Misplaced Pages

Pan-Arabism: Difference between revisions

Article snapshot taken from Wikipedia with creative commons attribution-sharealike license. Give it a read and then ask your questions in the chat. We can research this topic together.
Browse history interactively← Previous editContent deleted Content addedVisualWikitext
Revision as of 18:05, 14 April 2010 view sourceNableezy (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users, Page movers, Pending changes reviewers, Rollbackers56,155 edits Undid revision 355999537 by Rocalisi (talk) rv, a collection of op-eds and random websites are not reliable sources, and the sources that are reliable are not talking about pan-Arabism← Previous edit Latest revision as of 03:18, 18 December 2024 view source Skitash (talk | contribs)Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers, Rollbackers11,564 editsNo edit summary 
(437 intermediate revisions by more than 100 users not shown)
Line 1: Line 1:
{{Pp-extended|small=yes}}
{{About|political ideology|the nationalist ideology|Arab nationalism}}
{{Short description|Ideology espousing the unification of the Arab world}}
{{Unreliable sources|date=March 2010}}{{Inappropriate tone|date=March 2010}}{{POV|date=March 2010}}
{{Use Oxford spelling|date = September 2024}}
{{redirect|Arab Dream|the song|The Arab Dream}}


] ]]]
] was originally used against the ], and remains a prominent symbol of Pan-Arabism. The design and ] are the basis of many modern ]. ]]
{{Life in the Arab League}}
] was created by the ] that led the ]. The flag is associated with ], ], and Pan-Arabism. Several modern Arab flags use the Arab Liberation Flag as a model.]]
{{Politics of the Arab League}}
'''Pan-Arabism''' ({{langx|ar|الوحدة العربية|al-waḥda al-ʿarabiyyah}}) is a ] ideology that espouses the unification of all ] in a single ], consisting of all Arab countries of ] and ] from the ] to the ], which is referred to as the ].<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last=Rubin |first=Barry |date=1991 |title=Pan-Arab Nationalism: The Ideological Dream as Compelling Force |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/260659 |journal=Journal of Contemporary History |volume=26 |issue=3/4 |pages=535–551 |doi=10.1177/002200949102600310 |jstor=260659 |issn=0022-0094}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=pan-Arabism |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100303333 |access-date=2023-07-24 |website=Oxford Reference |language=en }}</ref> It is closely connected to ], which asserts the view that the Arabs constitute a single ]. It originated in the late 19th century among the Arab regions of the ], and its popularity reached its height during the peak of ] and ] in the 1950s and 1960s. Advocates of pan-Arabism have often espoused ] principles and strongly ] of the ] in the Arab world. It also sought to empower Arab states against outside forces by forming alliances such as the ].<ref name="Continuum"/>


==Origins and development==
'''Pan-Arabism''' is a movement that calls for ] among the peoples and countries of the ], from the ] to the ]. It is closely connected to ], which asserts that the Arabs constitute a single nation. The idea was at its height during the 1960s. In theory, and depending on the ruler, Pan-Arabism has tended to be sometimes near ] (in theory) and often based on ] principles, and has strongly opposed ] political involvement in the ]. It also sought to empower Arab states from outside forces by forming alliances and, to a lesser extent, economic cooperation.<ref name="Continuum" />
The origins of pan-Arabism are often attributed to the ] (Arab awakening or enlightenment) movement that flourished in the Arab regions of the ] in the late 19th century.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Pan-Arabism {{!}} History, Significance, and Rise {{!}} Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pan-Arabism |access-date=2023-07-24 |website=www.britannica.com |language=en}}</ref> A prominent figure was ] (1861–1914), who played a key role in laying the intellectual foundation for Pan-Arabism.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Civantos |first=Christina |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4uw_DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA23 |title=The Afterlife of al-Andalus: Muslim Iberia in Contemporary Arab and Hispanic Narratives |date=2017-11-21 |publisher=SUNY Press |isbn=978-1-4384-6669-9 |pages=23 |language=en}}</ref> Zaydan had critical influence on acceptance of a modernized version of the Quranic Arabic language (]) as the universal written and official language throughout the Arab world, instead of adoption of ] in the various countries. Zaydan wrote several articles during the early 20th century which emphasized that Arabic-speaking regions stretching from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf constitute one people with a shared national consciousness and that this linguistic bond trumped religious, racial and specific territorial bonds, inspired in part by his status as a ]ine Christian ] in 19th century Egypt. He also popularized through his historical novels a secular understanding of Arab history encompassing the pre-Islamic and Islamic periods into a shared history that all Arabs could claim as their own.


As a political project, pan-Arabism was first pressed by ], the ], who sought independence for the ] Arabs from the ], and the establishment of a unified Arab state in the Mashreq. In 1915 and 1916, the ] resulted in an agreement between the ] and the Sharif that if the Mashreq Arabs revolted successfully against the Ottomans, the United Kingdom would support claims for Mashreq Arab independence. In 1916, however, the ] between the United Kingdom and France determined that parts of the Mashreq would be divided between those powers rather than forming part of an independent Arab state. When the Ottoman Empire surrendered in 1918, the United Kingdom refused to keep to the letter of its arrangements with Hussein,<ref>''Contemporary Politics in the Middle East'', Beverly Milton-Edwards, Polity Press, 2006, p. 57-59</ref> and the two nations assumed guardianship of Mesopotamia, ], ] and what became modern Syria. Ultimately, Hussein became King of only ], in the then less strategically valuable south, but lost his ] throne when the kingdom was sacked by the ]i ] forces of the ] and forcefully incorporated into the newly created Kingdom of ].
== Origins and development ==
Pan-Arabism was first pressed by ], the ], who sought independence from the ] and the establishment of a unified state of Arabia. In 1915-16, the ] resulted in an agreement between the ] and the Sharif that if the Arabs successfully revolted against the Ottomans, the United Kingdom would support claims for Arab independence. In 1916, however, the ] between the United Kingdom and France determined that parts of the Arab ] would be divided between those powers rather than forming part of an independent Arab state. When the Ottoman Empire surrendered in 1918, the United Kingdom refused to keep to the letter of its arrangements with Hussein,{{Citation needed|date=February 2010}} and the two nations assumed guardianship of several newly-created states, including ] and ]. Ultimately, Hussein became king only of ] (later incorporated into ]) in the then less strategically valuable south.


