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{{Short description|Caste in South India and Sri Lanka}}
{{other uses|Nadar (disambiguation)}} {{other uses|Nadar (disambiguation)}}
{{redirect|Chanar|places in Iran|Chenar (disambiguation){{!}}Chenar}} {{redirect|Chanar|places in Iran|Chenar (disambiguation){{!}}Chenar}}
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{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2013}}
{{Use Indian English|date=January 2013}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2021}}
{{Infobox ethnic group
{{Use Indian English|date=January 2013}}
|group = Nadar Community
{{Infobox ethnic group
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'''Nadar''' (also referred as ''Nadan'', ''Shanar'') is a ] of ] and ] in ], and also of ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/05/01/imp06.asp|title=Sri Lankan Nadars born with business flair|date=1 May 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=The Plantation Tamils of Ceylon|page=6|author=Patrick Peebles|publisher=Continuum}}</ref><ref>"Seventeenth century Tamilaham as gleaned from Jesuit letters", by M. Arumairaj, p. 200, original from = University of California</ref> Nadars are predominant in the southern districts of ], ], ] and ].<ref name="Hardgrave0">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=269–270}}</ref>
}}'''Nadar''' (also referred to as ''Nadan'', ''Shanar'' and ''Shanan'') is a ] ] of ]. Nadars are predominant in the districts of ], ], ] and ].

The Nadar community was not a single caste, but developed from an assortment of related subcastes and classes of different origins, which in course of time, came under the single banner Nadar.<ref name="Gazetteers of India, Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani Page 233-242"> Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Page 233-242</ref>
] was the largest subsect of today’s Nadar community.<ref name="Thoothukudi Gazetteer"/> A few subsects of the Nadar community, such as the ], were traditionally wealthy landlords and money lenders.<ref name="Hardgrave00">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=29–34}}</ref> Historically, most Nadars were humble cultivators of ] and ] and a few were also involved in the ] trade. Nadar climbers had historically faced discrimination from major upper classes in some regions.<ref name="Hardgrave01">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24–29}}</ref> The martial art of ] was historically practiced by the Nadars.<ref name="Thomas A. Green 2001 177">{{cite book | title=Martial arts of the world: en encyclopedia. A – Q, Volume 1| edition=| author=Thomas A. Green| year=2001| pages=177| publisher=ABC-CLIO, Inc.| isbn=1-57607-556-7}}</ref> The Nadar community was not a single caste, but developed from an assortment of related subcastes, which in course of time came under the single banner Nadar. ]s were the largest subsect of today's Nadar community. A few subsects of the Nadar community, such as the ]s, were traditionally wealthy landlords and money lenders. Historically, most Nadars were cultivators of ] and ] and a few were also involved in the ] trade. Nadar climbers had faced discrimination from major upper castes in some regions. The martial art of ] was historically practiced by the Nadars.

The socio-economic development achieved by the Nadars in southern India has elicited academic interest.<ref name="NYtimes" /> Nadars are classified and listed as an ] by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.<ref name=":0" /><ref name=":1" />
In post-independence India, the Nadars have made significant strides through their emphasis on education and entrepreneurship. The socio-economic development achieved by the Nadars in southern India has elicited academic interest.<ref name=Rises>{{cite news | url=http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/11/world/asia/11caste.html?pagewanted=1&hp| author=Polgreen, Lydia |title=New Business Class Rises in Ashes of South India's Caste System| publisher=New York Times| date=10 September 2010| accessdate=14 September 2010}}</ref><ref name="Hardgrave1969">{{cite book|last=Hardgrave|first=Robert L.|title=The Nadars of Tamilnad|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=KZ9mqiLgkdEC&pg=PA42|accessdate=30 July 2012|year=1969|publisher=University of California Press|page=42|id=GGKEY:YQ913HTN454}}</ref><ref name="Dennis Templeman">{{cite book | title=The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change| edition=| author=Dennis Templeman| date=19 December 1996| pages=vii (Preface)| publisher=Oxford University Press, USA| isbn=978-0-19-563788-5}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=India working: essays on society and economy| edition=| author=Barbara Harriss-White| year=2003| pages=xvii| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=0-521-80979-7}}</ref> They constitute 12% of Tamil Nadu's population.<ref name="Sanchita Das">{{cite news | url=http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/nadar-vote-bank-remains-divided/147228/| title=Nadar vote bank remains divided| publisher=Business Standard| date=17 March 2004| accessdate=24 December 2010}}</ref> Nadars are classified and listed as an ] by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.<ref>{{cite web |url= http://www.tn.gov.in/bcmbcmw/bclist.htm|title= List of Backward Classes approved by Government of Tamil Nadu |accessdate= 26 December 2010|publisher= Government of Tamil Nadu}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url= http://ncbc.nic.in/backward-classes/kerala.html|title=Central list of backward classes |accessdate= 26 December 2010|publisher= Government of India}}</ref> The Nadars today are a close knit, powerful community<ref name=Forbesindia>{{cite news | url=http://business.in.com/printcontent/1532| author= N.S. Ramnath |title=A bank controlled by Tamil Nadu’s close-knit, powerful Nadar community| publisher= Forbes India Magazine | date=3 July 2009| accessdate=3 July 2009}}</ref> who are financially strong and also politically influential in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu.<ref name=Nadarvote>{{cite news | url=http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/nadar-vote-bank-remains-divided-104031701065_1.html| author=Sanchita Das |title=Nadar vote bank remains divided| publisher=Business Standard| date=March 17, 2004| accessdate=March 17, 2004}}</ref>


==Etymology== ==Etymology==
The community was previously known as ''Shanar''<ref>{{cite book | title=Mission and Tamil Society: Social and Religious Change in South India (1840–1900)| edition=| author=Henriette Bugge| year=1994| pages=86| publisher=Curzon Press Ltd| isbn=0-7007-0292-X}}</ref> but legally changed their name to ''Nadar'' in 1921.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Avatars of Indian Research| author=Richard G. Fox| journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History| date=Jan 1970| volume=12 | issue = 1| pages=70| jstor=178151| doi=10.1017/s0010417500005624}}</ref> The title ''Nadar'' is believed to be derived from the Nelamaikkarars, the aristocrats of the Shanar community who had previously used it exclusively. Nadars claim that the original name of the community was ''Shantror'' or ''Shandrar'' (noble one) which, in course of time, was corrupted to Shanar. ] is a title used by the ] community of ].<ref name="Hardgrave1">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=20}}</ref> The community was previously known as ''Shanar''<ref>{{cite book | title=Mission and Tamil Society: Social and Religious Change in South India (1840–1900)| first=Henriette |last=Bugge| year=1994| pages=86| publisher=Curzon Press Ltd| isbn=0-7007-0292-X |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_YhcGxvZvNEC&pg=PA86}}</ref> but legally changed their name to ''Nadar'' in 1921.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Avatars of Indian Research| author=Richard G. Fox| journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History| date=Jan 1970| volume=12 | issue = 1| pages=70| jstor=178151| doi=10.1017/s0010417500005624| s2cid=144433845 |issn = 0010-4175}}</ref> The title ''Nadar'' is believed to be derived from the Nelamaikkarars, the aristocrats of the Shanar community who had previously used it exclusively. Nadars claim that the original name of the community was ''Shantror'' or ''Shandrar'' (noble one) which, in course of time, was corrupted to Shanar. ] is a title used by the ] community of ].<ref name="Hardgrave1">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=20}}</ref> However, there is no evidence to support these claims.<ref name="Thoothukudi Gazetteer"/><ref name="Hardgrave2">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=80–90}}</ref>

