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In spite of restrictions on freedom of association and of speech, a wide variety of protests and dissident movements have proliferated in the ], particularly in the decades since the death of ]. Among the most notable of these were the ] against Communist Party rule, the ], which was put down with military force, and the 25 April 1999 demonstration by 10,000 ] adherents at ]. Protesters and dissidents in China espouse a wide variety of grievances, including but not limited to corruption, forced evictions, unpaid wages, human rights abuses, environmental degradation, ethnic protests, petitioning for religious freedom and civil liberties, protests against one-party rule, as well as nationalist protests against foreign countries.


Protesters and dissidents in China espouse a wide variety of grievances, most commonly in the areas of unpaid wages, compensation for land development, local ] activism, or ] activism. Tens of thousands of protests occur each year. National level protests are less common. Notable protests include the ], the ], the April 1999 demonstration by ] practitioners at ], the ], the ], and the ].
The number of annual protests has grown steadily since the early 1990s, from approximately 8700 “mass group incidents” in 1993<ref>Murray Scot Tanner, , The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2004.</ref> to over 87,000 in 2005.<ref>The Economist, , 29 September 2005.</ref> In 2006, the ] estimated the number of annual mass incidents to exceed 90,000, and Chinese sociology professor Sun Liping estimated 180,000 incidents in 2010.<ref>Will Freeman, , ''Financial Times'', 2 March 2010.</ref>
<ref name="Bloomberg_180k_incidents">{{cite news | first=Michael | last=Forsythe | title=China's Spending on Internal Police Force in 2010 Outstrips Defense Budget | date=6 March 2011 | publisher=] | url=http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-03-06/china-s-spending-on-internal-police-force-in-2010-outstrips-defense-budget.html |accessdate=16 November 2011|archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/63yQCWy96 |archivedate=16 November 2011 |deadurl=no }}</ref> Mass incidents are defined broadly as "planned or impromptu gathering that forms because of internal contradictions", and can include public speeches or demonstrations, physical clashes, public airings of grievances, and other group behaviors that are seen as disrupting social stability.<ref>Tao Ran, , The Guardian, 16 December 2011.</ref>


== Overview ==
Despite the increase in protests, some scholars have argued that they may not pose an existential threat to Communist Party rule because they lack “connective tissue;”<ref>David Shambaugh, China’s Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation, (Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2008) p 32.</ref> the preponderance of protests in China are aimed at local-level officials, and only a select few dissident movements seek systemic change.<ref>Wright, Teresa. Accepting Authoritarianism: State-Society Relations in China’s Reform Era. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010)</ref>
Tens of thousands of protests occur each year in China.<ref name=":92" />{{Rp|page=102}} Generally, they are driven by local disputes as opposed to national issues.<ref name=":92" />{{Rp|page=102}} The most common sources of protests are unpaid wage issues, disputes over compensation for land development, local environmental activism, or ] activism.<ref name=":92" />{{Rp|page=103}} Protests often result in at least partial success in achieving their objectives.<ref name=":92" />{{Rp|page=103}}


The number of annual protests has grown steadily since the early 1990s, from approximately 8,700 "mass group incidents" in 1993<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Tanner |first=Murray Scot |date=June 2004 |title=China rethinks unrest |url=https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/twq/sum2004/twq_sum2004h.pdf |url-status=live |journal=] |language=en |volume=27 |issue=3 |pages=137–156 |doi=10.1162/016366004323090304 |issn=0163-660X |s2cid=154544715 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230731080230/https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/twq/sum2004/twq_sum2004h.pdf |archive-date=31 July 2023 |access-date=19 September 2023}}</ref> to over 87,000 in 2005.<ref>{{Cite news |date=September 29, 2005 |title=The cauldron boils |newspaper=] |url=https://www.economist.com/asia/2005/09/29/the-cauldron-boils |url-status=live |url-access=subscription |access-date=2023-09-19 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201014/http://www.economist.com/node/4462719 |archive-date=28 October 2017 |issn=0013-0613}}</ref> In 2006, the ] estimated the number of annual ] to exceed 90,000, and Chinese sociology professor Sun Liping estimated 180,000 incidents in 2010.<ref>{{Cite web |title=The accuracy of China's 'mass incidents' |url=https://www.ft.com/content/9ee6fa64-25b5-11df-9bd3-00144feab49a |url-access=subscription |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200313191032/https://www.ft.com/content/9ee6fa64-25b5-11df-9bd3-00144feab49a |archive-date=13 March 2020 |access-date=2023-09-18 |website=]}}</ref><ref name="Bloomberg_180k_incidents">{{cite news |last=Forsythe |first=Michael |date=6 March 2011 |title=China's Spending on Internal Police Force in 2010 Outstrips Defense Budget |publisher=] |url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-03-06/china-s-spending-on-internal-police-force-in-2010-outstrips-defense-budget.html |url-status=live |access-date=16 November 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111221043433/http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-03-06/china-s-spending-on-internal-police-force-in-2010-outstrips-defense-budget.html |archive-date=21 December 2011}}</ref> Mass incidents are defined broadly as "planned or impromptu gathering that forms because of internal contradictions", and can include public speeches or demonstrations, physical clashes, public airings of grievances, and other group behaviors that are seen as disrupting social stability.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Ran |first=Tao |date=2011-12-16 |title=China's land grab is undermining grassroots democracy |language=en-GB |work=] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2011/dec/16/china-land-grab-undermining-democracy |url-status=live |access-date=2023-09-19 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111223082439/http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/dec/16/china-land-grab-undermining-democracy |archive-date=23 December 2011 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref>
==Background and Causes==
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Despite the increase in protests, some scholars have argued that they may not pose an existential threat to ] (CCP) rule because they lack "connective tissue";<ref>{{Cite book |last=Shambaugh |first=David L. |title=China's Communist Party: Atrophy and Adaptation |date=2008-04-02 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-520-93469-6 |pages=32 |language=en |author-link=David Shambaugh}}</ref> the preponderance of protests in China are aimed at local-level officials, and only a select few dissident movements seek systemic change.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Wright |first=Teresa |title=Accepting Authoritarianism: State-Society Relations in China's Reform Era |date=2020-12-31 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-8047-7425-3 |doi=10.1515/9780804774253 |s2cid=240923196}}</ref> In a study conducted by Chinese academic Li Yao, released in 2017, the majority of protests which were non-controversial did not receive much if any negative police action, which is to say police may have been present but in no more capacity than Western police would be attending to a protest/mass gathering event. The idea that Chinese do not protest or would be brutally repressed for any kind of political action does not seem to be supported by existing data.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Li |first=Yao |date=April 2019 |title=A Zero-Sum Game? Repression and Protest in China |journal=] |language=en |volume=54 |issue=2 |pages=309–335 |doi=10.1017/gov.2017.24 |issn=0017-257X |s2cid=148625534}}</ref>
==Legal Framework==
The ] asserts that "citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession, and of demonstration." In practice, however, the practice of these rights is tightly proscribed, generally under the auspices of maintaining "social stability." While guaranteeing freedoms, the constitution also declares it to be the duty of Chinese citizens to "fight against those forces and elements that are hostile to China's socialist system and try to undermine it." Poorly defined anti-subversion laws, such as article 105 of the criminal code, may be used to criminally prosecute individuals seeking to exercise the rights of assembly, free speech, or demonstration. Other citizens engaged in various forms of protest may face administrative punishment, such as sentencing to forced labor terms.


==Tactics== ==Tactics==
Protests targeting specific, local grievances, and where citizens propose actionable remedies, are more likely to succeed than alternative forms of protests.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Cai |first=Yongshun |title=Collective Resistance in China: Why Popular Protests Succeed or Fail |date=2010 |publisher=Stanford Univ. Press |isbn=978-0-8047-6340-0 |series=Studies of the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center |location=Stanford, Calif}}</ref>
Chinese dissidents and protesters have employed numerous different tactics to express dissatisfaction with authorities, including ] of local governments or appeals offices, ], demonstrations on Tiananmen Square, signing support for dissident manifestos such as ], boycotts, marches, and occasionally violent rioting.


As the rights consciousness of the Chinese populace has grown since the 1980s and 1990s, a growing number of citizens have adopted semi-institutionalized forms of protest known as "]," whereby they make use of the court system, petitioning channels, or of central government decrees and policies to bring grievances against local authorities.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=O'Brien |first1=Kevin J. |title=Rightful Resistance in Rural China |last2=Li |first2=Lianjiang |date=2006-02-13 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-521-86131-1 |edition=1 |doi=10.1017/cbo9780511791086}}</ref>
The majority of protests in China concern local grievances, such as the corruption of county- or township-level government or Communist Party officials, exploitation by employers, excessive taxation, and so on. Protests targeting specific, local grievances, and where citizens propose actionable remedies, are more likely to succeed than alternative forms of protests.<ref>Cai Yongshun, Collective Resistance in China: Why Popular Protests Succeed or Fail, (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010).</ref>


The failure of semi-institutionalized means of protest can eventually lead citizens to adopt more overt and public forms of resistance, such as sit-ins, picketing, coordinated hunger strikes,<ref>Eva Pils, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161130145837/http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2065&context=ilj&sei-redir=1#search=%22gao%20zhisheng%20hunger%20strike%22 |date=30 November 2016 }}, Fordham International Law Journal, Volume 30, Issue 4 (2006).</ref> or marches.
As the rights consciousness of the Chinese populace has grown since the 1980s and 1990s, a growing number of citizens have adopted semi-institutionalized forms of protest known as “],” whereby they make use of the court system, petitioning channels, or of central government decrees and policies to bring grievances against local authorities.<ref>Kevin J. O'Brien and Li Lianjiang, "Rightful Resistance in Rural China." Cambridge University Press, 2006.</ref> Such protests are occasionally successful, but are often frustrated if authorities determine that it is not in the party’s interest to heed protesters’ demands.


