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{{Short description|General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from 1989 to 2002}}
{{Infobox President
{{Family name hatnote|]|lang=Chinese}}
|name = Jiang Zemin<br><small>江泽民</small>
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2022}}
|image = Jiang Zemin2.png
{{Use American English|date=December 2022}}
|caption =
{{Infobox officeholder
|nationality = ]
|order = 8th ] | name = Jiang Zemin
| native_name = {{Nobold|江泽民}}
|term_start = 1989
| native_name_lang = zh-Hans
|term_end = 2002
| image = Jiang Zemin 2002.jpg
|predecessor = ]
|successor = ] | imagesize =
| caption = Jiang in 2002
|birth_date = {{birth date and age|1926|08|17}}
| office = ]
|birth_place = ], ], ]
|death_date = | term_start = 24 June 1989
| term_end = 15 November 2002
|death_place =
|spouse = ] | predecessor = ]
|alma_mater = ] | successor = ]
| office1 = ]
|profession = ]
|party = ] | term_start1 = 27 March 1993
| term_end1 = 15 March 2003
|order2 = 5th ]
| predecessor1 = ]
|term_start2 = 27 March 1993
| premier1 = {{Plainlist|
|vicepresident2 = ]<br>]
* ]
|term_end2 = 15 March 2003
* ]
|predecessor2 = ]
|successor2 = ]
|order3 = 1st Chief of State of Hong Kong of the People's Republic of China
|successor3 = ]
|term_start3 = 1 July 1997
|term_end3 = 15 March 2003
|order4 = 1st Chief of State of Macau of the People's Republic of China
|successor4 = Jiang Zemin
|term_start4 = 20 December 1999
|term_end4 = 15 March 2003
|order5 = 4th ]
|predecessor5 = ]
|successor5 = ]
|term_start5 = November 1989
|term_end5 = 19 September 2004
}} }}
| vicepresident1 = {{Plain list|
{{Chinese|title=Jiang Zemin|s={{linktext|江|泽|民}}|t={{linktext|江|澤|民}}|p=Jiāng Zémín|w=Chiang Tse-min|poj=Kang Tik-bîn}}
* ]
* Hu Jintao
}}
| successor1 = Hu Jintao
| office2 = ]
| deputy2 = {{Collapsible list
|title={{nobold|''See list''}}
|bullets=
|] (2002–2005)
|] (2002–2005)
|Hu Jintao (1999–2004)
|] (1995–2003)
|] (1995–2003)
|] (1989–1998)
|] (1992–1998)
|Yang Shangkun (1989–1993)
}}
| term2 = {{plainlist|
* {{longitem|{{ubl|'''Party Commission:'''}} {{avoid wrap|9 November 1989 – 19 September 2004}}}}
* {{longitem|{{ubl|'''State Commission:'''}} {{avoid wrap|19 March 1990 – 8 March 2005}}}}
}}
| predecessor2 = ]
| successor2 = ]
| birth_date = {{Birth date|df=yes|1926|08|17}}
| birth_place = ], ], ]
| death_date = {{death date and age|2022|11|30|1926|8|17|df=y}}
| death_place = ], Shanghai, China
| party = ]
| spouse = {{marriage|]|1949}}
| relatives = ] (son)
| mother = {{#ifexist:Wu Yueqing|] ({{lang|zh-hans|吴月清}})}} <!-- (1897–1978) -->
| alma_mater = {{Indented plainlist|
* ] (transferred)
* ] (])
}}
| occupation = Politician
| profession = ]
| signature = Signature of Jiang Zemin.svg
| module = {{Listen|pos=center|embed=yes|filename=Jiang Zemin at press conference with Bill Clinton (1997).ogg|title=Jiang Zemin's voice|type=speech|description=Jiang during a press conference with Bill Clinton<br />Recorded 29 October 1997}}
| module2 = {{Infobox Chinese
| child = yes
| pic = Jiang Zemin (Chinese characters).svg
| piccap="Jiang Zemin" in Simplified (top) and Traditional (bottom) Chinese characters
| picupright = 0.5
| s = 江泽民
| t = 江澤民
| p = Jiāng Zémín
| w = Chiang<sup>1</sup> Tzê<sup>2</sup>-min<sup>2</sup>
| mi = {{IPAc-cmn|j|iang|1|-|z|e|2|.|m|in|2}}
| j = Gong<sup>1</sup> Zaak<sup>6</sup>-maan<sup>4</sup>
| y = Gōng Jaahk-màahn
| ci = {{IPAc-yue|g|ong|1|-|z|aak|6|.|m|aan|4}}
| poj = Kang Tik-bîn
| order = st
| c =
| altname =
}}
| footnotes = {{Collapsible list
|titlestyle= background-color:#FCF;text-align:center;
|title=Central institution membership
|bullets=on
| 1989–2002: ], ], ] Politburo Standing Committee
| 1989–2005: 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th Central Military Commission
| 1987–2002: 13th, 14th, 15th Politburo
| 1983–2002: ], ], ], ] Central Committee
| 1988–2008: ], ], ], ], ] National People's Congress
}}
----
{{Collapsible list
|titlestyle= background-color:#FCF;text-align:center;
|title=Other political offices held
|bullets=on
| 1987–89: Communist Party Committee Secretary, ]
| 1984–87: Mayor, Shanghai
| 1983–85: Minister, Ministry of Electronic Industries
}}
----
<div class="center">''']'''<br />
{{flatlist|
*{{big|'''←'''}} ]
*] {{big|'''→'''}}
}}
</div>
| awards = ]
}}
{{Jiang Zemin sidebar}}
'''Jiang Zemin'''{{efn|{{IPAc-en|dʒ|iː|'|ɑː|ŋ|_|z|ə|'|m|ɪ|n}}; {{zh|s=江泽民|c=|t=|p=Jiāng Zémín}}, traditionally romanized as '''Chiang Tze-min'''}} (17 August 1926 – 30 November 2022) was a Chinese politician who served as ] of the ] (CCP) from 1989 to 2002, as ] of the ] from 1989 to 2004, and as ] from 1993 to 2003. Jiang was the third ] of ] from 1989 to 2002. He was the ] of the ] of Chinese leadership, one of four core leaders alongside ], ], and ].


Born in ], Jiangsu, Jiang joined the CCP while he was in college. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, he received training at the ] in Moscow in the 1950s, later returning to Shanghai in 1962 to serve in various institutes, later being sent between 1970 and 1972 to Romania as part of an expert team to establish machinery manufacturing plants in the country. After 1979, he was appointed as the vice chair of two commissions by vice premier ] to oversee the newly established ]s (SEZs). He became the vice minister of the newly established ] and a member of the CCP Central Committee in 1982.
'''Jiang Zemin''' ({{zh-stpw|s=江泽民|t=江澤民|p=] Zémín|w=Chiang Tse-min|c}}; born 17 August 1926) is the "core of the ]" of ] leaders, serving as ] from 1989 to 2002, as ] from 1993 to 2003, and as Chairman of the ] from 1989 to 2004.


Jiang was appointed as the ] in 1985, later being promoted to its ], as well as a member of the CCP Politburo, in 1987. Jiang came to power unexpectedly as a compromise candidate following the ], when he replaced ] as CCP general secretary after Zhao was ousted for his support for the student movement. As the involvement of the "]" in Chinese politics steadily declined,<ref>{{cite news |last=Holley |first=David |title='Eight Elders' Wield Power Behind the Scenes in China |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1992-01-12-mn-393-story.html |access-date=30 November 2022 |newspaper=] |date=12 January 1992}}</ref> Jiang consolidated his hold on power to become the "paramount leader" in the country during the 1990s.{{efn|"]" is not a formal title; it is a reference occasionally used by media outlets and scholars to refer to the foremost political leader in China at a given time. For example, there is no consensus on when Hu Jintao became the paramount leader (2002–2012), as Jiang held the most powerful office in the military (i.e., Central Military Commission chairman) and did not relinquish all positions until 2005 to his successor, while Hu was the General Secretary of the Communist Party since 2002 and President of China since 2003.}} Urged by ] in 1992, Jiang officially introduced the term "]" in his speech during the ] held later that year, which accelerated "]".
Jiang, an ], came to power in the wake of the ], replacing ], who was purged for being too conciliatory towards the protestors, as General Secretary. With the waning influence of ] due to old age, Jiang effectively became "]" in the 1990s. Under his leadership, China experienced substantial developmental growth with ], saw the peaceful return of ] from the ] and ] from ], and improved its relations with the outside world while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the government. Known to be one of China's less charismatic political figures, Jiang has been criticized for being too concerned about his personal image at home, and too conciliatory towards ] and the ] abroad.<ref>Tomoyuki Kojima. China's ''Omnidirectional Diplomacy'': Cooperation with all, Emphasis on Major Powers. Asia-Pacific Review, 1469-2937, Volume 8, Issue 2, 2001</ref> Critics{{Fact|date=October 2008}} also point to Jiang's inability to maintain control on various social imbalances and problems that surfaced during his term. Traditionalist communists in China{{Fact|date=October 2008}} charge Jiang of being a revisionist leader who legitimized outright capitalism. His contribution to the Marxist doctrine, a list of guiding ideologies by which the CCP rules China, is called the theory of the ], which has been written into the ] and ] constitutions.


Under Jiang's leadership, China experienced substantial economic growth with the continuation of market reforms. The ] in 1997 and of ] in 1999, and entry into the ] in 2001, were landmark moments of his era. China also witnessed improved relations with the outside world, while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the state. Jiang faced criticism over ], including the ]. His contributions to party doctrine, known as the "]", were written into the ] in 2002. Jiang gradually vacated his official leadership titles from 2002 to 2005, being succeeded in these roles by ], although he and ] continued to influence affairs until much later. In 2022, Jiang died at the age of 96 in Shanghai; he was ].
== Background and ascendancy ==
Jiang was born in the city of ], ]. His ancestral home, a notion important in traditional Chinese society, was the Jiangwan Village (江湾村), wuyuan County (婺源县) of the old ] (徽州) in southern ] Province, which was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of ] ]. His uncle, Jiang Shangqing, died fighting the Japanese, and was considered a martyr. Jiang attended the National Central University (Department of Radio Engineering at ]) in the Japanese-occupied ] before being transferred to ]. He graduated there in 1947 with a Bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. He claimed that he joined the Communist Party of China when he was in college (this has never been verified by any individuals or documents). After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the ] in ] in the 1950s. He worked for ]'s ]. He eventually got transferred to government services, where he began rising in rank, becoming a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, Minister of Electronic Industries in 1983. In 1985 he became Mayor of ], and subsequently the Party Chief of Shanghai.


== Early life ==
Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower vase", a Chinese term used to describe a decorative but useless person.<ref></ref> Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to ] {{Fact|date=February 2007}}. Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in ]'s economic reforms. In an attempt of curbing student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the ] in English in front of a group of student protesters.<ref>Kuhn, Robert Lawrence: The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin </ref><ref></ref>
]
Jiang Zemin was born in the city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu, on 17 August 1926.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BRl1sWYShpcC&pg=RA4-PA339|title=Events That Formed the Modern World|first1=Frank W.|last1=Thackeray|first2=John E.|last2=Findling|date=31 May 2012|publisher=ABC-CLIO|via=Google Books|isbn=978-1-59884-901-1|access-date=1 June 2017|archive-date=18 October 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221018190103/https://books.google.com/books?id=BRl1sWYShpcC&pg=RA4-PA339|url-status=live}}</ref> His ancestral home was the Jiangcun Village ({{zh|labels=no|江村}}) in ], Anhui. This was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Li |first1=Yiping |last2=Lai |first2=Kun |last3=Feng |first3=Xuegang |title=The Problem of ' Guanxi ' for Actualizing Community Tourism: A Case Study of Relationship Networking in China |journal=Tourism Geographies |date=May 2007 |volume=9 |issue=2 |pages=117–119 |doi=10.1080/14616680701278489|s2cid=153691620 }}</ref> Jiang grew up during the years of ]. His uncle and foster father, ], died fighting the Japanese and was considered in Jiang Zemin's time to be a national hero.<ref name=":322">{{Cite book |last=Hammond |first=Ken |title=China's Revolution and the Quest for a Socialist Future |publisher=1804 Books |year=2023 |isbn=9781736850084 |location=New York, NY |pages=}}</ref>{{Rp|page=40}} After Shangqing's death, Zemin became his male heir.<ref>{{cite news |title=The New Emperor |url=http://edition.cnn.com/ASIANOW/asiaweek/95/1229/feat4.html |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=Asia NOW |date=29 December 1995}}</ref>


Jiang attended the Department of Electrical Engineering at the ] in Japanese-occupied ] before transferring to National Chiao Tung University (now ]). He graduated there in 1947 with a bachelor's degree in ].<ref name="time_obituary">{{cite magazine |last1=McDonald |first1=Joe |title=Former Chinese President Jiang Zemin Has Reportedly Died |url=https://time.com/6237657/jiang-zemin-dies/ |magazine=Time |access-date=30 November 2022 |language=en |archive-date=30 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221130090507/https://time.com/6237657/jiang-zemin-dies/ |url-status=dead|date=2022-11-30}}</ref> Jiang joined the Chinese Communist Party when he was in college.<ref name="auto">{{cite web|url=http://www.cengage.com/|title=Cengage Learning |access-date=6 December 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180212194545/https://www.cengage.com/|archive-date=12 February 2018|url-status=live}}</ref> After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the ] in Moscow in the 1950s.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=66}} He also worked for Changchun's ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=609}} As Jiang became increasingly involved in the Communist Party, his main work shifted from the technical side of engineering to administrative and political tasks.<ref name=":322" />{{Rp|page=140}}
Jiang was described as having a passable command of several foreign languages, including ], ], and ]. One of his favorite activities was to engage foreign visitors in small talks on art and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in the original language. He became friends with ], the ] judge who visited Shanghai in 1987 and Brazilian actress ].