==History== ==History==
The origin of Nadars as a social group is uncertain. Hardgrave states that the Teri palmyra forests around today’s ] must have been their original abode.<ref name=autogenerated2>{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=19–21}}</ref> Samuel Sarugunar claimed that they are the descendants of those who ruled the ], ] and ] kingdoms and that when ] captured the Pandya country, it was divided into several ''Palayams'' (divisions) for each of which ] were appointed as rulers. Sarugunar believes that the Nayak rulers of Tamil Nadu imposed ''Deshaprashtam'' (ostracism) on the ancient Pandyas (Nadars) to ensure that they would not rise.<ref name="Thoothukudi Gazetteer">{{cite book | title=Tamil Nadu State:Thoothukudi District, Volume 1| edition=| author=Sinnakani| date=| pages=233–242| publisher=Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research| isbn=}}</ref><ref name="Hardgrave1"/><ref name="History of Tamil Nadu, 1565-1982 Page 277 By K. Rajayyan">History of Tamil Nadu, 1565–1982 Page 277 By K. Rajayyan</ref><ref name="Deccan Chronicle March 1st 2007"> Deccan Chronicle 1 March 2007</ref> The traditions followed by the Nelamaikkarars and the existence of the ruins beneath the Teri palmrya forests of Tiruchendur and the Pandyan capital city of ], where the Nadar population is predominant, suggest they could very well be the heirs of the ].<ref name="Hardgrave3">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=87}}</ref><ref name="Kothari">{{cite book | title=Caste in Indian Politics| edition=| author=Rajni Kothari|authorlink=Rajni Kothari| year=1995| pages=103–104| publisher=Orient Longman| isbn=}}</ref> Two inscriptions at ] suggest that in medieval times the Nadars served as administrators and accountants in both the Chera and Pandya countries.<ref name="History of Tamil Nadu, 1565-1982 Page 277 By K. Rajayyan" /><ref name="Deccan Chronicle March 1st 2007"/> Izhava, Tiyan, Nadar in southern India are also connected with the Nadar of Sri Lanka. Notably, some of the migrants didn't received the well treatment so they returned to India.<ref>{{cite book|title=Society and Circulation: Mobile People and Itinerant Cultures in South Asia, 1750-1950|page=62|year=2006|publisher=Anthem Press}}</ref> However, there is little evidence to support the community's claim to be descendants of the later Pandya rulers.<ref name="Kothari"/> The identity or caste of the Pandyan kings remains a mystery.<ref name="Hardgrave4">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=14}}</ref> This belief, that the Nadars had been the kings of Tamil Nadu, became the dogma of the Nadar community in the 19th century.<ref name="Hardgrave3"/> The origin of Nadars as a social group is uncertain. Hardgrave stated that the Teri palmyra forests around today's ] must have been their original abode.<ref name=autogenerated2>{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=19–21}}</ref> In the late 19th century, some Nadar activists<ref>{{cite book|last1= L. Hardgrave |first1= Robert |title= The Nadars of Tamilnadu: The Political Culture of a Community in Change |date=1969|pages=71–94|publisher= University of California, Berkeley. Center for South and Southeast Asia Studies |location=web|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=KZ9mqiLgkdEC&q=Samuel+Sargunar%2C+B.A.&pg=PA82 |access-date=16 June 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1= Bergunder|first1= Michael |title= Ritual, Caste, and Religion in Colonial South India |date=2010|publisher= University of Heidelberg |location=web|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=OcEM2IsnA1AC&q=nadars+samuel+sargunar&pg=PA153 |access-date=16 June 2017|isbn= 9789380607214 }}</ref> started claiming that the Nadars are the descendants of those who ruled the ] kingdom and that when ] captured the Pandya country, it was divided into several ''Palayams'' (divisions) for each of which ] were appointed as rulers. They also claimed that the Nayak rulers of Tamil Nadu imposed ''Deshaprashtam'' (ostracism) on the ancient Nadars to ensure that they would not rise.<ref name="Hardgrave1"/><ref name="Thoothukudi Gazetteer">{{cite book | title=Tamil Nadu State:Thoothukudi District, Volume 1| author=Sinnakani| pages=233–242| publisher=Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research}}</ref> According to Hardgrave these claims were not completely baseless. The traditions followed by the Nelamaikkarars and the existence of the ruins beneath the Teri palmrya forests of Tiruchendur and the Pandyan capital city of ], where the Nadar population is predominant, suggest they could very well be the heirs of the ].<ref name="Hardgrave3">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=87}}</ref><ref name="Kothari">{{cite book | title=Caste in Indian Politics| last=Kothari| first=Rajni|author-link=Rajni Kothari| year=1995| pages=103–104| publisher=Orient Longman}}</ref> However, there is little evidence to support the community's claim to be descendants of the later Pandya rulers.<ref name="Kothari"/> The identity or caste of the Pandyan kings remains a mystery.<ref name="Hardgrave4">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=14}}</ref> This belief, that the Nadars had been the kings of Tamil Nadu, became the ] of the Nadar community in the 19th century.<ref name="Hardgrave3"/> According to legendary accounts, some of the Nadars had migrated to Sri Lanka, but they had to return to India as they didn't receive proper treatment in Sri Lanka.<ref>{{cite book|title=Society and Circulation: Mobile People and Itinerant Cultures in South Asia, 1750-1950|page=62|year=2006|publisher=Anthem Press}}</ref>

==Nadars of the 19th century== ==Nadars of the 19th century==
In the early nineteenth century, the Nadars were a community mostly engaged in the palmyra industry, including the production of toddy.<ref name="Hardgrave01"/> However, there were a few subsects comprising wealthy landlords and money lenders.<ref name="Hardgrave00"/><ref name="Bishop Stephen Neill: from Edinburgh to South India"></ref> At this time, the majority of Nadars lived south of the Thamirabarani River, and formed 80 - 90 per cent of the population between there and ].<ref name="Hardgrave5">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=25}}</ref> Although numerically dominant in the area, the Nadars had a minimal interaction with other communities and they were themselves divided by their various endogamous subcastes, and thus lacked communal cohesion.<ref name="Hardgrave7">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=42}}</ref> In the early nineteenth century, the Nadars were a community mostly engaged in the palmyra industry, including the production of toddy.<ref name="Hardgrave01">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24–29}}</ref> However, there were a few subsects comprising wealthy landlords and money lenders.<ref name="Hardgrave00"/><ref name="Bishop Stephen Neill: from Edinburgh to South India"></ref> At this time, the majority of Nadars lived south of the Thamirabarani River, and formed 80 90 per cent of the population between there and ].<ref name="Hardgrave5">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=25}}</ref> Although numerically dominant in the area, the Nadars had a minimal interaction with other communities and they were themselves divided by their various endogamous subcastes, and thus lacked communal cohesion.<ref name="Hardgrave7">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=42}}</ref>
While the majority of the Nadar population in the south of Thamirabarani river were poor, landless ], there also existed a small endogamous sub group of aristocratic ], known as the Nelamaikarrars or Nadans, who owned vast tracts of land.<ref name="Hardgrave00"/> These Nadans either held their position directly under Nayak rulers in the Tiruchendur area or as petty lords under the Palaiyakkarar. They commanded high respect among the population, including from groups such as the Nadar climbers, the minority ]s and the ]s. Nadan men rode horses and their women rode in covered ].<ref name="Hardgrave6">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24–31}}</ref> While the majority of the Nadar population in the south of Thamirabarani river were poor, landless ], there also existed a small endogamous sub group of aristocratic ], known as the Nelamaikarrars or Nadans, who owned vast tracts of land.<ref name="Hardgrave00">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=29–34}}</ref> These Nadans either held their position directly under Nayak rulers in the Tiruchendur area or as petty lords under the Palaiyakkarar. They commanded high respect among the population, including from groups such as the Nadar climbers, the minority ]s and the ]s. Nadan men rode horses and their women rode in covered ].<ref name="Hardgrave6">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24–31}}</ref>

Nadar climbers were also to be found in other regions of Tamil Nadu where a few palmyra trees grew. In areas where the Nadar climber population consisted of only a few families in a village, they faced discrimination from major upper classes.<ref name="Hardgrave8">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24}}</ref> Due to their association with toddy, the Nadars were considered lower than other middle castes, but relatively higher than the low castes, and were also prohibited to enter temples built by higher ranked castes.<ref name="Hardgrave9">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=22–23}}</ref> Although associated with toddy, the Nadars did not themselves consume it.<ref name="Hardgrave10">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=39–41}}</ref> The Nadars were schismatic about their position in the caste hierarchy and firmly claimed that they were wrongly placed in the caste system due to the Nayak invasion. They were also very caste conscious.<ref name="Hardgrave11">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=44&71–72}}</ref><ref name="The Modernity of Tradition 316">{{cite book | title=The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India| edition=| author=Lloyd I. Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber Rudolph| year=| pages=36–38 | publisher=University Of Chicago Press| isbn=0-226-73137-5}}</ref> Nadar climbers were also to be found in other regions of Tamil Nadu where a few palmyra trees grew. In areas where the Nadar climber population consisted of only a few families in a village, they faced discrimination from major upper castes.<ref name="Hardgrave8">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=24}}</ref> Due to their association with toddy, the Nadars were considered lower than other middle castes, but relatively higher than the low castes, and were also prohibited to enter temples built by higher ranked castes.<ref name="Hardgrave9">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=22–23}}</ref> Although associated with toddy, the Nadars did not themselves consume it.<ref name="Hardgrave10">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=39–41}}</ref> The Nadars were schismatic about their position in the caste hierarchy and firmly claimed that they were wrongly placed in the caste system due to the Nayak invasion. They were also very caste conscious.<ref name="Hardgrave11">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=44&71–72}}</ref><ref name="The Modernity of Tradition 316">{{cite book | title=The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India| author=Lloyd I. Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber Rudolph| year=1967| pages=36–38 | publisher=University of Chicago Press| isbn=0-226-73137-5}}</ref>

===Nadars of Travancore=== ===Nadars of Travancore===
Hardgrave conjectures that the Nadars of ] migrated there from Tirunelveli in the 16th century after the invasion of Tirunelveli by the Raja of Travancore. Like their Tirunelveli counterparts, the Nadars of Travancore were mostly palmyra climbers. However, a significant number of Nadars were subtenants to ] or Vellalar landlords. These aristocratic Nadars called themselves Nadans and some of them had direct control over their lands. The Nadans enjoyed special privileges under the Raja and claimed that they were superior to the climbers. The climbers of Travancore fared a little better than their Tirunelveli counterparts, but suffered severe social disabilities not found in Tirunelveli due to Travancore's rigid ]. As ] stated, the Keralite hierarchy was a lunatic asylum of castes. One example of the social disabilities was that Nadar climber women were not allowed to cover their bosoms, as most of the non- Brahmin women of Kerala, to punctuate their low status. However, the Nadan women of the region were exempted from this restriction.<ref name="Hardgrave13">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=55–70}}</ref> Hardgrave conjectures that the Nadars of ] migrated there from Tirunelveli in the 16th century after the invasion of Tirunelveli by the Raja of Travancore. Like their Tirunelveli counterparts, the Nadars of Travancore were mostly palmyra climbers. However, a significant number of Nadars were subtenants to ] or Vellalar landlords. These aristocratic Nadars called themselves Nadans and some of them had direct control over their lands. The Nadans enjoyed special privileges under the Raja and claimed that they were superior to the climbers. The climbers of Travancore fared a little better than their Tirunelveli counterparts but suffered severe social disabilities not found in Tirunelveli due to Travancore's rigid ]. As ] stated, the Keralite hierarchy was a lunatic asylum of castes. One example of the social disabilities was that Nadar climber women were not allowed to cover their bosoms to punctuate their low status. However, the Nadan women of the region were exempted from this restriction.<ref name="Hardgrave13">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=55–70}}</ref>

