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'''Criticism of Hinduism''' has been applied to both the historical and the current aspects of Hinduism, notably the ] and the ] practice. | |||
''']''' is one of the most ancient ], claiming to trace its origins back for over 5,000 years. Today there are more than 900 million ] people worldwide. | |||
{{Hinduism_small}} | |||
==Historical background== | |||
==Social oppression== | |||
<!-- Formation of ] - ] | |||
===] System=== | |||
Early opposition against Brahminism: Buddhism, Agamic traditions | |||
{{main|Caste}} | |||
Formation of caste-based endogamy | |||
The ] in classical Indian legal texts of the ], most notably that by ], identified four ] in Indian society. These are in descending hierarchical sequence: ], ], ], and ] or the priests, warriors, business people and laborers. Untouchables (]) are considered either a lower section of Shudra, or outside of the caste system altogether. In practice what this resulted in is a great deal of social oppression of the lowest castes, the Shudras and Dalits. | |||
Bhakti and the ideal of the egalitarian society | |||
Islam, monotheism, and theocracy | |||
Colonialism, monotheism, and Indian modernism | |||
Hindu-nationalism and the forging of a Hindu-identity | |||
Post-independence -->{{expand section|date=January 2021}} | |||
=== Early opposition === | |||
Dalit status has often been historically associated with occupations regarded as ritually impure: any occupation involving killing or handling of animal dead bodies. Engaging in these activities was considered to be polluting to the individual who performed them. | |||
Some of the earliest criticism of ] texts, including the ] and especially the ], come from the ] (or renunciate) traditions, including ] and ]. Sramana scholars viewed Brahminical philosophy as "heretical".{{Citation needed|date=August 2024}} In particular, Sramanas denied the ''sruti'' (divine) nature of the Vedas and opposed sacrificial rituals which were at the heart of Brahminical philosophy at the time.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Thapar|first=Romila|date=1989|title=Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/312738|journal=Modern Asian Studies|volume=23|issue=2|pages=209–231|doi=10.1017/S0026749X00001049 |jstor=312738 |s2cid=145293468 |issn=0026-749X}}</ref> | |||
The criticisms of Hinduism and Brahminical philosophy by Sramana scholars occurred primarily during the 6th century BCE to around 8th century CE in ancient India.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://cdn.visionias.in/value_added_material/1a628-religion-and-philosophy.pdf|publisher=Vision IAS|title=Quick Revision Module (UPSC Prelims 2024) Art & Culture Religion & Philosophy-1|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240930162603/https://cdn.visionias.in/value_added_material/1a628-religion-and-philosophy.pdf|archive-date=30 September 2024|url-status=live}}</ref> This period witnessed a flourishing of diverse philosophical schools, including Yoga, Buddhism, Jainism, ], and other Sramana traditions that engaged in debates with orthodox Vedic practices.{{citation needed |date=December 2024}} | |||
The untouchable (or Dalit) in Hindu Society was a person who worked in ignominious, "polluting" jobs dealing with the dead (animal and human), the collection and disposal of bodily waste, and other jobs that brought him/her into constant contact with what society considered 'disgusting'. These occupations, however, were not merely seen as something disgusting that nevertheless needed to be done: they were considered unclean and polluting towards the individual, and the thus-rendered polluted were considered unfit for physical or social contact with the non-polluted, "pure" sections of Society, and this pollution was considered to be 'contagious'. Untouchables used to live separately within a separate subcultural context of their own, outside the inhabitated limits of villages and townships, made pariahs in every sense of the word. No other castes could, or would, interfere with their social life since untouchables were lower in social ranking than even those of the shudra varna--they were regarded so worthless in human importance they were not even considered part of the caste/varna system. As a result, Dalits were commonly banned from fully participating in Hindu religious life (they could not enter the premises of a temple), and elaborate precautions were sometimes observed to prevent incidental contact between Dalits and higher-caste Hindus. | |||