== Early career ==
Jiang was elevated to national politics in 1987, automatically becoming a member of the Politburo of the ] because it is customarily dictated that the Party Chief of Shanghai would also have a seat in the Politburo. In 1989, China was in crisis over the ], and the Central Government was in conflict on how to handle the protesters. (The ], brought out by ], has been proved as a crucial and brilliant turning point in China's modern history, causing the economy to grow at an astonishing rate during the past decades.) In June, Deng Xiaoping dismissed liberal ], who was considered too conciliatory to student protestors. Jiang, at the time, was the ], the top figure in China's new economic center. In an incident with the ''World Economic Herald'', Jiang closed down the newspaper, deeming it harmful. The handling of the crisis in Shanghai was noticed by Beijing, and then paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping. As the protests escalated and then Party-chief ] was removed from office, Jiang was selected by the Party leaders as a compromise candidate over ]'s ], Premier ], ], and the retired elders to become the new General Secretary. At the time he was considered to be an unlikely candidate. Within three years Deng had transferred most power in the state, party and military to Jiang.
]
In 1962, he returned to Shanghai and became the deputy director of the Shanghai Electric Research Institute. In 1966, he was appointed as the director and deputy party secretary of a ] research institute in ], which was established by the ]. When the ] began in the same year, he did not suffer greatly during the turmoil, but was pulled down from his position as director of the institute and was sent to a ]. In 1970, after leaving the cadre school, he became the deputy director of the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the ministry and was sent to the ], where he served as head of the expert team to establish fifteen machinery manufacturing plants in the country. After the completion of his mission in 1972, he returned to China.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=76}}{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=82}}{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=84}}


In 1979, following a thawing of ], ] decided to encourage ]s (SEZs) as part of his ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=101}} China's ] established two ministerial commissions to increase trade and foreign investment. The commissions were headed by vice premier ], who appointed Jiang as vice chairman of both commissions, a position equivalent to vice minister.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=102}} Jiang's role was to ensure these SEZs increased economic prosperity without becoming "conduits" for foreign ideology.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=102}} In 1980, Jiang headed a delegation which toured other SEZs in twelve countries; upon his return, he issued a radical report which recommended allowing local authorities to issue tax breaks and land leases, and increasing the power of ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=103}} The report initially "caused consternation" among party leaders, but his pragmatic and empirical presentation appealed to Deng Xiaoping. His proposals were approved at the National People's Congress, cementing Jiang as an "early implementer" of ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=104}}
== Early leadership ==
Jiang was elevated to the country's top job in 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power. He was believed as simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and military figures like ] and brother ] were believed to be planning a coup. Jiang used Deng Xiaoping as a back-up to his leadership in the first few years. Jiang, who was believed to have a neo-conservative slant, warned against "bourgeois liberalization". Deng's belief, however, stipulated that the only solution to keeping the legitimacy of Communist rule over China was to continue the drive for modernization and economic reform, and therefore placed himself at odds with Jiang.


In March 1982, he was pushed out as vice chairman of two commissions. After pressure from premier Gu and Shanghai mayor ], "ardent reformist" Zhao Ziyang appointed Jiang as the first vice minister and party secretary of the newly established ]{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=105}}
Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tours, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough, and the "central leadership" (i.e. Jiang) had most responsibility. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. In 1993, Jiang coined the new term "Socialist Market Economy" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated capitalist ]. It was a huge step to take in the advancement of Deng's "Socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated ], an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders. He became Chairman of the Central Military Commission in 1989, followed by his election to the ] in March 1993.


At the ] held in September 1982, Jiang became a member of the ], which determines policy and elects the members of the ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=105}}
== Presidency ==
Deng Xiaoping died in early 1997, and China, emerging gradually out of the Deng-era reforms and the relative stability of the early 1990s, faced a myriad of economic and social problems. At Deng's funeral, Jiang delivered his eulogy. He had inherited a China rampant with government corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's idea that "some areas can get rich before others" gave rise to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the hinterlands. The unprecedented economic growth had inevitably led to the closing of many ]s (SOE's), and a staggering ] rate that hit 40% in some urban areas. ]s fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere in the world, and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} A chaotic environment of illegal bonds issued from civil and military officials resulted in much of the corrupted wealth to end up in foreign countries. ] levels had returned, if not exceeded that of the Republican era in the 1940s. A surge in crime rates and the reemergence of ] began to plague cities. A careless stance on the destruction of the environment furthered concerns voiced by intellectuals. Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralised power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the on-going problems.<ref> </ref> Jiang continued pouring funds to develop the ]s and coastal regions.


== Career in Shanghai ==
Jiang is believed to be the first Chinese leader to truly manipulate the medium of television to enhance his own image, gaining a reputation for charisma.{{Fact|date=October 2008}} Beginning in 1996, Jiang began a series of reforms in the state-controlled media aimed at promoting the "core of leadership" under himself, and at the same time crushing some of his political opponents. The personality enhancements in the media were largely frowned upon during the Deng era, and had not been seen since Mao and ]'s time in office in the late 1970s. The ] and ]-1's 7PM National News each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. He appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with ] of CBS in 2000 at ]. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera, albeit not always comprehensible. In an encounter with a Hong Kong reporter in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting ] to seek a second term as ], Jiang branded the Hong Kong journalists infamously as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English.<ref></ref> The event was shown on Hong Kong television that night, an event regarded to be in poor taste outside China.
In 1985, a political reshuffle took place in Shanghai. Party Secretary ] and Mayor ] were both removed due to age issues. Instead, ] became the new Party Secretary of Shanghai, and Jiang became new ]. Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower pot", a Chinese term for someone who only seems useful, but actually gets nothing done.<ref name="BBC: Profile: Jiang Zemin">{{cite news |date=19 September 2004 |title=BBC: Profile: Jiang Zemin |work=] |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/1832448.stm |url-status=live |access-date=7 March 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080529080200/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/1832448.stm |archive-date=29 May 2008}}</ref> Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to ].<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-31-mn-18906-story.html|title=China Leans Heavily on Trouble-Shooter: Politics: Vice Premier Zhu Rongji's assignment is to cope with economic troubles, corruption, rural anger.|first=David|last=Holley|date=31 July 1993|work=Los Angeles Times|access-date=5 December 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140715000828/http://articles.latimes.com/1993-07-31/news/mn-18906_1_zhu-rongji|archive-date=15 July 2014|url-status=live}}</ref> Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt to curb ], Jiang recited the ] in English in front of a group of student protesters.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=133}}<ref>{{cite web |url=http://chinaview.wordpress.com/2006/08/25/book-real-story-of-jiang-zemin-introduction4/ |title=Book: Real Story of Jiang Zemin: Introduction(4) |publisher=Chinaview.wordpress.com |date=25 August 2006 |access-date=7 March 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110718094837/http://chinaview.wordpress.com/2006/08/25/book-real-story-of-jiang-zemin-introduction4/ |archive-date=18 July 2011 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Lee |first=Wei Ling |authorlink=Lee Wei Ling |title=A Hakka Woman's Singapore |publisher=Straits Times Press |year=2015 |isbn=978-981-4642-47-7 |edition=1st |pages=124 |language=en}}</ref>


At the ] held in October 1987, Jiang was promoted from mayor to Shanghai ], the most powerful position in the city, reporting directly to the central government.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=138}} He also joined the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party, in accordance with customs for party secretaries of major cities.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=138}}
Since 1999, the media has also played an integral role in the ], which is believed to be an act under the direction of Jiang himself, and has been heavily criticized by the West. Jiang reputedly came under conflict with then premier ] over how to contain the fast-growing spiritual movement. Following the ban of the group, the police had also began arresting its coordinators and breaking up demonstrations, despite protests by various human rights groups. {{Fact|date=July 2008}}


=== Tiananmen Square protests and massacre ===
=== Foreign Policy ===
In April 1989, former general secretary ] died; he had previously been forced to resign in January 1987 and accused of supporting "bourgeois liberalization".{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=133}} His death catalyzed the ],{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=148–149}} leading to an ideological crisis between "liberals" (who supported aggressive reforms) and "conservatives" (who favored slower change).{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=147|loc="In fact, no one of importance disagreed fundamentally with the necessity of Chapter 9 reform to spur economic development. The fault line between the so-called "liberals" and "conservatives" was the speed and style of the reforms. Still, the division was seismic, and the epicenter would soon be Tiananmen Square."}}<!-- the scare quotes are present around "liberals" and "conservatives" in the source; please keep --> After the Shanghai-based '']'' tried to publish a eulogy rehabilitating Hu and praising his reformist stance, Jiang took control of the newspaper's editorial board.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Wright |first=Kate |year=1990 |title=The Political Fortunes of Shanghai's 'World Economic Herald' |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2158797 |journal=The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs |issue=23 |pages=121–132 |doi=10.2307/2158797 |jstor=2158797 |s2cid=157680075 |issn=0156-7365}}</ref>{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=133-134, 149}} As the protests continued to grow, the Party imposed martial law and deployed troops in Beijing in May.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=161}} In Shanghai, 100,000 protestors marched in the streets, and 450 students went on a hunger strike.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=160}} After the third day, Jiang personally met with them to assure them that the Party shared their goals, and to promise future dialogue. He simultaneously sent a telegram to the Central Committee firmly supporting their martial law declaration.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=161}}
] in Dushanbe, Tajikistan in 2000.]]


His careful public appeals were well received by both pro-democracy students and socialist party elders.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=162}} On 20 May 1989, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping decided to appoint Jiang as the new general secretary, replacing Zhao Ziyang,{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=162|loc=}} who had supported the protestors.<ref name="Pomfret">Pomfret, John. . ''The Washington Post''. 15 May 2009. p.2.</ref><ref name="PPan">{{Cite book |last=Philip P. Pan |url=http://archive.org/details/outofmaosshadows00panp |title=Out of Mao's shadow |date=2008 |publisher=Simon & Schuster |isbn=978-1-4165-3705-2 |pages=4–5 |oclc=1150955831 |author-link=Philip Pan |url-access=registration |via=Internet Archive}}</ref> Jiang was selected as a compromise candidate over ]'s ], premier ], elders ], ], and the retired elders to become the new general secretary.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=163}} Before that, he had been considered to be an unlikely candidate.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2004-09-19-china-military_x.htm|title=USATODAY.com – China completes military power transfer|website=USA Today|access-date=5 December 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121102160834/http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2004-09-19-china-military_x.htm|archive-date=2 November 2012|url-status=live}}</ref>
Jiang went on a groundbreaking ] to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to the Falun Gong practitioners. He made a speech at ], part of it in passable English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with US President ], the tone was relaxed as Jiang and Clinton sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in February 1999, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries. When American-led ] ] in ] in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action. Much of Jiang's foreign policy was focused on international trade and economic integration. A personal friend of former Canadian Prime Minister ]<ref> 21 October 2001.</ref>, Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere.

== Rise to power ==
Jiang was appointed as general secretary at the fourth plenum of the Thirteenth Central Committee on 24 June 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mackerras |first1=Colin |last2=McMillen |first2=Donald H. |last3=Watson |first3=Andrew |title=Dictionary of the Politics of the People's Republic of China |date=16 December 2003 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-53175-2 |page=249 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LYmBAgAAQBAJ |language=en}}</ref><ref name="auto" /> His most reliable allies were the powerful party elders Chen Yun and Li Xiannian. He was believed to be simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=3}} Other prominent Party and military figures like President ] and his brother ] were believed to be planning a coup.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=219}}

At the first meeting of the new ], after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, Jiang criticized the previous period as "hard on the economy, soft on politics" and advocated increasing political thought work.<ref name="brady08">Anne-Marie Brady, Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.</ref> ] wrote that "Jiang Zemin was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China." Soon after, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, "including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement."<ref name="brady08" />

The Politburo also issued a list of "seven things" regarding "matters of universal concern to the masses", with party corruption as the top priority.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=181}} Jiang was also appointed as the chairman of the Central Military Commission on 9 November 1989, succeeding Deng,<ref>{{cite journal |date=1 September 2004 |title=China's military leadership |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1356788041071 |journal=Strategic Comments |volume=10 |issue=7 |pages=1–2 |doi=10.1080/1356788041071 |s2cid=219695239 |access-date=30 November 2022}}</ref> and president of the PRC on 27 March 1993;<ref>{{cite news |last1=Byrnes |first1=Michael |date=29 March 1993 |title=Jiang Zemin Elected President of China |work=Australian Financial Review |url=https://www.afr.com/politics/jiang-zemin-elected-president-of-china-19930329-k5bxx |access-date=8 December 2022}}</ref> this marked the start of the arrangement in which the paramount leader of China simultaneously serves as Party leader, president and chair of the CMC.<ref>{{Cite news |date=24 January 2013 |title=Jiang Zemin to Have Lower Rank in Communist Party |work=] |agency=Agence France-Presse |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/9823478/Jiang-Zemin-to-have-lower-rank-in-Communist-party.html |url-status=live |access-date=12 March 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180312234448/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/9823478/Jiang-Zemin-to-have-lower-rank-in-Communist-party.html |archive-date=12 March 2018}}</ref>

== Leadership ==
{{Further|History of the People's Republic of China (1989–2002)}}In the first few years, Jiang depended on the support of Deng Xiaoping to remain in power,{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=220|loc="Though Jiang had spent the preceding two years diligently building his relations with the military, his position remained dependent on Deng."}}{{additional citations needed|date=November 2024}} which forced Jiang into an "ultranationalist stance" towards Taiwan and the US.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Miller |first=Lyman |date=1 June 1996 |title=Overlapping Transitions in China's Leadership |journal=SAIS Review |volume=16 |issue=2 |pages=21–42 |doi=10.1353/sais.1996.0038 |s2cid=153471937}}</ref> Jiang had supported Deng's calls against "bourgeois liberalization", but while Jiang was seen as a "thoughtful reformer",{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=134, 180|loc="We must enhance socialist ideology while carrying out to the end the struggle against bourgeois liberalization."}} he " to the more conservative views of the elders and his Politburo colleagues".{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=214}} Deng was far more supportive of reforms, saying that "deviating to the Left is an even greater danger" than deviating to the right.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=213}}

Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During ], he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=212}} Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=682}} Jiang coined the new "]" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated ].{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=216–222}} It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's "socialism with Chinese characteristics".{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=220–222}} At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated ] in 1992, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders.