In isolated instances disaffected citizens have turned to rioting, bombings of government buildings and related targets,<ref>{{Cite news |title=Chinese bomber receives outpouring of sympathy online |work=] |url=https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-Pacific/2011/0527/Chinese-bomber-receives-outpouring-of-sympathy-online |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0882-7729 |archive-date=28 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201205/https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-Pacific/2011/0527/Chinese-bomber-receives-outpouring-of-sympathy-online |url-status=live }}</ref> or suicide as a form of protest.<ref>{{Cite news |date=2023-05-21 |title=China's real estate bubble and its victims |language=en-US |newspaper=] |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/chinas-real-estate-bubble-and-its-victims/2011/06/08/AGJa5caH_story.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0190-8286 |archive-date=7 November 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171107113910/https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/chinas-real-estate-bubble-and-its-victims/2011/06/08/AGJa5caH_story.html |url-status=live }}</ref> In December 2011, residents of the village of ] expelled CCP authorities following land requisition protests.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2011-12-14 |title=Rebel Chinese village of Wukan 'has food for ten days' |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/8955295/Rebel-Chinese-village-of-Wukan-has-food-for-ten-days.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |website=] |language=en |archive-date=4 December 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171204231638/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/china/8955295/Rebel-Chinese-village-of-Wukan-has-food-for-ten-days.html |url-status=live }}</ref>
The failure of semi-institutionalized means of protest can eventually lead citizens to adopt more overt and public forms of resistance, such as sit-ins, picketing, coordinated hunger strikes,<ref>Eva Pils, , Fordham International Law Journal, Volume 30, Issue 4 (2006).</ref> or marches. When petitioning to local authorities fails, many citizens take their grievances to the capital in Beijing, occasionally staging demonstrations in Tiananmen Square.


In the case of nationalist protests, citizens have engaged in boycotts against foreign goods or companies,<ref>{{Cite news |date=2008-04-15 |title=Carrefour faces China boycott bid |language=en-GB |work=] |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7347918.stm |access-date=2023-09-19 |archive-date=28 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028202342/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7347918.stm |url-status=live }}</ref> officially sanctioned marches, and occasionally targeted foreign embassies for violence.<ref>{{Cite web |date=May 9, 1999 |title=China gives green light to embassy protests |url=http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/asiapcf/9905/09/china.protests.02/ |access-date=2023-09-19 |website=] |archive-date=11 March 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170311004546/http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/asiapcf/9905/09/china.protests.02/ |url-status=live }}</ref>
In isolated instances disaffected citizens have turned to rioting, bombings of government buildings and related targets,<ref> 2011-05-27 ]</ref> or suicide as a form of protest.<ref>, ''Washington Post'', 18 June 2011.</ref> In December 2011, residents of the village of ] expelled Communist Party authorities following land requisition protests.<ref>Malcolm Moore, , Telegraph, 14 December 2011.</ref>


Technology has become an increasingly important part of the arsenal of Chinese protesters and dissidents. Some protests occur almost entirely in the realm of online activism and engagement, taking the form of citizens signing ]s, issuing statements online rejecting the CCP, of signing support for dissident manifestos like ]. Cyber-vigilantes make use of the internet to publicize and publicly shame government officials and others who are perceived as corrupt, have committed ] abuses, or have otherwise offended collective values. Text messages have also been used to organize and coordinate protests.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Yardley |first=Jim |date=2005-04-25 |title=A Hundred Cellphones Bloom, and Chinese Take to the Streets |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/25/world/asia/a-hundred-cellphones-bloom-and-chinese-take-to-the-streets.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0362-4331 |archive-date=9 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141009053817/http://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/25/international/asia/25china.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Sydell |first=Laura |date=July 11, 2008 |title=Free Speech In China? Text Me |work=] |url=https://www.npr.org/2008/07/11/92158761/free-speech-in-china-text-me |access-date=September 20, 2023 |archive-date=18 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230618164357/https://www.npr.org/2008/07/11/92158761/free-speech-in-china-text-me |url-status=live }}</ref>
In the case of pro-nationalist protests, citizens have engaged in boycotts against foreign goods or companies,<ref>BBC, , 15 April 2008.</ref> officially sanctioned marches, and occasionally targeted foreign embassies for violence.<ref> CNN, 9 May 1999.</ref>

Technology has become an increasingly important part of the arsenal of Chinese protesters and dissidents. Some protests occur almost entirely in the realm of online activism and engagement, taking the form of citizens signing online petitions, issuing statements online rejecting the Communist Party, of signing support for dissident manifestos like ]. Cyber-vigilantes make use of the internet to publicize and publicly shame government officials and others who are perceived as corrupt, have committed human rights abuses, or have otherwise offended collective values. SMS text messages have also been used to organize and coordinate protests.<ref>Jim Yardley, , 25 April 2005.</ref><ref>Laura Sydell, , NPR, 11 July 2008.</ref>


==Rural protests== ==Rural protests==
According to a 2011 survey conducted by ], in cooperation with ] and ], which covered 1,791 households in 17 provinces, "about 43 percent" of villagers across China report being the victims of land grabs by the Government, which then sold it to private developers at an average cost of 40x higher per acre than the government paid to the villagers. The same survey claims that, "according to Chinese researchers", an estimated 65 percent of the 180,000 annual "mass incidents" in China stem from grievances over forced land requisitions. Together with their previous surveys, Landesa observes a steady increase in the number of forced land requisitions since 2005. They also estimate that, every year, local government expropriates the land of approximately 4 million rural Chinese citizens.<ref name="CFR">{{Cite web |last=Economy |first=Elizabeth |author-link=Elizabeth Economy |date=February 7, 2012 |title=A Land Grab Epidemic: China's Wonderful World of Wukans |url=https://www.cfr.org/blog/land-grab-epidemic-chinas-wonderful-world-wukans |access-date=2023-09-20 |website=] |language=en |archive-date=11 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170211155104/http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2012/02/07/a-land-grab-epidemic-chinas-wonderful-world-of-wukans/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.landesa.org/china-survey-6/ |title=Landesa 6th 17-Province China Survey - Landesa |access-date=6 September 2023 |archive-date=26 March 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230326121546/https://www.landesa.org/china-survey-6/ |url-status=live }}</ref>
An estimated 65 percent of the 180,000 annual "mass incidents" in China stem from grievances over forced land requisitions, whereby government authorities—often in collusion with private developers—seize land from villages with little to no compensation. Since 2005, surveys have indicated a steady increase in the number of forced land requisitions. Every year, local government appropriate the land of approximately 4 million rural Chinese citizens.<ref name=CFR>Elizabeth C. Economy, , Council on Foreign Relations, 7 February 2012.</ref> 43 percent of villagers surveys across China report being the victims of land grabs. In most instances, the land is then sold to private developers at an average cost of 40x higher per acre than the government paid to the villagers.<ref name=CFR/>


==Labor protests== ==Labor protests==
Labor protests in China's industrial sector are common, as migrant workers resist low wages or poor working conditions. There are trade unions in China, but they consist of ].<ref name="refi0" > {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160802073125/http://old.solidar.ch/news-1.html?dtl=2206 |date=2 August 2016 }}, Solidar Suisse, 2 February 2015, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref><ref name="refh7" >Stefanie Elbern, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201656/https://www.stimmen-aus-china.de/2017/04/07/streiken-in-china-gewusst-wie/ |date=28 October 2017 }}, Stiftung Asienhaus, 7 April 2017, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref> Trade unions are supposedly an extension of the CCP in companies, factories and general management.<ref name="refg9" >Peter Franke, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201511/https://www.welt-sichten.org/artikel/20425/es-gaert-chinas-fabriken |date=28 October 2017 }}, Welt-Sichten, 23 January 2014, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref><ref name="refh4" >Simon Lang, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201105/https://www.merics.org/presse/pressemitteilungen/chinas-fuehrung-muss-gesellschaftliche-destabilisierung-fuerchten/ |date=28 October 2017 }}, Merics (Mercator Institute for China Studies), 2013, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref><ref name="refh5" >Nora Sausmikat, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161222214046/http://www.asienhaus.de/archiv/china/euchinanet/newsletter/eu-china-newsletter_2-2016.htm |date=22 December 2016 }}, Stiftung Asienhaus, EU – China Newsletter, 17 March 2016, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref>
{{Empty section|date=March 2012}}


Disputes over unpaid wages are among the most common causes of protest in China.<ref name=":92">{{Cite book |last=Šebok |first=Filip |title=Contemporary China: a New Superpower? |publisher=] |year=2023 |isbn=978-1-03-239508-1 |editor-last=Kironska |editor-first=Kristina |chapter=Social Control and Propaganda |editor-last2=Turscanyi |editor-first2=Richard Q.}}</ref>{{Rp|page=103}}
==Petitioning==
Since imperial times, among the main avenues for citizens to voice grievances and seek redress from authorities was through ] channels. The People's Republic of China preserved the institution, establishing petitioning and appeals offices at local, provincial, and national levels. The petitioning bureaus are charged with receiving appeals and complaints from citizens and assisting them in resolving their grievances. In most instances, individuals begin the petitioning process at the local level, and escalate to the provincial or national level when they are unable to find redress.