The Sramanas rejected the rigid social hierarchy enforced by the Brahmins, which placed individuals into fixed social classes from birth. Sramana scholars criticized the emphasis on elaborate rituals and sacrificial practices in Brahminical philosophy. They believed that true spiritual progress could not be achieved through external ceremonies, but rather through internal transformation and self-realization.<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Johri |first=Arushi |title=Brahminic and Shramanic Traditions in Ancient India |url=https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/political-science/brahminic-and-shramanic-traditions-in-ancient-india/12388292}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite journal |volume=5|year=2018|journal=Than Hsiang Buddhist Research e-Journal |edition=Special|publisher=Than Hsiang Buddhist Research Centre|url=http://research.thanhsiang.org/sites/default/files/attachment/th2018v5.pdf#page=38|title=Origin of Indian Buddhism|first=Ludovic|last=Corsini|pages=35-43|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240825062659/http://research.thanhsiang.org/sites/default/files/attachment/th2018v5.pdf#page=38|archive-date=25 August 2024|url-status=live}}</ref> While Brahminical philosophy placed a strong emphasis on the authority of the Vedas as the sacred text, Sramana scholars questioned this authority severely.{{citation needed |date=December 2024}} They advocated for individual experience, and the direct faithful realizations regardless of worldly or societal hierarchy, over 'blind' faith in scriptures.<ref name=":0" /> | |||
Untouchables were not allowed to use the same wells as the other castes; they weren't "pure" enough, and that would "pollute" the water and indirectly the other castes who drank it. | |||
Another point of contention was the contrast between ] favored by many Sramanas and the ritualistic approach promoted by Brahminical traditions.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Main Answer Writing Practice |url=https://www.drishtiias.com/mains-practice-question/question-638 |access-date=2024-06-13 |website=Drishti IAS |language=en}}</ref> The Sramanas believed in renunciation and austerity as paths to spiritual liberation, while criticizing excessive ] and attachment to worldly possessions.<ref>Robertson, S., 2003. Periyar EV Ramasami's critique of priestly Hinduism and its implications for social reforms. ''Indian Journal of Theology'', ''45'', | |||
The untouchables were only allowed to wear clothing from off the bodies of the dead {{fact}}. In their home they ate from broken dishes{{fact}}. Untouchables suffered from extreme social restrictions. They were not allowed temple worship. No person of a higher caste could interact with them. No untouchable could enter a temple if a person of a higher caste was within--and since priests of the temple, of the highest caste, were never absent, untouchables were in effect barred from entering temples, shrines, or any other kind of religious ground. | |||
https://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/ijt/45_075.pdf</ref> Sramana traditions, such as Jainism, placed a strong emphasis on non-violence (ahimsa), which stood in contrast to certain ].<ref name=":1" /> | |||
If somehow a member of a higher caste came into physical or social contact with an untouchable, the member of the higher caste was defiled, and had to wash her/himself repeatedly and engage in long and rigorous rituals to purge her/himself of the impurity. Such contact even included the shadow of an Untouchable falling on the member of the higher caste. | |||
== Sati == | |||
The inclusion of lower castes into the mainstream was argued for by Mahatma Gandhi who called them "Harijans" (people of God). The term Dalit is used now as the term Harijan is largely felt patronising. | |||
] | |||
{{Main|Sati (practice)|l1=Sati}} | |||
Sati was a historical ] practice, in which a widow sacrifices herself by sitting atop her deceased husband's funeral ].<ref>, Routledge, Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson, Sharlene Mollett</ref><ref>{{cite journal|last1=Gilmartin|first1=Sophie|year=1997|title=The Sati, the Bride, and the Widow: Sacrificial Woman in the Nineteenth Century|journal=Victorian Literature and Culture |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=141–158 | doi =10.1017/S1060150300004678 | jstor =25058378 |s2cid=162954709 | quote =Suttee, or sati, is the obsolete Hindu practice in which a widow burns herself upon her husband's funeral pyre...}}</ref>{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=19–21}}<ref name="julialeslie">On attested Rajput practice of sati during wars, see, for example {{cite book|last1=Leslie|first1=Julia|title=Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader|publisher=Routledge|year=1993|isbn=978-0700702848|editor-last=Arnold|editor-first=David|volume=10|location=London|page=46|chapter=Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?|editor-last2=Robb|editor-first2=Peter|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vPdYkFguJ8IC&pg=PA46}}</ref> ] states that sati was introduced late into the Indian society, and became regular only after 500 CE.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=50}} The practice became prevalent from 7th century onwards, and declined to its elimination in the 17th century, to then gain resurgence in Bengal in the 18th century.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Nandy|first=Ashis|title=Sati: A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and Protest in the book "At the Edge of Psychology"|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=1980|pages=1}}</ref> Roshen Dalal postulated that its mention in some of the ] indicates that it slowly grew in prevalence from 5th-7th century and later became an accepted custom around 1000 CE among those of higher classes, especially the ].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DH0vmD8ghdMC&q=sati+shiva+greeks+widow&pg=PA363|last=Dalal |first=Roshen |year=2010 |title=Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide |publisher=Penguin Books India |page=363 |isbn=9780143414216 }}</ref>{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} | |||