=== Economic development === === Economic development ===
In the early 1990s, post-Tiananmen economic reforms by Vice Premier and later Premier Zhu Rongji with Jiang's support had stabilized and the country was on a consistent growth trajectory. At the same time, China faced myriad economic and social problems. At Deng's state funeral in 1997, Jiang delivered the elder statesman's eulogy. Jiang had inherited a China rampant with political corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's policy that "some areas can get rich before others" led to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the interior provinces.


Jiang and Zhu initiated major reforms to ] (SOEs) during their tenure. Per the concept of "]", a number of heavy industries were deregulated and many small- and medium-sized SOEs were closed down or privatized, initially removing as many as 40 million jobs from SOEs.<ref>{{cite news |title=Jiang Zemin, who guided China's economic rise, dies |url=https://apnews.com/article/china-beijing-hong-kong-obituaries-jiang-zemin-4ee4c5dcaf567e02efa3c5c7186af30a |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=AP News |date=30 November 2022 |language=en|last1=McDonald|first1=Joe}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-sep-13-mn-31787-story.html|title=China Gets Down to Business at Party Congress|date=13 September 1997|website=Los Angeles Times|language=en-US|access-date=12 January 2020|archive-date=18 October 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221018190108/https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-sep-13-mn-31787-story.html|url-status=live|last1=Tempest|first1=Rone}}</ref> Jiang also oversaw the breaking of the "]", allowing China to join the ] in 2001.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Krishnan |first1=Ananth |date=30 November 2022 |title=Jiang Zemin obituary {{!}} President who shepherded China's economic reforms, growth |language=en-IN |work=The Hindu |url=https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/jiang-zemin-obituary-a-president-who-shepherded-chinas-economic-reforms-growth/article66204888.ece |access-date=3 December 2022}}</ref> As a result of the reforms, unemployment rates skyrocketed, rising as high as 40% in some urban areas, and stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere, and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%.<ref>Michael E. Porter. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150628230559/http://nps.edu/programs/ccs/webjournal/Article.aspx?ArticleID=124 |date=28 June 2015 }}</ref>
Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed a big chunk of the economic governance of the country to ], who became ], and remained in office through the ]. Under their joint leadership, ] has sustained an average of 8% ] growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Economists, however, charge Jiang with creating a ] that could fall apart at any time. Strong Party control over economic affairs, however, remained, as Jiang was unrelenting in the centralization of power. The achievements during Jiang's presidency were cemented by the PRC's successful bid to join the ] and Beijing winning the bid to host the ].


Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralized power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the ongoing problems.<ref name="BBC">{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-20038774|title=Profile: Jiang Zemin|date=23 October 2012|work=BBC News|publisher=BBC|access-date=21 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171114121903/http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-20038774|archive-date=14 November 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> After the coastal regions and SEZs were sufficiently developed, Jiang worked to reduce geographic disparities by encouraging richer cities to "provide financial, technological, and managerial assistance to the poorer, western ones."{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=405}} Jiang put forward the plan for ].<ref name=":022">{{Cite book |last1=Wu |first1=Guoyou |title=An Ideological History of the Communist Party of China |last2=Ding |first2=Xuemei |date=2020 |publisher=Royal Collins Publishing Group |isbn=978-1-4878-0392-6 |editor-last=Zheng |editor-first=Qian |location=Montreal, Quebec |translator-last=Sun |translator-first=Li |translator-last2=Bryant |translator-first2=Shelly}}</ref>{{Rp|page=401}} Construction of various infrastructure projects such as the ] and the ] began under Jiang's leadership.<ref>{{cite news |last=Gittings |first=John |date=19 October 2000 |title=Big ideas drive China's quest for super status |work=] |url=https://theguardian.com/world/2000/oct/19/china.johngittings |access-date=30 November 2022}}</ref>
=== Entrenching Three Represents ===
Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of ] written into the Party's constitution, alongside ], ], and ] at the 16th CPC Congress in 2002. Although contradictory to Marxism and Maoism in many facets, it was also written into China's Constitution. Critics believe this is just another piece added to Jiang's ], others have seen practical applications of the theory as a guiding ideology in the future direction of the CPC. Largely speculated to step down from all positions by international media, rival ]'s resignation in 2002 prompted analysts to rethink the man. The theory of Three Represents was believed by many political analysts to be Jiang's effort at extending his vision to Marxist-Leninist Principles, and therefore elevating himself alongside previous Chinese Marxist philosophers Mao and Deng.


Jiang launched the ] policy in 1999, a national strategy which sought to develop ] firms, increase foreign demand for Chinese goods and services, and secure energy and resources.<ref name=":13">{{Cite book |last=Garlick |first=Jeremy |title=Advantage China: Agent of Change in an Era of Global Disruption |date=2024 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-350-25231-8}}</ref>{{Rp|page=123}} This policy greatly expanded Chinese investment and influence in the ], particularly in Africa and Asia.<ref name=":13" />{{Rp|page=124}}
==Gradual retirement==
] at the ].]]
In 2002, Jiang stepped down from the powerful ] to make way for a "fourth generation" of leadership headed by ], marking the beginning of a transition of power that would last several years. Hu assumed Jiang's title as party chief, becoming the new general secretary of the ]. Six out of the nine new members of Standing Committee at the time were considered part of Jiang's so-called "]", the most prominent being Vice President ] and Executive Vice Premier ].


=== Foreign policy ===
Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the powerful ], most members of the commission are professional military men. ''Liberation Army Daily'', a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'" This was widely interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.
{{See also|List of international trips made by Jiang Zemin}}
] in 1999]]
] ] at ] summit in ] (2001)]]
Under Jiang's leadership, China continued its style of developmental diplomacy which had been adopted under Deng Xiaoping.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Zhao |first=Suisheng |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1332788951 |title=The dragon roars back : transformational leaders and dynamics of Chinese foreign policy |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-5036-3415-2 |location=Stanford, California |page=11 |oclc=1332788951}}</ref> China's international behavior was generally both pragmatic and predictable.<ref name=":0" /> During Jiang's presidency, serious flare-ups between China and the United States occurred.<ref>{{Cite news |last1=Buckley |first1=Chris |last2=Wines |first2=Michael |date=30 November 2022 |title=Jiang Zemin, Leader Who Guided China into Global Market, Dies at 96 |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/30/obituaries/jiang-zemin-dead.html |access-date=30 November 2022}}</ref> Nonetheless, Jiang's foreign policy was for the most part passive and non-confrontational. Foreign policy under Jiang inherited from that of Deng Xiaoping, that is, ''taoguang yanghui'', or "hide one's talent and bide one's time", which emphasized the use of cooperative rhetoric and the avoidance of controversy.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Doshi |first=Rush |title=Hu's to blame for China's foreign assertiveness? |url=https://www.brookings.edu/articles/hus-to-blame-for-chinas-foreign-assertiveness/ |access-date=2024-07-05 |website=Brookings |language=en-US}}</ref>


In July 1993, the United States Navy stopped a Chinese container ship, the ''Yinhe'', based on the incorrect suspicion that it was carrying chemical weapon precursors bound for Iran.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last=Zhao |first=Suisheng |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503634152 |title=The Dragon Roars Back: Transformational Leaders and Dynamics of Chinese Foreign Policy |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-5036-3415-2 |page=63|doi=10.1515/9781503634152 }}</ref> Although China denied the allegation, the United States cut off the ''Yinhe''{{'}}s GPS, causing it to lose direction and anchor on the high seas for twenty-four days until it acceded to an inspection.<ref name=":1" /> There were no chemical precursors on the ship.<ref name=":1" /> Although China sought a formal apology, the United States refused to apologize and refused to pay compensation.<ref name=":1" /> Despite the humiliation of the ], Jiang took a stance of goodwill towards the United States and adopted the "sixteen-characters formula" for working with the United States: "enhancing confidence, reducing troubles, expanding cooperation, and avoiding confrontation."<ref name=":1" />
Hu succeeded Jiang as ] on 15 March 2003. To the surprise of many observers, evidence of Jiang's continuing influence on public policy abruptly disappeared from the official media. Jiang was conspicuously silent during the ] crisis, especially when compared to the very public profile of Hu and ]. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress have left Jiang in a position where he cannot exercise much influence.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} Although many of the members of the Politburo Standing Committee are associated with him, the Standing Committee does not have command authority over the civilian bureaucracy.{{Fact|date=October 2008}}


Jiang oversaw ] in 1996 in protest to the ] government under President ], who had been seen as moving its foreign policy away from the ].<ref name=":054">{{Cite book |last=Lampton |first=David M. |title=Living U.S.-China Relations: From Cold War to Cold War |date=2024 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-5381-8725-8 |location=Lanham, MD |pages= |author-link=David M. Lampton}}</ref>{{Rp|pages=224-225}} The United States sent two carrier groups to the vicinity of Taiwan, and the PRC de-escalated.<ref name=":054" />{{Rp|page=225}} As a result of the United States response, Jiang ordered the ] to begin a ten-year modernization program.<ref name=":054" />{{Rp|page=225}}
] and ] with wife ] in Crawford, Texas in 2002.]]
On 19 September 2004, after a four-day meeting of the 198-member ], Jiang resigned as chairman of the CPC Central Military Commission, his last party post. Six months later he resigned his last significant post, chairman of the State CMC. This followed weeks of speculation that Hu Jintao's supporters in the Communist Party leadership were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, ], and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman. This power transition officially marks the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1993{{Fact|date=October 2008}} to 2004.


Jiang went on a ] to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to supporters of the ]. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with president ], the tone was relaxed as they sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in June 1998, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=358}}
Although Jiang has been seldom seen in public since giving up his last official title in 2004, he was with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army,<ref> International Herald Tribune</ref> and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese Peoples Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials.<ref> CCTV International</ref> In 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics Games.

After the ] in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action.<ref name="BBC" /> Jiang deemed the United States-China bilateral relation too important to be harmed in the emotion of the moment and sought to soothe the Chinese public's outrage.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Zhao |first=Suisheng |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503634152 |title=The Dragon Roars Back: Transformational Leaders and Dynamics and Chinese Foreign Policy |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-5036-3415-2 |location=Stanford, California |pages=63–64|doi=10.1515/9781503634152 }}</ref>

The ] was another tense event in the China-United States relations which occurred during Jiang's presidency.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book |last=Zhao |first=Suisheng |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503634152 |title=The Dragon Roars Back: Transformational Leaders and Dynamics of Chinese Foreign Policy |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-1-5036-3415-2 |location=Stanford, California |pages=64|doi=10.1515/9781503634152 }}</ref> On April 1, 2001, a United States US ] surveillance aircraft collided mid-air with a Chinese ] jet fighter over the South China Sea.<ref name=":2" /> China sought a formal apology, and accepted United States Secretary of State ]'s expression of "very sorry" as sufficient.<ref name=":2" /> The incident nonetheless created negative feelings towards the United States by the Chinese public and increased public feelings of ].<ref name=":2" />

A personal friend of former Canadian prime minister ],<ref>{{cite web |title=NewsLibrary.com – newspaper archive, clipping service – newspapers and other news sources |url=http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=NewsLibrary&p_multi=BBAB&d_place=BBAB&p_theme=newslibrary2&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0F97A5C48B7AFFEC&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171107015724/http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=NewsLibrary&p_multi=BBAB&d_place=BBAB&p_theme=newslibrary2&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0F97A5C48B7AFFEC&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM |archive-date=7 November 2017 |access-date=14 November 2017 |website=Nl.newsbank.com}}</ref> Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere.