In March 2010, employees of the Chinese Honda plant went on a strike, demanding a pay raise and a self-chosen union. One employee mentioned that Honda had been willing to compromise, but the government in ] had spoken out against wage increases, fearing that similar demands could be made in other companies.<ref name="refh8" > {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210225080421/http://www.n-tv.de/wirtschaft/Honda-Mitarbeiter-kaempfen-weiter-article919358.html |date=25 February 2021 }}, n-tv.de , dpa, 13 June 2010, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref> According to media reports, the number of workers' strikes rose to a record level in 2015. The ] mentioned 2,509 strikes and protests by workers and employees in China. The main reason for these strikes is said to have been because of many factory closures and layoffs.<ref name="refh6" > {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160321113508/http://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/soziales/china-zahl-der-streiks-und-proteste-stark-gestiegen-a-1067894.html |date=21 March 2016 }}, Spiegel Online, 15 December 2015, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref>
The number of petitioners in China—and in particular, those who travel to the capital of Beijing to seek out the central appeals office—has risen precipitously since the early 1990s. Some of the common complaints brought through petitioning channels relate to land requisitions and forced home demolitions, environmental damage, official corruption, excessive or predatory taxation, and human rights abuses. Although the petitioning system is a viable means for some citizens to find resolutions, the system as a whole is strained and largely ineffective. Many petitioners, rather than finding justice, land in "]" or other detention facilities for attempting to protest abuses.

In 2011, many migrant workers did not return to their workplace in ], in southern China, after the New Year holidays. The reason for this is said to have been that more job opportunities had been created in the hitherto poorer provinces. Thus, many no longer had to go to other areas to work and earn a living. It is said to have been 30 to 40 percent fewer migrant workers, normally 10 to 15 percent, although China's authorities had raised the minimum wages.<ref name="refh9" >Kelvin Chan, {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171029014239/https://www.abendblatt.de/wirtschaft/article108008051/Chinas-Tage-als-Zentrum-der-Billigproduktion-sind-gezaehlt.html |date=29 October 2017 }}, Hamburger Abendblatt, 26 April 2011, retrieved 26 October 2017</ref> As a result, foreign companies moved their production facilities to Southeast Asia into "cheaper" provinces or even abroad. China experts at the investment bank ] called this change a "historic turning point" both for China's economy and possibly for the world.<ref name= "refh9" />

In February 2024, an estimated 3,000 ] protested labor conditions and for the right to return to North Korea. These workers were contract laborers who were employed by a company affiliated with the North Korean military, and had been in China for an extended period of time due to the COVID-19 lockdowns and because the North Korean government wanted them to stay longer to generate more revenue.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Park |first=Ju-min |date=2024-02-08 |title=Signs of rare unrest among North Korean workers in China, researchers say |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/signs-rare-unrest-among-north-korean-workers-china-researchers-say-2024-02-08/ |access-date=2024-04-26 |work=Reuters |language=en}}</ref>

==Political liberalization and democracy movements==
{{Chinese democracy movement}}
{{Further|Democracy movements of China}}


==Pro-Democracy protests==
===Democracy Wall=== ===Democracy Wall===
{{Main|Democracy Wall}}{{See also|Beijing Spring}}
In 1978, as Deng Xiaoping pursued a course of reform based on the theory of “four modernizations” in China’s economy, pro-democracy dissidents began posting writings, news and ideas on a wall in the Xicheng district in Beijing. Activist ] began advocating for democracy and greater political freedoms as a “].” The ], as it was called, was tolerated for a time, but was shut down in 1979 when authorities deemed that its criticisms against single-Party rule and current Party leadership had gone too far.
The Democracy Wall movement of November 1978 to spring 1981 is usually regarded as the beginning of China's contemporary democracy movement.<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last=Paltemaa |first=Lauri |date=24 October 2007 |title=The Democracy Wall Movement, Marxist Revisionism, and the Variations on Socialist Democracy |journal=] |language=en |volume=16 |issue=53 |pages=601–625 |doi=10.1080/10670560701562325 |issn=1067-0564 |s2cid=143933209}}</ref> The Democracy Wall movement focused on the elimination of bureaucratism and the bureaucratic class.<ref name=":1" /> Although Democracy Wall participants agreed that "democracy" was the means to resolve this conflict between the bureaucratic class and the people, the nature of the proposed democratic institutions was a major source of disagreement.<ref name=":1" /> A majority of participants in the movement favored viewed the movement as part of a struggle between correct and incorrect notions of ].<ref name=":1" /> Many participants advocated ] views that drew on the ] for inspiration.<ref name=":1" /> The Democracy Wall movement also included non-Marxists and anti-Marxists, although these participants were a minority.<ref name=":1" /> Demands for "democracy" were frequent but without an agreed-upon meaning.<ref name=":5">{{Cite book |last=Wu |first=Yiching |url=https://archive.org/details/yiching-wu-the-cultural-revolution-at-the-margins |title=The Cultural Revolution at the Margins: Chinese Socialism in Crisis |date=2014 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0-674-41985-8 |location=Cambridge, Mass. |pages=213–215 |oclc=881183403}}</ref> Participants in the movement variously associated the concept of democracy with socialism, communism, liberal democracy, capitalism, and Christianity.<ref name=":5" /> They drew on a diverse range of intellectual resources "ranging from classical Marxist and socialist traditions to Enlightenment philosophers, experiments in Yugoslavia, and Western liberal democracy."<ref name=":5" /> Significant documents of the Democracy Wall movement include ] manifesto by ].<ref name=":922">{{Cite book |last=Kelemen |first=Barbara |title=Contemporary China: a New Superpower? |publisher=] |year=2023 |isbn=978-1-03-239508-1 |editor-last=Kironska |editor-first=Kristina |chapter=Tiananmen 1989 |pages=40–46 |doi=10.4324/9781003350064-5 |editor-last2=Turscanyi |editor-first2=Richard Q.}}</ref>{{Rp|page=42}}


===1980s protest movement and student demonstrations===
===1989 Tiananmen Square protests===
{{Main|1986 Chinese student demonstrations}}China's ] had major socio-economic impacts.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=42}} As living standards improved, the new business class and increasingly independent intellectuals sought further political and economic relaxation.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=42}} Simultaneously, public grievances developed as a mostly unitary society became more stratified, with uneven economic development and rising inflation which impacted the purchasing power of a large segment of the population.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|pages=42-43}} Generally, the resulting 1980s protest movement sought to gradually liberalize and open up Chinese Communist governance, as opposed to .<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=43}}
In the Spring of 1989, hundreds of thousands of students, laborers and others ] to mourn the death of CCP General Secretary ]. The non-violent gathering soon morphed into a movement advocating greater transparency, reform, and eventually, democracy. In the early morning of 4 June 1989, the People’s Liberation Army was mobilized to disperse the crowds, killing hundreds or thousands of protesters in the vicinity of Tiananmen Square, and effectively silencing the country’s nascent democracy movement for decades.


In 1986 through 1987, students organized demonstrations arguing for a higher degree of political liberalization, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=42}} This movement was influenced by intellectuals such as ] and ].<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=42}}
===2011 pro-democracy protests===
Inspired by “jasmine” protests in North Africa and the Middle East, in February 2011 Chinese dissidents began calling for ] in multiple Chinese cities. Though organizers initially proposed that participants shout slogans, they later revised their plans to encourage citizens to stroll innocuously around particular locations at pre-determined times. In response, Chinese authorities launched a concerted ] on dissidents, journalists, rights lawyers, artists, and others who had agitated for democratic reform.


==Ethnic protests== ===1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre===
{{Main|1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre}}
China has 55 minority ethnic groups, several of which experience recurring tensions with the majority Han ethnic group, and/or the authorities of the People's Republic of China. The ], ], and ] populations, in particular, have long-standing cultural and territorial grievances, and to varying degrees reject the rule of the Chinese Communist Party in their respective homelands. Perceived suppression of minority cultures and rights, societal discrimination, or economic imbalances sometimes lead to ethnic protests or rioting.