Discontented with their social status, a large number of Nadar climbers embraced Christianity and became upwardly mobile. Although they improved their status with the aid of Christian missionaries, the outcome of their conversion did not conform to the intent of those missionaries. Both the Christian and Hindu Nadar climber women wore the upper jacket in the manner of upper class women and also their Tamil counterparts, in order to improve their social status. In turn, upper class men abused and discriminated against them. One Nadan family of ], instead of supporting their depressed counterparts, supported the upper class men and claimed that only their women had the right to wear an upper cloth. The situation became known as the ] and became violent. Eventually, with assistance from the Travancore authorities, British Christian Missionaries and ], the depressed Nadar climber women won the right to wear their upper cloth in the manner of their Nadan counterparts.<ref name="Hardgrave13"/><ref>{{cite book | title=Mixed messages: materiality, textuality, missions| edition=| author=Jamie S. Scott, Gareth Griffiths| year=2005| pages=75| publisher=]| isbn=0-312-29576-6}}</ref> Discontented with their social status, a large number of Nadar climbers embraced Christianity and became upwardly mobile. Although they improved their status with the aid of Christian missionaries, the outcome of their conversion did not conform to the intent of those missionaries. Both the Christian and Hindu Nadar climber women wore the upper jacket in the manner of upper-class women, in order to improve their social status. In turn, upper-class men abused and discriminated against them. One Nadan family of ], instead of supporting their depressed counterparts, supported the upper-class men and claimed that only their women had the right to wear an upper cloth. The situation became known as the ] and became violent. Eventually, with assistance from the Travancore authorities, British Christian Missionaries and ], the depressed Nadar climber women won the right to wear their upper cloth in the manner of their Nadan counterparts.<ref name="Hardgrave13"/><ref>{{cite book | title=Mixed messages: materiality, textuality, missions| author=Jamie S. Scott, Gareth Griffiths| year=2005| pages=75| publisher=]| isbn=0-312-29576-6}}</ref>

===Northern Nadars=== ===Northern Nadars===
Some petty Nadar traders migrated from southern Tirunelveli to northern Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar. Over time they became commercially skilled and by the late 19th century were socially aspirant. ] played a crucial role in facilitating their upward mobility but religion was also perceived as a vehicle. Around 10 percent of the community converted to Christianity, both ] and ].<ref name="Clothey">{{cite book|last=Clothey|first=Fred W.|title=Ritualizing on the boundaries: continuity and innovation in the Tamil diaspora|publisher=University of South Carolina press|year=2006|pages=88–90|isbn=978-1-57003-647-7|oclc=255232421|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=uRxAOJWnyEwC&lpg=PA89|accessdate=2009-11-08}}</ref> Some petty Nadar traders migrated from southern Tirunelveli to northern Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar. Over time they became commercially skilled and by the late 19th century were socially aspirant. ] played a crucial role in facilitating their upward mobility but religion was also perceived as a vehicle. Around 10 percent of the community converted to Christianity, both ] and ].<ref name="Clothey">{{cite book|last=Clothey|first=Fred W.|title=Ritualizing on the boundaries: continuity and innovation in the Tamil diaspora|publisher=University of South Carolina press|year=2006|pages=88–90|isbn=978-1-57003-647-7|oclc=255232421|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uRxAOJWnyEwC&pg=PA89|access-date=2009-11-08}}</ref>

British rule in the southern districts introduced new opportunities for trade and commerce, of which the Nadars took advantage. They established sophisticated ''pettais'' (fortified compounds) and ''urvinmurais'' (local caste associations) to ensure safety for their goods. Members of the ''uravinmurai'', who were known as ''muraikkarars'', would contribute a portion of their income to the association as ''mahimai'' (literally, to glorify oneself), in order to use the facilities of the ''pettais'' and to improve the common good. As the wealth of the Northern Nadars increased they began also to adopt the customs of the ] in order to improve their social status, in a process now known as ]. Many tried to disassociate themselves from their Nadar climber counterparts and the term Shanar (the term generally used to call a Tamil palmrya climber). They adopted the title of ''Nadan'', previously used only by the Nelamaikkarars. British rule in the southern districts introduced new opportunities for trade and commerce, of which the Nadars took advantage. They established sophisticated ''pettais'' (fortified compounds) and ''urvinmurais'' (local caste associations) to ensure safety for their goods. Members of the ''uravinmurai'', who were known as ''muraikkarars'', would contribute a portion of their income to the association as ''mahimai'' (literally, to glorify oneself), in order to use the facilities of the ''pettais'' and to improve the common good. As the wealth of the Northern Nadars increased they began also to adopt the customs of the ] in order to improve their social status, in a process now known as ]. Many tried to disassociate themselves from their Nadar climber counterparts and the term Shanar (the term generally used to call a Tamil palmrya climber). They adopted the title of ''Nadan'', previously used only by the Nelamaikkarars.
To demonstrate their wealthy and powerful social position, the Nadars of Sivakasi hired ] palanquin bearers.<ref name="Hardgrave14">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=95–109}}</ref> To demonstrate their wealthy and powerful social position, the Nadars of Sivakasi hired ] palanquin bearers.<ref name="Hardgrave14">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=95–109}}</ref>

The upward mobility and kshatriya pretensions of the Nadars of the six towns of Ramanad caused resentment among both the Vellalar and the Maravar castes, who were ritually ranked above the Nadars.<ref name="Mandelbaum1">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=511}}</ref> The outcome was a series of caste conflicts, including the ]. However, the Sankritisation movement was a failure initially and the Nadar climbers, who lived as minorities, were still discriminated by the majority castes. However these confrontations aided the community to protest for the required rights and privileges, with integrity, and also test how much other communities were willing to accept the Nadar claims of high status. The Northern Nadar leaders then sought to unite their community by encouraging intermarriages within the five major Nadar subcastes and also uplift the depressed palmrya Nadar climbers. They also sought to maintain amiable relationships with other communities. This led to the formation of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam in 1910.<ref name="Hardgrave15">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=109–129}}</ref> The upward mobility and kshatriya pretensions of the Nadars of the six towns of Ramanad caused resentment among both the Vellalar and the Maravar castes, who were ritually ranked above the Nadars.<ref name="Mandelbaum1">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=511}}</ref> The outcome was a series of caste conflicts, including the ]. However, the Sankritisation movement was a failure initially and the Nadar climbers, who lived as minorities, were still discriminated by the majority castes. However these confrontations aided the community to protest for the required rights and privileges, with integrity, and also test how much other communities were willing to accept the Nadar claims of high status. The Northern Nadar leaders then sought to unite their community by encouraging intermarriages within the five major Nadar subcastes and also uplift the depressed palmrya Nadar climbers. They also sought to maintain amiable relationships with other communities. This led to the formation of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam in 1910.<ref name="Hardgrave15">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=109–129}}</ref>

===Sri Lanka===
Some Nadars emigrated from South India to Sri Lanka during the British colonial era.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://archives.sundayobserver.lk/2011/05/01/imp06.asp|title=Sri Lankan Nadars born with business flair|date=1 May 2011|access-date=4 September 2014|archive-date=4 September 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140904154301/http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/05/01/imp06.asp|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=The Plantation Tamils of Ceylon|page=6|last=Peebles|first=Patrick|publisher=Continuum}}</ref><ref>"Seventeenth century Tamilaham as gleaned from Jesuit letters", by M. Arumairaj, p. 200, original from = University of California</ref>
==Nadars of the 20th century== ==Nadars of the 20th century==
], founder of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam]] ], founder of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam]]

===Nadar Mahajana Sangam=== ===Nadar Mahajana Sangam===
The separate Nadar associations of the six Ramanad towns were unable to support a community that was becoming more dispersed as many began to migrate to other parts of ]. With the rise of the politically ambitious ], a wealthy Nadar of Porayar in ] district, a new association was formed.<ref name="Lucy Carroll">{{cite journal | title=Colonial Perceptions of Indian Society and the Emergence of Caste(s) Associations| author=Lucy Carroll| journal=The Journal of Asian Studies| date=February 1978| volume=37 |issue=2 | pages=234–235 | doi=10.2307/2054164}}</ref> This resulted from Rattinasami Nadar inviting prominent community leaders to attend a plenary session in February 1910, with the intent of establishing an organization to represent the entire community. Rattinasami Nadar's uncle, V. Ponnusami Nadar, was elected to become the first president of the association, which was called the ]. The association was open to any Nadar male of any subcaste or religion, and had as its general purpose the upliftment of the community. The early Sangam conferences were dominated by the Northern Nadars.<ref name="Hardgrave16">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=130–132}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India| edition=| author=Christophe Jaffrelot| year=2003| pages=167| publisher=Columbia University Press| isbn=0-231-12786-3}}</ref> The separate Nadar associations of the six Ramanad towns were unable to support a community that was becoming more dispersed as many began to migrate to other parts of ]. With the rise of the politically ambitious ], a wealthy Nadar of Porayar in ] district, a new association was formed.<ref name="Lucy Carroll">{{cite journal | title=Colonial Perceptions of Indian Society and the Emergence of Caste(s) Associations| last=Carroll| first=Lucy| journal=The Journal of Asian Studies| date=February 1978| volume=37 |issue=2 | pages=234–235 | doi=10.2307/2054164| jstor=2054164| s2cid=146635639}}</ref> This resulted from Rattinasami Nadar inviting prominent community leaders to attend a plenary session in February 1910, with the intent of establishing an organization to represent the entire community. Rattinasami Nadar's uncle, V. Ponnusami Nadar, was elected to become the first president of the association, which was called the ]. The association was open to any Nadar male of any subcaste or religion, and had as its general purpose the upliftment of the community. The early Sangam conferences were dominated by the Northern Nadars.<ref name="Hardgrave16">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=130–132}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India| last=Jaffrelot| first=Christophe| year=2003| pages=167| publisher=Columbia University Press| isbn=0-231-12786-3}}</ref>