A more formalized pan-Arab ideology than that of Hussein was first espoused in the 1930s, notably by ] thinkers such as ], ], ], and ]. Aflaq and al-Arsuzi were key figures in the establishment of the ], and the former was for long its chief ideologist, combining elements of ] thought with ] to a considerable extent reminiscent of nineteenth-century European romantic nationalism. It has been said that Arsuzi was fascinated with the Nazi ideology of "racial purity" and impacted ].<ref>''The Syrian Arab Republic: a handbook'', Anne Sinai, Allen Pollack, 1976, p. 45</ref><ref></ref><ref>Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism: the continuing debate by Tawfic Farah, Publisher Westview Press, 1987, p. 37</ref>
]
Additionally, the ] as reason to administer ] and the subsequent creation of the ] upset the pan-Arabists' designs for a geographically contiguous pan-Arab state from the Arab ] and ] to the Mashreq.{{Citation needed|date=February 2010}} A more formalized pan-Arab ideology than that of Hussein was first espoused in the 1930s, notably by ] thinkers such as ], ] and ]. Aflaq and al-Arsuzi were key figures in the establishment of the ], and the former was for long its chief ideologist, combining elements of ] thought with a nationalism to a considerable extent reminiscent of nineteenth century European romantic nationalism.
It's been said that Arsuzi was fascinated with the Nazi ideology of "racial purity" and impacted ]. <ref>The Syrian Arab Republic: a handbook, Anne Sinai, Allen Pollack, 1976, p. 45</ref> <ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=sVzEipGCy9oC&pg=PA141</ref> <ref>Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism: the continuing debate by Tawfic Farah, Publisher Westview Press, 1987, p. 37</ref>,


] dreamed of uniting ], Palestine, and Jordan under his leadership in what he would call ]. He proposed a plan to this effect to ], which controlled Palestine at that time, but to no avail. The plan was not popular among the majority of Arabs and fostered distrust among the leaders of the other Middle Eastern countries against Abdallah. This distrust of ] was one of the principle reasons for the founding of the ] in 1945.{{Citation needed|date=February 2010}} Once ] by a ] in 1951, the vision of Greater Syria was dropped from the Jordanian agenda.<ref name="Continuum">"Arab Unity." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. ]. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 160-166.</ref> ] dreamed of uniting ], ], and Jordan under his leadership in what he would call ]. He unsuccessfully proposed a plan to this effect to the ], which controlled ] at that time. The plan was not popular among the majority of Arabs and fostered distrust among the leaders of the other Middle Eastern countries against Abdullah. The distrust of ] was one of the principal reasons for the founding of the ] in 1945.<ref>]. "Arab League." Sela. ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. 147-150.</ref> Once ] by a ] in 1951, the vision of Greater Syria was dropped from the Jordanian agenda.<ref name="Continuum">"Arab Unity." ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. Ed. ]. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 160–166.</ref>


Although pan-Arabism began at the time of ], ] (the most populous and arguably most important Arab country) was not interested in pan-Arabism prior to the 1950s. Thus, in the 1930s and 1940s, ] – not pan-Arabism – was the dominant mode of expression of Egyptian political activists. James Jankowski wrote about Egypt at the time,
Pan-Arabism has been at times in contrast with ] as being more secular. ], an ]-speaking ] and the once deputy prime minister of ] under ]. However in exchange for his status he had to Arabize his name from Mikhail Yuhanna to the Arabic ]. Iraqi statesman ] (1913-72) argued that Arab national Islam were in perfect harmony because Islam is the national religion of the Arabs, Al-Bazzaz maintained that the dualism (spiritual vs. temporal) of Western Christendom is unknown to true Islam. For al-Bazzaz, Arabism and Islam are inextricably intertwined because the Arabs have been the backbone of Islam.
{{Quote|What is most significant is the absence of an Arab component in early Egyptian nationalism. The thrust of Egyptian political, economic, and cultural development throughout the nineteenth century worked against, rather than for, an 'Arab' orientation. ... This situation—that of divergent political trajectories for Egyptians and Arabs—if anything increased after 1900.<ref>Jankowski, James. "Egypt and Early Arab Nationalism" in Rashid Khalidi, ed. ''The Origins of Arab Nationalism''. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990, pp. 244–45</ref>}}
<ref>Islam and politics, John L. Esposito, p. 77</ref>, often these ideologies would work in harmony <ref>http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/publications/id.4995/pub_detail.asp</ref>,
<i>Pan-Arab Nationalism in the ] context has a strong Islamic flavor and
thus acted as acted as a bridge to ] of the ]</i>, thereby excluding minorities such as the ]. <ref>The government and politics of the Middle East and North Africa, David E. Long, Bernard Reich, Mark Gasiorowski, Mark J. Gasiorowski, p. 420</ref>