Critics also decry the socio-political fragmentation caused by the caste system. For example, there are over 80 ] of ], and the ] Hindu communities of ] and ] are considered a separate caste by themselves. These regional Jatis are infact a more important and defining charecteristics of the stratification of Indian society than dilineations based on Varnas. This has led to stark contrast and confrontations spawning movements with almost ] fervor in todays ] where many of the lower castes debate if they are even hindu or it was merely a political decision taken during the time of the partition . Technically, the Dalits include ] and other tribal religions that cannot be placed within the caste system. {{fact}} | |||
According to Dehejia, sati originated within the ] (warrior Caste) ], and remained mostly limited to the warrior class among Hindus.{{sfn|Dehejia|1994|p=51-53}} Yang adds that the practice was also emulated by those seeking to achieve high status among the royalty and the warriors.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} The increase of the sati practice may also be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia.{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}}<ref name=ssshashi>{{cite book|last=Sashi|first=S.S.|page=115|title=Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh|volume=100|year=1996|publisher=Anmol Publications|isbn=9788170418597}}</ref> It acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain,{{sfn|Yang|2008|p=21–23}} especially with the variant of a mass sati called '']'', practiced especially among the Rajputs as a direct response to the onslaught they had experienced.<ref name="julialeslie" /><ref>{{cite book|title=Social Problems And Welfare In India|year=1992|publisher=Ashish Publishing House|author=Jogan Shankar}}</ref> | |||
Caste based politics still play a significant role in Indian social life as politic platforms, Dalit movements and violent conflicts all demonstrate. | |||
The ] (1526–1857) rulers and the Muslim population were ambivalent about the practice,<ref name=annemarie113>{{cite book|author=Annemarie Schimmel|editor=Burzine K. Waghmar|title=The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture|url=https://archive.org/details/empireofgreatmug00anne|url-access=registration|year=2004|publisher=Reaktion|isbn=978-1-86189-185-3|pages=–114}}</ref>{{Sfn|Sharma|2001|p=23}}<ref name=pirbhai108>{{cite book|author=M. Reza Pirbhai|title=Reconsidering Islam in a South Asian Context |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=szKwCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 | year=2009| publisher=Brill Academic| isbn=978-90-474-3102-2|page=108}}</ref> with many Mughal emperors forbidding the practice,<ref name=Columbia/> and later the European travelers record that ''sati'' was not much practiced in the Mughal empire.<ref name=Columbia> from ''Muslim Civilization in India'' by S. M. Ikram, edited by Ainslie T. Embree New York: Columbia University Press, 1964</ref> It was notably associated only with elite Hindu ] clans in western ], marking one of the points of divergence between the Hindu Rajputs and the Muslim ]s.<ref name="AsherTalbot2006">{{citation|last1=Asher|first1=Catherine B.|last2=Talbot|first2=Cynthia|title=India before Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1GEWAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT268|year=2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-139-91561-8|pages=268–}}</ref> | |||
=== Hindu Response === | |||
With the onset of the British Raj, opposition against sati grew. The principal campaigners against Sati were ] and Hindu reformers such as ] and ].{{sfn|Sharma|2001|pp=6–7}}<ref name="marshman">{{cite book|last=Marshman|first=John Clark|title=History of India from the earliest period to the close of the East India Company's government |publisher= Edinburgh: W. Blackwood |year=1876|page=374|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tbmT_Tv-VGUC&pg=PA357|isbn=9781108021043}}</ref> In 1829, Lord Bentinck issued Regulation XVII, declaring ''Sati'' to be illegal and punishable in criminal courts.<ref>Sharma pp. 7–8.</ref> On 2 February 1830, this law was extended to ] and ].<ref name=hist>{{cite book|last=Rai|first=Raghunath|title=History|page=137|publisher=FK Publications |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z4-8Z0gqBkoC&q=RAM+MOHAN+ROY+SATI+PRACTICE&pg=PA137|isbn=9788187139690}}{{Dead link|date=December 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> The ban was challenged by a petition signed by "several thousand... Hindoo inhabitants of Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc"<ref>Dodwell 1932 p. 141.</ref> and the matter went to the ] in London. Along with British supporters, Ram Mohan Roy presented counter-petitions to parliament in support of ending Sati. The Privy Council rejected the petition in 1832, and the ban on ''Sati'' was upheld.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Kulkarni|first1=A.R.|last2=Feldhaus|first2=Anne|page=192|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1YSU9Qp9w0MC&pg=PA192|title=Images of Women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion|chapter=Sati in the Maratha Country|publisher=SUNY Press|year=1996|location=Albany, NY|isbn=978-0791428382}}</ref> | |||
The varna system is, in fact, a part of organization of Hindu society as prescribed by the Bhartiya scriptures. The purpose of the varna system was to ensure an efficient organization of society so that each class was contributing a vital role to the society. A person became a part of one of the varna by virtue of their individual qualities. People could move among the varnas. | |||
== Caste system == | |||
It is commonly seen today, that the terms varna and caste are used interchangeably. This is not correct. | |||
<!-- How is the caste-system a defining feature of Hinduism, and not of South Asian society? Criticisms by Buddhists, Bhakti traditions, Islam, British rulers & evangelists, contemporary Dalit activists and international NGO's. --> | |||
{{Main|Caste system in India}} | |||
] describes the caste system as a "discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment"<ref name="hidden apartheid"/> of over 165 million people in India. The justification of the discrimination on the basis of ], which according to HRW is "a defining feature of Hinduism,"<ref name="hrw"/> has repeatedly been noticed and described by the United Nations and HRW, along with criticism of other ] worldwide.<ref name="hrw">{{Cite web|title=CASTE DISCRIMINATION|url=https://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/globalcaste/caste0801-03.htm|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.hrw.org}}</ref><ref name="hidden apartheid">{{Cite web|date=2007-02-12|title=Hidden Apartheid|url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/02/12/hidden-apartheid/caste-discrimination-against-indias-untouchables|access-date=2021-01-09|website=Human Rights Watch|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=OHCHR {{!}} Caste systems violate human rights and dignity of millions worldwide – New UN expert report|url=https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=18497&LangID=E|access-date=2021-01-09|website=www.ohchr.org}}</ref><ref>"". CBC News. 2 March 2007.</ref> | |||
==See also== | |||
The caste system developed out of the varna system after 600 A.D. This system is not related to Hinduism, but is a societial division which today is used to view people has higher or lower. Although outlawed by the Constitution of India, this practice is still common place today in India. | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
== References == | |||
] and all of modern Hindu society almost universally condemns untouchability, even if the caste system debate is open. Untouchability was outlawed after ] in ], and people who were formerly identified as untouchables have made considerable economic, social and political progress in India. However, social segregation, discrimination and acts of violence in India frequently cause political and sectarian tensions. It must be noted that ] and the caste system that exists in the modern era can be directly attributed as a result of codification in the form of the ] of already prevalent social attitudes and norms. | |||
{{reflist|30em}} | |||
==Sources== | |||
Although the caste-system precribes the rules and obligations of each caste, it relies heavily on individual honesty and integrity in order to work. Unfortunately it turned out that people started taking only the advantages attached to their castes but ignored the obligations and responsibilites. | |||
{{refbegin}} | |||
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* {{Citation | last =Dehejia | first =Vidya | year =1994 | chapter =Comment: A Broader Landscape | editor-last =Hawley | editor-first =John Stratton | title =Sati, the Blessing and the Curse | publisher =Oxford University Press | isbn =978-0195077742}} | |||
<!-- S --> | |||
* {{cite book|last= Sharma|first=Arvind|title=Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UJmWgz2mv5oC|year=2001|publisher=Motilal Banarsidass |isbn=978-81-208-0464-7}} | |||
<!-- Y --> | |||
* {{cite book |last1=Yang |first1=Anand A. | year =2008 | chapter =Whose Sati? Widow-Burning in early Nineteenth Century India |editor-last =Sarkar | editor-first =Sumit | editor-last2 =Sarkar | editor-first2 =Tanika |title=Women and Social Reform in Modern India: A Reader |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Indiana |isbn=978-0253352699|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GEPYbuzOwcQC&pg=PA21 }} | |||
{{refend}} | |||
==External links== | |||
*{{Commons category-inline}} | |||
{{Criticism of religion}} | |||
== Status of Women == | |||
{{Hindudharma}} | |||
{{main|Women in Hinduism}} | |||
The oppression of women through condemned practices like ] (widow self-immolation), the restrictions against divorce, property rights, ] or widow re-marriage were practices that arose in India's Middle Ages. | |||
=== Hindu response and reform === | |||
The Hindu religion itself does not support any of the forms of opperession of women. This oppression of women started later and some say that this intensified only after the advent of the abrahamic religions which openly state that women are inferior to men. | |||
As per hindu religious texts, women are actually more important than men and are divine. There is even an old sanskrit saying that, when roughly translated, says, "There would be wealth and prosperity where women are respected/worshiped". | |||
The Hindu scriptures have provisions for divorce, property rights for women and widow re-marriage. Although, the practices restricting these rights developed within Hindu society in the middle ages, they are not supported by the religion.{{fact}} | |||
The diverse nature of Hinduism and Hindus doesn't provide the atmosphere to have a common establishment encompassing all Hindus together as one. Even though Hindus are quite tolerant in general, when criticism or issues arise against Hindus or Hinduism, there is no individual or organization present to address that. Though certain organizations play the role of self-appointed guardians of Hinduism, the very nature of Hinduism doesn't accord an official stature to such an organization.{{fact}} | |||
==Hindu fundamentalism== | |||
Another criticism is directed towards the rise of ] or ] in India. In the 20th century, emerging Indian ] began to emphasize Hinduism, in opposition to the British Raj, but also in contrast to ], and after Independence in connection with the territorial disputes with ]. Such nationalistic Hinduism is generally termed '']'' (lit., "Hinduness", paradoxically not a well-formed Sanskrit word), but the boundaries are fluid and the Indian Supreme Court ruled that 'no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms "Hindu", "Hindutva" and "Hinduism"; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage.'<ref> "Hinduism and Hindutva: What Supreme Court says?", , January 8th, 1996.</ref><ref>Dr. Ramesh Yeshwant Prabhoo v. Shri Prabhakar Kashinath Kunte and Others, Indian Supreme Court, Appeal no. 28345/1989, December 11, 1995.</ref> Hindutva ideology rose to importance in the ] in the 1980s and is chiefly associated with the ] movement and the coming of ] to the forefront of Indian politics—wherein in December 1991, some Hindutva fundamentalists had destroyed the domes of the ] mosque in Ayodhya, believed by many Hindus to be the birthplace of ]. Many Hindus and some historians claim that a Hindu temple commemorating his birthplace was destroyed by a Mughal commander '''Mir Baqi''' in his frenzy of iconoclasm in the 15th century. | |||
===Hindu response=== | |||
Contrary to allegations, most organizations (such as RSS) subscribing to Hindutva frequently campaign against untouchability and caste based discrimination. Some of Hindutva is considered by its proponents as a means to reassert Hindu rights in a country where they are increasingly feeling marginalized despite being in majority. It is also considered to be a reaction to the forcible conversions of Hindus to ] and ], the ], increasing criticism of age-old Indian customs and an influx of Western cultural influences. | |||
The purpose for which these type of organizations were born is to reassert Hindu rights in a country where they are increasingly feeling marginalized despite being in majority. | |||
It is also a reaction to unacceptable ways adopted to convert Hindus to ]/], the ], increasing criticism of age-old Indian customs and an influx of Western cultural influences. | |||
The unacceptable ways include | |||
*1. Targeting socially and economically weak sections of the society and luring them with gifts(which some times, blatantly, could be in the form of cash). This is usually adopted by Christian missionaries.{{fact}}, | |||
*2. Physically forcing people to convert, and threatening them with death usually by stoning or lynching. {{fact}}, | |||
To counter the first way, the Hindus need to be educated about the Hindu religion and to counter the second way, force, and very unfortunately violence, some times becomes necessary. | |||
Thus, this activity of protection of ones own religion is not fundamentalism. It is just about survival. | |||
== Ideology clash with Abrahamic religions == | |||
From the worldview of the three ]s, Hinduism is criticized as being ]. It should be noted that many Hindus do not view themselves as polytheists, and some feel that '']'' or ''monistic theism'' would be more apt. Hinduism does, however, present an appearance of polytheism to many external observers. More correctly, the ] view dominates the view of Hinduism in the West and has confused all Hindus to be seemingly polytheistic and is an inclusive ] religion. In ], views are broad and range from monism, dualism, pantheism, panentheism, alternatively called monistic theism by some scholars, and strict monotheism. Hinduism has often been thought to be polytheistic as many of Hinduism's adherents, i.e., ], who follow ] philosophy, are monists, and view multiple manifestations of the one God or source of being. Hindu monists see one unity, with the personal Gods, different aspects of only One Supreme Being, like a single beam of light separated into colors by a prism, and are valid to worship. Some of the Hindu aspects of God include ], ], ], and ]. It is the Smarta view that dominates the view of Hinduism in the West. After all, ], a follower of ], along with many others, who brought Hindu beliefs to the West, were all ] in belief. Other denominations of Hinduism, as described later, don't hold this belief strictly and more closely adhere to a Western perception of what a monotheistic faith is. Additionally, like Judeo-Christian traditions which believe in ]s, Hindus also believe in less powerful entities, such as ]s. | |||
Contemporary Hinduism is now divided into four major divisions, ], ], ], and ]. Just as Jews, Christians, and Muslims all believe in one God but differ in their conceptions of him, Hindus all believe in one God but differ in their conceptions. The two primary form of differences are between the two monotheistic religions of Vaishnavism which conceives God as ] and ], which conceives God as Shiva. Other aspects of God are in fact aspects of Vishnu or Shiva; see ] for more information. | |||
Only a Smartist would have no problem worshiping Shiva or Vishnu together as he views the different aspects of God as leading to the same One God. It is the Smarta view that dominates the view of Hinduism in the West. By contrast, a ] considers Vishnu as the one true God, worthy of worship and other forms as subordinate. See for example, an illustration of the Vaishnavite view of Vishnu as the one true God, . | |||
Accordingly, many Vaishnavites, for example, believe that only ] can grant the ultimate aim for mankind, ]. See for example, . Similarly, many ] also hold similar beliefs, as illustrated at and . | |||
It is also charged with ], which is defined as worship of God who does not conform to the Abrahamic ]. These accusations are natural because of the ] of Abrahamic religions. Hinduism on the other hand, is more tolerant of God as defined by other religions and does not subscribe to similar ideas of false god or idolatry. | |||
==Hindu reform movements== | |||
Hinduism has often proven to have one of the strongest currents of reform and adoption to change than any other world religion{{fact}}, undergoing constant evolution. | |||
The first reform and synthesis of modern currents of change came when the ancient ] was synthesized with the religious practices and philosophies of the ] peoples to form the basis of modern Hinduism. | |||
India's independence movement, and the victory of freedom in 1947 helped the new democratic ] to end social, economic and political discrimination against women, children and members of different castes. | |||
It has been the result of a reformist effort by Hindu society, that the evils of customs like untouchability and caste discrimination, tracing back thousands of years, were significantly eliminated from most parts of India from 1947 till today, just around 60 years. | |||
Hindu women have today unprecedented access to higher education, and have rights to divorce, inherit property, run businesses and choose their own professions and are considered with respect and dignity in all Hindu religious activities. | |||
Reform Leaders: ], ], ], ], ], ] | |||
==See also== | |||
* ], ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ], ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ], ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
==External Links== | |||
* | |||
] | |||
] | |||
] | ] | ||
] | ] |
Latest revision as of 15:06, 11 December 2024
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Criticism of Hinduism has been applied to both the historical and the current aspects of Hinduism, notably the caste system and the sati practice.
Historical background
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Early opposition
Some of the earliest criticism of Brahminical texts, including the Vedas and especially the Dharmashastras, come from the Sramana (or renunciate) traditions, including Buddhism and Jainism. Sramana scholars viewed Brahminical philosophy as "heretical". In particular, Sramanas denied the sruti (divine) nature of the Vedas and opposed sacrificial rituals which were at the heart of Brahminical philosophy at the time.
The criticisms of Hinduism and Brahminical philosophy by Sramana scholars occurred primarily during the 6th century BCE to around 8th century CE in ancient India. This period witnessed a flourishing of diverse philosophical schools, including Yoga, Buddhism, Jainism, Ajivikas, and other Sramana traditions that engaged in debates with orthodox Vedic practices.
The Sramanas rejected the rigid social hierarchy enforced by the Brahmins, which placed individuals into fixed social classes from birth. Sramana scholars criticized the emphasis on elaborate rituals and sacrificial practices in Brahminical philosophy. They believed that true spiritual progress could not be achieved through external ceremonies, but rather through internal transformation and self-realization. While Brahminical philosophy placed a strong emphasis on the authority of the Vedas as the sacred text, Sramana scholars questioned this authority severely. They advocated for individual experience, and the direct faithful realizations regardless of worldly or societal hierarchy, over 'blind' faith in scriptures.
Another point of contention was the contrast between ascetic practices favored by many Sramanas and the ritualistic approach promoted by Brahminical traditions. The Sramanas believed in renunciation and austerity as paths to spiritual liberation, while criticizing excessive materialism and attachment to worldly possessions. Sramana traditions, such as Jainism, placed a strong emphasis on non-violence (ahimsa), which stood in contrast to certain Vedic rituals that involved animal sacrifices.
Sati
Main article: SatiSati was a historical Hindu practice, in which a widow sacrifices herself by sitting atop her deceased husband's funeral pyre. Vidya Dehejia states that sati was introduced late into the Indian society, and became regular only after 500 CE. The practice became prevalent from 7th century onwards, and declined to its elimination in the 17th century, to then gain resurgence in Bengal in the 18th century. Roshen Dalal postulated that its mention in some of the Puranas indicates that it slowly grew in prevalence from 5th-7th century and later became an accepted custom around 1000 CE among those of higher classes, especially the Rajputs.
According to Dehejia, sati originated within the Kshatriyas (warrior Caste) aristocracy, and remained mostly limited to the warrior class among Hindus. Yang adds that the practice was also emulated by those seeking to achieve high status among the royalty and the warriors. The increase of the sati practice may also be related to the centuries of Islamic invasion and its expansion in South Asia. It acquired an additional meaning as a means to preserve the honour of women whose men had been slain, especially with the variant of a mass sati called jauhar, practiced especially among the Rajputs as a direct response to the onslaught they had experienced.
The Mughal Empire (1526–1857) rulers and the Muslim population were ambivalent about the practice, with many Mughal emperors forbidding the practice, and later the European travelers record that sati was not much practiced in the Mughal empire. It was notably associated only with elite Hindu Rajput clans in western India, marking one of the points of divergence between the Hindu Rajputs and the Muslim Mughals.
With the onset of the British Raj, opposition against sati grew. The principal campaigners against Sati were Christian and Hindu reformers such as William Carey and Ram Mohan Roy. In 1829, Lord Bentinck issued Regulation XVII, declaring Sati to be illegal and punishable in criminal courts. On 2 February 1830, this law was extended to Madras and Bombay. The ban was challenged by a petition signed by "several thousand... Hindoo inhabitants of Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc" and the matter went to the Privy Council in London. Along with British supporters, Ram Mohan Roy presented counter-petitions to parliament in support of ending Sati. The Privy Council rejected the petition in 1832, and the ban on Sati was upheld.
Caste system
Main article: Caste system in IndiaHuman Rights Watch describes the caste system as a "discriminatory and cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment" of over 165 million people in India. The justification of the discrimination on the basis of caste, which according to HRW is "a defining feature of Hinduism," has repeatedly been noticed and described by the United Nations and HRW, along with criticism of other caste systems worldwide.
See also
References
- Thapar, Romila (1989). "Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern Search for a Hindu Identity". Modern Asian Studies. 23 (2): 209–231. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00001049. ISSN 0026-749X. JSTOR 312738. S2CID 145293468.
- "Quick Revision Module (UPSC Prelims 2024) Art & Culture Religion & Philosophy-1" (PDF). Vision IAS. Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 September 2024.
- ^ Johri, Arushi. "Brahminic and Shramanic Traditions in Ancient India".
- ^ Corsini, Ludovic (2018). "Origin of Indian Buddhism" (PDF). Than Hsiang Buddhist Research e-Journal. 5 (Special ed.). Than Hsiang Buddhist Research Centre: 35–43. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 August 2024.
- "Main Answer Writing Practice". Drishti IAS. Retrieved 2024-06-13.
- Robertson, S., 2003. Periyar EV Ramasami's critique of priestly Hinduism and its implications for social reforms. Indian Journal of Theology, 45, https://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/ijt/45_075.pdf
- Feminist Spaces: Gender and Geography in a Global Context, Routledge, Ann M. Oberhauser, Jennifer L. Fluri, Risa Whitson, Sharlene Mollett
- Gilmartin, Sophie (1997). "The Sati, the Bride, and the Widow: Sacrificial Woman in the Nineteenth Century". Victorian Literature and Culture. 25 (1): 141–158. doi:10.1017/S1060150300004678. JSTOR 25058378. S2CID 162954709.
Suttee, or sati, is the obsolete Hindu practice in which a widow burns herself upon her husband's funeral pyre...
- Sharma 2001, pp. 19–21.
- ^ On attested Rajput practice of sati during wars, see, for example Leslie, Julia (1993). "Suttee or Sati: Victim or Victor?". In Arnold, David; Robb, Peter (eds.). Institutions and Ideologies: A SOAS South Asia Reader. Vol. 10. London: Routledge. p. 46. ISBN 978-0700702848.
- Dehejia 1994, p. 50.
- Nandy, Ashis (1980). Sati: A Nineteenth Century Tale of Women, Violence and Protest in the book "At the Edge of Psychology". Oxford University Press. p. 1.
- Dalal, Roshen (2010). Hinduism: An Alphabetical Guide. Penguin Books India. p. 363. ISBN 9780143414216.
- ^ Yang 2008, p. 21–23.
- Dehejia 1994, p. 51-53.
- Sashi, S.S. (1996). Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh. Vol. 100. Anmol Publications. p. 115. ISBN 9788170418597.
- Jogan Shankar (1992). Social Problems And Welfare In India. Ashish Publishing House.
- Annemarie Schimmel (2004). Burzine K. Waghmar (ed.). The Empire of the Great Mughals: History, Art and Culture. Reaktion. pp. 113–114. ISBN 978-1-86189-185-3.
- Sharma 2001, p. 23.
- M. Reza Pirbhai (2009). Reconsidering Islam in a South Asian Context. Brill Academic. p. 108. ISBN 978-90-474-3102-2.
- ^ XVII. "Economic and Social Developments under the Mughals" from Muslim Civilization in India by S. M. Ikram, edited by Ainslie T. Embree New York: Columbia University Press, 1964
- Asher, Catherine B.; Talbot, Cynthia (2006), India before Europe, Cambridge University Press, pp. 268–, ISBN 978-1-139-91561-8
- Sharma 2001, pp. 6–7.
- Marshman, John Clark (1876). History of India from the earliest period to the close of the East India Company's government. Edinburgh: W. Blackwood. p. 374. ISBN 9781108021043.
- Sharma pp. 7–8.
- Rai, Raghunath. History. FK Publications. p. 137. ISBN 9788187139690.
- Dodwell 1932 p. 141.
- Kulkarni, A.R.; Feldhaus, Anne (1996). "Sati in the Maratha Country". Images of Women in Maharashtrian Literature and Religion. Albany, NY: SUNY Press. p. 192. ISBN 978-0791428382.
- ^ "Hidden Apartheid". Human Rights Watch. 2007-02-12. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
- ^ "CASTE DISCRIMINATION". www.hrw.org. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
- "OHCHR | Caste systems violate human rights and dignity of millions worldwide – New UN expert report". www.ohchr.org. Retrieved 2021-01-09.
- "UN report slams India for caste discrimination". CBC News. 2 March 2007.
Sources
- Dehejia, Vidya (1994), "Comment: A Broader Landscape", in Hawley, John Stratton (ed.), Sati, the Blessing and the Curse, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0195077742
- Sharma, Arvind (2001). Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-81-208-0464-7.
- Yang, Anand A. (2008). "Whose Sati? Widow-Burning in early Nineteenth Century India". In Sarkar, Sumit; Sarkar, Tanika (eds.). Women and Social Reform in Modern India: A Reader. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0253352699.
External links
- Media related to Criticism of Hinduism at Wikimedia Commons
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