The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests arose in the context of the 1980s protest movement.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|pages=42-43}} The events began with sporadic student demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in Beijing following the death of former reformist leader and ] ].<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=40}} On 26 April, a front page ] in '']'' referred to the protests as anti-CCP rebellions, outraging the protestors who sought political concessions and official reassessment of their movement.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=44}} On 13 May 1989, thousands of student protestors began a ], disrupting the state visit of Mikhail Gorbachev in the ].<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=40}} Protests spread to other cities and on 20 May, China declared martial law and deployed the army to Beijing.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=40}} Tensions escalated, and on 4 June the army violently ] the protests.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=40}} Thousands were likely killed,<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=40}} although estimates vary.
===Tibet===
Tibet has historically been the scene of several large-scale protests and uprisings against Communist Party rule, most notably in ], ], and ]. Tibetan protester’s main grievances include pervasive human rights abuses and a lack of religious freedom and cultural protection. Tibetan protesters often make demands for greater political autonomy, independence, and the right to practice their religion free of interference. Several protests in Tibet have been suppressed with force, sometimes ending with the imprisonment of activists and the killing of civilians.


The majority of protestors sought for the government to listen to their concerns, with few advocating for the overthrow of the CCP, although such demands increased as the protests continued.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=43}} On the government side, ] sought to negotiate with protestors to resolve the situation.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=44}} ] argued for suppressing the protests through martial law, and was joined by ] who ordered its imposition.<ref name=":922" />{{Rp|page=44}}
===Xinjiang===
Ethnic minorities in ] have engaged in protest and uprisings—sometimes violent—against Communist Party rule. The ethnic ], in particular, identify most strongly with their Central Asian kin, rather than with Han Chinese rule. Many have advocated for an independent East Turkistan, and greater political and religious freedoms. Ethnic tensions have risen in recent decades as a growing Han Chinese population in the region has threatened to dilute the Uighur culture. In 2009, ] broke out in the capital of Ürümqi. Ethnic Hui people in the region also experience tensions with the Han population.


=== 2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests ===
===Mongolia===
{{Main|2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests}}
Like Tibetan and Uighurs, some ethnic Mongolians residing in ] have sought greater autonomy, if not outright independence from China. The province is home to ethnic tensions between Han and Mongolians, which have sometimes resulted in protests. In 2011, a Mongolian herdsman was attempting to obstruct a Chinese mining company from entering his pastureland in Xilinhot. A Han Chinese truck driver ran over and killed the man, sparking multiple protests.
In February 2011, a month of pro-democracy protests took place in Beijing, inspired by the ].<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Franceschini |first1=Ivan |last2=Negro |first2=Gianluigi |date=2014-01-02 |title=The 'Jasmine Revolution' in China: the limits of the cyber-utopia |journal=Postcolonial Studies |language=en |volume=17 |issue=1 |pages=23–35 |doi=10.1080/13688790.2014.912190 |s2cid=143625972 |issn=1368-8790}}</ref>

===2011 Wukan protests ===
{{main|Wukan protests}}
In 2011, the village of ] temporarily threw out its unelected leaders, and elected its leadership for a period.<ref>{{Cite news |date=2016-09-13 |title=China's protest village of Wukan crushed |language=en-GB |work=] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-china-blog-37351737 |access-date=2022-11-28 |archive-date=28 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221128111308/https://www.bbc.com/news/blogs-china-blog-37351737 |url-status=live }}</ref>

===2022 Sitong Bridge protest===
{{main|Beijing Sitong Bridge protest}}

On 13 October 2022, a ] was held by a protestor who posted a banner on the bridge and burnt tyres. Information on the protest spread rapidly on ] and was quickly ].<ref name="Guardian_we_all_saw_it">{{cite news | last1= Davidson | first1= Helen | title= 'We all saw it': anti-Xi Jinping protest electrifies Chinese internet | date= 2022-10-14 |newspaper= ] | url= https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/oct/14/we-all-saw-it-anti-xi-jinping-protest-electrifies-chinese-internet |access-date= 2022-10-14 |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20221014084020/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/oct/14/we-all-saw-it-anti-xi-jinping-protest-electrifies-chinese-internet |archive-date= 2022-10-14 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="BBC_mystery_Beijing_demonstrator">{{cite news | last1=Tan | first1=Yvette | title=China protest: Mystery Beijing demonstrator sparks online hunt and tributes | date= 2022-10-14 |newspaper= ] | url= https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-63252559 |access-date= 2022-10-14 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20221014102333/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-63252559 |archive-date= 2022-10-14 |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="SMH_banners_calling_for_Xi_removal">{{cite news | last1= Pollard | first1= Martin Quin | last2= Baptista | first2= Eduardo | title= Banners calling for Xi removal unveiled in rare protest in China | date= 2022-10-14 |newspaper= ] |agency=] | url= https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/banners-calling-for-xi-removal-unveiled-in-rare-protest-in-china-20221014-p5bpvl.html |access-date= 2022-10-14 |archive-url= https://archive.today/20221014101548/https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/banners-calling-for-xi-removal-unveiled-in-rare-protest-in-china-20221014-p5bpvl.html |archive-date= 2022-10-14 |url-status=live }}</ref> Similar protest slogans subsequently appeared as graffiti in other cities<ref>{{Cite news |date=October 18, 2022 |title=Anti-Xi Slogans in Rare Beijing Protest Spread Within China |work=] |url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-10-18/anti-xi-slogans-in-rare-beijing-protest-spread-within-china |access-date=October 18, 2022 |archive-date=18 October 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221018110555/https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-10-18/anti-xi-slogans-in-rare-beijing-protest-spread-within-china |url-status=live }}</ref> in China and via ].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Cheung |first=Rachel |date=October 19, 2022 |title=Anti-Xi Jinping Posters Are Spreading in China via AirDrop |work=] |url=https://www.vice.com/en/article/wxn7nq/anti-xi-jinping-posters-are-spreading-in-china-via-airdrop |access-date=October 19, 2022 |archive-date=19 October 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221019134948/https://www.vice.com/en/article/wxn7nq/anti-xi-jinping-posters-are-spreading-in-china-via-airdrop |url-status=live }}</ref>

=== 2022 protests against COVID-19 lockdowns ===
{{Main|2022 COVID-19 protests in China}}

In November 2022, following the ], solidarity protests against the government's ] policies erupted in ] and across the country. In Shanghai, hundreds chanted "Step down, Xi Jinping! Step down, Communist Party!"<ref>{{Cite news |date=2022-11-27 |title=Protests erupt across China in unprecedented challenge to Xi Jinping's zero-Covid policy |url=https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/26/china/china-protests-xinjiang-fire-shanghai-intl-hnk/index.html |access-date=2022-11-27 |website=] |language=en |archive-date=29 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221129003528/https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/26/china/china-protests-xinjiang-fire-shanghai-intl-hnk/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |date=2022-11-27 |title=China Covid: Protesters openly urge Xi to resign over China Covid curbs |language=en-GB |work=] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-63771109 |access-date=2022-11-27 |archive-date=3 December 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221203161456/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-63771109 |url-status=live }}</ref>


==Falun Gong== ==Falun Gong==
{{Further|Persecution of Falun Gong}}
Among the most vocal and consistent opponents of the Communist Party rule in the last decade are practitioners of Falun Gong. Falun Gong is a ]-based practise of meditation with a moral philosophy based on Buddhist traditions.<ref name="pennyharrold">{{cite web|url=http://www.nla.gov.au/grants/haroldwhite/papers/bpenny.html|title=The Past, Present, and Future of Falun Gong|last=Penny|first=Benjamin|year=2001|accessdate=6 October 2009|quote=The best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2 500 years.}}</ref> It was popularized in China in the 1990s, and by 1999, it was estimated to have tens of millions of adherents.<ref>Seth Faison, "In Beijing: A Roar of Silent Protestors," New York Times, 27 April 1999</ref><ref>Joseph Kahn, "Notoriety Now for Movement’s Leader," New York Times, 27 April 1999</ref>
Among the most vocal and consistent opponents of the CCP rule in the last decade are practitioners of ]. Falun Gong is a ]-based practice of meditation with a moral philosophy based on Buddhist traditions.<ref name="pennyharrold">{{cite web|url=http://www.nla.gov.au/grants/haroldwhite/papers/bpenny.html|title=The Past, Present, and Future of Falun Gong|last=Penny|first=Benjamin|year=2001|access-date=6 October 2009|quote=The best way to describe Falun Gong is as a cultivation system. Cultivation systems have been a feature of Chinese life for at least 2 500 years.|archive-date=25 March 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080325202921/http://www.nla.gov.au/grants/haroldwhite/papers/bpenny.html|url-status=dead}}</ref> It was popularized in China in the 1990s, and by 1999, it was estimated to have 70 million practitioners.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Faison |first=Seth |date=1999-04-27 |title=In Beijing: A Roar of Silent Protesters |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1999/04/27/world/in-beijing-a-roar-of-silent-protesters.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0362-4331 |archive-date=14 September 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170914022252/https://www.nytimes.com/1999/04/27/world/in-beijing-a-roar-of-silent-protesters.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Kahn |first=Joseph |date=1999-04-27 |title=Notoriety Now for Movement's Leader |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1999/04/27/world/notoriety-now-for-movement-s-leader.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0362-4331 |archive-date=14 September 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170914034537/http://www.nytimes.com/1999/04/27/world/notoriety-now-for-movement-s-leader.html |url-status=live }}</ref>