==Attempts at Arab union==
In an essay originally written in 1978 called "Pan-Arabism" (published in "From Babel to Dragomans") Bernard Lewis wrote (pp 198 - 201) that Pan-Arabism was conceived by '] (c.1849-1902), who wished for an Arab Caliphate to supersede that of the Turkish Ottomans. Another early ideologue of Pan-Arabism was an anti-Semitic Syrian, Negib Azoury (d. 1916), Lewis claims that Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865 - 1935) (considered a promoter of pan-Arabism <ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=bl2I4uXHMvAC&pg=PA92</ref>) would be less obsessed with Arab resurgence and focused on an Islamic renaissance. All three were Syrian-born, but lived and wrote in Egypt. <ref>http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/publications/id.4995/pub_detail.asp</ref>
{{See also|Arab Union}}
It was not until ] that ] (in addition to ]) became a state policy and a means with which to define Egypt's position in the Middle East and the world,<ref>For more information, see Aburish, Said K. (2004), Nasser, the Last Arab, New York City: St. Martin's Press, {{ISBN|978-0-312-28683-5}}</ref><ref>"Before Nasser, Egypt, which had been ruled by Britain since 1882, was more in favor of territorial, Egyptian nationalism and distant from the pan-Arab ideology. Egyptians often did not identify themselves primarily as Arabs, and it is revealing that when the Egyptian nationalist leader ] met the Arab delegates at Versailles in 1918, he insisted that their struggles for statehood were not connected, claiming that the problem of Egypt was an Egyptian problem and not an Arab one." Makropoulou, Ifigenia. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181002224756/http://www.ekem.gr/archives/2007/01/pan_arabism_wha.html |date=2018-10-02 }}. Hellenic Center for European Studies. January 15, 2007.</ref> usually articulated vis-à-vis ] in the neighboring state of Israel.
] ], pan-Arabism dominated politics in the 1950s and 1960s.]]


There have been several attempts to bring about a pan-Arab state by many well-known Arab leaders, all of which ultimately resulted in failure. British Foreign Minister ] called for Arab unity during the 1940s, and was followed by specific proposals from pro-British leaders, including King ] and Prime Minister ] of Iraq, but Egyptian proposals for a broader grouping of independent Arab states prevailed with the establishment of the League of Arab States, a regional international organization, in 1945. In large part representing the popularity Nasser had gained among the masses in the Arab world following the ], the ] (UAR) in 1958 was the first case of the actual merger of two previously-independent Arab countries. Hastily formed under President Nasser's leadership but on the initiative of Syrian leaders who feared a takeover by communists or "reactionaries" and hoped to lead the new entity, the UAR was a unitary state, not a federal union, with its critics seeing this as hardly more than a small country being annexed by a larger one. It lasted until 1961, when Syrian army officers carried out a ''coup d'état'' and withdrew from the union. As politicians felt pressured by the wide public to espouse the idea of unity, Egypt, Syria and Iraq entered into an abortive agreement in 1963 to form the United Arab Republic, which was to be "federal in structure, leaving each member state its identity and institutions."<ref name="Continuum" /> By 1961, Egypt had become the only remaining member but continued to call itself "the UAR" (thereby implying it was open for unification with other Arab countries), but it eventually renamed itself the "Arab Republic of Egypt" in 1973.<ref>"United Arab Republic (UAR)." Sela. ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. 873-874.</ref>
] embedded ] within Arabism <ref>http://www.arabphilosophers.com/English/philosophers/modern/modern-names/eMichel_Aflaq.htm</ref>, in the mind of the Christian (who reportedly later converted to Islam)<ref name="aijac.org.au">http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2002/2712/essay2712.html</ref> Michael Aflaq, Islam and Arab nationalism were inseparable<ref>http://www.mtholyoke.edu/~nmwoods/arab.htm</ref> He stated in the 1940s that Arab Nationalism was vital to the survival of Islam in the region and the duty of Arab Nationalists was to defend Islam in the name of the Arab nation.<ref>http://albaath.online.fr/English/Aflaq-04-on%20heritage.htm</ref><ref>http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/michel_aflaq.htm</ref>
] (red), ] (red and light-red), ] (green), ] (grass green), other ]s in the Arab Gulf (light green)]]
He is well noted for his fascination and inspiration for the Islamic faith when he stated his belief that Islam provides Arabs with "the most brilliant picture of their language and literature, and the grandest part of their national history."<ref name="aijac.org.au"/>
Also in 1958, a ]-led rival, the ], was founded between ] and ]. Tensions with the UAR and the ] made the Arab Federation collapse after only six months. Another attempt, the ], existed as a confederation between the United Arab Republic and the ], but it dissolved in 1961.
In ] he and Sati al-Husri, composed a Koranic super narrative of Arabism, soil and Islam <ref>http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-EdContributors/Article.aspx?id=115549</ref>.
The]'s ] incorporated & associated Pan-Arabism with his radical Islamic ideology in view of Arabism’s growing appeal in Egypt at the time.<ref>http://www.tau.ac.il/dayancenter/d&a-hamas-litvak.htm</ref>