=== Media depiction ===
] in 1995]]
The '']'' and ]'s 7&nbsp;pm '']'' each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. Jiang appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with ] of CBS in 2000 at ]. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera; once, he gave a 40-minute speech entirely in Russian.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|pp=92–93, 371, 437}} In an encounter with Hong Kong reporter ] in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting ] to seek a second term as ], Jiang scolded the Hong Kong journalists as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Landler |first=Mark |date=29 October 2000 |title=Leader of China Angrily Chastises Hong Kong Media |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/29/world/leader-of-china-angrily-chastises-hong-kong-media.html |access-date=16 November 2023}}</ref>

=== Three Represents ===
{{Main|Three Represents}}

On 25 February 2000, Jiang introduced the theory of ], which was later enshrined in both Party and State constitutions as an "important thought", following in the footsteps of ], Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory.<ref name="datong">{{cite news |date=6 June 2015 |script-title=zh:补牢意识形态 "大统战"修正三个代表? |language=zh-cn |work=Duowei News |url=http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-06/59658666.html |url-status=live |access-date=22 June 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150622201700/http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-06/59658666.html |archive-date=22 June 2015}}</ref><ref name=":022" />{{Rp|pages=474-475}} Officially termed as the latest development of ] under Jiang's tenure,<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal |last=Dittmer |first=Lowell |date=2003 |title=Chinese Factional Politics Under Jiang Zemin |url= |journal=] |volume=3 |issue=1 |pages=97–128 |doi=10.1017/S1598240800001132 |issn=1598-2408 |jstor=23417742 |s2cid=155266344}}</ref> the Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CCP from protecting the interests of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at placating the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party, such as hardline leftist ], denounced this as betrayal of "true" communist ideology.<ref name="datong" />

Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CCP Congress in 2002.<ref>Tomoyuki Kojima. China's ''Omnidirectional Diplomacy'': Cooperation with all, Emphasis on Major Powers. Asia-Pacific Review, 1469–2937, Volume 8, Issue 2, 2001</ref>

=== Crackdown on Falun Gong ===
{{Further|Persecution of Falun Gong}}
In June 1999, Jiang established an extralegal department, the ], to crack down on ]. Cook and Lemish state this was because Jiang was worried that the popular new religious movement was "quietly infiltrating the CCP and state apparatus."<ref>Sarah Cook and Leeshai Lemish, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130127030409/http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=38411&cHash=2dff246d80ffd78112de97e280ce9725 |date=27 January 2013 }}, China Brief, Volume 11 Issue 17 (9 November 2011).</ref> On 20 July, security forces arrested thousands of Falun Gong organizers they identified as leaders.<ref name="Tong">James Tong. '']''. (New York, NY: ], 2009); {{ISBN|0-19-537728-1}} – ]</ref> The persecution that followed was characterized as a nationwide campaign of propaganda, as well as the large-scale arbitrary imprisonment and coercive reeducation of Falun Gong organizers, sometimes resulting in death due to mistreatment in detention.<ref name="HRW">{{Cite book|first=Mickey|last=Spiegel|url=https://archive.org/details/fromhouseholdtof00huma|title=Dangerous Meditation: China's Campaign Against Falungong|publisher=Human Rights Watch|year=2002|access-date=28 September 2007|isbn=1-56432-269-6}}</ref><ref>Amnesty International {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150518074828/http://www.refworld.org/docid/3b83b6e00.html |date=18 May 2015 }} 23 March 2000</ref><ref>], {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120406133845/http://www.pulitzer.org/archives/6472 |date=6 April 2012 }}, '']'', Pulitzer.org, 26 December 2000.</ref>

== Retirement ==
{{See also|Shanghai clique}}
] with his wife in ], 25 October 2002]]
In the run-up to the ], Hu Jintao had "almost unanimous support" to become the new CCP general secretary.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=483}} To maintain China's image as a stable and respected country, Jiang and Hu emphasized their unity, striving to make this transition the first "smooth and harmonious" one in the PRC's history.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=496}}<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Yongnian |first1=Zheng |last2=Fook |first2=Lye Liang |date=1 September 2003 |title=Elite politics and the fourth generation of chinese leadership |journal=Journal of Chinese Political Science |language=en |volume=8 |issue=1 |pages=65–86 |doi=10.1007/BF02876950 |s2cid=144696105 |issn=1874-6357|doi-access=free }}</ref> Jiang stepped down as general secretary and left the Politburo Standing Committee, but retained the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission,{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=521}} which controlled the army and the nation's foreign policy.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=522}} Jiang would continue counselling Hu from "behind the curtain", and it was formally agreed that Jiang would be "consulted on all matters of state importance".{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=522}} Both men also reached a "tacit understanding" that Hu would not be considered a "]" leader like Jiang, Deng and Mao.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=497}}

At the 16th Party Congress, the majority of new members for Standing Committee were considered part of Jiang's so-called "]", the most prominent being vice president ], who had served as Jiang's chief of staff for many years, and vice premier ], a former party secretary of Shanghai.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Lam |first1=Willy Wo-Lap |title=Hu strikes back at Jiang |url=https://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/east/12/16/willy.column/index.html |access-date=30 November 2022 |publisher=CNN |date=17 December 2002 |archive-date=30 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221130172306/https://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/east/12/16/willy.column/index.html |url-status=dead }}</ref>

After Hu succeeded Jiang as general secretary, the latter continued to " public life" for several years.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=527}} The ''South China Morning Post'' announced that "a new era has begun in China. But it is not that of Vice President Hu Jintao Rather, it is a new era of President Jiang Zemin, who has just stepped down as the Party's general secretary."{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=521}} Early in the 2003 ] crisis, Jiang remained conspicuously silent, and observers were divided over whether it signified his waning influence, or respect for Hu.{{Sfn|Kuhn|2004|p=540}} It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress left Jiang in a position where he could not exercise much influence.<ref>{{cite web |title=Information Control and Self-Censorship in the PRC and the Spread of SARS – Congressional-Executive Commission on China |url=http://www.cecc.gov/publications/issue-papers/information-control-and-self-censorship-in-the-prc-and-the-spread-of-sars |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221018190108/https://www.cecc.gov/publications/issue-papers/information-control-and-self-censorship-in-the-prc-and-the-spread-of-sars |archive-date=18 October 2022 |access-date=6 December 2013 |website=cecc.gov|date=6 May 2003 }}</ref>

Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the CMC, most members of the commission were professional military men. '']'', a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.{{'"}} This was interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://media.hoover.org/documents/clm7_jm.pdf|title=Reduced Budgets, the "Two Centers," and Other Mysteries of the 2003 National People's Congress|author=James Mulvenon|website=Media.hoover.org|access-date=14 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080626175840/http://media.hoover.org/documents/clm7_jm.pdf|archive-date=26 June 2008|url-status=live}}</ref>

On 19 September 2004, after the 4th Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee, Jiang, at the age of 78, relinquished his post as chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, his last post in the party. Six months later in March 2005, Jiang resigned his last significant post, chairman of the Central Military Commission of the state, which marked the end of Jiang's political career.{{Clarify|reason=See talk page|date=November 2022}} This followed weeks of speculation that forces inside the party were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, General ], and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman, as was initially speculated. This power transition formally marked the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1989 to 2004.<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/files/journals/3/articles/61/public/61-61-1-PB.pdf|title=China's Foreign- and Security-policy Decision-making Processes under Hu Jintao|first=Jean-Pierre|last=Cabestan|date=8 October 2009|journal=Journal of Current Chinese Affairs|volume=38|issue=3|pages=63–97|doi=10.1177/186810260903800304|access-date=6 December 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131212083814/http://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/files/journals/3/articles/61/public/61-61-1-PB.pdf|archive-date=12 December 2013|url-status=live|doi-access=free}}</ref>

In 2008, Jiang published an academic article on China's clean energy resources and another on China's information technology development.<ref name=":02">{{Cite book |last=Hu |first=Richard |title=Reinventing the Chinese City |date=2023 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-231-21101-7 |location=New York}}</ref>{{Rp|page=100}}

=== Official appearances after retirement ===
Jiang continued to make official appearances after giving up his last title in 2005. In China's ], Jiang's name always appeared immediately after Hu Jintao's and in front of the remaining sitting members of the CCP Politburo Standing Committee. In 2007, Jiang was seen with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the ],<ref> {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071013113305/http://iht.com/articles/ap/2007/08/01/asia/AS-GEN-China-Politics.php |date=13 October 2007 }} ''International Herald Tribune''</ref> and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials.<ref>{{cite news |title=Former Leaders Visit Exhibition Marking 70th Anniversary of Long March – china.org.cn |url=http://www.china.org.cn/english/features/changzheng/185612.htm |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=] |date=22 October 2006}}</ref> On 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics.<ref>{{cite news |title=Jiang given place of honour to see culmination of his efforts |url=https://scmp.com/article/648434/jiang-given-place-honour-see-culmination-his-efforts |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=South China Morning Post |date=9 August 2008 |language=en}}</ref> He also stood beside Hu Jintao during the mass parade celebrating the ] in October 2009.<ref>{{cite news |title=Communist China celebrates 60th anniversary with instruments of war and words of peace |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2009-oct-02-fg-china-parade2-story.html |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=Los Angeles Times |date=2 October 2009}}</ref>

Beginning in July 2011, false reports of Jiang's death began circulating on the news media outside of mainland China and on the internet.<ref>{{cite news | url=http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2011/07/01/ccp-birthday-gala-wheres-jiang-zemin/ | work=Financial Times | title=Where is Jiang Zemin? | date=1 July 2011 | access-date=6 July 2011 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110708055426/http://blogs.ft.com/beyond-brics/2011/07/01/ccp-birthday-gala-wheres-jiang-zemin/ | archive-date=8 July 2011 | url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite news | url=http://www.nikkei.com/news/headline/article/g=96958A9C9381959FE2E4E2E6978DE2E4E2E5E0E2E3E39494E3E2E2E2 | title=Jiang's Rumours of Death Spread | newspaper=Nihon Keizai Shimbun | date=6 July 2011 | access-date=7 July 2011 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110709223113/http://www.nikkei.com/news/headline/article/g=96958A9C9381959FE2E4E2E6978DE2E4E2E5E0E2E3E39494E3E2E2E2 | archive-date=9 July 2011 | url-status=live }}</ref> While Jiang may indeed have been ill and receiving treatment, the rumors were denied by official sources.<ref name="time">{{cite magazine | url=https://world.time.com/2011/07/06/is-chinas-ex-leader-jiang-zemin-dead-local-censors-dont-want-any-speculation/ | title=Is China's Ex-Leader Jiang Zemin Dead? Local Censors Don't Want Any Speculation | magazine=Time | access-date=6 July 2011 | date=6 July 2011 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110706113058/http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/07/06/is-chinas-ex-leader-jiang-zemin-dead-local-censors-dont-want-any-speculation/ | archive-date=6 July 2011 | url-status=live }}</ref> On 9 October 2011, Jiang made his first public appearance since his premature obituary in Beijing at a celebration to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the ].<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-10-09/china-former-president-jiang-zemin-appears-at-beijing-event-xinhua-says.html |title=Jiang Zemin Appears in Public Three Months After Media Reports of Death |publisher=Bloomberg L.P. |date=9 October 2011 |access-date=8 March 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131024000526/http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-10-09/china-former-president-jiang-zemin-appears-at-beijing-event-xinhua-says.html |archive-date=24 October 2013 |url-status=live }}</ref> Jiang reappeared at the ] in October 2012, and took part in the 65th Anniversary banquet of the founding of the People's Republic of China in October 2014. At the banquet he sat next to ], who had then succeeded Hu Jintao as CCP general secretary. In September 2015, Jiang attended the ]; there, Jiang again sat next to Xi Jinping and Hu Jintao.<ref>{{cite news |title=Former Chinese president at war parade amid infighting rumours |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-china-politics-jiang-idUKKCN0R306V20150903 |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=Reuters |date=3 September 2015 |language=en}}</ref> He appeared on 29 May 2017 at Shanghai Technology University.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://m.cn.rfi.fr/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD/20170529-%E4%B8%80%E5%A6%82%E7%8C%9C%E6%B5%8B%E6%B1%9F%E6%B3%BD%E6%B0%91%E7%8E%B0%E8%BA%AB%E4%B8%8A%E6%B5%B7%E7%A7%91%E5%A4%A7%E6%83%9F%E5%BD%B1%E5%93%8D%E5%8A%9B%E5%AD%98%E7%96%91|language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:一如猜测江泽民现身上海科大惟影响力存疑|date=29 May 2017|access-date=30 May 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170605034540/http://m.cn.rfi.fr/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD/20170529-%E4%B8%80%E5%A6%82%E7%8C%9C%E6%B5%8B%E6%B1%9F%E6%B3%BD%E6%B0%91%E7%8E%B0%E8%BA%AB%E4%B8%8A%E6%B5%B7%E7%A7%91%E5%A4%A7%E6%83%9F%E5%BD%B1%E5%93%8D%E5%8A%9B%E5%AD%98%E7%96%91|archive-date=5 June 2017|url-status=live}}</ref>

After Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, Jiang's position in the protocol sequence of leaders retreated; while he was often seated next to Xi Jinping at official events, his name was often reported after all standing members of the Communist Party's Politburo.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/chinas-former-leader-jiang-zemin-at-military-parade-amid-infighting-rumours|title=China's former leader Jiang Zemin at military parade amid infighting rumours|date=3 September 2015|website=The Straits Times|access-date=14 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170925132547/http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/chinas-former-leader-jiang-zemin-at-military-parade-amid-infighting-rumours|archive-date=25 September 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> Jiang reappeared at the ] on 18 October 2017.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/19th-party-congress-former-president-jiang-zemins-appearance-quashes-death-rumour|title=19th Party Congress: Former president Jiang Zemin's appearance quashes death rumour|date=18 October 2017|website=The Straits Times|access-date=14 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171020160035/http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/19th-party-congress-former-president-jiang-zemins-appearance-quashes-death-rumour|archive-date=20 October 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> He appeared on 29 July 2019 at the funeral of former premier Li Peng.<ref>{{Cite news | url=http://news.dwnews.com/china/news/2019-07-29/60143097.html |language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:【李鹏逝世】中共七常委出席李鹏告别式 江泽民现身&#91;图&#93; | access-date=29 July 2019 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729113150/http://news.dwnews.com/china/news/2019-07-29/60143097.html | archive-date=29 July 2019 | url-status=live |date=29 July 2019 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url = https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3020548/former-chinese-leader-jiang-zemin-joins-communist-party-chiefs|title = Ex-president Jiang joins mourners at Tiananmen premier's funeral|date = 29 July 2019|access-date = 29 July 2019|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20190729194840/https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3020548/former-chinese-leader-jiang-zemin-joins-communist-party-chiefs|archive-date = 29 July 2019|url-status = live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news | url=https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/92-year-old-Jiang-Zemin-makes-rare-appearance-at-Li-Peng-funeral | title=92-year-old Jiang Zemin makes rare appearance at Li Peng funeral | access-date=30 July 2019 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190730124031/https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/92-year-old-Jiang-Zemin-makes-rare-appearance-at-Li-Peng-funeral | archive-date=30 July 2019 | url-status=live }}</ref> He also attended the ] mass parade in October 2019, marking his last public appearance prior to his death.<ref>{{cite news |title=China's Jiang confounded doubters, mended U.S. ties |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/china-jiang-zemin-obituary-idAFKBN2SK0NI |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=Reuters |date=30 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref> He did not attend the ] in October 2022.<ref>{{cite news |title=Ex-leader removed from China party congress as Xi eyes more power |url=https://www.euronews.com/2022/10/22/former-leader-removed-from-chinas-party-congress-as-xi-is-set-to-secure-third-term-as-pres |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=euronews |date=22 October 2022 |language=en}}</ref>

== Family and personal life ==
Jiang married ], also a native of Yangzhou, in 1949.<ref>{{cite book|title=The-Cambridge Handbook Contemporary China|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2001|isbn=978-0-521-78674-4|pages=326}}</ref> She was his cousin, as Jiang's adoptive mother was Wang's aunt. Wang graduated from ].<ref name="pd">{{Cite news|url=http://www.people.com.cn/english/leaders/cpcdir/jprofile.html|title=Jiang Zemin – General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee|work=People's Daily|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110629135740/http://www.people.com.cn/english/leaders/cpcdir/jprofile.html|archive-date=29 June 2011|access-date=4 December 2010}}</ref> They had two sons together, ] and ].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Buckley |first1=Chris |last2=Wines |first2=Michael |title=Jiang Zemin, Leader Who Guided China into Global Market, Dies at 96 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/30/world/asia/jiang-zemin-dead.html |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=The New York Times |date=30 November 2022}}</ref> Jiang Mianheng went on to be an academic and businessman, working within the ], and founded Grace Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation.<ref>{{cite news |title=Fast-track success of Jiang Zemin's eldest son, Jiang Mianheng, questioned by Chinese academics for years |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1677891/fast-track-success-jiang-zemins-eldest-son-jiang-mianheng-questioned |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=South China Morning Post |date=9 January 2015 |language=en}}</ref>

It is believed that Jiang had a long-running friendship with the singer ], ], and others.<ref>{{cite book|url=http://www.nybooks.com/media/doc/2010/02/09/china-new-ruler-chapter.pdf|title=China's New Rulers: The Secret Files|last1=Nathan|first1=Andrew J.|last2=Bruce|first2=Gilley|date=2002|publisher=New York Review of Books|isbn=1-59017-046-6|location=New York|pages=164|access-date=12 September 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170405133554/http://www.nybooks.com/media/doc/2010/02/09/china-new-ruler-chapter.pdf|archive-date=5 April 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/11167360/Singer-who-disappeared-six-years-ago-resurfaces-married-to-China-presidents-brother.html|title=Singer who disappeared six years ago resurfaces married to China president's brother|date=16 October 2014|access-date=19 April 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180420010358/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/11167360/Singer-who-disappeared-six-years-ago-resurfaces-married-to-China-presidents-brother.html|archive-date=20 April 2018|work=The Telegraph}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=409&Itemid=31|title=Asia Sentinel|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100124021002/http://asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=409&Itemid=31|archive-date=24 January 2010|access-date=11 September 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.scmp.com/article/965286/sleeping-enemy|title=Sleeping with the enemy|last=Parry|first=Simon|newspaper=South China Morning Post|access-date=14 April 2014|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140208080007/http://www.scmp.com/article/965286/sleeping-enemy|archive-date=8 February 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine|last=Fan|first=Jiayang|title=SINGING FOR CHINA: SONG ZUYING IN NEW YORK|url=http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/newsdesk/2013/03/singing-for-chinas-leaders.html|magazine=The New Yorker|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140110214854/http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/newsdesk/2013/03/singing-for-chinas-leaders.html|archive-date=10 January 2014|access-date=14 April 2014|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/article/1880137/humble-hometown-hesitant-talk-about-peng-liyuan-chinas-first|title=Humble hometown hesitant to talk about Peng Liyuan, China's first lady|newspaper=South China Morning Post|access-date=11 September 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180911191640/https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/article/1880137/humble-hometown-hesitant-talk-about-peng-liyuan-chinas-first|archive-date=11 September 2018}}</ref> Following the rise of Xi Jinping, Song and other Jiang loyalists, including her brother Song Zuyu, fell under investigation for corruption.<ref>{{Cite news |last1=DeAeth |first1=Duncan |date=21 January 2018 |title=Chinese starlet Song Zuying, many others, under investigation for corruption by CCP |work=] |url=https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/3346297 |url-status=live |access-date=14 August 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180814103448/https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/3346297 |archive-date=14 August 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Nakazawa |first1=Katsuji |title=Downfall of a diva mirrors Beijing's backstage politics |newspaper=] |url=https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Downfall-of-a-diva-mirrors-Beijing-s-backstage-politics |url-status=live |access-date=14 August 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180813163637/https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Downfall-of-a-diva-mirrors-Beijing-s-backstage-politics |archive-date=13 August 2018}}</ref>

Jiang had a passable command of several foreign languages,<ref name="autogenerated2001">{{cite book |title= On China |last= Kissinger |first= Henry |author-link= Henry Kissinger |year= 2001 |publisher= Penguin Press HC |isbn= 978-1-59420-271-1 |chapter= Chapter 17 |chapter-url= https://archive.org/details/onchina00kiss_0 |url-access= registration |url= https://archive.org/details/onchina00kiss_0 }}</ref> including English and Russian. Jiang remains the only paramount leader of China known to be able to speak in English.<ref name="autogenerated2001" /> He enjoyed engaging foreign visitors in small talk on arts and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in its original language. In 1987, he sang ''When We Were Young'' and danced with ], who was mayor of San Francisco at the time.<ref name=":9">{{Cite book |last1=Marquis |first1=Christopher |url= |title=Mao and Markets: The Communist Roots of Chinese Enterprise |last2=Qiao |first2=Kunyuan |date=2022 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-300-26883-6 |location=New Haven |pages=252 |doi=10.2307/j.ctv3006z6k |jstor=j.ctv3006z6k |oclc=1348572572 |author-link=Christopher Marquis |s2cid=253067190}}</ref> Jiang also played the ] during his 1997 visit to Hawai'i.<ref name=":9" />

== Death ==
]]]
{{Main|Death and state funeral of Jiang Zemin}}
Jiang died on 30 November 2022, at the age of 96, in Shanghai. According to the Chinese state media ], he died at 12:13&nbsp;pm from ] and multiple organ failures.<ref>{{Cite web|last1=McDonell|first1=Stephen|last2=Wong|first2=Tessa|title= Former Chinese leader Jiang Zemin dies aged 96|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-63805991|access-date=30 November 2022|work=]|date=30 November 2022|language=zh}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=30 November 2022|title= Jiang Zemin, Leader Who Guided China into Global Market, Dies at 96|language=zh|work=]|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/30/obituaries/jiang-zemin-dead.html|access-date=30 November 2022|issn=0362-4331}}</ref> On the day of Jiang's death, the government released a notice that the national flags would be flown half-staff in key locations of Beijing and diplomatic missions abroad. Foreigners were not invited to attend official mourning activities.<ref>{{Cite news|date=1 December 2022|title=China mourns former leader Jiang Zemin with bouquets, black front pages|language=en|work=]|url=https://www.reuters.com/world/china/chinese-papers-go-black-mourning-late-leader-jiang-zemin-2022-12-01|access-date=1 December 2022}}</ref>

Jiang's body was cremated at ] and his ashes were scattered near the mouth of the Yangtze River.<ref name=":Chatwin">{{Cite book |last=Chatwin |first=Jonathan |title=The Southern Tour: Deng Xiaoping and the Fight for China's Future |publisher=] |year=2024 |isbn=9781350435711}}</ref>{{Rp|page=129}}


== Legacy == == Legacy ==
]]]
Historians and biographers have disputed what can be accounted into "Jiang Zemin's legacy". Jiang himself had wanted his ] theory, called an "important thought" on the Mainland, to become his ideological legacy. Although the theory has been codified into both the State and Party constitutions alongside ] and ], its actual effect has yet to be assessed, and it seems to be losing ground to Hu Jintao's '']'' and '']'' ideologies within the party. Jiang has come under quiet criticism from within the ] for focusing on economic growth at all costs while ignoring the resulting environmental damage of the growth, the widening gap between rich and poor in China and the social costs absorbed by those whom economic reform has left behind.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} By contrast, the policies of his successors, ] and ] have widely been seen as efforts to address these imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.<ref>Lam, Willy. Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao era. pp. 44-46</ref>
The policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and ], have widely been seen as efforts to address perceived imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.<ref>]. Chinese Politics in the Hu Jintao era. pp. 44–46</ref>


Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some people attributed the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term,<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20038774|title=Profile: Jiang Zemin|date=23 October 2012|work=BBC News|publisher=BBC|access-date=21 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171203054404/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20038774|archive-date=3 December 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> others argue that Jiang did little to correct systemic imbalance and an accumulation of problems which resulted from years of breakneck-pace economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable challenges, some of which may have been too late to solve.<ref name="tairenxing">{{cite news|language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:江泽民"太任性" 习近平再造中共|url=http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-02-05/59634125.html|work=Duowei News|access-date=25 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150905122623/http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-02-05/59634125.html|archive-date=5 September 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>
Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some{{Fact|date=June 2009}} people attribute the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct mistakes resulting from Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable problems, some of which are too late to adjust.{{Fact|date=June 2009}} The fact that he arose to power as the direct beneficiary of the turmoils of June 4 has not been forgotten by many in China. Indeed, he is in many circles regarded as a political opportunist; the very model of a new breed of party members directly associated with the widespread corruption and cronyism that flourished during his tenure. His interference with high profile corruption investigations since stepping down from power, such as those involving Shanghai tycoon Zhou Zhengyi has only helped to reinforce this perception.


The fact that Jiang rose to power as the direct beneficiary of the political aftermath of Tiananmen has shaped the perception of his rule. Following the Tiananmen protests, Jiang threw his support behind elder Chen Yun's conservative economic policies, but subsequently changed his allegiance to Deng Xiaoping's reform-oriented agenda following the latter's "Southern Tour". This shift was not only seen as the exercise of a political opportunist, it also sowed confusion among party loyalists in regards to what direction the party was headed or what the party truly believed in.<ref name="miles">{{cite book|last1=Miles|first1=James A. R.|title=The Legacy of Tiananmen: China in Disarray|date=1997|isbn=978-0-472-08451-7|page=|publisher=University of Michigan Press |url=https://archive.org/details/legacyoftiananme00jame/page/59}}</ref> While continued economic reforms resulted in an explosion of wealth around the country, it also led to the formation of special interest groups in many sectors of the economy, and the exercise of state power without any meaningful oversight. This opened the way for the sub-optimal distribution of the fruits of growth, and an expanding culture of corruption among bureaucrats and party officials.<ref name="tairenxing" />
Jiang's obsession with image has also spurred a trend of ''face projects'' around the country, with local governments lending enormous funds to large and mostly unnecessary construction projects. While his showy nature has often been considered charming and even charismatic by the west<ref></ref>, in the relatively more conservative Chinese society it is often perceived as frivolous, pompous and lacking in character and substance. Jiang's Theory of ] justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CPC from protection of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at including the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party have quietly denounced this as betrayal of the communist ideology, while reformers have praised Jiang as a visionary.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} Such a move, however, increasingly justified a newly found correlation between the business and ruling elites, thus significantly linking bureaucracy and financial gain, which critics argue fosters more corruption. Some have suggested that this is the part of Jiang's legacy that will last, at least in name, as long as the communists remain in power.{{Fact|date=February 2007}}


Historian and former Xinhua journalist ] wrote that Jiang might well have been given a positive historical assessment had it not been for his decision to 'overstay his welcome' by remaining in the Central Military Commission post after Hu had formally assumed the party leadership. Moreover, Jiang took credit for all the gains made during the 13 years "between 1989 and 2002", which not only evoked the memories of Jiang being a beneficiary of Tiananmen, but also neglected the economic foundations laid by Deng, whose authority was still paramount until the mid-1990s. Additionally, Jiang was also criticized for his insistence on writing the "Three Represents" into the party and state constitutions (see below), which Yang called Jiang's attempt at "self-deification", i.e., that he saw himself as a visionary along the same lines as Deng and Mao. Yang contended, "The 'Three Represents' is just common sense. It is not a proper theoretical framework. It's what any ruler would tell the people to justify the continued rule of the governing party."<ref name="jisheng">{{cite news|language=zh-cn |script-title=zh:杨继绳:江泽民三件蠢事声望大大下降|url=http://history.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-20/59661964.html|work=Duowei News|date=20 June 2015|access-date=22 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150622210632/http://history.dwnews.com/news/2015-06-20/59661964.html|archive-date=22 June 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>
Many biographers of Jiang have noted that his government resembled an ] as opposed to an autocratic ].<ref>Kuhn, 2004; Lam, 1997</ref> Many of his policies have been attributed to others in government{{Fact|date=June 2007}}, notably Premier ], whose tense relationship with Jiang was of widespread speculation, especially following Jiang's decision to suppress the ] movement.{{Fact|date=June 2007}} Jiang is often credited with the gains in foreign affairs during his term,<ref></ref> but at the same many Chinese criticize him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of ] between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term,{{Fact|date=June 2009}} as Cross-Strait talks led to the eventual ] after Jiang stepped down as President. The ] began construction under Jiang. The state-owned press claimed the railway was welcomed by many Tibetans,<ref name="People's Daily">{{cite web | author= | month=June | year=2001| title=Qinghai-Tibet Railway Kicks off | format= | work=People's Daily| url=http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/200106/30/eng20010630_73865.html | accessdate=2007-02-03}}</ref> although opposed by pro-independence Tibetans as a purely political move.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} Jiang was also accused of appeasement towards the Japanese and Americans in diplomacy.


Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed most of the economic governance of the country to premier Zhu Rongji and remained in office through the ]. Under their joint leadership, ] sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Additionally, he helped increase China's international standing with China joining the ] in 2001 and Beijing winning the bid to host the ].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Chen |first1=Stella |last2=Huang |first2=Cary |last3=Mai |first3=Jun |title=Jiang Zemin: the president who took China from Tiananmen pariah to rising power |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3201571/jiang-zemin-president-who-took-china-tiananmen-pariah-rising-power |access-date=30 November 2022 |work=South China Morning Post |date=30 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref>
Jiang has been criticized by '']'', a vocal spiritual group who allege that Jiang and the CCP under his leadership to have persecuted their members. The newspaper '']'', a Falun Gong affiliated media source has published a book deeply critical of Jiang titled ''Anything for Power: The Real Story of China’s Jiang Zemin'', documenting various ]s and human rights violations attributed by Jiang and during his presidency, including his family background, his crackdown of ], and his alleged relationship with singer ].<ref> Epoch Times</ref>

Some have also associated Jiang with the widespread corruption and cronyism that had become a notable feature of the Communist power apparatus since Jiang's years in power. In the military, the two vice-chairmen who sat atop the Central Military Commission hierarchy – nominally as assistants to then chairman Hu Jintao – Vice Chairmen Xu Caihou and ], were said to have obstructed Hu Jintao's exercise of power in the military. Xu and Guo were characterized as "Jiang's proxies in the military". Eventually, both men were reported to have taken massive bribes, and both fell under the axe of the ].<ref name="weakgrip">{{cite news|title=Hu Jintao's weak grip on China's army inspired Xi Jinping's military shake-up: sources|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1734663/hu-jintaos-weak-grip-chinas-army-inspired-president-xi-jinpings-military|work=South China Morning Post|date=11 March 2015|access-date=25 October 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151119195808/http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1734663/hu-jintaos-weak-grip-chinas-army-inspired-president-xi-jinpings-military|archive-date=19 November 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

At the same time, many biographers of Jiang have noted his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship.<ref>Kuhn, 2004; Lam, 1997</ref> Many of the policies of his era had been attributed to others in government, notably premier Zhu Rongji. Jiang was also characterized as a leader who was mindful to seek the opinion of his close advisers. Jiang is often credited with the improvement in foreign relations during his term,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=76&catid=2&subcatid=7 |title=China under Jiang Zemin |publisher=Facts and Details |date=1 October 1928 |access-date=7 March 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101123022821/http://factsanddetails.com/china.php?itemid=76&catid=2&subcatid=7 |archive-date=23 November 2010 }}</ref> but at the same time many Chinese have criticized him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of ] between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/asiapcf/east/09/25/willy.column/|title=Smoke clears over China's U.S. strategy|author=Willy Wo-Lap Lam|publisher=CNN|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131211211944/http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/asiapcf/east/09/25/willy.column/|archive-date=11 December 2013|access-date=6 December 2013}}</ref>

== Works ==
*{{cite book|last=Jiang|first=Zemin|author-mask=Jiang Zemin|title=Selected Works of Jiang Zemin|volume=I|year=2010|edition=1st|publisher=Foreign Languages Press|location=Beijing|isbn=978-7-119-06025-5|url=http://book.theorychina.org/upload/9912d625-487c-4b71-bc52-c514d6037af2/|access-date=7 May 2020|archive-date=6 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201206005501/http://book.theorychina.org/upload/9912d625-487c-4b71-bc52-c514d6037af2/|url-status=dead}}
*{{cite book|last=Jiang|first=Zemin|author-mask=1|title=Selected Works of Jiang Zemin|volume=II|year=2012|edition=1st|publisher=Foreign Languages Press|location=Beijing|isbn=978-7-119-07383-5|url=http://book.theorychina.org/upload/388036ce-a4ae-4eec-ab04-85254ea5b72f/|access-date=7 May 2020|archive-date=6 December 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201206011157/http://book.theorychina.org/upload/388036ce-a4ae-4eec-ab04-85254ea5b72f/|url-status=dead}}
*{{cite book|last=Jiang|first=Zemin|author-mask=1|title=Selected Works of Jiang Zemin|volume=III|year=2013|edition=1st|publisher=Foreign Languages Press|location=Beijing|isbn=978-7-119-07978-3}}


== See also == == See also ==
{{Portal|Biography|China|Politics}}
*]
*], an internet meme spoofing Jiang
*]
*]
*'']'', Jiang's controversial biography by Robert Lawrence Kuhn


== Notes ==
== References and further reading ==
{{reflist}} {{notelist}}

*]. "Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite." Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 395pp. This was the first biography of Jiang to appear in the West. A comprehensive and highly readable journalistic account of Jiang's early years, his ascendancy within the Party bureaucracy, and his ultimate rise to power as Deng Xiaoping's successor in the wake of Tiananmen.
== References ==
*] = ''The Man Who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin'', Random House (English edition) 2005. Century Publishing Group, Shanghai (Chinese edition) 2005. The book is a general biography of Jiang with a more favorable stance towards him.
{{Reflist}}
** = English language review of biography by Dr. Kuhn.

=== Bibliography ===
* {{Cite book |last=Kuhn |first=Robert Lawrence |url={{GBurl|id=b4VxAAAAMAAJ}} |url-access=limited |title=The Man who Changed China: The Life and Legacy of Jiang Zemin |date=2004 |publisher=Crown Publishers |isbn=978-1-4000-5474-9 |language=en}}

== Further reading ==
{{Library resources box}}

*Gilley, Bruce. ''Tiger on the Brink: Jiang Zemin and China's New Elite.'' Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 395pp. This was the first biography of Jiang to appear in the West. A comprehensive and highly readable journalistic account of Jiang's early years, his ascendancy within the Party bureaucracy, and his ultimate rise to power as Deng Xiaoping's successor in the wake of Tiananmen.
*]. '']'', Random House (English edition) 2005. Century Publishing Group, Shanghai (Chinese edition) 2005. The book is a general biography of Jiang with a more favorable stance towards him.
*{{cite news |url=http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2005-03/02/content_420886.htm |title=Bringing true story of China to the world |work=China Daily |date=2 March 2005 |access-date=19 June 2015}}
*]. "The Era of Jiang Zemin"; Prentice Hall, Singapore: 1999. General Jiang-era background information and analysis, not comprehensive biography. *]. "The Era of Jiang Zemin"; Prentice Hall, Singapore: 1999. General Jiang-era background information and analysis, not comprehensive biography.
* {{cite journal |author1=Deba R. Mohanty |title=Power struggle in China: The post-Deng scenario and Jiang Zemin as the "first among equals" |journal=Strategic Analysis |year=1998 |volume=22 |issue=2 |pages=249–261 |doi=10.1080/09700169808458805 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09700169808458805?journalCode=rsan20}}
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Latest revision as of 07:57, 24 December 2024

General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from 1989 to 2002 In this Chinese name, the family name is Jiang.

Jiang Zemin
江泽民
Jiang in 2002
General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party
In office
24 June 1989 – 15 November 2002
Preceded byZhao Ziyang
Succeeded byHu Jintao
President of China
In office
27 March 1993 – 15 March 2003
Premier
Vice President
Preceded byYang Shangkun
Succeeded byHu Jintao
Chairman of the Central Military Commission
In office
    • Party Commission:
    9 November 1989 – 19 September 2004
    • State Commission:
    19 March 1990 – 8 March 2005
Deputy See list
Preceded byDeng Xiaoping
Succeeded byHu Jintao
Personal details
Born(1926-08-17)17 August 1926
Yangzhou, Jiangsu, Republic of China
Died30 November 2022(2022-11-30) (aged 96)
Jing'an District, Shanghai, China
Political partyCommunist Party of China
Spouse Wang Yeping ​(m. 1949)
RelativesJiang Mianheng (son)
Alma mater
OccupationPolitician
ProfessionElectrical engineer
AwardsFull list
Signature
Jiang Zemin's voice Jiang during a press conference with Bill Clinton
Recorded 29 October 1997
Chinese name
Simplified Chinese江泽民
Traditional Chinese江澤民
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinJiāng Zémín
Wade–GilesChiang Tzê-min
IPA
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationGōng Jaahk-màahn
JyutpingGong Zaak-maan
IPA
Southern Min
Hokkien POJKang Tik-bîn
Central institution membership
  • 1989–2002: 13th, 14th, 15th Politburo Standing Committee
  • 1989–2005: 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th Central Military Commission
  • 1987–2002: 13th, 14th, 15th Politburo
  • 1983–2002: 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th Central Committee
  • 1988–2008: 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th National People's Congress

Other political offices held
  • 1987–89: Communist Party Committee Secretary, Shanghai
  • 1984–87: Mayor, Shanghai
  • 1983–85: Minister, Ministry of Electronic Industries

Paramount Leader of
the People's Republic of China

This article is part of
a series aboutJiang Zemin

Personal
Administration
Policies and theories
Key events
Diplomatic activities

Jiang Zemin (17 August 1926 – 30 November 2022) was a Chinese politician who served as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from 1989 to 2002, as chairman of the Central Military Commission from 1989 to 2004, and as president of China from 1993 to 2003. Jiang was the third paramount leader of China from 1989 to 2002. He was the core leader of the third generation of Chinese leadership, one of four core leaders alongside Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping.

Born in Yangzhou, Jiangsu, Jiang joined the CCP while he was in college. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, he received training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s, later returning to Shanghai in 1962 to serve in various institutes, later being sent between 1970 and 1972 to Romania as part of an expert team to establish machinery manufacturing plants in the country. After 1979, he was appointed as the vice chair of two commissions by vice premier Gu Mu to oversee the newly established special economic zones (SEZs). He became the vice minister of the newly established Ministry of Electronics Industry and a member of the CCP Central Committee in 1982.

Jiang was appointed as the mayor of Shanghai in 1985, later being promoted to its Communist Party secretary, as well as a member of the CCP Politburo, in 1987. Jiang came to power unexpectedly as a compromise candidate following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, when he replaced Zhao Ziyang as CCP general secretary after Zhao was ousted for his support for the student movement. As the involvement of the "Eight Elders" in Chinese politics steadily declined, Jiang consolidated his hold on power to become the "paramount leader" in the country during the 1990s. Urged by Deng Xiaoping's southern tour in 1992, Jiang officially introduced the term "socialist market economy" in his speech during the 14th CCP National Congress held later that year, which accelerated "opening up and reform".

Under Jiang's leadership, China experienced substantial economic growth with the continuation of market reforms. The returning of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom in 1997 and of Macau from Portugal in 1999, and entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, were landmark moments of his era. China also witnessed improved relations with the outside world, while the Communist Party maintained its tight control over the state. Jiang faced criticism over human rights abuses, including the crackdown on the Falun Gong movement. His contributions to party doctrine, known as the "Three Represents", were written into the CCP constitution in 2002. Jiang gradually vacated his official leadership titles from 2002 to 2005, being succeeded in these roles by Hu Jintao, although he and his political faction continued to influence affairs until much later. In 2022, Jiang died at the age of 96 in Shanghai; he was accorded a state funeral.

Early life

Graduation photo of Jiang, taken in 1947

Jiang Zemin was born in the city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu, on 17 August 1926. His ancestral home was the Jiangcun Village (江村) in Jingde County, Anhui. This was also the hometown of a number of prominent figures in Chinese academic and intellectual establishments. Jiang grew up during the years of Japanese occupation. His uncle and foster father, Jiang Shangqing, died fighting the Japanese and was considered in Jiang Zemin's time to be a national hero. After Shangqing's death, Zemin became his male heir.

Jiang attended the Department of Electrical Engineering at the National Central University in Japanese-occupied Nanjing before transferring to National Chiao Tung University (now Shanghai Jiao Tong University). He graduated there in 1947 with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. Jiang joined the Chinese Communist Party when he was in college. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Jiang received his training at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow in the 1950s. He also worked for Changchun's First Automobile Works. As Jiang became increasingly involved in the Communist Party, his main work shifted from the technical side of engineering to administrative and political tasks.

Early career

Jiang in 1962

In 1962, he returned to Shanghai and became the deputy director of the Shanghai Electric Research Institute. In 1966, he was appointed as the director and deputy party secretary of a thermal engineering research institute in Wuhan, which was established by the First Ministry of Machine Building. When the Cultural Revolution began in the same year, he did not suffer greatly during the turmoil, but was pulled down from his position as director of the institute and was sent to a May Seventh Cadre School. In 1970, after leaving the cadre school, he became the deputy director of the Foreign Affairs Bureau of the ministry and was sent to the Socialist Republic of Romania, where he served as head of the expert team to establish fifteen machinery manufacturing plants in the country. After the completion of his mission in 1972, he returned to China.

In 1979, following a thawing of diplomatic relations between China and the United States, Deng Xiaoping decided to encourage special economic zones (SEZs) as part of his Four Modernizations. China's State Council established two ministerial commissions to increase trade and foreign investment. The commissions were headed by vice premier Gu Mu, who appointed Jiang as vice chairman of both commissions, a position equivalent to vice minister. Jiang's role was to ensure these SEZs increased economic prosperity without becoming "conduits" for foreign ideology. In 1980, Jiang headed a delegation which toured other SEZs in twelve countries; upon his return, he issued a radical report which recommended allowing local authorities to issue tax breaks and land leases, and increasing the power of foreign joint ventures. The report initially "caused consternation" among party leaders, but his pragmatic and empirical presentation appealed to Deng Xiaoping. His proposals were approved at the National People's Congress, cementing Jiang as an "early implementer" of Deng Xiaoping Theory.

In March 1982, he was pushed out as vice chairman of two commissions. After pressure from premier Gu and Shanghai mayor Wang Daohan, "ardent reformist" Zhao Ziyang appointed Jiang as the first vice minister and party secretary of the newly established Ministry of Electronics Industry.

At the 12th Party Congress held in September 1982, Jiang became a member of the Central Committee of the CCP, which determines policy and elects the members of the Politburo.

Career in Shanghai

In 1985, a political reshuffle took place in Shanghai. Party Secretary Chen Guodong and Mayor Wang Daohan were both removed due to age issues. Instead, Rui Xingwen became the new Party Secretary of Shanghai, and Jiang became new mayor of Shanghai. Jiang received mixed reviews as mayor. Many of his critics dismissed him as a "flower pot", a Chinese term for someone who only seems useful, but actually gets nothing done. Many credited Shanghai's growth during the period to Zhu Rongji. Jiang was an ardent believer, during this period, in Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms. In an attempt to curb student discontent in 1986, Jiang recited the Gettysburg Address in English in front of a group of student protesters.

At the 13th National Congress of the CCP held in October 1987, Jiang was promoted from mayor to Shanghai party secretary, the most powerful position in the city, reporting directly to the central government. He also joined the Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party, in accordance with customs for party secretaries of major cities.

Tiananmen Square protests and massacre

In April 1989, former general secretary Hu Yaobang died; he had previously been forced to resign in January 1987 and accused of supporting "bourgeois liberalization". His death catalyzed the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, leading to an ideological crisis between "liberals" (who supported aggressive reforms) and "conservatives" (who favored slower change). After the Shanghai-based World Economic Herald tried to publish a eulogy rehabilitating Hu and praising his reformist stance, Jiang took control of the newspaper's editorial board. As the protests continued to grow, the Party imposed martial law and deployed troops in Beijing in May. In Shanghai, 100,000 protestors marched in the streets, and 450 students went on a hunger strike. After the third day, Jiang personally met with them to assure them that the Party shared their goals, and to promise future dialogue. He simultaneously sent a telegram to the Central Committee firmly supporting their martial law declaration.

His careful public appeals were well received by both pro-democracy students and socialist party elders. On 20 May 1989, paramount leader Deng Xiaoping decided to appoint Jiang as the new general secretary, replacing Zhao Ziyang, who had supported the protestors. Jiang was selected as a compromise candidate over Tianjin's Li Ruihuan, premier Li Peng, elders Li Xiannian, Chen Yun, and the retired elders to become the new general secretary. Before that, he had been considered to be an unlikely candidate.

Rise to power

Jiang was appointed as general secretary at the fourth plenum of the Thirteenth Central Committee on 24 June 1989 with a fairly small power base inside the party, and thus, very little actual power. His most reliable allies were the powerful party elders Chen Yun and Li Xiannian. He was believed to be simply a transitional figure until a more stable successor government to Deng could be put in place. Other prominent Party and military figures like President Yang Shangkun and his brother Yang Baibing were believed to be planning a coup.

At the first meeting of the new CCP Politburo Standing Committee, after the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, Jiang criticized the previous period as "hard on the economy, soft on politics" and advocated increasing political thought work. Anne-Marie Brady wrote that "Jiang Zemin was a long time political cadre with a nose for ideological work and its importance. This meeting marked the beginning of a new era in propaganda and political thought work in China." Soon after, the Central Propaganda Department was given more resources and power, "including the power to go in to the propaganda-related work units and cleanse the ranks of those who had been supportive of the democracy movement."

The Politburo also issued a list of "seven things" regarding "matters of universal concern to the masses", with party corruption as the top priority. Jiang was also appointed as the chairman of the Central Military Commission on 9 November 1989, succeeding Deng, and president of the PRC on 27 March 1993; this marked the start of the arrangement in which the paramount leader of China simultaneously serves as Party leader, president and chair of the CMC.

Leadership

Further information: History of the People's Republic of China (1989–2002)

In the first few years, Jiang depended on the support of Deng Xiaoping to remain in power, which forced Jiang into an "ultranationalist stance" towards Taiwan and the US. Jiang had supported Deng's calls against "bourgeois liberalization", but while Jiang was seen as a "thoughtful reformer", he " to the more conservative views of the elders and his Politburo colleagues". Deng was far more supportive of reforms, saying that "deviating to the Left is an even greater danger" than deviating to the right.

Deng grew critical of Jiang's leadership in 1992. During Deng's southern tour, he subtly suggested that the pace of reform was not fast enough. Jiang grew ever more cautious, and rallied behind Deng's reforms completely. Jiang coined the new "socialist market economy" to move China's centrally-planned socialist economy into essentially a government-regulated market economy. It was a huge step to take in the realization of Deng's "socialism with Chinese characteristics". At the same time, Jiang elevated many of his supporters from Shanghai to high government positions, after regaining Deng's confidence. He abolished the outdated Central Advisory Commission in 1992, an advisory body composed of revolutionary party elders.

Economic development

In the early 1990s, post-Tiananmen economic reforms by Vice Premier and later Premier Zhu Rongji with Jiang's support had stabilized and the country was on a consistent growth trajectory. At the same time, China faced myriad economic and social problems. At Deng's state funeral in 1997, Jiang delivered the elder statesman's eulogy. Jiang had inherited a China rampant with political corruption, and regional economies growing too rapidly for the stability of the entire country. Deng's policy that "some areas can get rich before others" led to an opening wealth gap between coastal regions and the interior provinces.

Jiang and Zhu initiated major reforms to state-owned enterprises (SOEs) during their tenure. Per the concept of "grasping the large, letting go of the small", a number of heavy industries were deregulated and many small- and medium-sized SOEs were closed down or privatized, initially removing as many as 40 million jobs from SOEs. Jiang also oversaw the breaking of the "iron rice bowl", allowing China to join the World Trade Organization in 2001. As a result of the reforms, unemployment rates skyrocketed, rising as high as 40% in some urban areas, and stock markets fluctuated greatly. The scale of rural migration into urban areas was unprecedented anywhere, and little was being done to address an ever-increasing urban-rural wealth gap. Official reports put the figure on the percentage of China's GDP being moved and abused by corrupt officials at 10%.

Jiang's biggest aim in the economy was stability, and he believed that a stable government with highly centralized power would be a prerequisite, choosing to postpone political reform, which in many facets of governance exacerbated the ongoing problems. After the coastal regions and SEZs were sufficiently developed, Jiang worked to reduce geographic disparities by encouraging richer cities to "provide financial, technological, and managerial assistance to the poorer, western ones." Jiang put forward the plan for China's western development. Construction of various infrastructure projects such as the Qinghai–Tibet railway and the Three Gorges Dam began under Jiang's leadership.

Jiang launched the Going Global policy in 1999, a national strategy which sought to develop national champion firms, increase foreign demand for Chinese goods and services, and secure energy and resources. This policy greatly expanded Chinese investment and influence in the global South, particularly in Africa and Asia.

Foreign policy

See also: List of international trips made by Jiang Zemin
Jiang with US president Bill Clinton in 1999
Jiang with President of Russia Vladimir Putin at APEC summit in Shanghai (2001)

Under Jiang's leadership, China continued its style of developmental diplomacy which had been adopted under Deng Xiaoping. China's international behavior was generally both pragmatic and predictable. During Jiang's presidency, serious flare-ups between China and the United States occurred. Nonetheless, Jiang's foreign policy was for the most part passive and non-confrontational. Foreign policy under Jiang inherited from that of Deng Xiaoping, that is, taoguang yanghui, or "hide one's talent and bide one's time", which emphasized the use of cooperative rhetoric and the avoidance of controversy.

In July 1993, the United States Navy stopped a Chinese container ship, the Yinhe, based on the incorrect suspicion that it was carrying chemical weapon precursors bound for Iran. Although China denied the allegation, the United States cut off the Yinhe's GPS, causing it to lose direction and anchor on the high seas for twenty-four days until it acceded to an inspection. There were no chemical precursors on the ship. Although China sought a formal apology, the United States refused to apologize and refused to pay compensation. Despite the humiliation of the Yinhe incident, Jiang took a stance of goodwill towards the United States and adopted the "sixteen-characters formula" for working with the United States: "enhancing confidence, reducing troubles, expanding cooperation, and avoiding confrontation."

Jiang oversaw a series of missile tests in the waters surrounding Taiwan in 1996 in protest to the Republic of China government under President Lee Teng-hui, who had been seen as moving its foreign policy away from the One-China policy. The United States sent two carrier groups to the vicinity of Taiwan, and the PRC de-escalated. As a result of the United States response, Jiang ordered the People's Liberation Army to begin a ten-year modernization program.

Jiang went on a state visit to the United States in 1997, drawing various crowds in protest from the Tibet Independence Movement to supporters of the Chinese democracy movement. He made a speech at Harvard University, part of it in English, but could not escape questions on democracy and freedom. In the official summit meeting with president Bill Clinton, the tone was relaxed as they sought common ground while largely ignoring areas of disagreement. Clinton would visit China in June 1998, and vowed that China and the United States were partners in the world, and not adversaries.

After the United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, Jiang seemed to have put up a harsh stance for show at home, but in reality only performed symbolic gestures of protest, and no solid action. Jiang deemed the United States-China bilateral relation too important to be harmed in the emotion of the moment and sought to soothe the Chinese public's outrage.

The Hainan island incident was another tense event in the China-United States relations which occurred during Jiang's presidency. On April 1, 2001, a United States US EP-3 surveillance aircraft collided mid-air with a Chinese Shenyang J-8 jet fighter over the South China Sea. China sought a formal apology, and accepted United States Secretary of State Colin Powell's expression of "very sorry" as sufficient. The incident nonetheless created negative feelings towards the United States by the Chinese public and increased public feelings of Chinese nationalism.

A personal friend of former Canadian prime minister Jean Chrétien, Jiang strengthened China's economic stature abroad, attempting to establish cordial relations with countries whose trade is largely confined to the American economic sphere.

Media depiction

Jiang Zemin delivered a speech at the South Korean National Assembly in 1995

The People's Daily and CCTV's 7 pm Xinwen Lianbo each had Jiang-related events as the front-page or top stories, a fact that remained until Hu Jintao's media administrative changes in 2006. Jiang appeared casual in front of Western media, and gave an unprecedented interview with Mike Wallace of CBS in 2000 at Beidaihe. He would often use foreign languages in front of the camera; once, he gave a 40-minute speech entirely in Russian. In an encounter with Hong Kong reporter Sharon Cheung in 2000 regarding the central government's apparent "imperial order" of supporting Tung Chee-hwa to seek a second term as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Jiang scolded the Hong Kong journalists as "too simple, sometimes naive" in English.

Three Represents

Main article: Three Represents

On 25 February 2000, Jiang introduced the theory of Three Represents, which was later enshrined in both Party and State constitutions as an "important thought", following in the footsteps of Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory. Officially termed as the latest development of socialism with Chinese characters under Jiang's tenure, the Three Represents justified the incorporation of the new capitalist business class into the party, and changed the founding ideology of the CCP from protecting the interests of the peasantry and workers to that of the "overwhelming majority of the people", a euphemism aimed at placating the growing entrepreneurial class. Conservative critics within the party, such as hardline leftist Deng Liqun, denounced this as betrayal of "true" communist ideology.

Before he transferred power to a younger generation of leaders, Jiang had his theory of Three Represents written into the Party's constitution, alongside Marxism–Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory at the 16th CCP Congress in 2002.

Crackdown on Falun Gong

Further information: Persecution of Falun Gong

In June 1999, Jiang established an extralegal department, the 610 Office, to crack down on Falun Gong. Cook and Lemish state this was because Jiang was worried that the popular new religious movement was "quietly infiltrating the CCP and state apparatus." On 20 July, security forces arrested thousands of Falun Gong organizers they identified as leaders. The persecution that followed was characterized as a nationwide campaign of propaganda, as well as the large-scale arbitrary imprisonment and coercive reeducation of Falun Gong organizers, sometimes resulting in death due to mistreatment in detention.

Retirement

See also: Shanghai clique
Jiang with his wife and George W. Bush with his wife in Crawford, Texas, 25 October 2002

In the run-up to the 16th National Congress of the CCP, Hu Jintao had "almost unanimous support" to become the new CCP general secretary. To maintain China's image as a stable and respected country, Jiang and Hu emphasized their unity, striving to make this transition the first "smooth and harmonious" one in the PRC's history. Jiang stepped down as general secretary and left the Politburo Standing Committee, but retained the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission, which controlled the army and the nation's foreign policy. Jiang would continue counselling Hu from "behind the curtain", and it was formally agreed that Jiang would be "consulted on all matters of state importance". Both men also reached a "tacit understanding" that Hu would not be considered a "core" leader like Jiang, Deng and Mao.

At the 16th Party Congress, the majority of new members for Standing Committee were considered part of Jiang's so-called "Shanghai clique", the most prominent being vice president Zeng Qinghong, who had served as Jiang's chief of staff for many years, and vice premier Huang Ju, a former party secretary of Shanghai.

After Hu succeeded Jiang as general secretary, the latter continued to " public life" for several years. The South China Morning Post announced that "a new era has begun in China. But it is not that of Vice President Hu Jintao Rather, it is a new era of President Jiang Zemin, who has just stepped down as the Party's general secretary." Early in the 2003 SARS crisis, Jiang remained conspicuously silent, and observers were divided over whether it signified his waning influence, or respect for Hu. It has been argued that the institutional arrangements created by the 16th Congress left Jiang in a position where he could not exercise much influence.

Although Jiang retained the chairmanship of the CMC, most members of the commission were professional military men. People's Liberation Army Daily, a publication thought to represent the views of the CMC majority, printed an article on 11 March 2003 which quotes two army delegates as saying, "Having one center is called 'loyalty', while having two centers will result in 'problems.'" This was interpreted as a criticism of Jiang's attempt to exercise dual leadership with Hu on the model of Deng Xiaoping.

On 19 September 2004, after the 4th Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee, Jiang, at the age of 78, relinquished his post as chairman of the party's Central Military Commission, his last post in the party. Six months later in March 2005, Jiang resigned his last significant post, chairman of the Central Military Commission of the state, which marked the end of Jiang's political career. This followed weeks of speculation that forces inside the party were pressing Jiang to step aside. Jiang's term was supposed to have lasted until 2007. Hu also succeeded Jiang as the CMC chairman, but, in an apparent political defeat for Jiang, General Xu Caihou, and not Zeng Qinghong was appointed to succeed Hu as vice chairman, as was initially speculated. This power transition formally marked the end of Jiang's era in China, which roughly lasted from 1989 to 2004.

In 2008, Jiang published an academic article on China's clean energy resources and another on China's information technology development.

Official appearances after retirement

Jiang continued to make official appearances after giving up his last title in 2005. In China's strictly defined protocol sequence, Jiang's name always appeared immediately after Hu Jintao's and in front of the remaining sitting members of the CCP Politburo Standing Committee. In 2007, Jiang was seen with Hu Jintao on stage at a ceremony celebrating the 80th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army, and toured the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution with Li Peng, Zhu Rongji, and other former senior officials. On 8 August 2008, Jiang appeared at the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympics. He also stood beside Hu Jintao during the mass parade celebrating the 60th anniversary of the People's Republic of China in October 2009.

Beginning in July 2011, false reports of Jiang's death began circulating on the news media outside of mainland China and on the internet. While Jiang may indeed have been ill and receiving treatment, the rumors were denied by official sources. On 9 October 2011, Jiang made his first public appearance since his premature obituary in Beijing at a celebration to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Xinhai Revolution. Jiang reappeared at the 18th Party Congress in October 2012, and took part in the 65th Anniversary banquet of the founding of the People's Republic of China in October 2014. At the banquet he sat next to Xi Jinping, who had then succeeded Hu Jintao as CCP general secretary. In September 2015, Jiang attended the parade celebrating 70 years since end of World War II; there, Jiang again sat next to Xi Jinping and Hu Jintao. He appeared on 29 May 2017 at Shanghai Technology University.

After Xi Jinping assumed power in 2012, Jiang's position in the protocol sequence of leaders retreated; while he was often seated next to Xi Jinping at official events, his name was often reported after all standing members of the Communist Party's Politburo. Jiang reappeared at the 19th Party Congress on 18 October 2017. He appeared on 29 July 2019 at the funeral of former premier Li Peng. He also attended the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China mass parade in October 2019, marking his last public appearance prior to his death. He did not attend the 20th Party Congress in October 2022.

Family and personal life

Jiang married Wang Yeping, also a native of Yangzhou, in 1949. She was his cousin, as Jiang's adoptive mother was Wang's aunt. Wang graduated from Shanghai International Studies University. They had two sons together, Jiang Mianheng and Jiang Miankang. Jiang Mianheng went on to be an academic and businessman, working within the Chinese space program, and founded Grace Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation.

It is believed that Jiang had a long-running friendship with the singer Song Zuying, Chen Zhili, and others. Following the rise of Xi Jinping, Song and other Jiang loyalists, including her brother Song Zuyu, fell under investigation for corruption.

Jiang had a passable command of several foreign languages, including English and Russian. Jiang remains the only paramount leader of China known to be able to speak in English. He enjoyed engaging foreign visitors in small talk on arts and literature in their native language, in addition to singing foreign songs in its original language. In 1987, he sang When We Were Young and danced with Dianne Feinstein, who was mayor of San Francisco at the time. Jiang also played the ukulele during his 1997 visit to Hawai'i.

Death

Memorial Service for Jiang Zemin at the Great Hall of the People
Main article: Death and state funeral of Jiang Zemin

Jiang died on 30 November 2022, at the age of 96, in Shanghai. According to the Chinese state media Xinhua News Agency, he died at 12:13 pm from leukemia and multiple organ failures. On the day of Jiang's death, the government released a notice that the national flags would be flown half-staff in key locations of Beijing and diplomatic missions abroad. Foreigners were not invited to attend official mourning activities.

Jiang's body was cremated at Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery and his ashes were scattered near the mouth of the Yangtze River.

Legacy

Jiang's inscription engraved on a stone in his hometown, Yangzhou

The policies of his successors, Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao, have widely been seen as efforts to address perceived imbalances and move away from a sole focus on economic growth toward a broader view of development which incorporates non-economic factors such as health and the environment.

Domestically, Jiang's legacy and reputation is mixed. While some people attributed the period of relative stability and growth in the 1990s to Jiang's term, others argue that Jiang did little to correct systemic imbalance and an accumulation of problems which resulted from years of breakneck-pace economic reforms, leaving the next administration facing innumerable challenges, some of which may have been too late to solve.

The fact that Jiang rose to power as the direct beneficiary of the political aftermath of Tiananmen has shaped the perception of his rule. Following the Tiananmen protests, Jiang threw his support behind elder Chen Yun's conservative economic policies, but subsequently changed his allegiance to Deng Xiaoping's reform-oriented agenda following the latter's "Southern Tour". This shift was not only seen as the exercise of a political opportunist, it also sowed confusion among party loyalists in regards to what direction the party was headed or what the party truly believed in. While continued economic reforms resulted in an explosion of wealth around the country, it also led to the formation of special interest groups in many sectors of the economy, and the exercise of state power without any meaningful oversight. This opened the way for the sub-optimal distribution of the fruits of growth, and an expanding culture of corruption among bureaucrats and party officials.

Historian and former Xinhua journalist Yang Jisheng wrote that Jiang might well have been given a positive historical assessment had it not been for his decision to 'overstay his welcome' by remaining in the Central Military Commission post after Hu had formally assumed the party leadership. Moreover, Jiang took credit for all the gains made during the 13 years "between 1989 and 2002", which not only evoked the memories of Jiang being a beneficiary of Tiananmen, but also neglected the economic foundations laid by Deng, whose authority was still paramount until the mid-1990s. Additionally, Jiang was also criticized for his insistence on writing the "Three Represents" into the party and state constitutions (see below), which Yang called Jiang's attempt at "self-deification", i.e., that he saw himself as a visionary along the same lines as Deng and Mao. Yang contended, "The 'Three Represents' is just common sense. It is not a proper theoretical framework. It's what any ruler would tell the people to justify the continued rule of the governing party."

Jiang did not specialize in economics, and in 1997 handed most of the economic governance of the country to premier Zhu Rongji and remained in office through the Asian financial crisis. Under their joint leadership, Mainland China sustained an average of 8% GDP growth annually, achieving the highest rate of per capita economic growth in major world economies, raising eyebrows around the world with its astonishing speed. This was mostly achieved by continuing the process of a transition to a market economy. Additionally, he helped increase China's international standing with China joining the World Trade Organization in 2001 and Beijing winning the bid to host the 2008 Summer Olympics.

Some have also associated Jiang with the widespread corruption and cronyism that had become a notable feature of the Communist power apparatus since Jiang's years in power. In the military, the two vice-chairmen who sat atop the Central Military Commission hierarchy – nominally as assistants to then chairman Hu Jintao – Vice Chairmen Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong, were said to have obstructed Hu Jintao's exercise of power in the military. Xu and Guo were characterized as "Jiang's proxies in the military". Eventually, both men were reported to have taken massive bribes, and both fell under the axe of the anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping.

At the same time, many biographers of Jiang have noted his government resembled an oligarchy as opposed to an autocratic dictatorship. Many of the policies of his era had been attributed to others in government, notably premier Zhu Rongji. Jiang was also characterized as a leader who was mindful to seek the opinion of his close advisers. Jiang is often credited with the improvement in foreign relations during his term, but at the same time many Chinese have criticized him for being too conciliatory towards the United States and Russia. The issue of Chinese unification between the mainland and Taiwan gained ground during Jiang's term.

Works

See also

Notes

  1. /dʒiːˈɑːŋ zəˈmɪn/; Chinese: 江泽民; pinyin: Jiāng Zémín, traditionally romanized as Chiang Tze-min
  2. "Paramount leader" is not a formal title; it is a reference occasionally used by media outlets and scholars to refer to the foremost political leader in China at a given time. For example, there is no consensus on when Hu Jintao became the paramount leader (2002–2012), as Jiang held the most powerful office in the military (i.e., Central Military Commission chairman) and did not relinquish all positions until 2005 to his successor, while Hu was the General Secretary of the Communist Party since 2002 and President of China since 2003.

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Jiang Zemin
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Party political offices
Preceded byRui Xingwen Communist Party Secretary of Shanghai
1987–1989
Succeeded byZhu Rongji
Preceded byZhao Ziyang General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party
1989–2002
Succeeded byHu Jintao
Preceded byDeng Xiaoping Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party
1989–2004
Political offices
Preceded byZhang Ting Minister of the Electronics Industry
1983–1985
Succeeded byLi Tieying
Preceded byWang Daohan Mayor of Shanghai
1985–1988
Succeeded byZhu Rongji
Preceded byYang Shangkun President of China
1993–2003
Succeeded byHu Jintao
Diplomatic posts
Preceded byHassanal Bolkiah Chairperson of APEC
2001
Succeeded byVicente Fox
Order of precedence
Preceded byFirst Orders of precedence in the People's Republic of China
(General Secretary of the Communist Party; 1st ranked)

1989–1993
Succeeded byYang Shangkun
(President, 2nd ranked)
Orders of precedence in the Politburo Standing Committee
(General Secretary of the Communist Party; 1st ranked)

1989–2002
Succeeded byLi Peng
(2nd randed)
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Paramount leaders of the People's Republic of China
  1. Mao Zedong (Core 1)
  2. Hua Guofeng
  3. Deng Xiaoping (Core 2)
  4. Jiang Zemin (Core 3)
  5. Hu Jintao
  6. Xi Jinping (Core 4)
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Hu Jintao
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15th Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party (1997–2002)
Standing Committee
  1. Jiang Zemin (General Secretary)
  2. Li Peng
  3. Zhu Rongji
  4. Li Ruihuan
  5. Hu Jintao
  6. Wei Jianxing
  7. Li Lanqing
Other members
in surname stroke order
Alternate members
  1. Zeng Qinghong
  2. Wu Yi
7th8th9th10th11th12th13th14th15th16th17th18th19th20th
14th Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party (1992–1997)
Standing Committee
  1. Jiang Zemin (General Secretary)
  2. Li Peng
  3. Qiao Shi
  4. Li Ruihuan
  5. Zhu Rongji
  6. Liu Huaqing
  7. Hu Jintao
Other members
in surname stroke order
Alternate members
  1. Wen Jiabao
  2. Wang Hanbin
7th8th9th10th11th12th13th14th15th16th17th18th19th20th
13th Politburo of the Chinese Communist Party (1987–1992)
Standing Committee
Elected at 1st Plenary Session
  1. Zhao Ziyang (General Secretary, dismissed)
  2. Li Peng
  3. Qiao Shi
  4. Hu Qili (dismissed)
  5. Yao Yilin
Elected at 4th Plenary Session
  1. Jiang Zemin (General Secretary)
  2. Li Peng
  3. Qiao Shi
  4. Yao Yilin
  5. Song Ping
  6. Li Ruihuan
Other members
in surname stroke order
Alternate member
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