===Against toddy=== ===Against toddy===
The campaign against toddy was one of the first steps taken by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam to enhance the social advancement of the entire Nadar community. Though majority of the Nadar climbers were engaged in the production of jaggery, a significant number of Nadar climbers were also involved in the production of toddy. The Sangam urged the Nadar climbers to abandon their traditional occupation of toddy tapping and not to sell hard toddy. However many Nadar climbers were reluctant to give up their profitable occupation. The situation got out of hand when Nadar leaders tried to intimidate the climbers, by using tenets of their cult, to give up their occupation as toddy tappers. To ease the situation the district magistrate issued a proclamation restricting the climbers to sell hard toddy only in specific regions, where toddy can be legally drawn. However the Sangam's campaign was effective for only about a year.<ref name="Hardgrave17">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=136–138}}</ref> The campaign against toddy was one of the first steps taken by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam to enhance the social advancement of the entire Nadar community. Though majority of the Nadar climbers were engaged in the production of jaggery, a significant number of Nadar climbers were also involved in the production of toddy. The Sangam urged the Nadar climbers to abandon their traditional occupation of toddy tapping and not to sell hard toddy. However many Nadar climbers were reluctant to give up their profitable occupation. The situation got out of hand when Nadar leaders tried to intimidate the climbers, by using tenets of their cult, to give up their occupation as toddy tappers. To ease the situation the district magistrate issued a proclamation restricting the climbers to sell hard toddy only in specific regions, where toddy can be legally drawn. However the Sangam's campaign was effective for only about a year.<ref name="Hardgrave17">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=136–138}}</ref>

===Prohibition of toddy act=== ===Prohibition of toddy act===
The Sangam then in order to aid the depressed{{Clarify|reason=depressed here, but above we say that toddy tapping etc was profitable&nbsp;— this needs explaining|date=January 2012}} climbers, sought to abolish the tax levied on palmrya trees. After the establishment of the Prohibition(of toddy) act in the Northern districts of Madras Presidency, the Nadar Mahajana Sangam along with its sister association,Dakshina Mara Nadar Sangam of Tirunelveli, sought to remove it to aid the depressed climbers. The British advisor government in turn suspended the act. However, the prohibition act was reintroduced after the independence. Under the rules of the act, the climbers could only tap between 4 am to 2pm and sell sweet toddy between 6am and 2pm. These procedures can also only be practiced by climbers who have license. The rigid government rules pressurized the depressed climbers. The two prominent Nadars Sangams constantly pressurized the government and eventually the enforcement of these regulations gradually eased. By mid-1950s, the government assigned cooperative societies to promote jaggery production.<ref name="Hardgrave18">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=138–140}}</ref> The Sangam then in order to aid the climbers, sought to abolish the tax levied on palmyra trees. After the establishment of the Prohibition (of toddy) act in the Northern districts of Madras Presidency, the Nadar Mahajana Sangam along with its sister association, Dakshina Mara Nadar Sangam of Tirunelveli, sought to remove it to aid the depressed climbers. The British advisor government in turn suspended the act. However, the prohibition act was reintroduced after the independence. Under the rules of the act, the climbers could only tap between 4 am to 2pm and sell sweet toddy between 6am and 2pm. These procedures can also only be practiced by climbers who have license. The rigid government rules pressurized the depressed climbers. The two prominent Nadars Sangams constantly pressurized the government and eventually the enforcement of these regulations gradually eased. By the mid-1950s, the government assigned cooperative societies to promote jaggery production.<ref name="Hardgrave18">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=138–140}}</ref>

===Nadar educational institutions=== ===Nadar educational institutions===
The Nadar community did not completely rely on the Backward Class Commission for educational advancement. In 1885, the Northern Nadars established the Kshatriya Vidhyasala High School in Virudhunagar by using the ''mahimai'' funds from the Nadar ''uravinmurai''. Education was also the primary concern of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam from inception. In 1921, the Sangam began to provide scholarship loans to needy students, and by 1964 more than 3000 such loans were offered. Some students were given assistance for foreign studies. The Sangam also aided the establishment of village schools. Education formed the largest portion of expenditure by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam.{{when|date=January 2012}} The ] along with other cooperative societies gave 5 percent of their profit to the scholarship fund. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam also established a college, Senthilkumara Nadar College, in 1947.<ref name="Hardgrave19">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=145–146}}</ref> The Nadar community did not completely rely on the Backward Class Commission for educational advancement. In 1885, the Northern Nadars established the Kshatriya Vidhyasala High School in Virudhunagar by using the ''mahimai'' funds from the Nadar ''uravinmurai''. Education was also the primary concern of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam from inception. In 1921, the Sangam began to provide scholarship loans to needy students, and by 1964 more than 3000 such loans were offered. Some students were given assistance for foreign studies. The Sangam also aided the establishment of village schools. Education formed the largest portion of expenditure by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam.{{when|date=January 2012}} The ] along with other cooperative societies gave 5 percent of their profit to the scholarship fund. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam also established a college, Senthilkumara Nadar College, in 1947.<ref name="Hardgrave19">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=145–146}}</ref>

===Resolution of inter-caste conflicts=== ===Resolution of inter-caste conflicts===
In villages where there were few Nadar climbers, they were oppressed by those in the majority. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam acted in the interests of such climbers, using the strength and influence of the community at large. The climbers could ask the Sangam to intervene in inter-community issues, which would cause the Sangam to investigate the situation and determine the validity of any Nadar claims. Then, if necessary, the Sangam would request police intervention or support a claim in court. In situations where the matter went to court, the Sangam would not provide financial support for the Nadar claimant to contest the case, but would rather see that the claim is properly heard. After ], the Sangam took advantage of the constitutional provisions encouraging a caste-less society and also supported government attempts to promote this vision. The support included urging their own community members to allow use of their schools, tanks, temples and wells by other communities. The name of the Nadar bank was changed to Tamil Nadu Mercantile Bank. These activities earned the Nadar community respect and recognition.<ref name="Hardgrave20">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=159–162}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=Transforming societies, transforming anthropology| edition=| author=Emilio F. Morán| year=1996| pages=62| publisher=University of Michigan press| isbn=0-472-10574-4}}</ref>], ] premier ], are owned by the Nadars.<ref name=Forbesindia/>]] In villages where there were few Nadar climbers, they were oppressed by those in the majority. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam acted in the interests of such climbers, using the strength and influence of the community at large. The climbers could ask the Sangam to intervene in inter-community issues, which would cause the Sangam to investigate the situation and determine the validity of any Nadar claims. Then, if necessary, the Sangam would request police intervention or support a claim in court. In situations where the matter went to court, the Sangam would not provide financial support for the Nadar claimant to contest the case, but would rather see that the claim is properly heard. After ], the Sangam took advantage of the constitutional provisions encouraging a caste-less society and also supported government attempts to promote this vision. The support included urging their own community members to allow use of their schools, tanks, temples and wells by other communities. The name of the Nadar bank was changed to ]. These activities earned the Nadar community respect and recognition.<ref name="Hardgrave20">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=159–162}}</ref><ref>{{cite book| title=Transforming societies, transforming anthropology| author=Emilio F. Morán| year=1996| pages=| publisher=University of Michigan press| isbn=0-472-10574-4| url=https://archive.org/details/transformingsoci0000unse_w6v7/page/62}}</ref>], ] premier ], are owned by the Nadars.<ref name=Forbesindia/>]]

==Politics== ==Politics==
In the 1920s and 1930s, Nadar Mahajan Sangam supported the non-Brahmin movement and ].<ref name="Forrester"/> ] as the president of Nadar Mahajana Sangam led the effort to ally the community with ]'s ]. The Nadars joined the Justice party in its attack against Brahmins on cultural and religious front.<ref>{{cite book | title=The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India| edition=| author=Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph| date=| pages=48| publisher=The University of Chicago Press| isbn=0-226-73137-5}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=The press in Tamil Nadu and the struggle for freedom, 1917–1937| edition=| author=A. Ganesan| year=1988| pages=67| publisher=Mittal Publications| isbn=81-7099-082-3}}</ref> Nadars also practiced self-respect marriages during the non-Brahmin movement.<ref>{{cite book | title=Wives, widows, and concubines: the conjugal family ideal in colonial India| edition=| author=Mytheli Sreenivas| date=| pages=144| publisher=Indian University of Press| isbn=}}</ref> In the 1920s and 1930s, Nadar Mahajan Sangam supported the non-Brahmin movement and ].<ref name="Forrester"/> ] as the president of Nadar Mahajana Sangam led the effort to ally the community with ]'s ]. The Northern Nadars joined the Justice party in its attack against Brahmins on cultural and religious front.<ref>{{cite book | title=The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India| author=Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph| year=1967| pages=48| publisher=The University of Chicago Press| isbn=0-226-73137-5}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=The press in Tamil Nadu and the struggle for freedom, 1917–1937| author=A. Ganesan| year=1988| pages=67| publisher=Mittal Publications| isbn=81-7099-082-3}}</ref> They also practiced self-respect marriages during the non-Brahmin movement.<ref>{{cite book | title=Wives, widows, and concubines: the conjugal family ideal in colonial India| last=Sreenivas| first=Mytheli| pages=144| publisher=Indian University of Press}}</ref>

However, in the late 1940s the Nadars' support shifted to ], in part because of the political success of ], whose opinions had originally been disliked by his own community.<ref name="Hardgrave21">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=186–188}}</ref> After the end of Kamaraj's era, the Nadars' political support has become diffused across various parties and the Nadar Sangam has become less politicized.<ref name="Forrester">{{cite journal | title=Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of Style| author=Duncan B. Forrester| journal=Modern Asian Studies| year=1970| volume=4 |issue=1| page=47| jstor=311752| doi=10.1017/s0026749x00010970}}</ref><ref name="Mandelbaum2">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=512}}</ref> However, in the late 1940s the Nadars' support shifted to ], in part because of the political success of ], whose opinions had originally been disliked by his own community.<ref name="Hardgrave21">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=186–188}}</ref> After the end of Kamaraj's era, the Nadars' political support has become diffused across various parties and the Nadar Sangam has become less politicized.<ref name="Forrester">{{cite journal | title=Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of Style| author=Duncan B. Forrester| journal=Modern Asian Studies| year=1970| volume=4 |issue=1| page=47| jstor=311752| doi=10.1017/s0026749x00010970| s2cid=145472845}}</ref><ref name="Mandelbaum2">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=512}}</ref>

==Nadars today== ==Nadars today==
The social and economical development achieved by the Nadars in independent India have evoked academic interest.<ref name=Rises /> According to N.S.Ramnath,of Forbes, the Nadars are a close knit, powerful community.<ref name=Forbesindia/> The Nadars, who were once predominantly not allowed to enter Hindu temples built by castes above them, now occupy respected positions as ]s in many ] temples of Tamil Nadu.<ref name="Hardgrave22">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=190}}</ref> They are financially strong and are politically influential in the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu. A political observer points out that there is a Nadar leader in almost every political party. The community has influential Tamil media houses, such as ].<ref name=Nadarvote /> The social and economical development achieved by the Nadars have evoked academic interest.<ref name=NYtimes>{{cite news | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/11/world/asia/11caste.html?pagewanted=1&hp| author=Polgreen, Lydia |title=New Business Class Rises in Ashes of South India's Caste System| newspaper=The New York Times| date=10 September 2010| access-date=14 September 2010}}</ref>{{sfn|Hardgrave|1969}}<ref name="Dennis Templeman">{{cite book | title=The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change| last=Templeman| first=Dennis| date=19 December 1996| pages=vii (Preface)| publisher=Oxford University Press, USA| isbn=978-0-19-563788-5}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | title=India working: essays on society and economy| last=Harriss-White| first=Barbara| year=2003| pages=xvii| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=0-521-80979-7}}</ref> According to N.S.Ramnath, of Forbes, the Nadars are a close knit, powerful community.<ref name=Forbesindia>{{cite news | url=http://business.in.com/printcontent/1532| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110713025144/http://business.in.com/printcontent/1532| url-status=dead| archive-date=13 July 2011| author= N.S. Ramnath |title=A bank controlled by Tamil Nadu's close-knit, powerful Nadar community| magazine= Forbes India Magazine | date=3 July 2009| access-date=3 July 2009}}</ref> The Nadars, who were once predominantly not allowed to enter Hindu temples built by castes above them, now occupy respected positions as ]s in many ] temples of Tamil Nadu.<ref name="Hardgrave22">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=190}}</ref> They are financially strong and are politically influential in the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu. A political observer points out that there is a Nadar leader in almost every political party.<ref name="Nadarvote"/> The community has influential Tamil media houses, such as ].<ref name=Nadarvote>{{cite news | url=http://www.business-standard.com/article/economy-policy/nadar-vote-bank-remains-divided-104031701065_1.html| last=Das | first=Sanchita |title=Nadar vote bank remains divided| work=Business Standard|location=India| date=17 March 2004| access-date=17 March 2004}}</ref> ] has said that:
{{blockquote|Today, the Nadars are recognized as an "advanced" community&nbsp;– a status reversal accomplished over the past century through caste horizontal mobilization of caste solidarity, challenge to servile traditional ascription through ritual transformations, effective utilization of modern opportunity through education and commerce, and skilful communal exploitation of the political arena.<ref>{{cite book| title=The politics of cultural pluralism| first=Crawford| last=Young| author-link=M. Crawford Young| year=1976| pages=| publisher=The University of Wisconsin press| isbn=0-299-06740-8| url=https://archive.org/details/politicsofcultur00cra_9p1/page/103}}</ref>}}
] has said that:
{{quote|Today, the Nadars are recognized as an "advanced" community&nbsp;– a status reversal accomplished over the past century through caste horizontal mobilization of caste solidarity, challenge to servile traditional ascription through ritual transformations, effective utilization of modern opportunity through education and commerce, and skilful communal exploitation of the political arena.<ref>{{cite book | title=The politics of cultural pluralism| edition=| first=Crawford |last=Young |authorlink=M. Crawford Young| year=1976| pages=103| publisher=The University of Wisconsin press| isbn=0-299-06740-8}}</ref>}}
===Government classification===
Nadars are classified and listed as a ] by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.<ref name=":0">{{cite web |url= http://www.tn.gov.in/bcmbcmw/bclist.htm|title= List of Backward Classes approved by Government of Tamil Nadu |access-date= 26 December 2010|publisher= Government of Tamil Nadu}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite web |url= http://ncbc.nic.in/backward-classes/kerala.html|title=Central list of backward classes |access-date= 26 December 2010|publisher= Government of India}}</ref>


==Subcastes== ==Subcastes==
The legend of the origin of the Nadars tell of the birth of seven sons; with the death of two, the remaining five father the separate divisions of the community. There were five major divisions among the Nadars.<ref name="Hardgrave23">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=32–34}}</ref> The legend of the origin of the Nadars tell of the birth of seven sons; with the death of two, the remaining five father the separate divisions of the community. There were five major divisions among the Nadars.<ref name="Hardgrave23">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=32–34}}</ref> The Nadar community was not a single caste, but developed from an assortment of related subcastes and classes of different origins, which in course of time, came under the single banner Nadar.<ref name="Gazetteers of India, Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani Page 233-242"> Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Page 233-242</ref> ] was the largest subsect of today's Nadar community.<ref name="Thoothukudi Gazetteer"/> Nadars are predominant in the south Indian districts of ], ], ] and ].<ref name="Hardgrave0">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=269–270}}</ref>

===Karukkupattaiyathar=== ===Karukkupattaiyathar===
] in ], Tamil Nadu]] ] in ], Tamil Nadu]]
The Karukkupattaiyathar are supposed to be the original inhabitants of the country around Manadu. This sub-division was later known as ''Mara Nadar''. They claim to be the descendants of the Pandyans. It is the largest of the five subcastes and constitutes about 80 percent of the entire community, including the aristocratic Nelamaikkarars and the climbers beneath them. The Nelamaikarrars and the climbers are endogamous groups, forming sub-subcastes that each marry only among themselves.<ref name="Hardgrave24">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=32}}</ref> The Karukkupattaiyathar are supposed to be the original inhabitants of the country around Manadu. This sub-division was later known as ''Mara Nadar''. They claim to be the descendants of the Pandyans. It is the largest of the five subcastes and constitutes about 80 percent of the entire community, including the aristocratic Nelamaikkarars and the climbers beneath them. The Nelamaikarrars and the climbers are endogamous groups, forming sub-subcastes that each marry only among themselves.<ref name="Hardgrave24">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=32}}</ref>

===Mel-nattar=== ===Mel-nattar===
The term Mel-nattar comes from ''Mel-nadu'' (western country). Mel-nattars lived traditionally in the Southern Travancore and Western Tirunelveli districts. They claim to be descendants of the Chera kings who settled in the area of the ] after the fall of their dynasty. They can be found today mainly in ], ], ], and ].<ref name="Hardgrave26">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=33}}</ref> The term Mel-nattar comes from ''Mel-nadu'' (western country). Mel-nattars lived traditionally in the Southern Travancore and Western Tirunelveli districts. They claim to be descendants of the Chera kings who settled in the area of the ] after the fall of their dynasty.<ref name="Hardgrave26">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=33}}</ref>
] ]

===Nattathi=== ===Nattathi===
They are predominant in the village of Nattathi near ], ] district. They are traditionally cultivators, traders and money lenders. Legendary accounts claim that the Nattathis are descendants born of the Pandyas and Cholas. The community is today predominantly Christian and remains an endogamanous unit. The overlord of Nattathi was a retainer of the ]. The Nattathi overlord was invested with Zamindari rights under the British. The last of the Nattathi zamindars, Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, died in 1892. The properties of the Zamindar were eventually divided among a number of claimants.<ref name="Hardgrave26"/> At the time that Robert Hardgrave conducted his study, in the 1960s, the Nattathis were predominant in the village of Nattathi near ], ] district. There they were traditionally cultivators, traders and money lenders. Legendary accounts claim that the Nattathis are descendants born of the Pandyas and Cholas. The community was mostly Christian and remained an endogamous unit. The overlord of Nattathi was a retainer of the ]. The Nattathi overlord was invested with Zamindari rights under the British. The last of the Nattathi zamindars, Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, died in 1892. The properties of the Zamindar were eventually divided among a number of claimants.<ref name="Hardgrave26"/>

===Kodikal=== ===Kodikal===
They are found in Ambasamudram and Tenkasi taluqs and traditionally palmrya climbers. They are supposed to have migrated to the Pandyan country from the banks of the Cauvery River in Tanjore to serve the Pandyan kings as their flag bearers.<ref name="Hardgrave27">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=34}}</ref> They are traditionally palmrya climbers. They are supposed to have migrated to the Pandyan country from the banks of the Cauvery River in Tanjore to serve the Pandyan kings as their flag bearers.<ref name="Hardgrave27">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=34}}</ref>

===Kalla=== ===Kalla===
The Kalla Shanars were considered as the lowest division of the Nadar community.<!--nb: Kalla is NOT the same as the Kallar caste, for which we have an article--> They are also known as Servai. The term ''kalla'' means "false". They are believed originally to have been palanquin bearers for the Pandyan kings or menial slaves of the Nelamaikkarar family, having descended from illegal unions within the Nadar community. They are traditionally toddy tappers.<ref name="Hardgrave27"/> The Kalla Shanars were considered as the lowest division of the Nadar community.<!--nb: Kalla is NOT the same as the Kallar caste, for which we have an article--> They are also known as Servai. The term ''kalla'' means "false". They are believed originally to have been palanquin bearers for the Pandyan kings or menial slaves of the Nelamaikkarar family, having descended from illegal unions within the Nadar community. They are traditionally toddy tappers.<ref name="Hardgrave27"/>

The subsect culture is not present today among the Nadars north of Tirunelveli but it still exists among those of southern Tirunelveli. The Karkuppatayathars, the endogamaous Nelamaikkarars and the Nadar climbers beneath them, are today known as ''A group'' or ''Mara Nadar'', and the remaining four subcastes are known as ''B group''.<ref name="Gazetteers of India, Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page 232-237"> Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page232- 237</ref> The subsect culture is not present today among the Nadars north of Tirunelveli but it still exists among those of southern Tirunelveli. The Karkuppatayathars, the endogamaous Nelamaikkarars and the Nadar climbers beneath them, are today known as ''A group'' or ''Mara Nadar'', and the remaining four subcastes are known as ''B group''.<ref name="Gazetteers of India, Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page 232-237"> Gazetteers of India Tamil Nadu state: Thoothukudi district by Sinnakani: Copyrighted by the Government of Tamil Nadu, Commissioner of archives and Historical Research Page232- 237</ref>

===Christian Nadars=== ===Christian Nadars===
In 1680, the first congregation of Nadars was started at Vaddakankulam with the conversion of Nadar women and a church was built accordingly in 1685. A permanent mission was established in 1701. Some Nadars accepted Christianity through will and some accepted it due to their aversion to local beliefs.<ref name="The Spirituality of Basic Ecclesial Communities in the Socio-religious Context of Trivandrum/Kerala, India: Reflections on a Distinctively Canonical Institution<ref>{{cite book | title=From mission to church: the Reformed Church in America mission to India| edition=| author=Eugene P. Heideman| date=June 2001| pages=71| publisher=Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company| isbn=978-0-8028-4900-7}}</ref> In 1970, Christian Nadars numbered 150,000 as opposed to 1.5 to 2 millions of Hindu Nadars in ].<ref name="Mandelbaum3">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=511–512}}</ref> Nadar Christians, like Hindus, marry within their caste.<ref>{{cite book | title=Readings in eastern religions| edition=| author=Harold G. Coward, Ronald Wesley Neufeldt, Eva K. Neumaier-Dargyay| year=2007| pages=88| publisher=Wilfrid Laurier University Press| isbn=978-0-88920-435-5}}</ref> In 1680, the first congregation of Nadars was started at Vaddakankulam with the conversion of Nadar women and a church was built accordingly in 1685. A permanent mission was established in 1701. Some Nadars accepted Christianity through will and some accepted it due to their aversion to local beliefs.<ref name="The Spirituality of Basic Ecclesial Communities in the Socio-religious Context of Trivandrum/Kerala, India: Reflections on a Distinctively Canonical Institution">{{cite book | title=From mission to church: the Reformed Church in America mission to India| author=Eugene P. Heideman| date=June 2001| pages=71| publisher=Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company| isbn=978-0-8028-4900-7}}</ref> In 1970, Christian Nadars numbered 150,000 as opposed to 1.5 to 2 million Hindu Nadars in ].<ref name="Mandelbaum3">{{Harvnb|Mandelbaum|1970|pp=511–512}}</ref> Nadar Christians, like Hindus, marry within their caste.<ref>{{cite book | title=Readings in eastern religions| author1=Harold G. Coward |author-link1=Harold Coward |author2=Ronald Wesley Neufeldt |author3=Eva K. Neumaier-Dargyay | year=2007| pages=88| publisher=Wilfrid Laurier University Press| isbn=978-0-88920-435-5}}</ref>

==Religious customs== ==Religious customs==
{{See also|Kuladevata}} {{See also|Kuladevata}}
The Hindu Nadars, like other Hindus, have a variety of religious rituals and ceremonies. These include procedures relating to birth, adulthood, marriage and death. Every Hindu Nadar belongs to a ''kuttam'' (assemblage) through patrilineal descent, and each ''kuttam'' has a common family deity. During migration, families would often take soil from their family temple and enshrine it at their new home. Traditionally, all the members of a ''kuttam'' would assemble at least once a year at the family temple. With the birth of a child, the family would traditionally go to the family deity temple, where the hair of the child is shaved for the first time and offered to the deity. At the time of marriage the first invitation is presented to the family deity.<ref name="Hardgrave26"/> The Hindu Nadars, like other Hindus, have a variety of religious rituals and ceremonies. These include procedures relating to birth, adulthood, marriage and death. Every Hindu Nadar belongs to a ''kuttam'' (assemblage) through patrilineal descent, and each ''kuttam'' has a common family deity. During migration, families would often take soil from their family temple and enshrine it at their new home. Traditionally, all the members of a ''kuttam'' would assemble at least once a year at the family temple. With the birth of a child, the family would traditionally go to the family deity temple, where the hair of the child is shaved for the first time and offered to the deity. At the time of marriage the first invitation is presented to the family deity.<ref name="Hardgrave26"/>

The Hindu Nadars are almost entirely ] (only one ''kuttam'' is ]). Of the deities, ] has been widely popular among the Nadars. Goddess ] is the tutelary deity of the Nadar community. The Nadars also claim that they are the descendants of Bhadrakali. A Bhadrakali temple is usually at the centre of almost every Nadar settlement.<ref name="Hardgrave25">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=36–38}}</ref> The Hindu Nadars are almost entirely ] (only one ''kuttam'' is ]). Of the deities, ] has been widely popular among the Nadars. Goddess ] is the tutelary deity of the Nadar community. The Nadars also claim that they are the descendants of Bhadrakali. A Bhadrakali temple is usually at the centre of almost every Nadar settlement.<ref name="Hardgrave25">{{Harvnb|Hardgrave|1969|pp=36–38}}</ref>

] was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community<ref name="lmsp8889">{{cite book|title=Report of the London Missionary Society, 1847|year=1847|pages=88–89}}</ref>]] ] was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community.]]

==Martial Arts== ==Martial arts==
The Nadars, traditionally practised a Tamil martial art variously known as '']'', ''chinna adi'' and ''varma adi''. In recent years, since 1958, these have been referred to as Southern-style Kalaripayattu, although they are distinct from the ancient martial art of Kalaripayattu itself that was historically the style found in Kerala.<ref>{{cite book |title=Martial Arts of the World: An Encyclopedia. A – L |volume=1 |editor-first=Thomas A. |editor-last=Green |year=2001| page=177 |chapter=India |first=Philip B. |last=Zarilli |publisher=ABC-CLIO | isbn=978-1-57607-150-2 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v32oHSE5t6cC&pg=PA177}}</ref>
The Nadars, along with the Nairs and Ezhavas, traditionally practiced the martial art of ].<ref name="Thomas A. Green 2001 177"/>

==Notable people== ==Some Notable Nadars==
<!-- NOTE: Do not add any names to this list without providing a reliably published source that confirms the claim. Any content added without proper sourcing is subject to immediate removal.-->
{{Further|List of Nadars}}
* ], Former ]<ref>{{cite book|editor1-last=P. Kandaswamy |author2=|title=The Political Career of K. Kamaraj: A Study in the Politics of Tamilnadu, 1920-1975

|volume= |publisher=Concept Publishing Company |year=2001|page=20|isbn=|quote=| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IsluAAAAMAAJ }}</ref>
==Notes==
* ], ] and ]<ref>{{cite book|editor1-last= |author2=|title=Social Sciences Research Journal
{{Reflist|2}}
|volume= 22|publisher=Panjab University |year=2014|page=277|isbn=|quote=| url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5x2mtRHUDakC }}</ref>
* ], Former ] and Founder of ]
* ], politician<ref name=autogenerated1>{{cite book |title=Liberation of the Oppressed: A Continuous Struggle| first1=Ivy |last1=Peter |first2=D. |last2=Peter|year=2009|publisher=Kanniyakumari Institute of Development Studies|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=p_nHft2p3moC}}</ref>
* ], Founder of ] and ]<ref>{{cite book | title=India Inc: how India's top ten entrepreneurs are winning globally| last=Pota| first=Vikas| date=7 January 2010| pages=179| publisher=Nicholas Brealey Publishing, 2009| isbn=978-1-85788-524-8}}</ref>
* ], Former ] for ].
* ], Self Respect movement<ref>{{cite book | title=The Nadars of Tamil Nadu| last=Hardgrave| first=Robert| pages=247| publisher=University of California Press}}</ref>
* ], Indian actor and ].


==References== ==References==
{{refbegin}} {{reflist}}
* {{cite book | first=Robert| last=Hardgrave |year= 1969| title= The Nadars of Tamilnad: the political culture of a community in change| publisher=University of California Press| location=Berkeley |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=KZ9mqiLgkdEC | ref=harv|isbn= 81-7304-701-4}}
===Bibliography===
* {{cite book | first=Dennis| last=Templeman| authorlink= | coauthors= | year= 1996| title= The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change|edition= | publisher=Oxford University Press, USA| location= | ref=harv|isbn= 0-19-563788-7}}
{{refbegin}}
* {{cite book | first=David Goodman| last=Mandelbaum| authorlink= | coauthors= | year= 1970| title= Society in India, Volumes 1–2|edition= | publisher=University of California Press| location=| ref=harv| isbn= | url =}}
* {{cite book | first=M. | last=Immanuel| authorlink= | coauthors= | year= 2002| title= The Dravidian Lineages: The Nadars Through the Ages. A Socio-Historical Study. From Indus Valley Civilization to present time|edition= | publisher=Historical Research & Publications Trust| location= 137/H-4 Bethel Nagar, Nagercoil-629004, Tamil Nadu, India| isbn= | url =}} * {{cite book | first=Robert| last=Hardgrave |year= 1969| title= The Nadars of Tamilnad: the political culture of a community in change| publisher=University of California Press| location=Berkeley |url=https://archive.org/details/nadarsoftamilnad0000hard | url-access=registration|isbn= 81-7304-701-4}}
* {{cite book | first=David Goodman| last=Mandelbaum| year= 1970| title= Society in India, Volumes 1–2| publisher=University of California Press}}
* {{cite book | first=Dennis | last=Templeman| year= 1996| title= The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An Indian Caste in the Process of Change| publisher=Oxford University Press | isbn=9780195637885 | url =https://books.google.com/books?id=yhJuAAAAMAAJ}}
*{{cite book |first=A. R. |last=Venkatachalapathy |chapter="More Kshatriya than thou!" Debating caste and ritual ranking in colonial Tamilnadu |title=Ritual, Caste and Religion in Colonial South India |editor1-first=Michael |editor1-last=Bergunder |editor2-first=Heiko |editor2-last=Frese |editor3-first=Ulrike |editor3-last=Schröder |publisher=Primus Books |year=2011 |isbn=9789380607214 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OcEM2IsnA1AC&pg=PA275}}
{{refend}} {{refend}}


]
==Further reading==
*{{cite book |first=A. R. |last=Venkatachalapathy |chapter="More Kshatriya than thou!" Debating caste and ritual ranking in colonial Tamilnadu |title=Ritual, Caste and Religion in Colonial South India |editor1-first=Michael |editor1-last=Bergunder |editor2-first=Heiko |editor2-last=Frese |editor3-first=Ulrike |editor3-last=Schröder |publisher=Primus Books |year=2011 |isbn=9789380607214 |url=http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=OcEM2IsnA1AC&lpg=PA275}}

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Latest revision as of 10:55, 24 July 2024

Caste in South India and Sri Lanka For other uses, see Nadar (disambiguation). "Chanar" redirects here. For places in Iran, see Chenar.

Ethnic group
Nadar
Regions with significant populations
Chennai, Kanyakumari, Kollam, Madurai, Thanjavur, Thiruvananthapuram, Thoothukudi, Tiruchendur, Tirunelveli, Virudhunagar
Languages
Tamil, Malayalam
Religion
Hinduism, Christianity, Ayyavazhi
Related ethnic groups
Tamil people

Nadar (also referred to as Nadan, Shanar and Shanan) is a Tamil caste of India. Nadars are predominant in the districts of Kanyakumari, Thoothukudi, Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar.

The Nadar community was not a single caste, but developed from an assortment of related subcastes, which in course of time came under the single banner Nadar. Nadar climbers were the largest subsect of today's Nadar community. A few subsects of the Nadar community, such as the Nelamaikkarars, were traditionally wealthy landlords and money lenders. Historically, most Nadars were cultivators of palmyra trees and jaggery and a few were also involved in the toddy trade. Nadar climbers had faced discrimination from major upper castes in some regions. The martial art of Varma Kalai was historically practiced by the Nadars.

The socio-economic development achieved by the Nadars in southern India has elicited academic interest. Nadars are classified and listed as an Other Backward Class by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.

Etymology

The community was previously known as Shanar but legally changed their name to Nadar in 1921. The title Nadar is believed to be derived from the Nelamaikkarars, the aristocrats of the Shanar community who had previously used it exclusively. Nadars claim that the original name of the community was Shantror or Shandrar (noble one) which, in course of time, was corrupted to Shanar. Channar is a title used by the Ezhava community of Kerala. However, there is no evidence to support these claims.

History

The origin of Nadars as a social group is uncertain. Hardgrave stated that the Teri palmyra forests around today's Tiruchendur must have been their original abode. In the late 19th century, some Nadar activists started claiming that the Nadars are the descendants of those who ruled the Pandyan kingdom and that when Nayak rulers captured the Pandya country, it was divided into several Palayams (divisions) for each of which Palaiyakkars were appointed as rulers. They also claimed that the Nayak rulers of Tamil Nadu imposed Deshaprashtam (ostracism) on the ancient Nadars to ensure that they would not rise. According to Hardgrave these claims were not completely baseless. The traditions followed by the Nelamaikkarars and the existence of the ruins beneath the Teri palmrya forests of Tiruchendur and the Pandyan capital city of Korkai, where the Nadar population is predominant, suggest they could very well be the heirs of the Early Pandyas. However, there is little evidence to support the community's claim to be descendants of the later Pandya rulers. The identity or caste of the Pandyan kings remains a mystery. This belief, that the Nadars had been the kings of Tamil Nadu, became the dogma of the Nadar community in the 19th century. According to legendary accounts, some of the Nadars had migrated to Sri Lanka, but they had to return to India as they didn't receive proper treatment in Sri Lanka.

Nadars of the 19th century

In the early nineteenth century, the Nadars were a community mostly engaged in the palmyra industry, including the production of toddy. However, there were a few subsects comprising wealthy landlords and money lenders. At this time, the majority of Nadars lived south of the Thamirabarani River, and formed 80 – 90 per cent of the population between there and Cape Comorin. Although numerically dominant in the area, the Nadars had a minimal interaction with other communities and they were themselves divided by their various endogamous subcastes, and thus lacked communal cohesion. While the majority of the Nadar population in the south of Thamirabarani river were poor, landless palmyra climbers, there also existed a small endogamous sub group of aristocratic Nadars, known as the Nelamaikarrars or Nadans, who owned vast tracts of land. These Nadans either held their position directly under Nayak rulers in the Tiruchendur area or as petty lords under the Palaiyakkarar. They commanded high respect among the population, including from groups such as the Nadar climbers, the minority Vellalars and the Brahmins. Nadan men rode horses and their women rode in covered palanquins.

Nadar climbers were also to be found in other regions of Tamil Nadu where a few palmyra trees grew. In areas where the Nadar climber population consisted of only a few families in a village, they faced discrimination from major upper castes. Due to their association with toddy, the Nadars were considered lower than other middle castes, but relatively higher than the low castes, and were also prohibited to enter temples built by higher ranked castes. Although associated with toddy, the Nadars did not themselves consume it. The Nadars were schismatic about their position in the caste hierarchy and firmly claimed that they were wrongly placed in the caste system due to the Nayak invasion. They were also very caste conscious.

Nadars of Travancore

Hardgrave conjectures that the Nadars of Southern Travancore migrated there from Tirunelveli in the 16th century after the invasion of Tirunelveli by the Raja of Travancore. Like their Tirunelveli counterparts, the Nadars of Travancore were mostly palmyra climbers. However, a significant number of Nadars were subtenants to Nair or Vellalar landlords. These aristocratic Nadars called themselves Nadans and some of them had direct control over their lands. The Nadans enjoyed special privileges under the Raja and claimed that they were superior to the climbers. The climbers of Travancore fared a little better than their Tirunelveli counterparts but suffered severe social disabilities not found in Tirunelveli due to Travancore's rigid caste hierarchy. As Swami Vivekananda stated, the Keralite hierarchy was a lunatic asylum of castes. One example of the social disabilities was that Nadar climber women were not allowed to cover their bosoms to punctuate their low status. However, the Nadan women of the region were exempted from this restriction.

Discontented with their social status, a large number of Nadar climbers embraced Christianity and became upwardly mobile. Although they improved their status with the aid of Christian missionaries, the outcome of their conversion did not conform to the intent of those missionaries. Both the Christian and Hindu Nadar climber women wore the upper jacket in the manner of upper-class women, in order to improve their social status. In turn, upper-class men abused and discriminated against them. One Nadan family of Agastheeswaram, instead of supporting their depressed counterparts, supported the upper-class men and claimed that only their women had the right to wear an upper cloth. The situation became known as the Upper cloth controversy and became violent. Eventually, with assistance from the Travancore authorities, British Christian Missionaries and Vaikunta Swamy, the depressed Nadar climber women won the right to wear their upper cloth in the manner of their Nadan counterparts.

Northern Nadars

Some petty Nadar traders migrated from southern Tirunelveli to northern Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar. Over time they became commercially skilled and by the late 19th century were socially aspirant. Mercantilism played a crucial role in facilitating their upward mobility but religion was also perceived as a vehicle. Around 10 percent of the community converted to Christianity, both Catholic and Protestant.

British rule in the southern districts introduced new opportunities for trade and commerce, of which the Nadars took advantage. They established sophisticated pettais (fortified compounds) and urvinmurais (local caste associations) to ensure safety for their goods. Members of the uravinmurai, who were known as muraikkarars, would contribute a portion of their income to the association as mahimai (literally, to glorify oneself), in order to use the facilities of the pettais and to improve the common good. As the wealth of the Northern Nadars increased they began also to adopt the customs of the North Indian Kshatriyas in order to improve their social status, in a process now known as Sanskritisation. Many tried to disassociate themselves from their Nadar climber counterparts and the term Shanar (the term generally used to call a Tamil palmrya climber). They adopted the title of Nadan, previously used only by the Nelamaikkarars. To demonstrate their wealthy and powerful social position, the Nadars of Sivakasi hired Maravar palanquin bearers.

The upward mobility and kshatriya pretensions of the Nadars of the six towns of Ramanad caused resentment among both the Vellalar and the Maravar castes, who were ritually ranked above the Nadars. The outcome was a series of caste conflicts, including the Sivakasi riots of 1899. However, the Sankritisation movement was a failure initially and the Nadar climbers, who lived as minorities, were still discriminated by the majority castes. However these confrontations aided the community to protest for the required rights and privileges, with integrity, and also test how much other communities were willing to accept the Nadar claims of high status. The Northern Nadar leaders then sought to unite their community by encouraging intermarriages within the five major Nadar subcastes and also uplift the depressed palmrya Nadar climbers. They also sought to maintain amiable relationships with other communities. This led to the formation of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam in 1910.

Sri Lanka

Some Nadars emigrated from South India to Sri Lanka during the British colonial era.

Nadars of the 20th century

Rao Bahadur T. Rattinasami Nadar, founder of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam

Nadar Mahajana Sangam

The separate Nadar associations of the six Ramanad towns were unable to support a community that was becoming more dispersed as many began to migrate to other parts of Madras Presidency. With the rise of the politically ambitious T. Rattinasami Nadar, a wealthy Nadar of Porayar in Thanjavur district, a new association was formed. This resulted from Rattinasami Nadar inviting prominent community leaders to attend a plenary session in February 1910, with the intent of establishing an organization to represent the entire community. Rattinasami Nadar's uncle, V. Ponnusami Nadar, was elected to become the first president of the association, which was called the Nadar Mahajana Sangam. The association was open to any Nadar male of any subcaste or religion, and had as its general purpose the upliftment of the community. The early Sangam conferences were dominated by the Northern Nadars.

Against toddy

The campaign against toddy was one of the first steps taken by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam to enhance the social advancement of the entire Nadar community. Though majority of the Nadar climbers were engaged in the production of jaggery, a significant number of Nadar climbers were also involved in the production of toddy. The Sangam urged the Nadar climbers to abandon their traditional occupation of toddy tapping and not to sell hard toddy. However many Nadar climbers were reluctant to give up their profitable occupation. The situation got out of hand when Nadar leaders tried to intimidate the climbers, by using tenets of their cult, to give up their occupation as toddy tappers. To ease the situation the district magistrate issued a proclamation restricting the climbers to sell hard toddy only in specific regions, where toddy can be legally drawn. However the Sangam's campaign was effective for only about a year.

Prohibition of toddy act

The Sangam then in order to aid the climbers, sought to abolish the tax levied on palmyra trees. After the establishment of the Prohibition (of toddy) act in the Northern districts of Madras Presidency, the Nadar Mahajana Sangam along with its sister association, Dakshina Mara Nadar Sangam of Tirunelveli, sought to remove it to aid the depressed climbers. The British advisor government in turn suspended the act. However, the prohibition act was reintroduced after the independence. Under the rules of the act, the climbers could only tap between 4 am to 2pm and sell sweet toddy between 6am and 2pm. These procedures can also only be practiced by climbers who have license. The rigid government rules pressurized the depressed climbers. The two prominent Nadars Sangams constantly pressurized the government and eventually the enforcement of these regulations gradually eased. By the mid-1950s, the government assigned cooperative societies to promote jaggery production.

Nadar educational institutions

The Nadar community did not completely rely on the Backward Class Commission for educational advancement. In 1885, the Northern Nadars established the Kshatriya Vidhyasala High School in Virudhunagar by using the mahimai funds from the Nadar uravinmurai. Education was also the primary concern of the Nadar Mahajana Sangam from inception. In 1921, the Sangam began to provide scholarship loans to needy students, and by 1964 more than 3000 such loans were offered. Some students were given assistance for foreign studies. The Sangam also aided the establishment of village schools. Education formed the largest portion of expenditure by the Nadar Mahajana Sangam. The Nadar bank along with other cooperative societies gave 5 percent of their profit to the scholarship fund. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam also established a college, Senthilkumara Nadar College, in 1947.

Resolution of inter-caste conflicts

In villages where there were few Nadar climbers, they were oppressed by those in the majority. The Nadar Mahajana Sangam acted in the interests of such climbers, using the strength and influence of the community at large. The climbers could ask the Sangam to intervene in inter-community issues, which would cause the Sangam to investigate the situation and determine the validity of any Nadar claims. Then, if necessary, the Sangam would request police intervention or support a claim in court. In situations where the matter went to court, the Sangam would not provide financial support for the Nadar claimant to contest the case, but would rather see that the claim is properly heard. After independence of India, the Sangam took advantage of the constitutional provisions encouraging a caste-less society and also supported government attempts to promote this vision. The support included urging their own community members to allow use of their schools, tanks, temples and wells by other communities. The name of the Nadar bank was changed to Tamilnad Mercantile Bank. These activities earned the Nadar community respect and recognition.

Most of the shops in Ranganathan Street, Tamil Nadu's premier high street, are owned by the Nadars.

Politics

In the 1920s and 1930s, Nadar Mahajan Sangam supported the non-Brahmin movement and Justice party. W. P. A. Soundrapandian Nadar as the president of Nadar Mahajana Sangam led the effort to ally the community with Periyar E. V. Ramasamy's Self-respect movement. The Northern Nadars joined the Justice party in its attack against Brahmins on cultural and religious front. They also practiced self-respect marriages during the non-Brahmin movement.

However, in the late 1940s the Nadars' support shifted to Indian National Congress, in part because of the political success of K. Kamaraj, whose opinions had originally been disliked by his own community. After the end of Kamaraj's era, the Nadars' political support has become diffused across various parties and the Nadar Sangam has become less politicized.

Nadars today

The social and economical development achieved by the Nadars have evoked academic interest. According to N.S.Ramnath, of Forbes, the Nadars are a close knit, powerful community. The Nadars, who were once predominantly not allowed to enter Hindu temples built by castes above them, now occupy respected positions as Trustees in many Hindu temples of Tamil Nadu. They are financially strong and are politically influential in the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu. A political observer points out that there is a Nadar leader in almost every political party. The community has influential Tamil media houses, such as Dina Thanthi. Crawford Young has said that:

Today, the Nadars are recognized as an "advanced" community – a status reversal accomplished over the past century through caste horizontal mobilization of caste solidarity, challenge to servile traditional ascription through ritual transformations, effective utilization of modern opportunity through education and commerce, and skilful communal exploitation of the political arena.

Government classification

Nadars are classified and listed as a Backward Class by the governments of both Tamil Nadu and India.

Subcastes

The legend of the origin of the Nadars tell of the birth of seven sons; with the death of two, the remaining five father the separate divisions of the community. There were five major divisions among the Nadars. The Nadar community was not a single caste, but developed from an assortment of related subcastes and classes of different origins, which in course of time, came under the single banner Nadar. Nadar climber was the largest subsect of today's Nadar community. Nadars are predominant in the south Indian districts of Tuticorin, Kaniyakumari, Tirunelveli and Virudhunagar.

Karukkupattaiyathar

Palmrya climber in Tirunelveli district, Tamil Nadu

The Karukkupattaiyathar are supposed to be the original inhabitants of the country around Manadu. This sub-division was later known as Mara Nadar. They claim to be the descendants of the Pandyans. It is the largest of the five subcastes and constitutes about 80 percent of the entire community, including the aristocratic Nelamaikkarars and the climbers beneath them. The Nelamaikarrars and the climbers are endogamous groups, forming sub-subcastes that each marry only among themselves.

Mel-nattar

The term Mel-nattar comes from Mel-nadu (western country). Mel-nattars lived traditionally in the Southern Travancore and Western Tirunelveli districts. They claim to be descendants of the Chera kings who settled in the area of the Western Ghats after the fall of their dynasty.

Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, the last Zamindar of Nattathi.

Nattathi

At the time that Robert Hardgrave conducted his study, in the 1960s, the Nattathis were predominant in the village of Nattathi near Sawyerpuram, Tuticorin district. There they were traditionally cultivators, traders and money lenders. Legendary accounts claim that the Nattathis are descendants born of the Pandyas and Cholas. The community was mostly Christian and remained an endogamous unit. The overlord of Nattathi was a retainer of the Kattabomma Nayaka. The Nattathi overlord was invested with Zamindari rights under the British. The last of the Nattathi zamindars, Tiruvarudi Vaihunda Nadan, died in 1892. The properties of the Zamindar were eventually divided among a number of claimants.

Kodikal

They are traditionally palmrya climbers. They are supposed to have migrated to the Pandyan country from the banks of the Cauvery River in Tanjore to serve the Pandyan kings as their flag bearers.

Kalla

The Kalla Shanars were considered as the lowest division of the Nadar community. They are also known as Servai. The term kalla means "false". They are believed originally to have been palanquin bearers for the Pandyan kings or menial slaves of the Nelamaikkarar family, having descended from illegal unions within the Nadar community. They are traditionally toddy tappers.

The subsect culture is not present today among the Nadars north of Tirunelveli but it still exists among those of southern Tirunelveli. The Karkuppatayathars, the endogamaous Nelamaikkarars and the Nadar climbers beneath them, are today known as A group or Mara Nadar, and the remaining four subcastes are known as B group.

Christian Nadars

In 1680, the first congregation of Nadars was started at Vaddakankulam with the conversion of Nadar women and a church was built accordingly in 1685. A permanent mission was established in 1701. Some Nadars accepted Christianity through will and some accepted it due to their aversion to local beliefs. In 1970, Christian Nadars numbered 150,000 as opposed to 1.5 to 2 million Hindu Nadars in Madras state. Nadar Christians, like Hindus, marry within their caste.

Religious customs

See also: Kuladevata

The Hindu Nadars, like other Hindus, have a variety of religious rituals and ceremonies. These include procedures relating to birth, adulthood, marriage and death. Every Hindu Nadar belongs to a kuttam (assemblage) through patrilineal descent, and each kuttam has a common family deity. During migration, families would often take soil from their family temple and enshrine it at their new home. Traditionally, all the members of a kuttam would assemble at least once a year at the family temple. With the birth of a child, the family would traditionally go to the family deity temple, where the hair of the child is shaved for the first time and offered to the deity. At the time of marriage the first invitation is presented to the family deity.

The Hindu Nadars are almost entirely Saivite (only one kuttam is Vaishnavite). Of the deities, Murugan has been widely popular among the Nadars. Goddess Bhadrakali is the tutelary deity of the Nadar community. The Nadars also claim that they are the descendants of Bhadrakali. A Bhadrakali temple is usually at the centre of almost every Nadar settlement.

The socio-religious movement of Ayyavazhi was pioneered and patronized by the Nadar community.

Martial arts

The Nadars, traditionally practised a Tamil martial art variously known as Adimurai, chinna adi and varma adi. In recent years, since 1958, these have been referred to as Southern-style Kalaripayattu, although they are distinct from the ancient martial art of Kalaripayattu itself that was historically the style found in Kerala.

Some Notable Nadars

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Bibliography

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