Two later attempts represented the enthusiasm of ]'s ], the ], which lasted five years, and the ] with ], which also aimed to include ] and ] but never emerged in practice. Muammar Gaddafi had talks with ] in 1988 about forming an Algeria-Libya union.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Reich |first=Bernard |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3D5FulN2WqQC&pg=PA96 |title=Political Leaders of the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: A Biographical Dictionary |date=1990 |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group |isbn=978-0-313-26213-5 |language=en}}</ref> Instead the ] was formed in 1989. Aside from the forcible unification of much of the ] by the Saudi rulers of Najd during the 1920s, the ] that form the ] and ] stand today as rare examples of actual unification. The current Syrian government is, and the former government of Iraq was led by rival factions of the ], which continues to espouse pan-Arabism and is organized in several other countries.{{when|date=September 2024}}
Along with ] Pan-Arabism who both prioritize loyalty to the Arab or Islamic community.<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=OOGTyh675JYC&pg=PA33</ref> with exclusion of others <ref>http://www.tomgrossmedia.com/mideastdispatches/archives/000033.html</ref>, including Christians & Jews <ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=iyn6JKv5tQ0C&pg=PA315</ref>
<ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=0LooyExir7EC&pg=PA278</ref>, are seen to be greatly responsible for driving out more than 800,000 ] from their lands <ref>http://www.pierrerehov.com/exodus.htm</ref> and for the persecution of ] <ref>http://www.fredaprim.com/who_assyrians.php</ref> & contributed to driving out non Arab minorities out of Iraq which the Christian community put blame directly on ],]s, and Radical Islamists.<ref>http://www.christiansofiraq.com/whoisdriving-assyrians-outof-iraq.html</ref>.


==Decline==
The pan-Arab ideology has been accused of racism, inciting ] against and downplaying the role of non-Arab peoples, such as the ],<ref></ref>] (persecution, mass murder), ], ] (as well as going to war against the Persians in Iran), ] <ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=2PbLcYdLUgsC&pg=PA104</ref><ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=te2Jg-RTi4YC&pg=PA432</ref>, <ref>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A38710-2005Apr8.html</ref>, amongst others,<ref>Raymond A. Hinnebusch, Anoushiravan Ehteshami, The Foreign Policies of Middle East States. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002. pg 169</ref>
]]]
An ]ian writer Masri Feki wrote that it is the ideology of Pan-Arabism that prevents lasting peace in the Middle East;
{{See also|Arab Cold War}}
{{cquote|Real lasting peace will come the day Israel's neighbors recognize that the Jewish people are on this land de jure, they are not just there de facto. Pan-Arabism is in ruins because it did not take into account the diversity of the region, the specificities of its various identities and the communitarian preoccupations of its minorities.Like pan-Arabism, pan-Islamism is an exclusivist ideology." <ref>http://www.dailyalert.org/archive/2008-03/2008-03-14.html</ref>}}


The decline of pan-Arabism is attributed to several factors. Problems persisted over a wide range of issues since the inception of pan-Arabist philosophy in the late 1800s, which, until its decline, had kept pan-Arabism on course for causal failure. The factors include: the promotion of ], the sectarian and social differences within the different Arab societies; the competition between different Arab leaders to be the leading voice for the Arab and Islamic worlds; and, to a lesser extent, military defeat against an enemy force.
Although Pan-Arabism began at the time of World War I, ], the most populous and arguably most important Arabic-speaking country, was not interested in Pan-Arabism prior to the 1950s. Thus, in the 1930s and 1940s, ] - and not Pan-Arabism - was the dominant mode of expression of Egyptian political activists:


The promotion of pan-Islamism had been a key aspect within Arab and Muslim societies. Such philosophy dictated for a united Islamic ‘Ummah’ or the close bounding of all Islamic communities to maintain and promote an essence of one family, one cause. The philosophy of pan-Arabism placed itself in contradiction to the philosophy of pan-Islamism as was clarified by religious scholars and Sheikhs within the various Arab countries, especially the Persian gulf. The belief held by critics emphasized that pan-Arabism separated itself from the ] in that it only promoted Arab unity and ideals, not Islamic ones. The religious conservatism within the societies propelled pan-Islamism to defeat alternative thoughts such as pan-Arabism.
{{cquote|What is most significant is the absence of an Arab component in early Egyptian nationalism. The thrust of Egyptian political, economic, and cultural development throughout the nineteenth century worked against, rather than for, an "Arab" orientation.... This situation—that of divergent political trajectories for Egyptians and Arabs—if anything increased after 1900.<ref>Jankowski, James. "Egypt and Early Arab Nationalism" in Rashid Khalidi, ed. ''The Origins of Arab Nationalism''. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990, pp. 244-45</ref>}}


Various sectarian and social differences within the various Arab societies was another fueling factor for pan-Arabism's decline. Sporadic ] and ] religious divide exacerbated by internal and foreign factors caused reconsideration within Arab circles as to whether pan-Arabism was viable although the issue was religiously oriented. Social differences toed a similar line. Countries like ] and ] considered secular brought about a clash of thought with the likes of religious ], whose longstanding promotion of religion was contradictory to the goals of the secular hierarchy within the two Levantine countries, for example.
]'s league rejected the incorporation of Egypt into the Arab empire because "the Egyptians do not belong to the Arab race," <ref>http://books.google.com/books?id=3kbU4BIAcrQC&pg=PA118&lpg=PA118</ref> In 1931, following a visit to Egypt, Syrian Arab nationalist ] remarked that " did not possess an Arab nationalist sentiment; did not accept that Egypt was a part of the Arab lands, and would not acknowledge that the Egyptian people were part of the Arab nation."<ref>qtd in Dawisha, Adeed. ''Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century''. Princeton University Press. 2003, p. 99</ref> The later 1930s would become a formative period for Arab nationalism in Egypt, in large part due to efforts by Syrian/Palestinian/Lebanese intellectuals.<ref>Jankowski, "Egypt and Early Arab Nationalism," p. 246</ref> Nevertheless, a year after the establishment of the ] in 1945, to be headquartered in Cairo, ] historian H. S. Deighton was still writing:


Different Arab leaders competed to become the leading voices for the Arab and Islamic worlds. Such competition sporadically resulted in friction between the leaders of these Arab countries. The ], which was formulated by ]’s ] and ]’s ], was promoted to be the collective voice for the Arab world and the spearhead of pan-Arabism. Being the only physical incarnation of pan-Arabism, it did not receive the expected praise from other Arab nations, especially in the Gulf, which further added to the decline of pan-Arabism.
{{cquote|The Egyptians are not Arabs, and both they and the Arabs are aware of this fact. They are Arabic-speaking, and they are Muslim —indeed religion plays a greater part in their lives than it does in those either of the Syrians or the Iraqi. But the Egyptian, during the first thirty years of the century, was not aware of any particular bond with the Arab East... Egypt sees in the Arab cause a worthy object of real and active sympathy and, at the same time, a great and proper opportunity for the exercise of leadership, as well as for the enjoyment of its fruits. But she is still Egyptian first and Arab only in consequence, and her main interests are still domestic.<ref>Deighton, H. S. "The Arab Middle East and the Modern World", International Affairs, vol. xxii, no. 4 (October 1946), p. 519.</ref>}}


To a lesser extent, the military defeat to “arch-enemy” Israel made both prominent sources of pan-Arabism reconsider such philosophy. The ], consisting of ] and ], received ideological burden due to the unfavorable outcome, thus putting pan-Arabism in question. The victory of ] in the 1967 ] and the inability of Egypt and Syria to generate economic growth in some form, also damaged pan-Arabism's credibility. "By the mid-1970s," according to ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East'', "the idea of Arab unity became less and less apparent in Arab politics, though it remained a wishful goal among the masses."<ref name="Continuum" />
== Attempts at Arab union ==
] ], whose ] of "]" defined the pan-Arabism of the 1960s]]


By the late 1980s, pan-Arabism began to be eclipsed by both ] and ] ideologies. Although pan-Arabism lost appeal by the 1990s, it continued to exercise an intellectual hegemony throughout the Arab world.<ref name=":0" />
It was not until the ] era more than a decade later that Arab nationalism, and by extension ], became a state policy and a means with which to define Egypt's position in the Middle East and the world,<ref>"Before Nasser, Egypt, which had been ruled by Britain since 1882, was more in favor of territorial, Egyptian nationalism and distant from the pan-Arab ideology. Egyptians generally did not identify themselves as Arabs, and it is revealing that when the Egyptian nationalist leader met the Arab delegates at Versailles in 1918, he insisted that their struggles for statehood were not connected, claiming that the problem of Egypt was an Egyptian problem and not an Arab one." Makropoulou, Ifigenia. . Hellenic Center for European Studies. January 15, 2007.</ref> usually articulated vis-à-vis ] in the neighboring Jewish state of ].


==See also==
There have been several attempts to bring about a Pan-Arab state by many well known Arab leaders, all of which ultimately resulted in failure. The ] (UAR) in 1958 was the first attempt. Formed under Nasser, it was a union between ] and ], although Nasser exerted so much control over the union that the UAR functioned more as a Nasserist takeover rather than a cooperation between two governments. It lasted in this form until 1961 when Syria's withdrew from the union. In April 1963, Egypt, Syria and Iraq agreed to form a new 'United Arab Republic', which was to be entirely federal in structure, leaving each member state its identity and institutions."<ref name="Continuum" /> The UAR was finally abolished in 1971 due to irreconcilable differences between Syria and Egypt.<ref>"United Arab Republic (UAR)." Sela. ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East''. 873-874.</ref>
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]
*]


==References==
Two later attempts were conducted by Libya's ]; these were the ] and the ]. Both failed before beginning. The unity of seven Arab emirates that form the ] stands today as the only example of successful unification between Arab neighbors. The current Syrian government is, and the former government of Iraq was, led by the ], which espouses pan-Arabism.
{{Reflist|2}}

== Decline ==
However, Pan-Arabism was strongly hurt following the Arab defeat by ] in the ] and the inability of pan-Arabist governments to generate economic growth. Nasser overplayed his hand in trying to form a pan-Arab hegemony under himself. "By the mid-1970s," according to ''The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East'', "the idea of Arab unity became less and less apparent in Arab politics, though it remained a wishful goal among the masses."<ref name="Continuum" />

The Egyptians' attachment to Arabism was particularly questioned after the 1967 ]. Thousands of Egyptians had lost their lives and the country became disillusioned with Arab politics.<ref>Dawisha, p. 237</ref> ] between ] and Israel in 1978 further fractured the Arabic-speaking countries. Nasser's successor ], both through public policy and his peace initiative with Israel, revived an uncontested Egyptian orientation, unequivocally asserting that only Egypt and Egyptians were his responsibility. The terms "Arab", "Arabism" and "Arab unity" became conspicuously absent.<ref>Dawisha, pp. 264-65, 267</ref>

By the late 1980s, Pan-Arabism began to be eclipsed by both nationalist and ] ideologies. In the 1990s, many voiced their opposition to Pan-Arabism. For instance, some ]is viewed ] in 1990 as caused by an urge for Pan-Arabism.<ref>http://kuwait-embassy.or.jp/E_outline_09.shtml</ref>

Egyptian critics of Arab nationalism contend that it has worked to erode and/or relegate native Egyptian identity by superimposing only one aspect of Egypt's culture. These views and sources for collective identification in the Egyptian state are captured in the words of a linguistic anthropologist who conducted fieldwork in Cairo:

{{cquote|Historically, Egyptians have considered themselves as distinct from 'Arabs' and even at present rarely do they make that identification in casual contexts; ''il-'arab'' as used by Egyptians refers mainly to the inhabitants of the Gulf states... Egypt has been both a leader of pan-Arabism and a site of intense resentment towards that ideology. Egyptians had to be made, often forcefully, into "Arabs" because they did not historically identify themselves as such. Egypt was self-consciously a nation not only before pan-Arabism but also before becoming a colony of the British Empire. Its territorial continuity since ancient times, its unique history as exemplified in its pharaonic past and later on its Coptic language and culture, had already made Egypt into a nation for centuries. Egyptians saw themselves, their history, culture and language as specifically Egyptian and not "Arab."<ref>Haeri, Niloofar. ''Sacred language, Ordinary People: Dilemmas of Culture and Politics in Egypt''. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2003, pp. 47, 136.</ref>}}

== See also ==
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]

== References ==
{{reflist|2}}
<!--See http://en.wikipedia.org/Wikipedia:Footnotes for an explanation of how to generate footnotes using the <ref(erences/)> tags--> <!--See http://en.wikipedia.org/Wikipedia:Footnotes for an explanation of how to generate footnotes using the <ref(erences/)> tags-->
<!--to cite a web resource, use this template<ref>{{cite web|url=MANDATORY|title=MANDATORY|last=|first=|authorlin =|work=|publisher=|date=|doi=|access-date=|archive-url=SHOULD BE USED ON PAGES ALLOWING ARCHIVING - USE A SERVICE LIKE archive.org or archive.today|archive-date=MANDATORY IF archiveurl}}</ref>-->
<!--to cite a web resource, use this template
<ref>{{cite web
| url = MANDATORY
| title = MANDATORY
| last =
| first =
| authorlink =
| coauthors =
| work =
| publisher =
| date =
| format =
| language=
| doi =
| accessdate =
| archiveurl = SHOULD BE USED ON PAGES ALLOWING ARCHIVING - USE A SERVICE LIKE webcitation.org or archive.org
| archivedate = MANDATORY IF archiveurl
| quote =
}}</ref>
-->


==External links== ==External links==
* by ] * by ]
* by A. Dawisha * by A. Dawisha
* by Nissim Rejwan * by Nissim Rejwan


] {{Arab nationalism}}
{{Irredentism}}
]
{{Pan-nationalist concepts}}
]
{{Arab League}}
]
{{Authority control}}
]

]
]
]
] ]

]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]
]

Latest revision as of 03:18, 18 December 2024

Ideology espousing the unification of the Arab world

"Arab Dream" redirects here. For the song, see The Arab Dream.
Map of the Arab world
The flag of the Arab Revolt was originally used against the Ottoman Turks, and remains a prominent symbol of Pan-Arabism. The design and colours are the basis of many modern Arab states' flags.
The Arab Liberation Flag was created by the Free Officers movement that led the 1952 Egyptian revolution. The flag is associated with Nasserism, republicanism, and Pan-Arabism. Several modern Arab flags use the Arab Liberation Flag as a model.
Part of a series on the
Arab world
Political Issues
Weapons of mass destruction
Geography
Regions
Deserts
Governance
Institutions
Unity
Arab leaders
Ideology

Attempts at political union
Organizational unions
Foreign relations
Multilateral
Bilateral
Military
Joint defence
Economy
Transportation
Railways
Bridges
Culture
Media
Arab Capital of Culture
Sport
Demographics
Religion
Ethnicities
Lifestyles
Language


Pan-Arabism (Arabic: الوحدة العربية, romanizedal-waḥda al-ʿarabiyyah) is a pan-nationalist ideology that espouses the unification of all Arab people in a single nation-state, consisting of all Arab countries of West Asia and North Africa from the Atlantic Ocean to the Arabian Sea, which is referred to as the Arab world. It is closely connected to Arab nationalism, which asserts the view that the Arabs constitute a single nation. It originated in the late 19th century among the Arab regions of the Ottoman Empire, and its popularity reached its height during the peak of Nasserism and Ba'athism in the 1950s and 1960s. Advocates of pan-Arabism have often espoused Arab socialist principles and strongly opposed the political involvement of the Western world in the Arab world. It also sought to empower Arab states against outside forces by forming alliances such as the Arab League.

Origins and development

The origins of pan-Arabism are often attributed to the Nahda (Arab awakening or enlightenment) movement that flourished in the Arab regions of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th century. A prominent figure was Jurji Zaydan (1861–1914), who played a key role in laying the intellectual foundation for Pan-Arabism. Zaydan had critical influence on acceptance of a modernized version of the Quranic Arabic language (Modern Standard Arabic) as the universal written and official language throughout the Arab world, instead of adoption of local dialects in the various countries. Zaydan wrote several articles during the early 20th century which emphasized that Arabic-speaking regions stretching from the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf constitute one people with a shared national consciousness and that this linguistic bond trumped religious, racial and specific territorial bonds, inspired in part by his status as a Levantine Christian émigré in 19th century Egypt. He also popularized through his historical novels a secular understanding of Arab history encompassing the pre-Islamic and Islamic periods into a shared history that all Arabs could claim as their own.