Some among the Communist Party’s leadership were wary of the group’s popularity, independence from the state, and spiritual philosophy, and from 1996 to 1999, the practise faced varying degrees of harassment from Communist Party authorities and Public Security Bureaus and criticism in the state-run media. Falun Gong practitioners responded to media criticism by picketing local government or media offices, and were often successful in gaining retractions.<ref>David Ownby. “Falun Gong and the Future of China. Oxford University Press, 2008.</ref> One such demonstration in April 1999 was broken up by security forces in ], and several dozen Falun Gong adherents were beaten and arrested. In response, on 25 April Falun Gong mobilised the largest demonstration in China since 1989, gathering silently outside the Zhongnanhai central government compound to request official recognition and an end to the escalating harassment against them.<ref>Ethan Gutmann, National Review, 13 July 2009.</ref> Falun Gong representatives met with Premier ], and reached an agreement.<ref>James Tong, Revenge of the Forbidden City, Oxford University Press (2009)</ref> President ] reportedly criticized Zhu for being “too soft, however, and ordered that Falun Gong be defeated.<ref>Danny Schechter, Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice or Evil Cult?, Akashic books: New York, 2001</ref> On 20 July 1999, the Communist Party leadership initiated a campaign to eradicate the group through a combination of propaganda, imprisonment, torture, and other coercive methods.<ref>Amnesty International 23 March 2000</ref><ref>Human Right Watch; M Spiegel (2001). Dangerous meditation: China's campaign against Falungong. New York</ref> Some among the CCP's leadership were wary of the group's popularity, independence from the state, and spiritual philosophy, and from 1996 to 1999, the practice faced varying degrees of harassment from CCP authorities and ] and criticism in the state-run media. Falun Gong practitioners responded to media criticism by picketing local government or media offices, and were often successful in gaining retractions.<ref>David Ownby. '']''. ], 2008.</ref> One such demonstration in April 1999 was broken up by security forces in ], and several dozen Falun Gong practitioners were beaten and arrested. In response, on 25 April Falun Gong mobilized the largest demonstration in China since 1989, gathering silently outside the Zhongnanhai central government compound to request official recognition and an end to the escalating harassment against them.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Gutmann |first=Ethan |date=2009-07-01 |title=An Occurrence on Fuyou Street |url=https://www.nationalreview.com/magazine/2009/07/20/occurrence-fuyou-street/ |access-date=2023-09-19 |website=] |language=en-US |archive-date=2 June 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230602185327/https://www.nationalreview.com/magazine/2009/07/20/occurrence-fuyou-street/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Falun Gong representatives met with Premier ], and reached an agreement.<ref>James Tong, '']'', ] (2009)</ref> CCP general secretary ] reportedly criticized Zhu for being "too soft," however, and ordered that Falun Gong be defeated.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Schechter |first=Danny |url=https://archive.org/details/falungongschalle00sche |title=Falun Gong's Challenge to China: Spiritual Practice Or "evil Cult"? : a Report and Reader |date=2001 |publisher=Akashic Books |isbn=978-1-888451-27-6 |language=en}}</ref> On 20 July 1999, the CCP leadership initiated a campaign to ] through a combination of propaganda, imprisonment, torture, and other coercive methods.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2000-03-23 |title=China: The crackdown on Falun Gong and other so-called "heretical organizations" |url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/asa17/011/2000/en/ |access-date=2023-09-19 |website=] |language=en |archive-date=29 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210729225340/https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/ASA17/011/2000/en/ |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |date=2002-02-07 |title=Dangerous Meditation |url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2002/02/07/dangerous-meditation/chinas-campaign-against-falungong |journal=] |language=en |access-date=19 September 2023 |archive-date=26 December 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221226005705/https://www.hrw.org/report/2002/02/07/dangerous-meditation/chinas-campaign-against-falungong |url-status=live }}</ref>


In the first two years of the crackdown, Falun Gong practitioners in China responded by petitioning local, provincial, and national appeals offices. Efforts at petitioning were often met with imprisonment, leading the group to shift tactics by staging daily, non-violent demonstrations on ].<ref>Ian Johnson, , The Wall Street Journal, 25 April 2000.</ref> These demonstrations, which typically involved practitioners holding banners or staging meditation sit-ins, were broken up, often violently, by security agents.<ref>Elisabeth Rosenthal, "Falun Gong Holds Protests On Anniversary of Big Sit-In." New York Times. 26 Apr 2001.</ref> By late 2001, Falun Gong largely abandoned protests in Tiananmen Square, but continued a quiet resistance against the suppression campaign. Although the group claims to have no political orientation or ambitions, it has since 2004 actively advocated for an end to Communist Party rule.<ref>Hu Ping, “The Falun Gong Phenomenon,” in Challenging China: Struggle and Hope in an Era of Change, Sharon Hom and Stacy Mosher (ed) (New York: The New Press, 2007).</ref> In the first two years of the crackdown, Falun Gong practitioners in China responded by petitioning local, provincial, and national appeals offices. Efforts at petitioning were often met with imprisonment, leading the group to shift tactics by staging daily, non-violent demonstrations in ].<ref>Ian Johnson, , The Wall Street Journal, 25 April 2000. {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091229022658/http://www.pulitzer.org/archives/6464 |date=29 December 2009 }}</ref> These demonstrations, which typically involved practitioners holding banners or staging meditation sit-ins, were broken up, often violently, by security agents.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Rosenthal |first=Elisabeth |date=2001-04-26 |title=Falun Gong Holds Protests On Anniversary of Big Sit-In |language=en-US |work=] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2001/04/26/world/falun-gong-holds-protests-on-anniversary-of-big-sit-in.html |access-date=2023-09-19 |issn=0362-4331 |archive-date=10 October 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171010012935/http://www.nytimes.com/2001/04/26/world/falun-gong-holds-protests-on-anniversary-of-big-sit-in.html |url-status=live }}</ref> By late 2001, Falun Gong largely abandoned protests in Tiananmen Square, but continued a quiet resistance against the persecution campaign. Although the group claims to have no political orientation or ambitions, it has since 2004 actively advocated for an end to CCP rule.<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/challengingchina0000unse |title=Challenging China : struggle and hope in an era of change |date=2007 |publisher=New Press |isbn=978-1-59558-132-7 |chapter=The Falun Gong Phenomenon}}</ref>


==Online protests== ==Anti-Japanese protests==
{{Further|Anti-Japanese sentiment in China|China–Japan relations}}
Chinese dissidents have increasingly embraced the internet as a means of expressing and organizing opposition to the government or Communist Party leadership, and technology tools have become a principle way for Chinese citizens to spread otherwise censored news and information. Although the internet in China is subject to severe censorship and surveillance, the relative anonymity and security in number that it offers has made it a preferred forum for expressing dissenting views and opinions.


Following the 1990 incident in which the Japanese Maritime Safety Agency intended to recognize as official a lighthouse built on the ] by a right-wing Japanese group, protests occurred in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, and the United States.<ref name=":Wang">{{Cite book |last=Wang |first=Frances Yaping |title=The Art of State Persuasion: China's Strategic Use of Media in Interstate Disputes |publisher=] |year=2024 |isbn=9780197757512 |doi=10.1093/oso/9780197757505.001.0001}}</ref>{{Rp|pages=258-259}} The Chinese government prevented large scale protests in the PRC and censored news reports of protests by ] (although ] reports and ] reports meant that the Chinese public continued to be aware of media reports on the issue).<ref name=":Wang" />{{Rp|page=259}} In Beijing, students distributed handbills and put up posters criticizing the CCP for being "soft" on Japan.<ref name=":Wang" />{{Rp|page=259}}
Blogging and microblogging platforms such as Weibo regularly contains such views, though these platforms are also subject to censorship and offending comments may be deleted by administrators.


The ] showcased ]. These anti-Japan protests demonstrated the mood of the Chinese against ]. These protests broke out in China and spread from Beijing to the southern province Guangdong. Demonstrators are said to have been furious about Japanese war history books and have thrown stones at the Japanese embassy in Beijing.<ref name="refh0">{{Cite news |date=2005-04-10 |title=China's anti-Japan rallies spread |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4429809.stm |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028203028/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4429809.stm |archive-date=28 October 2017 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-GB}}</ref> In 2005, a protest was held in Beijing against the distortion of Japan's wartime past and against ]'s candidacy for a permanent seat on the ].<ref name="refh2">{{Cite news |last=Kahn |first=Joseph |date=2005-04-10 |title=Riot Police Called In to Calm Anti-Japanese Protests in China |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/10/world/riot-police-called-in-to-calm-antijapanese-protests-in-china.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171107170314/http://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/10/world/riot-police-called-in-to-calm-antijapanese-protests-in-china.html |archive-date=7 November 2017 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> Several thousand Chinese are said to have marched through Beijing and called for a boycott of Japanese goods.<ref name="refh3">{{Cite news |last=Kahn |first=Joseph |author-link=Joseph Kahn (journalist) |date=2005-04-09 |title=In Rare Legal Protest, Chinese Seek Boycott of Japan Goods |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/09/world/asia/in-rare-legal-protest-chinese-seek-boycott-of-japan-goods.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028201311/http://www.nytimes.com/2005/04/09/world/asia/in-rare-legal-protest-chinese-seek-boycott-of-japan-goods.html |archive-date=28 October 2017 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>
A number of prominent Chinese dissidents, scholars, and rights defenders, and artists maintain blogs to which they post essays and criticisms of the Communist Party. One innovative use of the internet as a medium for protest was a video created by artist ], in which different Chinese citizens were filmed reading the names of victims from the ], who died due to poor school construction.<ref>Holland Cotter, , New York Times, 5 April 2011.</ref>


== Hong Kong ==
Several high-profile instances of human rights abuses have sparked online protests. The 2009 arrest of 21-year-old ], who killed a local government official in self-defense when he tried to sexual assault her, sparked outrage among Chinese netizens, resulting in some four million posts online.<ref>Michael Wines, , The New York Times, 16 June 2009</ref> Charges against Deng were eventually dropped in response to the outcry.
{{Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict}}
{{Main|Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict}}


Ever since Hong Kong’s ], a number of social and political movements arose during the first two decades of Chinese rule in Hong Kong.
Internet vigilantes dubbed "]s" seek to exact justice against corrupt authorities or other individuals by posting personal information about the offenders, and inviting the public to use this information to humiliate and shame them.<ref>Hannah Fletcher, , The Times Online, 25 June 2008.</ref>


=== 2014 protests ===
In 2008, a pro-democracy manifesto authored by a group of intellectuals titled ] circulated online, eventually collecting approximately 10,000 signatures and earning one of its authors, ], a Nobel Peace Prize.<ref>, The New York Times, 20 September 2010</ref> The ]-affiliated Dajiyuan newspaper maintains a website that allows Chinese citizens to post anonymous, symbolic ], Communist Youth League, or Young Pioneers. The site claims tens of millions of people have posted such statements, though the number is not independently verified.<ref>Caylan Ford, , Christian Science Monitor, 21 Oct 2009.</ref>
{{Excerpt|2014 Hong Kong protests|only=paragraph|paragraphs=1-3}}


==Nationalist protests== === 2019–2020 protests ===
The ] were a large series of demonstrations against the Hong Kong government’s introduction of a bill that would have made it legal for Hong Kong to extradite criminal suspects to mainland China. These protests were the largest in the history of Hong Kong. Protestors objected to the proposed bill on the grounds that the mainland PRC "justice system is marked by ], ], ] and ]."<ref name="AJE_Cam_apologises">{{cite news |date=2019-06-17 |title=Hong Kong leader apologises for handling of extradition bill |newspaper=] |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/hong-kong-leader-apologises-massive-protests-190616130155693.html |url-status=live |access-date=2019-07-06 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190706105153/https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/06/hong-kong-leader-apologises-massive-protests-190616130155693.html |archive-date=2019-07-06}}</ref> There were massive street protests and violent clashes between protesters and the police, with the 16 June protest consisting of 5 percent (according to the police) or 30 percent (according to the organizers) of the full 7 million population of Hong Kong. Months of demonstrations convinced the then Hong Kong leader ] to suspend the bill, however, the movement continued as her government refused to answer the ]. The protests eventually reached a halt when the ] hit, leading to the enactment of the ] and a series of crackdowns on pro-democracy protesters, activists, and news media.{{cn|date=January 2024}}
The ] showcased ].


== Other protests ==
==Official response==
Protests against the United States were held in China during the ].<ref name=":Li">{{Cite book |last=Li |first=Hongshan |title=Fighting on the Cultural Front: U.S.-China Relations in the Cold War |date=2024 |publisher=] |isbn=9780231207058 |location=New York, NY |doi=10.7312/li--20704 |jstor=10.7312/li--20704}}</ref>{{Rp|page=233}}
Chinese authorities have pursued a variety of strategies to quell protests. This includes the use of coercive measures of suppression, censorship, the imprisonment or "]" of dissidents and activists, and the creation a vast domestic security security apparatus. Authorities have also attempted in some cases to address the causes of frustrations, such as by launching anti-] drives and seeking to reduce ] in rural areas.

In 2011, the "October Rising" seller protest against ] platform company ] occurred.<ref name=":Liu">{{Cite book |last=Liu |first=Lizhi |title=From Click to Boom: The Political Economy of E-Commerce in China |publisher=] |year=2024 |isbn=9780691254104}}</ref>{{Rp|page=41}} With the goal of reducing counterfeits and substandard products, Taobao had increased the ] membership fees for sellers and their required cash deposits.<ref name=":Liu" />{{Rp|page=41}} The rule changes were made without warning.<ref name=":Liu" />{{Rp|page=41}} Approximately 50,000 sellers formed the "anti-Taobao alliance" for digital protest actions and in-person protest at Alibaba's headquarters.<ref name=":Liu" />{{Rp|page=41}} The Chinese government mediated the dispute, resulting in Taobao revising its seller fees and providing 1.8 billion RMB in support for small businesses using the platform.<ref name=":Liu" />{{Rp|page=41}}

Following the 2016 result of the ], Kentucky Fried Chicken ] cities became locations for public protests.<ref name=":Wang" />{{Rp|page=126}} Protestors denounced what they viewed as United States interference in China's sovereignty issues.<ref name=":Wang" />{{Rp|page=126}} Viewing KFC as symbolic of American presence in China, the protestors called for a boycott of the restaurant chain.<ref name=":Wang" />{{Rp|page=126}}

Following public criticism and a 2018 inquiry from the ], the e-commerce company ] increased efforts to prevent sales of counterfeit goods on its platform.<ref name=":Zhang">{{Cite book |last=Zhang |first=Angela Huyue |title=High Wire: How China Regulates Big Tech and Governs Its Economy |publisher=] |year=2024 |isbn=9780197682258 |doi=10.1093/oso/9780197682258.001.0001}}</ref>{{Rp|page=208}} Those efforts included a penalty on sellers of ten times the trading value of goods deemed counterfeit.<ref name=":Zhang" />{{Rp|page=208}} One thousand sellers responded with a protest in July 2018 at the company's headquarters, during which there were physical clashes between protestors and the company's security guards.<ref name=":Zhang" />{{Rp|page=208}}

=== Veterans' protests ===
Until early 2018, there were widespread protests by military veterans in China seeking better pensions and other benefits.<ref name=":03">{{Cite book |last=Li |first=David Daokui |author-link=David Daokui Li |title=China's World View: Demystifying China to Prevent Global Conflict |date=2024 |publisher=] |isbn=978-0393292398 |location=New York, NY |pages=187}}</ref> A frequent protest tactic was to demonstrate at ].<ref name=":03" /> In response to the protests, the central government established the ] in March 2018.<ref name=":03" />

==Online protests==
{{See also|Internet censorship in China}}

A number of prominent Chinese dissidents, scholars, and rights defenders, and artists maintain blogs to which they post essays and criticisms of the CCP. One innovative use of the internet as a medium for protest was a video created by artist ], in which different Chinese citizens were filmed reading the names of victims from the ], who died due to poor school construction.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Cotter |first=Holland |date=2011-04-05 |title=An Artist Takes Role of China's Conscience |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/06/arts/design/ai-weiwei-takes-role-of-chinas-conscience.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171028202013/http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/06/arts/design/ai-weiwei-takes-role-of-chinas-conscience.html |archive-date=28 October 2017 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

Several high-profile instances of human rights abuses have sparked online protests. The 2009 arrest of 21-year-old ], who killed a local government official in self-defense when he tried to sexually assault her, sparked outrage among Chinese netizens, resulting in some four million posts online.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Wines |first=Michael |date=2009-06-17 |title=Civic-Minded Chinese Find a Voice Online |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/17/world/asia/17china.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171107170325/http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/17/world/asia/17china.html |archive-date=7 November 2017 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref> As a result of the national outcry, police released Deng Yujiao on bail on May 26 and put her under house arrest.<ref name="guar090527">{{Cite news |last=Branigan |first=Tania |date=2009-05-27 |title=Chinese woman who killed official bailed after online outcry |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/may/27/china-bails-deng-yujiao |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160605234924/http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/may/27/china-bails-deng-yujiao |archive-date=5 June 2016 |access-date=2024-09-30 |work=] |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077}}</ref><ref name="scmp090610">{{cite news |last=Li |first=Raymond |date=10 June 2009 |title=Web of support |work=] |page=A11, 'Behind the News'}}</ref> Prosecutors reduced her charge to the lesser offense of "intentional assault" instead of murder.<ref name="heroic killer">{{cite news |last=Lin |first=Jerran |author2=Moy, Patsy |author3=AFP |date=17 June 2009 |title=Heroic killer walks free |url=http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=83595&sid=24248616&con_type=3&d_str=20090617&sear_year=2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110629125711/http://www.thestandard.com.hk/news_detail.asp?pp_cat=30&art_id=83595&sid=24248616&con_type=3&d_str=20090617&sear_year=2009 |archive-date=29 June 2011 |access-date=17 June 2009 |work=The Standard}}</ref>

Internet vigilantes dubbed "]s" seek to exact justice against corrupt authorities or other individuals by posting personal information about the offenders, and inviting the public to use this information to humiliate and shame them.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Fletcher |first=Hannah |date=2023-09-19 |title=Human flesh search engines: Chinese vigilantes that hunt victims on the web |url=https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/human-flesh-search-engines-chinese-vigilantes-that-hunt-victims-on-the-web-jdnv7qbsl7t |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230422012252/https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/human-flesh-search-engines-chinese-vigilantes-that-hunt-victims-on-the-web-jdnv7qbsl7t |archive-date=22 April 2023 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en |issn=0140-0460}}</ref>

In 2008, a pro-democracy manifesto authored by a group of intellectuals titled Charter 08 circulated online, eventually collecting approximately 10,000 signatures and earning one of its authors, ], a Nobel Peace Prize.<ref>{{Cite news |last1=Havel |first1=Vaclav |last2=Nemcova |first2=Dana |last3=Maly |first3=Vaclav |date=2010-09-20 |title=A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221012000905/https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html |archive-date=12 October 2022 |access-date=2023-09-19 |work=] |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>


==See also== ==See also==
* ], 2011
* ], 2011 * ], 2011
* ], 2011
*]


== References == == References ==
{{reflist|2}} {{reflist}}

{{21st-century unrest in China}}
{{China topics}}


] ]
] ]
]
]

Latest revision as of 12:56, 4 January 2025

Protesters and dissidents in China espouse a wide variety of grievances, most commonly in the areas of unpaid wages, compensation for land development, local environmental activism, or NIMBY activism. Tens of thousands of protests occur each year. National level protests are less common. Notable protests include the 1959 Tibetan uprising, the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, the April 1999 demonstration by Falun Gong practitioners at Zhongnanhai, the 2008 Tibetan unrest, the July 2009 Ürümqi riots, and the 2022 COVID-19 protests.

Overview

Tens of thousands of protests occur each year in China. Generally, they are driven by local disputes as opposed to national issues. The most common sources of protests are unpaid wage issues, disputes over compensation for land development, local environmental activism, or NIMBY activism. Protests often result in at least partial success in achieving their objectives.

The number of annual protests has grown steadily since the early 1990s, from approximately 8,700 "mass group incidents" in 1993 to over 87,000 in 2005. In 2006, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences estimated the number of annual mass incidents to exceed 90,000, and Chinese sociology professor Sun Liping estimated 180,000 incidents in 2010. Mass incidents are defined broadly as "planned or impromptu gathering that forms because of internal contradictions", and can include public speeches or demonstrations, physical clashes, public airings of grievances, and other group behaviors that are seen as disrupting social stability.

Despite the increase in protests, some scholars have argued that they may not pose an existential threat to Chinese Communist Party (CCP) rule because they lack "connective tissue"; the preponderance of protests in China are aimed at local-level officials, and only a select few dissident movements seek systemic change. In a study conducted by Chinese academic Li Yao, released in 2017, the majority of protests which were non-controversial did not receive much if any negative police action, which is to say police may have been present but in no more capacity than Western police would be attending to a protest/mass gathering event. The idea that Chinese do not protest or would be brutally repressed for any kind of political action does not seem to be supported by existing data.

Tactics

Protests targeting specific, local grievances, and where citizens propose actionable remedies, are more likely to succeed than alternative forms of protests.

As the rights consciousness of the Chinese populace has grown since the 1980s and 1990s, a growing number of citizens have adopted semi-institutionalized forms of protest known as "rightful resistance," whereby they make use of the court system, petitioning channels, or of central government decrees and policies to bring grievances against local authorities.

The failure of semi-institutionalized means of protest can eventually lead citizens to adopt more overt and public forms of resistance, such as sit-ins, picketing, coordinated hunger strikes, or marches.

In isolated instances disaffected citizens have turned to rioting, bombings of government buildings and related targets, or suicide as a form of protest. In December 2011, residents of the village of Wukan expelled CCP authorities following land requisition protests.

In the case of nationalist protests, citizens have engaged in boycotts against foreign goods or companies, officially sanctioned marches, and occasionally targeted foreign embassies for violence.

Technology has become an increasingly important part of the arsenal of Chinese protesters and dissidents. Some protests occur almost entirely in the realm of online activism and engagement, taking the form of citizens signing online petitions, issuing statements online rejecting the CCP, of signing support for dissident manifestos like Charter 08. Cyber-vigilantes make use of the internet to publicize and publicly shame government officials and others who are perceived as corrupt, have committed human rights abuses, or have otherwise offended collective values. Text messages have also been used to organize and coordinate protests.

Rural protests

According to a 2011 survey conducted by Landesa, in cooperation with Renmin University of China and Michigan State University, which covered 1,791 households in 17 provinces, "about 43 percent" of villagers across China report being the victims of land grabs by the Government, which then sold it to private developers at an average cost of 40x higher per acre than the government paid to the villagers. The same survey claims that, "according to Chinese researchers", an estimated 65 percent of the 180,000 annual "mass incidents" in China stem from grievances over forced land requisitions. Together with their previous surveys, Landesa observes a steady increase in the number of forced land requisitions since 2005. They also estimate that, every year, local government expropriates the land of approximately 4 million rural Chinese citizens.

Labor protests

Labor protests in China's industrial sector are common, as migrant workers resist low wages or poor working conditions. There are trade unions in China, but they consist of CCP cadres. Trade unions are supposedly an extension of the CCP in companies, factories and general management.

Disputes over unpaid wages are among the most common causes of protest in China.

In March 2010, employees of the Chinese Honda plant went on a strike, demanding a pay raise and a self-chosen union. One employee mentioned that Honda had been willing to compromise, but the government in Guangdong had spoken out against wage increases, fearing that similar demands could be made in other companies. According to media reports, the number of workers' strikes rose to a record level in 2015. The China Labor Bulletin mentioned 2,509 strikes and protests by workers and employees in China. The main reason for these strikes is said to have been because of many factory closures and layoffs.

In 2011, many migrant workers did not return to their workplace in Guangzhou, in southern China, after the New Year holidays. The reason for this is said to have been that more job opportunities had been created in the hitherto poorer provinces. Thus, many no longer had to go to other areas to work and earn a living. It is said to have been 30 to 40 percent fewer migrant workers, normally 10 to 15 percent, although China's authorities had raised the minimum wages. As a result, foreign companies moved their production facilities to Southeast Asia into "cheaper" provinces or even abroad. China experts at the investment bank Credit Suisse called this change a "historic turning point" both for China's economy and possibly for the world.

In February 2024, an estimated 3,000 North Koreans in China protested labor conditions and for the right to return to North Korea. These workers were contract laborers who were employed by a company affiliated with the North Korean military, and had been in China for an extended period of time due to the COVID-19 lockdowns and because the North Korean government wanted them to stay longer to generate more revenue.

Political liberalization and democracy movements

Chinese
democracy movements
China Mainland China

 Hong Kong

 Macau
Further information: Democracy movements of China

Democracy Wall

Main article: Democracy WallSee also: Beijing Spring

The Democracy Wall movement of November 1978 to spring 1981 is usually regarded as the beginning of China's contemporary democracy movement. The Democracy Wall movement focused on the elimination of bureaucratism and the bureaucratic class. Although Democracy Wall participants agreed that "democracy" was the means to resolve this conflict between the bureaucratic class and the people, the nature of the proposed democratic institutions was a major source of disagreement. A majority of participants in the movement favored viewed the movement as part of a struggle between correct and incorrect notions of Marxism. Many participants advocated classical Marxist views that drew on the Paris Commune for inspiration. The Democracy Wall movement also included non-Marxists and anti-Marxists, although these participants were a minority. Demands for "democracy" were frequent but without an agreed-upon meaning. Participants in the movement variously associated the concept of democracy with socialism, communism, liberal democracy, capitalism, and Christianity. They drew on a diverse range of intellectual resources "ranging from classical Marxist and socialist traditions to Enlightenment philosophers, experiments in Yugoslavia, and Western liberal democracy." Significant documents of the Democracy Wall movement include The Fifth Modernization manifesto by Wei Jingsheng.

1980s protest movement and student demonstrations

Main article: 1986 Chinese student demonstrations

China's reform and opening up had major socio-economic impacts. As living standards improved, the new business class and increasingly independent intellectuals sought further political and economic relaxation. Simultaneously, public grievances developed as a mostly unitary society became more stratified, with uneven economic development and rising inflation which impacted the purchasing power of a large segment of the population. Generally, the resulting 1980s protest movement sought to gradually liberalize and open up Chinese Communist governance, as opposed to .

In 1986 through 1987, students organized demonstrations arguing for a higher degree of political liberalization, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom. This movement was influenced by intellectuals such as Wang Rowang and Fang Lizhi.

1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre

Main article: 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre

The 1989 Tiananmen Square protests arose in the context of the 1980s protest movement. The events began with sporadic student demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in Beijing following the death of former reformist leader and CCP general secretary Hu Yaobang. On 26 April, a front page editorial in People's Daily referred to the protests as anti-CCP rebellions, outraging the protestors who sought political concessions and official reassessment of their movement. On 13 May 1989, thousands of student protestors began a hunger strike, disrupting the state visit of Mikhail Gorbachev in the 1989 Sino-Soviet Summit. Protests spread to other cities and on 20 May, China declared martial law and deployed the army to Beijing. Tensions escalated, and on 4 June the army violently suppressed the protests. Thousands were likely killed, although estimates vary.

The majority of protestors sought for the government to listen to their concerns, with few advocating for the overthrow of the CCP, although such demands increased as the protests continued. On the government side, Zhao Ziyang sought to negotiate with protestors to resolve the situation. Li Peng argued for suppressing the protests through martial law, and was joined by Deng Xiaoping who ordered its imposition.

2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests

Main article: 2011 Chinese pro-democracy protests

In February 2011, a month of pro-democracy protests took place in Beijing, inspired by the Tunisian Revolution.

2011 Wukan protests

Main article: Wukan protests

In 2011, the village of Wukan temporarily threw out its unelected leaders, and elected its leadership for a period.

2022 Sitong Bridge protest

Main article: Beijing Sitong Bridge protest

On 13 October 2022, a protest on Sitong Bridge in Beijing was held by a protestor who posted a banner on the bridge and burnt tyres. Information on the protest spread rapidly on online social media and was quickly censored by Chinese authorities. Similar protest slogans subsequently appeared as graffiti in other cities in China and via AirDrop.

2022 protests against COVID-19 lockdowns

Main article: 2022 COVID-19 protests in China

In November 2022, following the 2022 Ürümqi fire, solidarity protests against the government's Zero-COVID policies erupted in Ürümqi and across the country. In Shanghai, hundreds chanted "Step down, Xi Jinping! Step down, Communist Party!"

Falun Gong

Further information: Persecution of Falun Gong

Among the most vocal and consistent opponents of the CCP rule in the last decade are practitioners of Falun Gong. Falun Gong is a qigong-based practice of meditation with a moral philosophy based on Buddhist traditions. It was popularized in China in the 1990s, and by 1999, it was estimated to have 70 million practitioners.

Some among the CCP's leadership were wary of the group's popularity, independence from the state, and spiritual philosophy, and from 1996 to 1999, the practice faced varying degrees of harassment from CCP authorities and Public Security Bureaus and criticism in the state-run media. Falun Gong practitioners responded to media criticism by picketing local government or media offices, and were often successful in gaining retractions. One such demonstration in April 1999 was broken up by security forces in Tianjin, and several dozen Falun Gong practitioners were beaten and arrested. In response, on 25 April Falun Gong mobilized the largest demonstration in China since 1989, gathering silently outside the Zhongnanhai central government compound to request official recognition and an end to the escalating harassment against them. Falun Gong representatives met with Premier Zhu Rongji, and reached an agreement. CCP general secretary Jiang Zemin reportedly criticized Zhu for being "too soft," however, and ordered that Falun Gong be defeated. On 20 July 1999, the CCP leadership initiated a campaign to eradicate the group through a combination of propaganda, imprisonment, torture, and other coercive methods.

In the first two years of the crackdown, Falun Gong practitioners in China responded by petitioning local, provincial, and national appeals offices. Efforts at petitioning were often met with imprisonment, leading the group to shift tactics by staging daily, non-violent demonstrations in Tiananmen Square. These demonstrations, which typically involved practitioners holding banners or staging meditation sit-ins, were broken up, often violently, by security agents. By late 2001, Falun Gong largely abandoned protests in Tiananmen Square, but continued a quiet resistance against the persecution campaign. Although the group claims to have no political orientation or ambitions, it has since 2004 actively advocated for an end to CCP rule.

Anti-Japanese protests

Further information: Anti-Japanese sentiment in China and China–Japan relations

Following the 1990 incident in which the Japanese Maritime Safety Agency intended to recognize as official a lighthouse built on the disputed Senkaku islands by a right-wing Japanese group, protests occurred in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, and the United States. The Chinese government prevented large scale protests in the PRC and censored news reports of protests by overseas Chinese (although British Broadcasting Corporation reports and Voice of America reports meant that the Chinese public continued to be aware of media reports on the issue). In Beijing, students distributed handbills and put up posters criticizing the CCP for being "soft" on Japan.

The 2005 anti-Japanese demonstrations showcased anti-Japanese sentiment. These anti-Japan protests demonstrated the mood of the Chinese against Japan. These protests broke out in China and spread from Beijing to the southern province Guangdong. Demonstrators are said to have been furious about Japanese war history books and have thrown stones at the Japanese embassy in Beijing. In 2005, a protest was held in Beijing against the distortion of Japan's wartime past and against Tokyo's candidacy for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Several thousand Chinese are said to have marched through Beijing and called for a boycott of Japanese goods.

Hong Kong

Hong Kong–Mainland China
conflict
Main article: Hong Kong–Mainland China conflict

Ever since Hong Kong’s transfer of sovereignty from the United Kingdom to the People’s Republic of China in 1997, a number of social and political movements arose during the first two decades of Chinese rule in Hong Kong.

2014 protests

This paragraph is an excerpt from 2014 Hong Kong protests.

A series of sit-in street protests, often called the Umbrella Revolution and sometimes used interchangeably with Umbrella Movement, or Occupy Movement, occurred in Hong Kong from 26 September to 15 December 2014.

The protests began after the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) issued a decision regarding proposed reforms to the Hong Kong electoral system. The decision was widely seen to be highly restrictive, and tantamount to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)'s pre-screening of the candidates for the Chief Executive of Hong Kong.

2019–2020 protests

The 2019–20 Hong Kong protests were a large series of demonstrations against the Hong Kong government’s introduction of a bill that would have made it legal for Hong Kong to extradite criminal suspects to mainland China. These protests were the largest in the history of Hong Kong. Protestors objected to the proposed bill on the grounds that the mainland PRC "justice system is marked by torture, forced confessions, arbitrary detentions and unfair trials." There were massive street protests and violent clashes between protesters and the police, with the 16 June protest consisting of 5 percent (according to the police) or 30 percent (according to the organizers) of the full 7 million population of Hong Kong. Months of demonstrations convinced the then Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam to suspend the bill, however, the movement continued as her government refused to answer the other four demands made by protesters. The protests eventually reached a halt when the COVID-19 pandemic hit, leading to the enactment of the Hong Kong national security law and a series of crackdowns on pro-democracy protesters, activists, and news media.

Other protests

Protests against the United States were held in China during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

In 2011, the "October Rising" seller protest against e-commerce platform company Taobao occurred. With the goal of reducing counterfeits and substandard products, Taobao had increased the Taobao Mall membership fees for sellers and their required cash deposits. The rule changes were made without warning. Approximately 50,000 sellers formed the "anti-Taobao alliance" for digital protest actions and in-person protest at Alibaba's headquarters. The Chinese government mediated the dispute, resulting in Taobao revising its seller fees and providing 1.8 billion RMB in support for small businesses using the platform.

Following the 2016 result of the South China Sea arbitration, Kentucky Fried Chicken ("KFC") restaurants in Chinese cities became locations for public protests. Protestors denounced what they viewed as United States interference in China's sovereignty issues. Viewing KFC as symbolic of American presence in China, the protestors called for a boycott of the restaurant chain.

Following public criticism and a 2018 inquiry from the State Administration of Market Regulation, the e-commerce company Pinduoduo increased efforts to prevent sales of counterfeit goods on its platform. Those efforts included a penalty on sellers of ten times the trading value of goods deemed counterfeit. One thousand sellers responded with a protest in July 2018 at the company's headquarters, during which there were physical clashes between protestors and the company's security guards.

Veterans' protests

Until early 2018, there were widespread protests by military veterans in China seeking better pensions and other benefits. A frequent protest tactic was to demonstrate at tourist sites. In response to the protests, the central government established the Ministry of Veterans Affairs in March 2018.

Online protests

See also: Internet censorship in China

A number of prominent Chinese dissidents, scholars, and rights defenders, and artists maintain blogs to which they post essays and criticisms of the CCP. One innovative use of the internet as a medium for protest was a video created by artist Ai Weiwei, in which different Chinese citizens were filmed reading the names of victims from the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, who died due to poor school construction.

Several high-profile instances of human rights abuses have sparked online protests. The 2009 arrest of 21-year-old Deng Yujiao, who killed a local government official in self-defense when he tried to sexually assault her, sparked outrage among Chinese netizens, resulting in some four million posts online. As a result of the national outcry, police released Deng Yujiao on bail on May 26 and put her under house arrest. Prosecutors reduced her charge to the lesser offense of "intentional assault" instead of murder.

Internet vigilantes dubbed "human flesh search engines" seek to exact justice against corrupt authorities or other individuals by posting personal information about the offenders, and inviting the public to use this information to humiliate and shame them.

In 2008, a pro-democracy manifesto authored by a group of intellectuals titled Charter 08 circulated online, eventually collecting approximately 10,000 signatures and earning one of its authors, Liu Xiaobo, a Nobel Peace Prize.

See also

References

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