckford and William Courtenay. Fone argues that the references to Beckford and Courtenay are used both to talk about the unfair treatment of homosexual men who had committed no real crime, and to emphasise England's hypocrisy when it comes to sex. The poem then claims that England's treatment of homosexuals forces Don Leon to travel to Greece in order to fulfill his desires and be free of intellectual control, which is fulfilled when Don Leon is able to be with Giraud. The fictional Giraud, according to Fone, allows Don Leon to break free of the homophobia of England. The poem, as he points out, tries to convince Moore to mention Byron's homosexual desires. Fone concludes, "It is not only the poem that is an effective attack on homophobic prejudice, but the example of the poet himself."

References

Notes

  1. Some biographers, such as Fiona MacCarthy, simply declare Giraud to be "brother to Lusieri's French wife" (MacCarthy p. 128). Other biographers, including Phyllis Grosskurth, are unwilling to state with such certainty, instead saying Giraud was "supposedly the brother of Lusieri's 'wife'" (Grosskurth p. 103). Neither provides a source for the declaration of "brother-in-law".

Citations

  1. Fiona MacCarthy, Byron: Life and Legend (2002) p. 131
  2. Crompton (1983), p. 58
  3. MacCarthy (2002), p. 128
  4. Grosskurth (1997), pp. 101–103
  5. Longford (1976), p. 40
  6. Marchand 1957 qtd. p. 254
  7. Kirsten Ellis, Star of the Morning: The Extraordinary Life of Lady Hester Stanhope (2008) p. 131
  8. MacCarthy (2002), pp. 128–129
  9. Marchand (1957), pp. 260–261
  10. UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved May 7, 2024.
  11. ^ MacCarthy (2002), p. 135
  12. Knight (1952), p. 185
  13. Quennell 1967 qtd. pp. 29–30
  14. Quennell (1967), p. 32
  15. Grosskurth 1997 qtd. p. 126
  16. Grosskurth (1997), p. 126
  17. Moore (1836), p. 114V.
  18. Crompton 1998 qtd. p. 375
  19. Maurois (1930), p. 555
  20. Maurois (1930), p. 140.
  21. Knight (1952), p. 77
  22. Knight (1952), p. 72
  23. Marchand (1957), p. 255
  24. Marchand (1957), p. 256
  25. Mayne (1913), pp. 179–180
  26. Christensen (1993), p. 61
  27. MacDonald, D. L. (November 1986), "Orientalism and Eroticism in Byron and Merrill", Pacific Coast Philology, 21 (1/2): 60–64, doi:10.2307/1316412, JSTOR 1316412
  28. Neff, D. S. (July 2002), "Bitches, Mollies, and Tommies: Byron, Masculinity, and the History of Sexualities", Journal of the History of Sexuality, 11 (3): 395–438, doi:10.1353/sex.2003.0019, PMID 17354358, S2CID 13437792
  29. Losey & Brewer (2000), p. 75
  30. Crompton (1998), p. 148
  31. Douglass (2004), p. 22
  32. Eisler (2000), p. 273
  33. Eisler (2000), p. 274
  34. Leask (2004), p. 111
  35. MacCarthy (2002), p. 129
  36. Douglass (2004), pp. 22–23
  37. ^ Grebanier (1970), p. 76
  38. ^ Grebanier (1970), p. 77
  39. Grebanier (1970), pp. 77–78
  40. Grebanier (1970), p. 78
  41. Fone (2001), pp. 258–265

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