As a political project, pan-Arabism was first pressed by Sharif Hussein ibn Ali, the Sharif of Mecca, who sought independence for the Mashreq Arabs from the Ottoman Empire, and the establishment of a unified Arab state in the Mashreq. In 1915 and 1916, the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence resulted in an agreement between the United Kingdom and the Sharif that if the Mashreq Arabs revolted successfully against the Ottomans, the United Kingdom would support claims for Mashreq Arab independence. In 1916, however, the Sykes-Picot Agreement between the United Kingdom and France determined that parts of the Mashreq would be divided between those powers rather than forming part of an independent Arab state. When the Ottoman Empire surrendered in 1918, the United Kingdom refused to keep to the letter of its arrangements with Hussein, and the two nations assumed guardianship of Mesopotamia, Lebanon, Palestine and what became modern Syria. Ultimately, Hussein became King of only Hijaz, in the then less strategically valuable south, but lost his Caliphate throne when the kingdom was sacked by the Najdi Ikhwan forces of the Saudites and forcefully incorporated into the newly created Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

A more formalized pan-Arab ideology than that of Hussein was first espoused in the 1930s, notably by Syrian thinkers such as Constantin Zureiq, Sati' al-Husri, Zaki al-Arsuzi, and Michel Aflaq. Aflaq and al-Arsuzi were key figures in the establishment of the Arab Ba’ath (Renaissance) Party, and the former was for long its chief ideologist, combining elements of Marxist thought with nationalism to a considerable extent reminiscent of nineteenth-century European romantic nationalism. It has been said that Arsuzi was fascinated with the Nazi ideology of "racial purity" and impacted Aflaq.

Abdullah I of Jordan dreamed of uniting Syria, Palestine, and Jordan under his leadership in what he would call Greater Syria. He unsuccessfully proposed a plan to this effect to the United Kingdom, which controlled Palestine at that time. The plan was not popular among the majority of Arabs and fostered distrust among the leaders of the other Middle Eastern countries against Abdullah. The distrust of Abdullah's expansionist aspirations was one of the principal reasons for the founding of the Arab League in 1945. Once Abdullah was assassinated by a Palestinian nationalist in 1951, the vision of Greater Syria was dropped from the Jordanian agenda.

Although pan-Arabism began at the time of World War I, Egypt (the most populous and arguably most important Arab country) was not interested in pan-Arabism prior to the 1950s. Thus, in the 1930s and 1940s, Egyptian nationalism – not pan-Arabism – was the dominant mode of expression of Egyptian political activists. James Jankowski wrote about Egypt at the time,

What is most significant is the absence of an Arab component in early Egyptian nationalism. The thrust of Egyptian political, economic, and cultural development throughout the nineteenth century worked against, rather than for, an 'Arab' orientation. ... This situation—that of divergent political trajectories for Egyptians and Arabs—if anything increased after 1900.

Attempts at Arab union

See also: Arab Union

It was not until Gamal Abdel Nasser that Arab nationalism (in addition to Arab socialism) became a state policy and a means with which to define Egypt's position in the Middle East and the world, usually articulated vis-à-vis Zionism in the neighboring state of Israel.

Under Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, pan-Arabism dominated politics in the 1950s and 1960s.

There have been several attempts to bring about a pan-Arab state by many well-known Arab leaders, all of which ultimately resulted in failure. British Foreign Minister Anthony Eden called for Arab unity during the 1940s, and was followed by specific proposals from pro-British leaders, including King Abdullah of Transjordan and Prime Minister Nuri al-Said of Iraq, but Egyptian proposals for a broader grouping of independent Arab states prevailed with the establishment of the League of Arab States, a regional international organization, in 1945. In large part representing the popularity Nasser had gained among the masses in the Arab world following the Suez Crisis, the United Arab Republic (UAR) in 1958 was the first case of the actual merger of two previously-independent Arab countries. Hastily formed under President Nasser's leadership but on the initiative of Syrian leaders who feared a takeover by communists or "reactionaries" and hoped to lead the new entity, the UAR was a unitary state, not a federal union, with its critics seeing this as hardly more than a small country being annexed by a larger one. It lasted until 1961, when Syrian army officers carried out a coup d'état and withdrew from the union. As politicians felt pressured by the wide public to espouse the idea of unity, Egypt, Syria and Iraq entered into an abortive agreement in 1963 to form the United Arab Republic, which was to be "federal in structure, leaving each member state its identity and institutions." By 1961, Egypt had become the only remaining member but continued to call itself "the UAR" (thereby implying it was open for unification with other Arab countries), but it eventually renamed itself the "Arab Republic of Egypt" in 1973.

Middle East in 1958: United Arab Republic (red), United Arab States (red and light-red), Arab Federation (green), British Kuwait (grass green), other British protectorates in the Arab Gulf (light green)

Also in 1958, a Hashemite-led rival, the Arab Federation, was founded between Jordan and Iraq. Tensions with the UAR and the 14 July Revolution made the Arab Federation collapse after only six months. Another attempt, the United Arab States, existed as a confederation between the United Arab Republic and the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen, but it dissolved in 1961.

Two later attempts represented the enthusiasm of Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, the Federation of Arab Republics, which lasted five years, and the Arab Islamic Republic with Tunisia, which also aimed to include Algeria and Morocco but never emerged in practice. Muammar Gaddafi had talks with Chadli Bendjedid in 1988 about forming an Algeria-Libya union. Instead the Arab Maghreb Union was formed in 1989. Aside from the forcible unification of much of the Arabian Peninsula by the Saudi rulers of Najd during the 1920s, the unity of seven Arab emirates that form the United Arab Emirates and the unification of North Yemen and South Yemen stand today as rare examples of actual unification. The current Syrian government is, and the former government of Iraq was led by rival factions of the Ba'ath Party, which continues to espouse pan-Arabism and is organized in several other countries.

Decline

States and territories in the Arab League
See also: Arab Cold War

The decline of pan-Arabism is attributed to several factors. Problems persisted over a wide range of issues since the inception of pan-Arabist philosophy in the late 1800s, which, until its decline, had kept pan-Arabism on course for causal failure. The factors include: the promotion of pan-Islamism, the sectarian and social differences within the different Arab societies; the competition between different Arab leaders to be the leading voice for the Arab and Islamic worlds; and, to a lesser extent, military defeat against an enemy force.

The promotion of pan-Islamism had been a key aspect within Arab and Muslim societies. Such philosophy dictated for a united Islamic ‘Ummah’ or the close bounding of all Islamic communities to maintain and promote an essence of one family, one cause. The philosophy of pan-Arabism placed itself in contradiction to the philosophy of pan-Islamism as was clarified by religious scholars and Sheikhs within the various Arab countries, especially the Persian gulf. The belief held by critics emphasized that pan-Arabism separated itself from the Ummah in that it only promoted Arab unity and ideals, not Islamic ones. The religious conservatism within the societies propelled pan-Islamism to defeat alternative thoughts such as pan-Arabism.

Various sectarian and social differences within the various Arab societies was another fueling factor for pan-Arabism's decline. Sporadic Sunni and Shia religious divide exacerbated by internal and foreign factors caused reconsideration within Arab circles as to whether pan-Arabism was viable although the issue was religiously oriented. Social differences toed a similar line. Countries like Lebanon and Syria considered secular brought about a clash of thought with the likes of religious Saudi Arabia, whose longstanding promotion of religion was contradictory to the goals of the secular hierarchy within the two Levantine countries, for example.

Different Arab leaders competed to become the leading voices for the Arab and Islamic worlds. Such competition sporadically resulted in friction between the leaders of these Arab countries. The United Arab Republic, which was formulated by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser and Syria’s Shukri al-Quwatli, was promoted to be the collective voice for the Arab world and the spearhead of pan-Arabism. Being the only physical incarnation of pan-Arabism, it did not receive the expected praise from other Arab nations, especially in the Gulf, which further added to the decline of pan-Arabism.

To a lesser extent, the military defeat to “arch-enemy” Israel made both prominent sources of pan-Arabism reconsider such philosophy. The United Arab Republic, consisting of Egypt and Syria, received ideological burden due to the unfavorable outcome, thus putting pan-Arabism in question. The victory of Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War and the inability of Egypt and Syria to generate economic growth in some form, also damaged pan-Arabism's credibility. "By the mid-1970s," according to The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East, "the idea of Arab unity became less and less apparent in Arab politics, though it remained a wishful goal among the masses."

By the late 1980s, pan-Arabism began to be eclipsed by both nationalist and Islamist ideologies. Although pan-Arabism lost appeal by the 1990s, it continued to exercise an intellectual hegemony throughout the Arab world.

See also

References

  1. ^ Rubin, Barry (1991). "Pan-Arab Nationalism: The Ideological Dream as Compelling Force". Journal of Contemporary History. 26 (3/4): 535–551. doi:10.1177/002200949102600310. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 260659.
  2. "pan-Arabism". Oxford Reference. Retrieved 2023-07-24.
  3. ^ "Arab Unity." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 160–166.
  4. "Pan-Arabism | History, Significance, and Rise | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2023-07-24.
  5. Civantos, Christina (2017-11-21). The Afterlife of al-Andalus: Muslim Iberia in Contemporary Arab and Hispanic Narratives. SUNY Press. p. 23. ISBN 978-1-4384-6669-9.
  6. Contemporary Politics in the Middle East, Beverly Milton-Edwards, Polity Press, 2006, p. 57-59
  7. The Syrian Arab Republic: a handbook, Anne Sinai, Allen Pollack, 1976, p. 45
  8. Google Books
  9. Pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism: the continuing debate by Tawfic Farah, Publisher Westview Press, 1987, p. 37
  10. Sela, Avraham. "Arab League." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. 147-150.
  11. Jankowski, James. "Egypt and Early Arab Nationalism" in Rashid Khalidi, ed. The Origins of Arab Nationalism. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990, pp. 244–45
  12. For more information, see Aburish, Said K. (2004), Nasser, the Last Arab, New York City: St. Martin's Press, ISBN 978-0-312-28683-5
  13. "Before Nasser, Egypt, which had been ruled by Britain since 1882, was more in favor of territorial, Egyptian nationalism and distant from the pan-Arab ideology. Egyptians often did not identify themselves primarily as Arabs, and it is revealing that when the Egyptian nationalist leader Saad Zaghlul met the Arab delegates at Versailles in 1918, he insisted that their struggles for statehood were not connected, claiming that the problem of Egypt was an Egyptian problem and not an Arab one." Makropoulou, Ifigenia. Pan - Arabism: What Destroyed the Ideology of Arab Nationalism? Archived 2018-10-02 at the Wayback Machine. Hellenic Center for European Studies. January 15, 2007.
  14. "United Arab Republic (UAR)." Sela. The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. 873-874.
  15. Reich, Bernard (1990). Political Leaders of the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: A Biographical Dictionary. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-26213-5.

External links

Arab nationalism
Ideology
History
Concepts
Personalities
Organizations
Literature
Symbolism
Related topics
Irredentism
Africa
North America
South America
Western Asia
Southern Asia
Eastern and Southeastern Asia
Central and Eastern Europe
Southern Europe
Italy
Northern Europe
Western Europe
Oceania
Related concepts: Border changes since 1914 · Partitionism · Reunification · Revanchism · Revisionism · Rump state
Pan-nationalist concepts
Ideas
Territorial
concepts
Pan-ethnic
groups
Arab League
Politics
Membership
Members
Observers
Candidates
Diplomacy
Life


Categories: