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{{short description|Mass shooting in Derry, Northern Ireland}}
{{Other uses|Bloody Sunday (disambiguation){{!}}Bloody Sunday}}
{{For|other events of the same name|Bloody Sunday (disambiguation){{!}}Bloody Sunday}}
{{Use British English|date=January 2012}}
{{pp-move}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=May 2015}}
{{pp-semi-indef}}
{{use British English|date=January 2012}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2020}}
{{Infobox civilian attack {{Infobox civilian attack
| title = Bloody Sunday | title = Bloody Sunday
| partof = ] | partof = ]
| image = Edward Daly Bloody Sunday.jpg|200px | image = Edward Daly Bloody Sunday.jpg
| caption = ] waving a blood-stained ] while trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety. | caption = Catholic priest ] waving a blood-stained ] while trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety
| location = ], ] | location = ],{{refn|group=n|name=Derrynote|{{Derry-note}}}} ]
| coordinates = {{Coord|54.9969674|N|7.3255581|W|format=dms|type:event|display=title,inline}} | coordinates = {{Coord|54|59|49|N|07|19|32|W|type:event|display=title,inline}}
| date = 30 January 1972 | date = {{start date and age|df=yes|1972|1|30}}
| time = 16:10 | time = 16:10
| timezone = | timezone = UTC+00:00
| type = Shooting | type = ], ]
| weapons = ] | weapons = ]
| fatalities = 14 (13 immediate, 1 died months later) | fatalities = 14 (13 immediate, 1 died four months later)
| injuries = 14 (12 from gunshots and two from vehicle impact). Possibly also three from other injuries. | injuries = 15+ (12 from gunshots, two from vehicle impact, others from rubber bullets and flying debris)
| perps = ]<br>(mostly ]) | perps = ] (])
| susperps = | susperps =
| numparts = | numparts =
}}{{Campaignbox Northern Ireland Troubles}}
}}
'''Bloody Sunday''', or the '''Bogside Massacre''',<ref name="McCann"/> was a ] on 30 January 1972 when British soldiers shot 26 unarmed civilians during a protest march in the ] area of ],{{refn|group=n|name=Derrynote}} ]. Thirteen men were killed outright and the death of another man four months later was attributed to gunshot injuries from the incident. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers, and some were shot while trying to help the wounded.<ref name="CAINBS"/> Other protesters were injured by ], ]s, or ]s; two were run down by ] vehicles; and some were beaten.<ref name="CAIN names"> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110806133640/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/deadinj.htm |date=6 August 2011 }}. ] (CAIN). 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006.</ref><ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190109080513/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/mcclean.htm |date=9 January 2019 }}. Retrieved 16 February 2007.</ref> All of those shot were ]. The march had been organised by the ] (NICRA) to protest against ]. The soldiers were from the ] of the ] ("1 Para"), the same battalion implicated in the ] several months before.<ref name="ballymurphy">{{cite book |last1=McGlinchey |first1=Marisa |title=Unfinished business: The politics of 'dissident' Irish republicanism |publisher=] |year=2019 |pages=161–162 |isbn=978-0719096983}}</ref>
{{Campaignbox Northern Ireland Troubles|state=collapsed}}


Two investigations were held by the ]. The ], held in the aftermath, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame. It described some of the soldiers' shooting as "bordering on the reckless", but accepted their claims that they shot at gunmen and bomb-throwers. The report was widely criticised as a "]".<ref>{{cite news |title=More 'butcher' than 'grocer' |author=David Granville |url=http://www.irishdemocrat.co.uk/features/more-butcher-than-grocer/ |newspaper=] |date=28 July 2005 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=2 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131202233032/http://www.irishdemocrat.co.uk/features/more-butcher-than-grocer/ |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Schooled in scandal |author=Nick Cohen |url=http://politics.guardian.co.uk/kelly/comment/0,,1136486,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=1 February 2004 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=12 October 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012172030/http://politics.guardian.co.uk/kelly/comment/0,,1136486,00.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=1972: 'Bloody Sunday' report excuses Army |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/19/newsid_2491000/2491125.stm |work=BBC News |date=19 April 1972 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=6 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080106153121/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/19/newsid_2491000/2491125.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
'''Bloody Sunday''' – sometimes called the '''Bogside Massacre'''<ref name="McCann" /> – was a terrorist attack on 30 January 1972 in the ] area of ], ]. ] shot 26 unarmed civilians during a protest march against ]. Fourteen people died: thirteen were killed outright, while the death of another man four-and-a-half months later was attributed to his injuries. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers and some were shot while trying to help the wounded. Two protesters were also injured when they were run down by army vehicles.<ref> CAIN Web Service, 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006.</ref><ref>. Retrieved 16 February 2007.</ref> The march had been organized by the ] and the ].<ref>{{cite web|title=Have You Forgotten Bloody Sunday?|url=http://www.newworker.org/ireland.htm|publisher=new Communist Party of great Britain|accessdate=1 April 2015}}</ref> The soldiers involved were mostly members of the ], also known as "1 Para".<ref name="WIDGERY" />


The ], chaired by ], was established in 1998 to reinvestigate the incident much more thoroughly. Following a twelve-year investigation, Saville's report was made public in 2010 and concluded that the killings were "unjustified" and "unjustifiable". It found that all of those shot were unarmed, that none were posing a serious threat, that no bombs were thrown and that soldiers "knowingly put forward false accounts" to justify their firing.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/15/bloody-sunday-inquiry-key-findings |title=Bloody Sunday inquiry: key findings |newspaper=] |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=10 November 2015 |archive-date=27 October 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151027172026/http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/15/bloody-sunday-inquiry-key-findings |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/10/bloody-sunday-inquiry-northern-ireland |title=Bloody Sunday killings to be ruled unlawful |newspaper=The Guardian |location=London |date=10 June 2010 |access-date=12 June 2010 |first1=Henry |last1=McDonald |first2=Richard |last2=Norton-Taylor |archive-date=3 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203103853/http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/10/bloody-sunday-inquiry-northern-ireland |url-status=live}}</ref> The soldiers denied shooting the named victims but also denied shooting anyone by mistake.<ref name="gov.uk"> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. pp. 36–37</ref> On publication of the report, ] ] formally apologised.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10320609 |title=Bloody Sunday report published |work=BBC News|date=15 June 2010 |access-date=8 April 2011 |archive-date=20 March 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110320013614/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10320609 |url-status=live}}</ref> Following this, police began a murder investigation into the killings. One former soldier was charged with murder, but the case was dropped two years later when evidence was deemed inadmissible.<ref name="Soldier F withdrawn">{{Cite news |last=O'Neill |first=Julian |date=2021-07-02 |title=Why did prosecutors drop cases against ex-soldiers? |work=BBC News |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57690405 |url-status=live |access-date=2023-06-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210711041104/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57690405 |archive-date=11 July 2021}}</ref> Following an appeal by the families of the victims, the Public Prosecution Service resumed the prosecution.<ref name="Young">{{cite web |url=https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/newslondon/halted-prosecution-of-soldier-f-over-bloody-sunday-murders-to-resume/ar-AA12800K |title=Halted prosecution of Soldier F over Bloody Sunday murders to resume |website=MSN |last=Young |first=David |date=22 September 2022 |access-date=22 September 2022 |archive-date=22 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220922163008/https://www.msn.com/en-gb/news/newslondon/halted-prosecution-of-soldier-f-over-bloody-sunday-murders-to-resume/ar-AA12800K |url-status=live }}</ref>
Two investigations have been held by the ]. The ], held in the immediate aftermath of the incident, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame—John Widgery described the soldiers' shooting as "bordering on the reckless"—but was widely criticised as a "]".<ref>{{cite web | title = More 'butcher' than 'grocer' | author = David Granville | url = http://www.irishdemocrat.co.uk/features/more-butcher-than-grocer/ | publisher = ] | date = 28 July 2005 | accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = Schooled in scandal | author = Nick Cohen | url = http://politics.guardian.co.uk/kelly/comment/0,,1136486,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London | date = 1 February 2004 | accessdate =18 May 2007 }}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title = 1972: 'Bloody Sunday' report excuses Army | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/19/newsid_2491000/2491125.stm |publisher=BBC News | date = 19 April 1972| accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref> The ], chaired by ], was established in 1998 to reinvestigate the incident. Following a 12-year inquiry, Saville's report was made public on 15 June 2010, and contained findings of fault that could re-open the controversy, and potentially lead to criminal investigations for some soldiers involved in the killings.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jun/10/bloody-sunday-inquiry-northern-ireland|title=Bloody Sunday killings to be ruled unlawful|work=The Guardian |location=London |date=10 June 2010|accessdate=12 June 2010 | first1=Henry | last1=McDonald | first2=Richard | last2=Norton-Taylor}}</ref> The report found that all of those shot were unarmed, and that the killings were both "unjustified and unjustifiable." On the publication of the Saville report the British prime minister, ], made a formal apology on behalf of the United Kingdom.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10320609 |title=Bloody Sunday report published |publisher=BBC|date=15 June 2010|accessdate=8 April 2011}}</ref>


Bloody Sunday came to be regarded as one of the most significant events of ] because so many civilians were killed by forces of the state, in view of the public and the press.<ref name="McCann">{{cite book |author=Eamonn McCann |title=The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – The Families Speak Out |location=London |publisher=Pluto Press |year=2006 |isbn=0-7453-2510-6}} pp. 4–6</ref> It was the highest number of people killed in a shooting incident during the conflict and is considered the worst mass shooting in Northern Irish history.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170502112934/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/violence/majinc.htm |date=2 May 2017 }}. ] (CAIN).</ref> Bloody Sunday fuelled Catholic and ] hostility to the British Army and worsened the conflict. Support for the ] (IRA) rose, and there was a surge of recruitment into the organisation, especially locally.<ref>{{cite book |author=Peter Pringle and Philip Jacobson |title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? |location=London |publisher=Fourth Estate |year=2000 |isbn=1-84115-316-8}} P. 293: "Youngsters who had seen their friends die that day flocked to join the IRA…"</ref> The ] held a ], and huge crowds besieged and ].
The ]'s (IRA) campaign had begun two years prior to Bloody Sunday, but the events of the day boosted the status of, and recruitment into, the organization enormously, epecially locally.<ref>{{cite book | author=Peter Pringle and Philip Jacobson | title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? | location=London | publisher=Fourth Estate | year=2000|isbn=1-84115-316-8}} P. 293: "Youngsters who had seen their friends die that day flocked to join the IRA…"</ref> Bloody Sunday remains among the most significant events in "]" because of the high number of casualties and fatalities caused by British soldiers in full view of the public and the press.<ref name="McCann">{{cite book | author=Eamonn McCann| title=The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – The Families Speak Out | location=London | publisher=Pluto Press | year=2006 | isbn=0-7453-2510-6}} pp. 4–6</ref>


==Background== ==Background==
{{Main|The Troubles}} {{Main|The Troubles}}
The City of Derry was perceived by many Catholics and ] in Northern Ireland to be the epitome of what was described as "fifty years of Unionist misrule": despite returning a plurality of nationalist votes, ward boundaries ensured elections to the City Corporation always returned a ] majority. At the same time the city was perceived to be deprived of public investment – rail routes to the city were closed, motorways were not extended to it, a university was opened in the relatively small (Protestant-majority) provincial town of ] rather than Derry and, above all, the city's housing stock was in an appalling state.<ref name="Whyte">{{Cite book|author=Gallager |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm#chap1 |title=Contemporary Irish Studies |publisher=Manchester University Press |year=1983|accessdate=21 April 2011|isbn = 0-7190-0919-7|display-authors=etal}}</ref> The city therefore became a significant focus of the civil rights campaign led by organisations such as ] (NICRA) in the late 1960s and it was in Derry that the so-called ] the event that more than any other pushed the Northern Ireland administration to ask for military support for civil policing – took place in August 1969.<ref name="Purdie">{{Cite book|author=Bob Purdie |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/crights/purdie.htm#nicra |title=Politics in the Streets: The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland |publisher=Blackstaff Press |year=1990|accessdate=21 April 2011|isbn = 0-85640-437-3}}</ref> The City of ] was perceived by many ] and ] in ] to be the epitome of what was described as "fifty years of ] misrule": despite having a nationalist majority, ] ensured elections to the City Corporation always returned a unionist majority. The city was perceived to be deprived of public investment: motorways were not extended to it, a university was opened in the smaller (]-majority) town of ] rather than Derry and, above all, the city's housing stock was in a generally poor state.<ref name="Whyte">{{Cite book |author=Gallager |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm#chap1 |title=Contemporary Irish Studies |publisher=Manchester University Press |year=1983 |access-date=21 April 2011 |isbn=0-7190-0919-7 |display-authors=etal |archive-date=14 May 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110514131114/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm#chap1 |url-status=live}}</ref>{{page needed|date=January 2021}} Derry therefore became a major focus of the ] campaign led by organisations such as the ] (NICRA) in the late 1960s. It was the scene of the major riot known as ] in August 1969, which pushed the Northern Ireland administration to ask for military support.<ref name="Purdie">{{Cite book |author=Bob Purdie |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/crights/purdie.htm#nicra |title=Politics in the Streets: The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland |publisher=Blackstaff Press |year=1990 |access-date=21 April 2011 |isbn=0-85640-437-3 |archive-date=14 May 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110514140329/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/crights/purdie.htm#nicra |url-status=live}}</ref>


While many Catholics initially welcomed the British Army as a neutral force, in contrast to what was regarded as a sectarian police force, relations between them soon deteriorated.<ref>{{Cite book|author=Niall Ó Dochartaigh |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/troops/chap4.htm#honey |title=From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles |publisher=Cork University Press |year=1997 |accessdate=19 April 2011|isbn = 978-1-85918-108-9 }}</ref> While many Catholics initially welcomed the ] as a neutral force in contrast to the ] (RUC), which was regarded as a sectarian police force relations between them soon deteriorated.<ref>{{Cite book |first=Niall |last=Ó Dochartaigh |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/troops/chap4.htm#honey |title=From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles |publisher=Cork University Press |year=1997 |access-date=19 April 2011 |isbn=978-1-85918-108-9 |archive-date=20 July 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720064627/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/troops/chap4.htm#honey |url-status=live}}</ref>


In response to escalating levels of violence across Northern Ireland, ] was introduced on 9 August 1971.<ref name="g45">{{cite book | last = Geraghty | first = Tony | authorlink = Tony Geraghty | title = The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence | publisher = ] | year = 2000 | page = 45 | isbn = 978-0-00-638674-2}}</ref> There was disorder across Northern Ireland following the introduction of internment, with 21 people being killed in three days of rioting.<ref name="e141">{{cite book | last = English | first = Richard | authorlink = Richard English | title = Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA | publisher = ] | year = 2003 | page = 141 | isbn = 0-330-49388-4}}</ref> On 10 August, ] Paul Challenor became the first soldier to be killed by the Provisional IRA in Derry, when he was shot by a sniper on the ].<ref name="b83">{{cite book | last = Taylor | first = Peter | title = Brits: The War Against the IRA | publisher = Bloomsbury Publishing |year=2001 | page = 83 | isbn = 0-7475-5806-X}}</ref> A further six soldiers had been killed in Derry by mid-December 1971.<ref name="b84">''Brits'', p. 84.</ref> 1,332 rounds were fired at the British Army, who also faced 211 explosions and 180 ]s<ref name="b84" /> and who fired 364 rounds in return. In response to rising levels of violence across Northern Ireland, ] was introduced on 9 August 1971.<ref name="g45">{{cite book |last=Geraghty |first=Tony |author-link=Tony Geraghty |title=The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence |publisher=] |year=2000 |page=45 |isbn=978-0-00-638674-2}}</ref> There was disorder across the region following the introduction of internment, with 21 people being killed in three days of violence.<ref name="e141">{{cite book |last=English |first=Richard |author-link=Richard English |title=Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA |publisher=] |year=2003 |page=141 |isbn=0-330-49388-4}}</ref> In ], soldiers of the ] shot dead eleven civilians in what became known as the ].<ref name="ballymurphy"/> On 10 August, ] Paul Challenor became the first soldier to be killed by the ] (Provisional IRA) in Derry, when he was shot by a sniper in the ] ].<ref name="b83">{{cite book |last=Taylor |first=Peter |title=Brits: The War Against the IRA |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing |year=2001 |page= |isbn=0-7475-5806-X |url=https://archive.org/details/brits00pete/page/83}}</ref> A month after internment was introduced, a British soldier shot dead a 14-year-old Catholic schoolgirl, ], in Derry.<ref>''The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968–1998'' {{ISBN|978-0-198-84321-4}} p. 43</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=46 years on: Annette's family vow to continue fight for justice |url=https://www.derryjournal.com/news/46-years-annettes-family-vow-continue-fight-justice-1117931 |access-date=19 July 2021 |work=] |date=26 May 2017 |archive-date=19 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210719125551/https://www.derryjournal.com/news/46-years-annettes-family-vow-continue-fight-justice-1117931 |url-status=live}}</ref> Two months later, Kathleen Thompson, a 47-year-old mother of six, was shot dead in her back garden in Derry by the British Army.<ref>{{cite web |title=Kathleen Thompson inquest: Ex-soldier 'did not hear any shooting' |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57551002 |publisher=] |date=21 June 2021 |access-date=30 November 2021 |archive-date=30 November 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211130194214/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57551002 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Sutton |first1=Malcolm |title=CAIN: Sutton Index of Deaths 1971 |url=https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/sutton/chron/1971.html |website=CAIN Archive - Conflict and Politics in Northern Ireland. |access-date=30 November 2021 |archive-date=21 October 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211021024541/https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/sutton/chron/1971.html |url-status=live}}</ref>


Provisional IRA activity also increased across Northern Ireland with thirty British soldiers being killed in the remaining months of 1971, in contrast to the ten soldiers killed during the pre-internment period of the year.<ref name="e141" /> Both the ] and Provisional IRA had established ]s for the British Army and RUC in Derry through the use of barricades.<ref name="b82">''Brits'', p. 82.</ref> By the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place to prevent access to what was known as ], 16 of them impassable even to the British Army's one-ton armoured vehicles.<ref name="b82" /> IRA members openly mounted roadblocks in front of the media, and daily clashes took place between nationalist youths and the British Army at a spot known as "aggro corner".<ref name="b82" /> Due to rioting and damage to shops caused by ]s, an estimated total of {{Nowrap|£4 million}} worth of damage had been done to local businesses.<ref name="b82" /> IRA activity also increased across Northern Ireland, with thirty British soldiers being killed in the remaining months of 1971, in contrast to the ten soldiers killed during the pre-internment period of the year.<ref name="e141" /> A further six soldiers had been killed in Derry by end of 1971.<ref name="b84">''Brits'', p. 84.</ref> At least 1,332 rounds were fired at the British Army, which also faced 211 explosions and 180 ]s,<ref name="b84" /> and who fired 364 rounds in return. Both the Provisional IRA and the ] had built barricades and established ]s for the British Army and RUC in Derry.<ref name="b82">''Brits'', p. 82.</ref> By the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place to prevent access to what was known as ], sixteen of them impassable even to the British Army's one-ton armoured vehicles.<ref name="b82" /> IRA members openly mounted roadblocks in front of the media, and daily clashes took place between nationalist youths and the British Army at a spot known as "aggro corner".<ref name="b82" /> Due to rioting and ]s, an estimated {{Nowrap|£4 million}} worth of damage was caused to local businesses.<ref name="b82" />


===Lead-up to the march===
In January 1972 the NICRA intended, despite the ban, to organise a march in Derry to protest against internment. The authorities, who knew of the proposed march, decided to allow it to proceed in the Catholic areas of the city, but to stop it from reaching ], as planned by the organisers. Major General ], then Commander of Land Forces in Northern Ireland, ordered that the ] (1 PARA), should travel to Derry to be used to arrest possible rioters during the march.<ref name="Saville2.16-17">{{Cite journal|author=Bloody Sunday Inquiry|url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter002 |title = Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |year=2010 |volume = 2.15–2.16 |accessdate=22 April 2011}}</ref> 1 PARA arrived in Derry on the morning of Sunday 30 January 1972 and took up positions in the city.<ref name="Saville3.1">{{Cite journal|author=Bloody Sunday Inquiry|url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003 |title = Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |year=2010 |volume = 3.1 |accessdate=22 April 2011}}</ref>
On 18 January 1972 the ], ], banned all parades and marches in the region until the end of the year.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Events+surrounding+one+of+the+darkest+days+in+history.-a061037924 |title=Events surrounding one of the darkest days in history |last=Macaskill |first=Jamie |work=Daily Record |location=Glasgow |date=28 March 2000 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202050213/https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Events+surrounding+one+of+the+darkest+days+in+history.-a061037924 |url-status=live}}</ref> Four days later, in defiance of the ban, an anti-internment march was held at ] strand, near Derry. Protesters marched to an ] but were stopped by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment. When some protesters threw stones and tried to go around the barbed wire, paratroopers drove them back by firing ]s at close range and making ]s. The paratroopers badly beat a number of protesters and had to be physically restrained by their own officers. These allegations of brutality by paratroopers were reported widely on television and in the press. Some in the British Army also thought there had been undue violence by the paratroopers.<ref>, paragraphs 202–221</ref><ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101206181115/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/chron.htm |date=6 December 2010 }}. ] (CAIN).</ref>

NICRA intended to hold another anti-internment march in Derry on 30 January. The authorities decided to allow it to proceed in the Bogside, but to stop it from reaching ], as planned by the organisers, to avoid rioting. Major General ], then Commander of Land Forces in Northern Ireland, ordered that the ] (1 Para), should travel to Derry to be used to arrest rioters.<ref name="Saville2.16-17">{{Cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter002 |website=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |title=Volume I, Chapter 2: Outline of events before the day |publisher=Crown Copyright |year=2010 |access-date=22 April 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100915134440/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter002 |archive-date=15 September 2010}}</ref> The arrest operation was codenamed 'Operation Forecast'.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. 15 June 2010. p. 9</ref> The Saville Report criticised Ford for choosing the Parachute Regiment for the operation, as it had "a reputation for using excessive physical violence".<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 50</ref> March organiser and MP ] had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA members would be near the march, although ] wrote that some of the stewards were probably IRA members.<ref>]. ''The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence''. JHU Press, 2000. pp.55–57</ref>


==Events of the day== ==Events of the day==
{{Main|Narrative of events of Bloody Sunday (1972)}} {{Main|Narrative of events of Bloody Sunday (1972)}}
]
]
The paratroopers arrived in Derry on the morning of the march and took up positions.<ref name="Saville3.1">{{Cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003 |website=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |title=Volume I, Chapter 3: The events of the day |publisher=Crown Copyright |year=2010 |access-date=22 April 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100824013430/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003 |archive-date=24 August 2010}}</ref> Brigadier Pat MacLellan was the operational commander and issued orders from ]. He gave orders to Lieutenant Colonel ], commander of 1 Para. He in turn gave orders to Major ], who commanded the ] who would launch the arrest operation. The protesters planned on marching from Bishop's Field, in the Creggan housing estate, to the Guildhall in the city centre, where they would hold a rally. The march set off at about 2:45{{nbsp}}p.m. There were 10,000–15,000 people on the march, with many joining along its route.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume02/chapter014/ |archive-url=http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20101017065242/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume02/chapter014/ |url-status=dead |archive-date=17 October 2010 |title=The beginning of the march – Chapter 14 – Volume II – Bloody Sunday Inquiry Report |website=Webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk |access-date=14 March 2019}}</ref> Lord Widgery, in his now discredited tribunal,<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2010/0616/1224272613911.html |title=Relief and vindication in Derry at findings in 5,000-page report |newspaper=The Irish Times |access-date=26 March 2011 |date=6 June 2010 |archive-date=4 March 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110304063347/http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2010/0616/1224272613911.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7827351/Bloody-Sunday-soldiers-should-face-trial-but-not-jail-families-say.html |title=Bloody Sunday: soldiers should face trial but not jail, families say |newspaper=The Telegraph |access-date=26 March 2011 |location=London |first1=John |last1=Bingham |first2=Rosa |last2=Prince |first3=Thomas |last3=Harding |date=14 June 2010 |archive-date=17 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100617030613/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7827351/Bloody-Sunday-soldiers-should-face-trial-but-not-jail-families-say.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=http://search.independent.co.uk/topic/saville-widgery |title=saville widgery |work=The Independent |location=London |access-date=26 March 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130129214943/http://search.independent.co.uk/topic/saville-widgery |archive-date=29 January 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://debates.oireachtas.ie/dail/1997/02/06/00031.asp |title=Written Answers. – Bloody Sunday Inquiry |publisher=House of the Oireachtas |access-date=26 March 2011 |archive-date=14 December 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111214141803/http://debates.oireachtas.ie/dail/1997/02/06/00031.asp |url-status=live}}</ref> said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/181194/Bloody-Sunday-March-that-led-to-deadly-clashes |title=Bloody Sunday: March that led to deadly clashes |last=Flanagan |first=Padraic |work=Sunday Express |location=London |date=16 June 2010 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202121631/http://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/181194/Bloody-Sunday-March-that-led-to-deadly-clashes |url-status=live}}</ref>


The march made its way along William Street but, as it neared the city centre, its path was blocked by British Army barriers. The organisers redirected the march down Rossville Street, intending to hold the rally at ] instead. However, some broke off from the march and began throwing stones at soldiers manning the barriers. The soldiers fired rubber bullets, ] and ]s.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. 15 June 2010. p. 14</ref> Such clashes between soldiers and youths were common, and observers reported that the rioting was no more violent than usual.<ref>{{cite book |author=Peter Pringle & Philip Jacobson |title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? |location=London |publisher=Fourth Estate |year=2000 |isbn=1-84115-316-8 |page=100 |quote=…the level of rioting was no greater than usual – and no petrol bombs or nail bombs were being thrown."}}</ref>
Many details of the day's events are in dispute, with no agreement even on the number of marchers present that day. The organisers, "Insight", claimed that there were 30,000 marchers; ], in his now discredited tribunal,<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2010/0616/1224272613911.html |title='Relief and vindication in Derry at findings in 5,000-page report'|work=The Irish Times |accessdate=26 March 2011|date=6 June 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7827351/Bloody-Sunday-soldiers-should-face-trial-but-not-jail-families-say.html |title='Bloody Sunday: soldiers should face trial but not jail, families say'|publisher=The Telegraph |accessdate=26 March 2011|location=London|first1=John|last1=Bingham|first2=Rosa|last2=Prince|first3=Thomas|last3=Harding|date=14 June 2010}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://search.independent.co.uk/topic/saville-widgery |title='saville widgery'|work=The Independent |location=London |accessdate=26 March 2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://debates.oireachtas.ie/dail/1997/02/06/00031.asp |title='Written Answers. – Bloody Sunday Inquiry'|publisher=House of the Oireachtas |accessdate=26 March 2011}}</ref> said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000. In ''The Road To Bloody Sunday'', local ] Dr Raymond McClean estimated the crowd as 15,000,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/mcclean.htm |title=Extracts from ''The Road to Bloody Sunday'' |first=Raymond |last=McClean |year=1983 |work=Conflict Archive on the Internet |publisher=Guildhall Press |location= Derry |accessdate=16 June 2010 }}</ref> which is the figure that was used by ] in ].<ref name="McAliskey-hansard">{{cite hansard |house=House of Commons |title=Northern Ireland |url=http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1972/feb/01/northern-ireland |date = 1 February 1972 |column_start = 264 |column_end = 331}}</ref>


Some of the crowd spotted paratroopers occupying a derelict three-story building overlooking William Street and began throwing stones up at the windows. At about 3:55{{nbsp}}p.m., these paratroopers opened fire. The civilians Damien Donaghy and John Johnston were shot and wounded while standing on waste ground opposite the building. These were the first shots fired.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }} ]. p. 15</ref> The soldiers claimed Donaghy was holding a black cylindrical object,<ref>{{cite book |author=Peter Pringle and Philip Jacobson |title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? |location=London |publisher=Fourth Estate |year=2000 |isbn=1-84115-316-8}}P 116: "Seconds after the corporal fired, he would say that he spotted the same man with a black cylindrical object in one hand strike what appeared to be a match against the wall. Johnston was standing a few feet from Donaghy. One of the bullets sliced through his right thigh."</ref> but the Saville Inquiry concluded that all of those shot were unarmed.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/15/bloody-sunday-inquiry-key-findings |title=Bloody Sunday inquiry: key findings |last1=Siddique |first1=Haroon |last2=French |first2=Megan |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=21 December 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161221110343/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/15/bloody-sunday-inquiry-key-findings |url-status=live}}</ref>
Numerous books and articles have been written and documentary films have been made on the subject.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/soc.htm |title='Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972 – Details of Source Material |publisher=CAIN Web Service |accessdate=16 June 2010}}</ref>


At 4:07{{nbsp}}p.m., the paratroopers were ordered to go through the barriers and arrest rioters. The paratroopers, on foot and in armoured vehicles, chased people down Rossville Street and into the Bogside. Two people were knocked down by the vehicles. MacLellan had ordered that only one company of paratroopers be sent through the barriers, on foot, and that they should not chase people down Rossville Street. Wilford disobeyed this order, which meant there was no separation between rioters and peaceful marchers.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 17</ref> There were many claims of paratroopers beating people, clubbing them with rifle butts, firing rubber bullets at them from close range, making threats to kill, and hurling abuse. The Saville Report agreed that soldiers "used excessive force when arresting people as well as seriously assaulting them for no good reason while in their custody".<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume03/chapter044/ |archive-url=http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20101103103930/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume03/chapter044/ |url-status=dead |archive-date=2010-11-03 |title=Report of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, Volume III, Chapter 44: Conclusions on the treatment of those arrested in Sector 2 |website=Webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk}}</ref>
The people planned on marching to the ], but because of army barricades designed to reroute the march, the protesters redirected it to Free Derry Corner. A group of teenagers broke off from the march and persisted in pushing the barricade and marching on the Guildhall. They attacked the British army barricade with stones. At this point, a water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets were used to disperse the rioters. Such confrontations between soldiers and youths were common, and observers reported that the rioting was not intense.<ref>{{cite book | author=Peter Pringle & Philip Jacobson | title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? | location=London | publisher=Fourth Estate | year=2000 | isbn=1-84115-316-8}} P. 100: "…the level of rioting was no greater than usual – and no petrol bombs or nail bombs were being thrown."</ref> Two civilians, Damien Donaghy and John Johnston, were shot and wounded on William Street by soldiers, who claimed that the former was carrying a black cylindrical object.<ref>{{cite book | author=Peter Pringle and Philip Jacobson | title=Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They? | location=London | publisher=Fourth Estate | year=2000 | isbn=1-84115-316-8}}P 116: "Seconds after the corporal fired, he would say that he spotted the same man with a black cylindrical object in one hand strike what appeared to be a match against the wall. Johnston was standing a few feet from Donaghy. One of the bullets sliced through his right thigh."</ref>


One group of paratroopers took up position at a low wall about {{convert|80|yd|m}} in front of a rubble barricade that stretched across Rossville Street. There were people at the barricade and some were throwing stones at the soldiers, but were not near enough to hit them.<ref>, paragraph 20</ref> The soldiers fired on the people at the barricade, killing six and wounding a seventh.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 24</ref>
At a certain point, reports of an IRA sniper operating in the area were allegedly given to the Army command centre. At {{Nowrap|4:07&nbsp;pm}} Brigade gave the British Parachute Regiment permission to go into the Bogside. The order to fire live rounds was given,{{Citation needed|date=August 2013}} and one young man was shot and killed when he ran down Chamberlain Street away from the advancing troops. This first fatality, Jackie Duddy, was among a crowd who were running away. He was running alongside a priest, ], when he was shot in the back.<ref name="CAINBS">{{cite web | title = 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30&nbsp;January 1972 | url = http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/circum.htm | publisher = ] | accessdate =16 May 2007}}</ref> Eventually the order was given to mobilise the troops in an arrest operation, chasing the tail of the main group of marchers to the edge of the field by Free Derry Corner.


A large group fled or were chased into the car park of Rossville Flats. This area was like a courtyard, surrounded on three sides by high-rise flats. The soldiers opened fire, killing one civilian and wounding six others.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 22</ref> This fatality, Jackie Duddy, was running alongside a priest, ], when he was shot in the back.<ref name="CAINBS">{{cite web |title='Bloody Sunday', Derry 30&nbsp;January 1972 |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/circum.htm |publisher=] (CAIN) |access-date=16 May 2007 |archive-date=6 August 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110806100228/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/circum.htm |url-status=live}}</ref>
Despite a cease-fire order from the army HQ, over 100 rounds were fired directly into the fleeing crowds by troops under the command of Major ]. Twelve more were killed,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/bs.htm |title=CAIN: Events: Bloody Sunday: Menu Page |publisher=Cain.ulst.ac.uk |accessdate=17 June 2010}}</ref> many of them as they attempted to aid the fallen. Fourteen others were wounded, 12 by shots from the soldiers and two knocked down by ].


Another group fled into the car park of Glenfada Park, which was also surrounded by flats. Here, the soldiers shot at people across the car park, about {{convert|40|-|50|yard|m|round=5}} away. Two civilians were killed and at least four others wounded.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 26</ref> The Saville Report says it is probable that at least one soldier fired randomly at the crowd from the hip.<ref>, paragraph 18</ref> The paratroopers went through the car park and out the other side. Some soldiers went out the southwest corner, where they shot dead two civilians. The other soldiers went out the southeast corner and shot four more civilians, killing two.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. pp. 28–30</ref>
===The dead===
]
] by ] depicting all who were killed by the British Army on the day]]
* John (Jackie) Duddy. Shot in the chest in the car park of Rossville flats. Four witnesses stated Duddy was unarmed and running away from the paratroopers when he was killed. Three of them saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. His nephew is Irish boxer ].<ref name="CAINBS" />
* Patrick Joseph Doherty. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville flats. Doherty was the subject of a series of photographs, taken before and after he died by French journalist ]. Despite testimony from "Soldier F" that he had fired at a man holding and firing a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs showed Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.<ref name="CAINBS" /><ref>{{cite news | title = Inquiry urged to identify soldiers | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2004398.stm |publisher=BBC News | date = 23 May 2002 | accessdate =16 May 2007}}</ref>
* Bernard McGuigan. Shot in the back of the head when he went to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief at the soldiers to indicate his peaceful intentions.<ref name="WIDGERY">{{cite web | title = Widgery Report | url = http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/widgery.htm | publisher = CAIN | accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref>
* Hugh Pius Gilmour. Shot through his right elbow, the bullet then entering his chest as he ran from the paratroopers on Rossville Street.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed, and that tests for gunshot residue were negative.<ref name="WIDGERY" />
* Kevin McElhinney. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety at the front entrance of the Rossville Flats. Two witnesses stated McElhinney was unarmed.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* Michael Gerald Kelly. Shot in the stomach while standing near the rubble barricade in front of Rossville Flats. Widgery accepted that Kelly was unarmed.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* John Pius Young. Shot in the head while standing at the rubble barricade. Two witnesses stated Young was unarmed.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* William Noel Nash. Shot in the chest near the barricade. Witnesses stated Nash was unarmed and going to the aid of another when killed.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* Michael M. McDaid. Shot in the face at the barricade as he was walking away from the paratroopers. The trajectory of the bullet indicated he could have been killed by soldiers positioned on the Derry Walls.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* William Anthony McKinney. Shot through the upper right back, with the bullet then exiting through his lower left chest<ref></ref> as he attempted to flee through Glenfada Park.<ref></ref><ref></ref>
* James Joseph Wray. Wounded then shot again at close range while lying on the ground. Witnesses who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal stated that Wray was calling out that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* ]. Shot in the stomach while attempting to run to safety between Glenfada Park and Abbey Park. Donaghey was brought to a nearby house by bystanders where he was examined by a doctor. His pockets were turned out in an effort to identify him. A later ] photograph of Donaghey's corpse showed nail bombs in his pockets. Neither those who searched his pockets in the house nor the British army medical officer (Soldier 138) who pronounced him dead shortly afterwards say they saw any bombs. Donaghey had been a member of ], an IRA-linked Republican youth movement.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Paddy Ward, a police informer<ref></ref> who gave evidence at the Saville Inquiry, claimed that he had given two nail bombs to Donaghey several hours before he was shot dead.<ref name="INNES">{{cite news | title = McGuinness is named as bomb runner | author = John Innes | url = http://news.scotsman.com/topics.cfm?tid=628&id=1161662003 |work=The Scotsman | location=Edinburgh | date = 21 October 2003 | accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref>
* Gerard (James) McKinney. Shot just after Gerald Donaghey. Witnesses stated that McKinney had been running behind Donaghey, and he stopped and held up his arms, shouting "Don't shoot! Don't shoot!", when he saw Donaghey fall. He was then shot in the chest.<ref name="CAINBS" />
* John Johnston. Shot in the leg and left shoulder on William Street 15 minutes before the rest of the shooting started.<ref name="CAINBS" /><ref name="taylor">''Brits'', p. 96.</ref> Johnston was not on the march, but on his way to visit a friend in Glenfada Park.<ref name="taylor" /> He died 4½ months later; his death has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. He was the only one not to die immediately or soon after being shot.<ref name="CAINBS" />
{{Clear}}


About ten minutes had elapsed between the time soldiers drove into the Bogside and the time the last of the civilians was shot.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151123132833/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=23 November 2015 }}. ]. p. 31</ref> More than 100 rounds were fired by the soldiers.<ref name="12-years">{{cite news |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7831441/Bloody-Sunday-the-shooting-lasted-an-hour-the-inquiry-took-12-years.html |title=Bloody Sunday: the shooting lasted an hour, the inquiry took 12 years |last=Kirkup |first=James |work=Daily Telegraph |location=London |date=16 June 2010 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202130316/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7831441/Bloody-Sunday-the-shooting-lasted-an-hour-the-inquiry-took-12-years.html |url-status=live}}</ref> No warnings were given before soldiers opened fire.<ref name="gov.uk"/>
{{anchor|The perspectives and analyses on the day}}


Some of those shot were given ] by civilian volunteers, either on the scene or after being carried into nearby homes. They were then driven to hospital, either in civilian cars or in ambulances. The first ambulances arrived at 4:28{{nbsp}}p.m. The three boys killed at the rubble barricade were driven to hospital by paratroopers. Witnesses said paratroopers lifted the bodies by the hands and feet and dumped them in the back of their ] as if they were "pieces of meat". The Saville Report agreed that this is an "accurate description of what happened", saying the paratroopers "might well have felt themselves at risk, but in our view this does not excuse them".<ref>, paragraphs 290–293</ref>
==Perspectives and analyses of the day==
Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another man later dying of his wounds. The official army position, backed by the British ] the next day in the ], was that the paratroopers had reacted to gun and nail bomb attacks from suspected IRA members. All eyewitnesses (apart from the soldiers), including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present, maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those tending the wounded, whereas the soldiers themselves were not fired upon. No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or reported any injuries, nor were any bullets or nail bombs recovered to back up their claims.


===Casualties===
In the events that followed, irate crowds burned down the ] on ] in Dublin.<ref> BBC News Online. Retrieved 1 February 2009.</ref> Anglo-Irish relations hit one of their lowest ebbs, with the ], ], going specially to the United Nations in New York to demand UN involvement in the Northern Ireland "Troubles".<ref>{{cite book |last=Coogan |first=Tim Pat |url=http://books.google.com/?id=33sWKhmPl3UC&pg=PA107 |title=The troubles: Ireland's ordeal, 1966–1996, and the search for peace |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=2002 |page=107 |isbn=978-1-57098-144-9 |accessdate=16 June 2010}}</ref>
]]]
In all, 26 people were shot by the paratroopers;<ref name="CAIN names"/><ref name="CAINBS" /> thirteen died on the day and another died of his injuries four months later. The dead were killed in four main areas: the rubble barricade across Rossville Street, the car park of Rossville Flats (on the north side of the flats), the forecourt of Rossville Flats (on the south side), and the car park of Glenfada Park.<ref name="CAINBS" />


All of the soldiers responsible insisted that they had shot at, and hit, gunmen or bomb-throwers. No soldier said he missed his target and hit someone else by mistake. The Saville Report concluded that all of those shot were unarmed and that none were posing a serious threat. It also concluded that none of the soldiers fired in response to attacks, or threatened attacks, by gunmen or bomb-throwers.<ref name="gov.uk"/>
Although there were many IRA men—both Official and Provisional—present at the protest, it is claimed they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the paratroopers would attempt to "draw them out".<ref>{{cite news |title=Rumours of plan to clear Bogside are 'nonsense' |author=David Sharrock |url= http://www.telegraph.co.uk/htmlContent.jhtml?html=/archive/2000/03/30/nuls130.html |archiveurl= http://web.archive.org/web/20020627205642/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/htmlContent.jhtml?html=/archive/2000/03/30/nuls130.html |archivedate= 27 June 2002 |work=The Daily Telegraph |location=London |date=30 March 2000 |accessdate=16 June 2010}}</ref> March organiser and MP ] had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA men would be near the march. One paratrooper who gave evidence at the Tribunal testified that they were told by an officer to expect a gunfight and "We want some kills".<ref name="g65">''The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence'', p. 65.</ref> In the event, one man was witnessed by Father Edward Daly and others haphazardly firing a revolver in the direction of the paratroopers. Later identified as a member of the Official IRA, this man was also photographed in the act of drawing his weapon, but was apparently not seen or targeted by the soldiers. Various other claims have been made to the Saville Inquiry about gunmen on the day.<ref>{{cite web |title = Bloody Sunday Inquiry Transcript – Day 008 |url = http://www.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org.uk/transcripts/Archive/Ts008.htm |date = 6 April 2000 |accessdate =17 May 2007 |archiveurl = http://web.archive.org/web/20070928040549/http://www.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org.uk/transcripts/Archive/Ts008.htm |archivedate = 28 September 2007}}</ref>


The casualties are listed in the order in which they were killed.
The city's ], retired British Army Major Hubert O'Neill, issued a statement on 21 August 1973, at the completion of the ] into the people killed.<ref> CAIN Web Service, 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006.</ref> He declared:
{{quote|This Sunday became known as Bloody Sunday and bloody it was. It was quite unnecessary. It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. It was murder.}}


*'''John''' "'''Jackie'''" '''Duddy''', age 17. Shot as he ran away from soldiers in the car park of Rossville Flats.<ref name="CAINBS" /> The bullet struck him in the shoulder and entered his chest. Three witnesses said they saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran.<ref name="CAINBS" /> He was the first fatality on Bloody Sunday.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Both Saville and Widgery concluded that Duddy was unarmed.<ref name="CAINBS" />
Two days after Bloody Sunday, the Westminster Parliament adopted a resolution for a ] into the events of the day, resulting in Prime Minister ] commissioning the ], Lord Widgery to undertake it. Many witnesses intended to ] the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but were eventually persuaded to take part. Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within ten weeks (10 April) and published within eleven (19 April)—supported the Army's account of the events of the day. Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results of paraffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. Most Irish people and witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a whitewash. It has been argued that firearms residue on some deceased may have come from contact with the soldiers who themselves moved some of the bodies, or that the presence of lead on the hands of one (James Wray) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved the use of lead-based ]. In fact, in 1992, ], writing to John Hume stated:
*'''Michael Kelly''', age 17. Shot in the stomach while standing at the rubble barricade on Rossville Street. Both Saville and Widgery concluded that Kelly was unarmed.<ref name="CAINBS" /> The Saville Inquiry concluded that 'Soldier F' shot Kelly.<ref name="CAINBS" />
{{quote|The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives. I hope that the families of those who died will accept that assurance.<ref>{{cite book|author=] |title=Eyewitness Bloody Sunday |location=Wolfhound |publisher=Printing Press |year=1997 |isbn=0-86327-586-9}}</ref>}}
*'''Hugh Gilmour''', age 17. Shot as he ran away from soldiers near the rubble barricade.<ref name="CAINBS" /> The bullet went through his left elbow and entered his chest.<ref>''Bloody Sunday in Derry: What Really Happened'' {{ISBN|978-0-863-22274-0}} pp. 123–124</ref> Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit<ref>''Bloody Sunday in Derry: What Really Happened'' {{ISBN|978-0-863-22274-0}} p. 123</ref> corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed.<ref name="WIDGERY" /> The Saville Inquiry concluded that 'Private U' shot Gilmour.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*'''William Nash''', age 19. Shot in the chest at the rubble barricade.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Three people were shot while apparently going to his aid, including his father Alexander Nash.<ref name=savillechapter86>, paragraphs 360–364</ref>
*'''John Young''', age 17. Shot in the face at the rubble barricade, apparently while crouching and going to the aid of William Nash.<ref name=savillechapter86/>
*'''Michael McDaid''', age 20. Shot in the face at the rubble barricade, apparently while crouching and going to the aid of William Nash.<ref name=savillechapter86/>
*'''Kevin McElhinney''', age 17. Shot from behind, near the rubble barricade, while attempting to crawl to safety.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*'''James''' "'''Jim'''" '''Wray''', age 22. Shot in the back while running away from soldiers in Glenfada Park courtyard. He was then shot again in the back as he lay mortally wounded on the ground. Witnesses, who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal, stated that Wray was calling out that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*'''William McKinney''', age 26. Shot in the back as he attempted to flee through Glenfada Park courtyard.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150109163915/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279147/0029_vi.pdf |date=9 January 2015 }}. ]. pp.14, 147</ref> The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*'''Gerard''' "'''Gerry'''" '''McKinney''', age 35. Shot in the chest at Abbey Park. A soldier, identified as 'Private G', ran through an alleyway from Glenfada Park and shot him from a few yards away. Witnesses said that when he saw the soldier, McKinney stopped and held up his arms, shouting, "Don't shoot! Don't shoot!", before being shot. The bullet apparently went through his body and struck Gerard Donaghy behind him.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*], age 17. Shot in the stomach at Abbey Park while standing behind Gerard McKinney. Both were apparently struck by the same bullet. Bystanders brought Donaghy to a nearby house. A doctor examined him, and his pockets were searched for identification. Two bystanders then attempted to drive Donaghy to hospital, but the car was stopped at a British Army checkpoint. They were ordered to leave the car and a soldier drove it to a Regimental Aid Post, where an Army medical officer pronounced Donaghy dead. Shortly after, soldiers found four nail bombs in his pockets. The civilians who searched him, the soldier who drove him to the Army post, and the Army medical officer all said that they did not see any bombs. This led to claims that soldiers planted the bombs on Donaghy to justify the killings.{{refn|group=n|Donaghy was a member of ], an IRA-linked republican youth movement.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Paddy Ward, a police informer,<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.derryjournal.com/news/death-of-informer-1-2143992 |title=Death of 'informer' |website=Derryjournal.com |access-date=14 March 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190331092559/https://www.derryjournal.com/news/death-of-informer-1-2143992 |archive-date=31 March 2019 |url-status=dead}}</ref> testified at the Saville Inquiry that he gave two nail bombs to Donaghy several hours before he was shot.<ref name="INNES">{{cite news |title=McGuinness is named as bomb runner |author=John Innes |url=http://news.scotsman.com/topics.cfm?tid=628&id=1161662003 |work=The Scotsman |location=Edinburgh |date=21 October 2003 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=17 May 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070517040723/http://news.scotsman.com/topics.cfm?tid=628&id=1161662003 |url-status=live}}</ref> The Inquiry concluded that the bombs were probably in Donaghy's pockets when he was shot; but that he was not about to throw a bomb when he was shot, and was not shot because he had bombs. "He was shot while trying to escape from the soldiers".<ref name="CAINBS" />}}
]
*'''Patrick Doherty''', age 31. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville Flats. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F', who came out of Glenfada Park.<ref name="CAINBS" /> Doherty was photographed, moments before and after he died, by French journalist ]. Despite testimony from 'Soldier F' that he had shot a man holding a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs show Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.<ref name="CAINBS" /><ref>{{cite news |title=Inquiry urged to identify soldiers |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2004398.stm |work=BBC News |date=23 May 2002 |access-date=16 May 2007 |archive-date=18 December 2002 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20021218045607/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2004398.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
*'''Bernard''' "'''Barney'''" '''McGuigan''', age 41. Shot in the back of the head when he walked out from cover to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief to indicate his peaceful intentions.<ref name="WIDGERY">{{cite web |title=Widgery Report |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/widgery.htm |publisher=] (CAIN) |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=23 September 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110923121509/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/widgery.htm |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="CAINBS" /> The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.<ref name="CAINBS" />
*'''John Johnston''', age 59. Shot in the leg and left shoulder on William Street fifteen minutes before the rest of the shooting started.<ref name="CAINBS" /><ref name="taylor">''Brits'', p. 96.</ref> Johnston was not on the march, but on his way to visit a friend in Glenfada Park.<ref name="taylor" /> He died on 16 June 1972; his death has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. He was the only fatality not to die immediately or soon after being shot.<ref name="CAINBS" />
{{Clear}}


{{anchor|The perspectives and analyses on the day}}
]
Following the events of Bloody Sunday ], an Independent Socialist nationalist MP from Northern Ireland, expressed anger at what she perceived as government attempts to stifle accounts being reported about the day. Having witnessed the events firsthand, she was later infuriated that Speaker ] consistently denied her the chance to speak in Parliament about the day, although parliamentary convention decreed that any MP witnessing an incident under discussion would be granted an opportunity to speak about it in the House.<ref>{{cite news |title = Daughters of Ireland |author = Ros Wynne-Jones |url = http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/daughters-of-ireland-1271972.html |work=The Independent |location=UK |date = 9 March 1997 |accessdate =6 January 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite hansard |house=House of Commons |title=Northern Ireland |url=http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |date = 31 January 1972 |column_start = 32 |column_end = 43}}</ref>
Devlin punched ], the ] in the ] government, when he made a statement to Parliament on the events of Bloody Sunday stating that the British Army had fired only in self-defence.<ref name="bbc1">{{cite news |title = 1969: Devlin is youngest-ever woman MP |url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/17/newsid_2524000/2524881.stm |publisher=BBC |date = 17 April 1969 |accessdate =2 June 2007}}</ref>
She was temporarily suspended from Parliament as a result of the incident.<ref>{{cite news | title = Bloody Sunday: the ghosts that won't lie down |author = David McKittrick |url = http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4158/is_19970126/ai_n9645930 |work=The Independent |location=UK |date = 26 January 1997 |accessdate =2 June 2007}} {{Dead link|date=September 2010|bot=H3llBot}}</ref> Nonetheless, six months after Bloody Sunday, Lieutenant Colonel ] who was directly in charge of 1 Para, the soldiers who went into the Bogside, was awarded the Order of the British Empire by the Queen, while other soldiers were equally decorated with honours for their part on the day.<ref name="bbc.co.uk">{{cite web|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10287463|title=BBC News – Bloody Sunday: Key soldiers involved|work=BBC News|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref>


==Aftermath==
In January 1997, the United Kingdom television station ] carried a news report that suggested that members of the ] had also opened fire on the protesters and could have been responsible for three of the fourteen deaths.
]
Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another wounded man dying subsequently, which his family believed was from injuries suffered that day.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10138851 |title=The victims of Bloody Sunday |work=BBC News |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=22 April 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170422072029/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10138851 |url-status=live}}</ref> Apart from the soldiers, all eyewitnesses—including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present—maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those helping the wounded. No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or bombs, nor were any bullets or nail bombs recovered to back up their claims.<ref name="12-years"/> The British Army's version of events, outlined by the ] and repeated by ] ] in the ] the day after Bloody Sunday, was that paratroopers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers.<ref>{{cite hansard |title=Northern Ireland |url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |house=House of Commons |date=31 January 1972 |column_start=32 |column_end=43 |speaker=Reginald Maudling }} {{Cite web |url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |title=NORTHERN IRELAND |access-date=6 January 2015 |archive-date=24 March 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150324044912/http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |work=] |date=31 January 1972 |url-status=bot: unknown }}</ref> ], the independent Irish socialist republican ] (MP) for ], slapped Maudling for his comments,<ref name="bbc1">{{cite news |title=1969: Devlin is youngest-ever woman MP |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/17/newsid_2524000/2524881.stm |publisher=BBC |date=17 April 1969 |access-date=2 June 2007 |archive-date=23 June 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070623151947/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/april/17/newsid_2524000/2524881.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> and was temporarily suspended from Parliament.<ref>{{cite news |title=Bloody Sunday: the ghosts that won't lie down |author=David McKittrick |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/bloody-sunday-the-ghosts-that-wont-lie-down-1285161.html |work=The Independent |location=UK |date=26 January 1997 |access-date=25 March 2020 |archive-date=25 March 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200325234416/https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/bloody-sunday-the-ghosts-that-wont-lie-down-1285161.html |url-status=live}}</ref> Having seen the shootings firsthand, she was infuriated that the ], ], repeatedly denied her the chance to speak about it in Parliament, although convention decreed that any MP witnessing an incident under discussion would be allowed to do so.<ref>{{cite news |title=Daughters of Ireland |author=Ros Wynne-Jones |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/daughters-of-ireland-1271972.html |work=The Independent |location=UK |date=9 March 1997 |access-date=6 January 2015 |archive-date=6 January 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150106054019/http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/daughters-of-ireland-1271972.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite hansard |house=House of Commons |title=Northern Ireland |url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |date=31 January 1972 |column_start=32 |column_end=43 }} {{Cite web |url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |title=NORTHERN IRELAND |access-date=6 January 2015 |archive-date=24 March 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150324044912/http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1972/jan/31/northern-ireland |work=] |date=31 January 1972 |url-status=bot: unknown }}</ref>


On Wednesday 2 February 1972, tens of thousands attended the funerals of eleven of the victims.<ref name="CAIN timeline"/> In the ] it was observed as a ], and there was a ], the biggest in Europe since the ] relative to population.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/bloody-sunday-helped-reconcile-southern-nationalists-to-partition-1.453388 |title=Bloody Sunday helped reconcile Southern nationalists to partition |work=Irish Times |access-date=26 September 2015 |archive-date=27 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150927120220/http://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/bloody-sunday-helped-reconcile-southern-nationalists-to-partition-1.453388 |url-status=live}}</ref> Memorial services were held in Catholic and Protestant churches, as well as synagogues, throughout the Republic, while schools closed and public transport stopped running. Large crowds had besieged the ] of the ] on ] in ], and embassy staff had been evacuated. That Wednesday, tens of thousands of protesters marched to the chancery and thirteen symbolic coffins were placed outside the entrance. The ] was burnt and the building was attacked with stones and petrol bombs. The outnumbered ] tried to push back the crowd, but ].<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/2/newsid_2758000/2758163.stm |title=1972: British embassy in Dublin destroyed |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121125143705/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/february/2/newsid_2758000/2758163.stm |archive-date=25 November 2012 |url-status=live |website=BBC News Online |access-date=1 February 2009 |date=2 February 2008}}</ref> ] hit one of their lowest ebbs with the ], ], going to the ] to demand the involvement of a ] force in the Northern Ireland conflict.<ref>{{cite book |last=Coogan |first=Tim Pat |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=33sWKhmPl3UC&pg=PA107 |title=The troubles: Ireland's ordeal, 1966–1996, and the search for peace |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=2002 |page=107 |isbn=978-1-57098-144-9 |access-date=16 June 2010 |archive-date=13 January 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170113222031/https://books.google.com/books?id=33sWKhmPl3UC&pg=PA107 |url-status=live}}</ref> ], the head of the IRA's intelligence-gathering department for a period in the 1970s, stated in his memoir that after the massacre, the ] in Dublin received up to 200 applications from Southern Irish citizens to fight the British.<ref>{{cite book |author=Gearóid Ó Faoleán |title=A Broad Church: The Provisional IRA in the Republic of Ireland, 1969–1980 |date=April 23, 2019 |pages=41–45 |publisher=Merrion Press |isbn=978-1-7853-7245-2}}</ref>
On 29 May 2007 it was reported that General Sir ], second-in-command of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday, said: "I have no doubt that innocent people were shot".<ref>{{cite news
| title = Bloody Sunday victims 'innocent'
| url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/6699729.stm
| publisher = BBC News
| date = 29 May 2007
| accessdate =29 May 2007
}}</ref> This was in sharp contrast to his insistence, for more than 30 years, that those killed on the day had not been innocent.<ref name="IrishNews">"Bloody Sunday victims innocent says Jackson", ''Irish News'' (Belfast newspaper), 29 May 2007, pp. 1 and 11.</ref> In 2008 a former aide to British Prime Minister ], ], described Widgery as a "complete and utter whitewash".<ref>{{cite news | title = McGuinness: there was no need for Bloody Sunday inquiry | author = Nicholas Watt | url = http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2008/mar/19/northernireland.northernireland3 | work=The Guardian | location=London | date = 19 March 2008 | accessdate =31 December 2012 }}</ref>
In 1998 Lieutenant Colonel Derek Wilford expressed his anger at Tony Blair's intention of setting up the Saville inquiry, citing he was proud of his actions on Bloody Sunday.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/I+was+proud+to+lead+the+Paras+on+Bloody+Sunday...don't+dare+say+sorry...-a060659224|title=I was proud to lead the Paras on Bloody Sunday...don't dare say sorry for me, Mr Blair.|publisher=|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref> Two years later in 2000 during an interview with the BBC, Wilford said "There might have been things wrong in the sense that some innocent people, people who were not carrying a weapon, were wounded or even killed. But that was not done as a deliberate malicious act. It was done as an act of war."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/northern_ireland/2000/bloody_sunday_inquiry/673039.stm|title=BBC News – BLOODY SUNDAY INQUIRY – Col Wilford: Don't blame my soldiers|publisher=|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref>


], then the ] in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that a ] was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles.<ref>{{cite book |last=Kaufmann |first=Eric |title=The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History |publisher=OUP Oxford |date=17 May 2007 |pages=77 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Omhzj_610d4C&q=Harold+Wilson+united+Ireland++only+possible+solution&pg=PA77 |isbn=9780199208487 |access-date=8 November 2020 |archive-date=10 March 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210310012018/https://books.google.com/books?id=Omhzj_610d4C&q=Harold+Wilson+united+Ireland++only+possible+solution&pg=PA77 |url-status=live}}</ref> ], then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland.<ref>{{cite book |last=Wharton |first=Ken |author-link=Ken Wharton (writer) |title=The Bloodiest Year 1972: British Soldiers in Northern Ireland in Their Own Words |publisher=The History Press |date=21 October 2011 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EUU7AwAAQBAJ&q=William+Craig+west+bank+of+Derry&pg=PA46 |isbn=9780752472980 |pages=46 |access-date=8 November 2020 |archive-date=10 March 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210310013157/https://books.google.com/books?id=EUU7AwAAQBAJ&q=William+Craig+west+bank+of+Derry&pg=PA46 |url-status=live}}</ref>
==The Saville Inquiry==
{{Main|Bloody Sunday Inquiry}}
], home to the Inquiry]]


On 22 February 1972, the Official IRA attempted to retaliate for Bloody Sunday by detonating a ], headquarters of ], killing seven ancillary staff.<ref name="CAIN timeline"/>
Although British Prime Minister John Major rejected John Hume's requests for a ] into the killings, his successor, Tony Blair, decided to start one. A second commission of inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville, was established in January 1998 to re-examine Bloody Sunday. The other judges were ] ], a former ] of the ] who had worked on Aboriginal issues (he replaced New Zealander Sir ] QC, who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), and Mr Justice ] QC, former ] of ] and a member of the ]. The hearings were concluded in November 2004, and the report was published 15 June 2010. The Saville Inquiry was a more comprehensive study than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses, including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians. Lord Saville declined to comment on the Widgery report and made the point that the Saville Inquiry was a judicial inquiry into Bloody Sunday, not the Widgery Tribunal.


An ] into the deaths was held in August 1973. The city's ], Hubert O'Neill, a retired British Army major, issued a statement at the completion of the inquest. He declared:
Evidence given by ], a senior member of ] and now the ], to the inquiry stated that he was second-in-command of the Derry City brigade of the Provisional IRA and was present at the march. He did not answer questions about where he had been staying because he said it would compromise the safety of the individuals involved.
{{blockquote|This Sunday became known as Bloody Sunday and bloody it was. It was quite unnecessary. It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. It was murder.<ref name="CAIN timeline"/>}}


===Shankill shootings===
A claim was made at the Saville Inquiry that McGuinness was responsible for supplying detonators for nail bombs on Bloody Sunday. Paddy Ward claimed he was the leader of the ], the youth wing of the IRA in January 1972. He claimed that McGuinness, the second-in-command of the IRA in the city at the time, and another anonymous IRA member gave him bomb parts on the morning of 30 January, the date planned for the civil rights march. He said his organisation intended to attack city-centre premises in Derry on the day when civilians were shot dead by British soldiers. In response McGuinness rejected the claims as "fantasy", while Gerry O'Hara, a Sinn Féin councillor in Derry stated that he and not Ward was the Fianna leader at the time.<ref name="INNES" />
Several months after Bloody Sunday, 1 Para—again under Lt Col Wilford's command—were involved in another controversial shooting incident. On 7 September, paratroopers raided the headquarters of the ] (UDA) and houses in the ] area of Belfast. Two Protestant civilians were shot dead and others wounded by the paratroopers, who claimed they were returning fire at ] gunmen. This sparked angry demonstrations by local Protestants, and the UDA declared: "Never has Ulster witnessed such licensed sadists and such blatant liars as the 1st Paras. These gun-happy louts must be removed from the streets". A unit of the British Army's ] refused to carry out duties until 1 Para was withdrawn from the Shankill.<ref>Wood, Ian S. ''Crimes of Loyalty: A History of the UDA''. Edinburgh University Press, 2006. pp. 104–105</ref>


At the end of 1972, Wilford, who was directly in charge of the soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday and Shankill, was appointed an ] (OBE).<ref name="bbc.co.uk">{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10287463 |title=Bloody Sunday: Key soldiers involved |work=BBC News |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=4 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141004165801/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10287463 |url-status=live}}</ref>
Many observers allege that the ] acted in a way to impede the inquiry.<ref>{{cite news |title = Bloody Sunday footage release calls |url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2710309.stm |publisher=BBC News |date = 30 January 2003 |accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref> Over 1,000 army photographs and original army helicopter video footage were never made available. Additionally, guns used on the day by the soldiers that could have been evidence in the inquiry were lost by the MoD.<ref>{{cite news |title = Concern over Bloody Sunday guns |url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/699875.stm |publisher=BBC News |date = 3 April 2000 |accessdate =18 May 2007}}</ref><ref name="Q&A">{{cite news |title = Q&A: Bloody Sunday inquiry |url = http://www.guardian.co.uk/bloodysunday/article/0,2763,1357102,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London |date = 22 November 2004 |accessdate =18 May 2007 |first=Derek |last=Brown}}</ref> The MoD claimed that all the guns had been destroyed, but some were subsequently recovered in various locations (such as ] and ]) despite the obstruction.<ref>{{cite news |title = Riddle of the Derry guns |author = Philip Jacobson |url = http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article551570.ece |work=The Sunday Times |location=London |date = 14 August 2005 |accessdate =18 May 2007 }}</ref>


==Widgery Inquiry==
By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses, over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in ] history.<ref name="Q&A" /> The cost of this process has drawn criticism; as of the publication of the Saville Report being {{Nowrap|£195 million}}.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm|work=BBC News |title=Bloody Sunday Report Published. |date=15 June 2010 |accessdate=15 June 2010}}</ref>
Two days after Bloody Sunday, the British Parliament adopted a resolution for a ] into the shootings, resulting in ] ] commissioning the ], ], to undertake it. Many witnesses intended to ] the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but many were eventually persuaded to take part.<ref name="CAIN timeline">{{cite web |title='Bloody Sunday', 30 January 1972 - A Chronology of Events |url=https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/bsunday/chron.htm |website=] |access-date=30 January 2022 |archive-date=26 January 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220126095701/https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/bsunday/chron.htm |url-status=live}}</ref>


Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within ten weeks (on 10 April) and published within eleven weeks (on 19 April)—supported the British Army's account of the events of the day. It stated that the soldiers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers.<ref name="Widgery Report"/> It said "None of the deceased or wounded is proved to have been shot whilst handling a firearm or bomb. Some are wholly acquitted of complicity in such action; but there is a strong suspicion that some others had been firing weapons or handling bombs".<ref name="Widgery Report"/> Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results of ] tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. It has been argued that firearms residue on some victims may have come from contact with the soldiers themselves who moved some of the bodies, or that lead residue on the hands of one (James Wray) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved using lead-based ].{{refn|group=n|The contamination discovered upon victim William Nash was solely discovered upon his right hand, whereas Nash had been left-handed. Nash had been one of the fatalities killed at the barricade and later placed by paratroopers into an Army APC.<ref>''Bloody Sunday in Derry: What Really Happened'' {{ISBN|978-0-863-22274-0}} pp. 88–89</ref>}} Widgery held the march organisers responsible, concluding "There would have been no deaths if those who organised the illegal march had not thereby created a highly dangerous situation".<ref name="Widgery Report"/>
]
The inquiry was expected to report in late 2009 but was delayed until after the general election on 6 May 2010.<ref name="general election">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/foyle_and_west/8606048.stm |title=Saville Bloody Sunday inquiry delayed until after poll |publisher=] |date=6 April 2010 |accessdate=6 April 2010}}</ref>


Widgery stated there was no evidence the paratroopers were sent to "flush out any IRA gunmen in the Bogside" or to punish its residents for opposing the British Army.<ref name="Widgery Report"> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220127163742/https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/hmso/widgery.htm |date=27 January 2022 }}. ].</ref> The Saville Inquiry also trawled classified documents and found no evidence of such a plan, but said "It is of course possible for plans to be hatched in secret and kept out of documents".<ref>{{cite news |title=Rumours of plan to clear Bogside are 'nonsense' |author=David Sharrock |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/htmlContent.jhtml?html=/archive/2000/03/30/nuls130.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20020627205642/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/htmlContent.jhtml?html=%2Farchive%2F2000%2F03%2F30%2Fnuls130.html |archive-date=27 June 2002 |newspaper=The Daily Telegraph |location=London |date=30 March 2000 |access-date=16 June 2010 |url-status=dead}}</ref>
The report of the inquiry<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/ |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |accessdate=15 June 2010 |date=15 June 2010 }}</ref> was published on 15 June 2010. The report concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter005/ |title=The overall assessment |accessdate=15 June 2010 |work=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 }}</ref> Saville stated that British paratroopers "lost control", fatally shooting fleeing civilians and those who tried to aid civilians who had been shot by the British soldiers.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report" /> The report stated that British soldiers had concocted lies in their attempt to hide their acts.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report" /> Saville stated that the civilians had not been warned by the British soldiers that they intended to shoot.<ref name="Bloody Sunday report states those killed were innocent">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |title=Bloody Sunday report states those killed were innocent |date=15 June 2010 |work=BBC News |publisher=BBC |accessdate=15 June 2010}}</ref> The report states, contrary to the previously established belief, that no stones and no petrol bombs were thrown by civilians before British soldiers shot at them, and that the civilians were not posing any threat.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report">{{cite news|author=John Bingham, Rosa Prince and Thomas Harding |url=http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7829208/Bloody-Sunday-Inquiry-victims-were-all-unarmed-and-killed-without-justification-says-Saville-report.html |title=Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Bloody Sunday report |date=15 June 2010|work=The Daily Telegraph |location=London |publisher=Telegraph Media Group |accessdate=15 June 2010 }}</ref>


Most witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a ], the slogan, "Widgery washes whiter" – a play on the contemporary advertisement for ] soap powder – emblazoned on walls in Derry, crystallised the views of many nationalists about the report.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ynW7sYN70_MC&q=%22widgery+washes+whiter%22&pg=PA34 |title=Commemoration and Bloody Sunday: Pathways of Memory |last=Conway |first=B |year=2010 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-1-349-31032-6 |page=34 |access-date=8 November 2020 |archive-date=10 March 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210310012450/https://books.google.com/books?id=ynW7sYN70_MC&q=%22widgery+washes+whiter%22&pg=PA34 |url-status=live}}</ref>
The report concluded that an Official IRA sniper fired on British soldiers, albeit that on the balance of evidence his shot was fired ''after'' the Army shots that wounded Damien Donaghey and John Johnston. The Inquiry rejected the sniper's account that this shot had been made in reprisal, stating the view that he and another Official IRA member had already been in position, and the shot had probably been fired simply because the opportunity had presented itself.<ref name="SavilleSnipers312">{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003/#the-report |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – Volume&nbsp;I – Chapter 3 |publisher=Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 |accessdate=15 June 2010 }}</ref> Ultimately the Saville Inquiry was inconclusive on Martin McGuinness' role, due to a lack of certainty over his movements, concluding that while he was "engaged in paramilitary activity" during Bloody Sunday, and had probably been armed with a ], there was insufficient evidence to make any finding other than they were "sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire".<ref name="SavilleMcGuinness3119">{{cite web|url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003/#the-report |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – Volume&nbsp;I – Chapter 3 |publisher=Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 |accessdate=15 June 2010 |quote=3.119 in the course of investigating the activities of the Provisional and Official IRA on the day, we considered at some length allegations that Martin McGuinness, at that time the Adjutant of the Derry Brigade or Command of the Provisional IRA, had engaged in paramilitary activity during the day. In the end we were left in some doubt as to his movements on the day. Before the soldiers of Support Company went into the Bogside he was probably armed with a Thompson sub-machine gun, and though it is possible that he fired this weapon, there is insufficient evidence to make any finding on this, save that we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire.}}</ref>


In 1992, British Prime Minister ], replying to ]'s request for a new public inquiry, stated: "The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives".<ref>{{cite book |author=] |title=Eyewitness Bloody Sunday |location=Wolfhound |publisher=Printing Press |year=1997 |page=38 |isbn=0-86327-586-9}}</ref> Major was succeeded by ]. Blair's chief aide, ], later described Widgery as a "complete and utter whitewash".<ref>{{cite news |title=McGuinness: there was no need for Bloody Sunday inquiry |author=Nicholas Watt |url=https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2008/mar/19/northernireland.northernireland3 |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=19 March 2008 |access-date=31 December 2012 |archive-date=7 October 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141007011250/http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2008/mar/19/northernireland.northernireland3 |url-status=live}}</ref>
Regarding the soldiers in charge on the day of Bloody Sunday, the Saville Inquiry arrived at the following findings:


==Saville Inquiry==
*Lieutenant Colonel ]: Commander of 1 Para and directly responsible for arresting rioters and returning to base. Found to have 'deliberately disobeyed' his superior Brigadier Patrick MacLellan's orders by sending Support Company into the Bogside (and without informing MacLellan).<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
{{Main|Bloody Sunday Inquiry}}
], home to the Inquiry]]
In 1998, during the latter stages of the ], Prime Minister Blair agreed to hold a public inquiry into Bloody Sunday. The inquiry, chaired by ], was established in April 1998.<ref name="bbchist">{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/events/saville_inquiry_into_bloody_sunday |title=Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday |work=BBC History |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=26 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170226011148/http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/events/saville_inquiry_into_bloody_sunday |url-status=live}}</ref> The other judges were ], a former ] of the ] who had worked on ] issues (he replaced New Zealander Sir ], who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), and ], former ] of ] and member of the ]. The inquiry heard testimony at the Guildhall in Derry from March 2000 until November 2004.<ref name="bbchist"/> The Saville Inquiry was much more comprehensive than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians, and reviewing large amounts of photographs and footage. Lord Saville declined to comment on the Widgery report and made the point that this was a judicial inquiry into Bloody Sunday, not the Widgery Tribunal.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bkOuCAAAQBAJ&pg=PA52 |title=Operation Banner: The British Army in Northern Ireland 1969 – 2007 |last=Van der Bijl |first=Nick |publisher=Pen & Sword Military |isbn=978-1-8441-5956-7 |year=2009 |pages=52–53 |access-date=30 January 2017 |archive-date=15 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170215174629/https://books.google.com/books?id=bkOuCAAAQBAJ&pg=PA52 |url-status=live}}</ref>


Colonel Wilford expressed anger at the decision to hold the inquiry and said he was proud of his actions on Bloody Sunday.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.thefreelibrary.com/I+was+proud+to+lead+the+Paras+on+Bloody+Sunday...don't+dare+say+sorry...-a060659224 |title=I was proud to lead the Paras on Bloody Sunday...don't dare say sorry for me, Mr Blair. |website=Thefreelibrary.com |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=3 September 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150903213318/http://www.thefreelibrary.com/I+was+proud+to+lead+the+Paras+on+Bloody+Sunday...don%27t+dare+say+sorry...-a060659224 |url-status=live}}</ref> Two years later, in 2000, Wilford said: "There might have been things wrong in the sense that some innocent people, people who were not carrying a weapon, were wounded or even killed. But that was not done as a deliberate malicious act. It was done as an act of war."<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/northern_ireland/2000/bloody_sunday_inquiry/673039.stm |title=BLOODY SUNDAY INQUIRY – Col Wilford: Don't blame my soldiers |work=BBC News |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=6 May 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140506010239/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/northern_ireland/2000/bloody_sunday_inquiry/673039.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> In 2007, General (then Captain) Sir ], adjutant of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday, said: "I have no doubt that innocent people were shot."<ref>{{cite news |title=Bloody Sunday victims 'innocent' |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/6699729.stm |work=BBC News |date=29 May 2007 |access-date=29 May 2007 |archive-date=24 November 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211124142236/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/6699729.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> This was in contrast to his insistence, for more than thirty years, that those killed had not been innocent.<ref name="IrishNews">"Bloody Sunday victims innocent says Jackson", ''Irish News'' (Belfast newspaper), 29 May 2007, pp. 1 and 11.</ref>
*Major Ted Loden: Commander in charge of soldiers, following orders issued by Lieutenant Colonel Wilford. Cleared of misconduct; Saville cited in the report that Loden "neither realised nor should have realised that his soldiers were or might be firing at people who were not posing or about to pose a threat".<ref name="bbc.co.uk" /> The inquiry found that Loden could not be held responsible for claims (whether malicious or not) by some of the individual soldiers that they had received fire from snipers.


One former paratrooper testified that a lieutenant told them the night before Bloody Sunday: "Let's teach these buggers a lesson - we want some kills tomorrow".<ref name="g65">''The Irish War: The Hidden Conflict Between the IRA and British Intelligence'', p. 65.</ref><ref name="IrishTimes Oct 2002">{{cite news |title=Ex-soldier says his platoon wanted kills |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ex-soldier-says-his-platoon-wanted-kills-1.1100007 |newspaper=] |date=17 October 2002 |access-date=2 February 2022 |archive-date=12 November 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201112030335/https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ex-soldier-says-his-platoon-wanted-kills-1.1100007 |url-status=live}}</ref> He did not see anyone with a weapon nor hear any explosions, and said some fellow soldiers were thrilled and were shooting out of bravado or frustration.<ref name="IrishTimes Oct 2002"/> The paratrooper said several soldiers "fired their own personal supply of ]", which were banned, and that one "fired 10 dum-dums into the crowd but as he still had his official quota he got away with saying he never fired a shot". Furthermore, the paratrooper said his original statement to the Widgery Inquiry was torn up and replaced by one "bearing no relation with fact".<ref>{{cite news |title=Soldiers urged to 'get kills' |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/787902.stm |work=BBC News |date=12 June 2000 |access-date=2 February 2022 |archive-date=4 June 2004 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040604220929/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/787902.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
*Captain ]: Second in command of 1 Para on the day of Bloody Sunday. Cleared of sinister actions following Jackson's compiling of a list of what soldiers told Major Loden on why they had fired. This list became known as the "Loden List of Engagements" which played a role in the Army's initial explanations. While the inquiry found the compiling of the list was 'far from ideal', Jackson's explanations were accepted based on the list not containing the names of soldiers and the number of times they fired.<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />


Many observers allege that the ] (MoD) acted in a way to impede the inquiry.<ref>{{cite news |title=Bloody Sunday footage release calls |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2710309.stm |work=BBC News |date=30 January 2003 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=14 March 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060314214431/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/2710309.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> Over 1,000 Army photographs and original Army helicopter video footage were never made available. Furthermore, guns used by the soldiers on Bloody Sunday, which could have been evidence in the inquiry, were lost by the MoD.<ref>{{cite news |title=Concern over Bloody Sunday guns |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/699875.stm |work=BBC News |date=3 April 2000 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=14 March 2006 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060314214425/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/699875.stm |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="Q&A">{{cite news |title=Q&A: Bloody Sunday inquiry |url=https://www.theguardian.com/bloodysunday/article/0,2763,1357102,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=22 November 2004 |access-date=18 May 2007 |first=Derek |last=Brown}}</ref> The MoD claimed all the guns had been destroyed, but some were later recovered in various locations (such as ] and ]) despite the obstruction.<ref>{{cite news |title=Riddle of the Derry guns |author=Philip Jacobson |url=http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article551570.ece |work=The Sunday Times |location=London |date=14 August 2005 |access-date=18 May 2007 |archive-date=29 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110629134212/http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article551570.ece |url-status=dead}}</ref>
*Major General ]: Commander of land forces and set the British strategy to oversee the civil march in Derry. Cleared of any fault, but his selection of 1 Para, and in particular his selection of Colonel Wilford to be in control of arresting rioters, was found to be disconcerting, specifically as "1 PARA was a force with a reputation for using excessive physical violence, which thus ran the risk of exacerbating the tensions between the Army and nationalists".<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />


By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in British legal history.<ref name="Q&A" /> It was also the longest and most expensive, taking twelve years and costing {{Nowrap|£195 million}}.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |work=BBC News |title=Bloody Sunday Report Published. |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=15 June 2010 |archive-date=23 September 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210923170030/https://www.bbc.com/news/10320609 |url-status=live}}</ref> The inquiry was expected to report in late 2009 but was delayed until after the ].<ref name="general election">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/foyle_and_west/8606048.stm |title=Saville Bloody Sunday inquiry delayed until after poll |work=] |date=6 April 2010 |access-date=6 April 2010 |archive-date=9 August 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170809174356/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/foyle_and_west/8606048.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
*Brigadier MacLellan: Operational commander of the day. Cleared of any wrongdoing as he was under the impression that Wilford would follow orders by arresting rioters and then returning to base, and could not be blamed for Wilford's actions.<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
]


===Report===
*Major Michael Steele: With MacLellan in the operations room and in charge of passing on the orders of the day. The inquiry report accepted that Steele could not believe other than that a separation had been achieved between rioters and marchers, because both groups were in different areas.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/2521517.stm|title=BBC NEWS – UK – N Ireland – Major gives Bloody Sunday evidence|publisher=|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref>
The report of the inquiry<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/ |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |access-date=15 June 2010 |date=15 June 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110225161158/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/ |archive-date=25 February 2011}}</ref> was published on 15 June 2010. It concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter005/ |title=The overall assessment |access-date=15 June 2010 |work=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20101103103930/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter005/ |archive-date=3 November 2010}}</ref> It stated that British paratroopers "lost control", shooting fleeing civilians and those who tried to help the wounded.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report" /> The civilians had not been warned by soldiers that they intended to shoot.<ref name="Bloody Sunday report states those killed were innocent">{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |title=Bloody Sunday report states those killed were innocent |date=15 June 2010 |work=BBC News |publisher=BBC |access-date=15 June 2010 |archive-date=15 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100615184801/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> Contrary to the soldiers' claims, the report concluded that the victims were unarmed, and no nail bombs or petrol bombs were thrown.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report">{{cite news |author=John Bingham, Rosa Prince and Thomas Harding |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7829208/Bloody-Sunday-Inquiry-victims-were-all-unarmed-and-killed-without-justification-says-Saville-report.html |archive-url=https://archive.today/20130505053114/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/7829208/Bloody-Sunday-Inquiry-victims-were-all-unarmed-and-killed-without-justification-says-Saville-report.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=5 May 2013 |title=Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Bloody Sunday report |date=15 June 2010 |work=The Daily Telegraph |location=London |access-date=15 June 2010}}</ref> "None of them fired in response to attacks or threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers."<ref name="gov.uk"/> It stated that while some soldiers probably fired out of fear and recklessness, others did not, and fired at civilians they knew were unarmed.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210308093358/https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/279167/0030.pdf |date=8 March 2021 }}. ], 15 June 2010. pp. 40–45</ref> The report stated that soldiers lied to hide their acts.<ref name="Bloody Sunday Inquiry: victims were all unarmed and killed without justification, says Saville report" /> Soldier H, who fired the most bullets, claimed to have fired 19 separate shots at a gunman behind a frosted glass window, but missed each time, and suggested all the bullets had gone through the same hole.<ref>{{cite news |date=7 October 2003 |title=Soldier admits 19 shots story is incredible |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/oct/07/northernireland.richardnortontaylor |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230202031929/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/oct/07/northernireland.richardnortontaylor |archive-date=2 February 2023 |access-date=31 January 2022 |work=]}}</ref>


The inquiry concluded that an Official IRA sniper, positioned in a block of flats, fired one round at British soldiers, who were at the Presbyterian church on the other side of William Street. The bullet missed the soldiers and hit a drainpipe. The inquiry concluded that it was fired shortly ''after'' the British soldiers had shot Damien Donaghy and John Johnston in this area. It rejected the sniper's account that he fired in reprisal, concluding that he and another Official IRA member had already been in position and probably fired simply because the opportunity presented itself.<ref name="SavilleSnipers312">{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003/#the-report |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – Volume&nbsp;I – Chapter 3 |publisher=Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=15 June 2010 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100824013430/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003 |archive-date=24 August 2010}}</ref> The inquiry also concluded an Official IRA member fired a handgun at a British APC from behind a gable wall near Rossville Flats, but there is no evidence the soldiers noticed this. The IRA member said he fired three rounds in anger after seeing civilians shot. He was seen by Father ] and others, who shouted at him to stop.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220130063615/https://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ukgwa/20101017060951/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume04/chapter058/ |date=30 January 2022 }}. ].</ref>
*Other soldiers: Lance Corporal F was found responsible for a number of the deaths and that a number of soldiers have "knowingly put forward false accounts in order to seek to justify their firing".<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />


], a senior member of ] and later the ], stated in his testimony that he was second-in-command of the ] and was at the march.<ref name="bbchist"/> Paddy Ward told the inquiry he was the local leader of ], the IRA youth wing, in January 1972. He claimed that McGuinness and another unnamed IRA member gave him bomb detonators on the morning of Bloody Sunday, with the intent to attack premises in Derry city centre that day. McGuinness rejected the claims as "fantasy", while Gerry O'Hara, a Sinn Féin councillor in Derry, stated that he, not Ward, was the Fianna leader at the time.<ref name="INNES" /> The inquiry was unsure of McGuinness's movements on the day. It stated that while he had probably been armed with a ], there was insufficient evidence to state whether he fired it, but concluded "we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire".<ref name="SavilleMcGuinness3119">{{cite web |url=http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003/#the-report |title=Report of The Bloody Sunday Inquiry – Volume&nbsp;I – Chapter 3 |publisher=Bloody Sunday Inquiry |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=15 June 2010 |quote=3.119 in the course of investigating the activities of the Provisional and Official IRA on the day, we considered at some length allegations that Martin McGuinness, at that time the Adjutant of the Derry Brigade or Command of the Provisional IRA, had engaged in paramilitary activity during the day. In the end we were left in some doubt as to his movements on the day. Before the soldiers of Support Company went into the Bogside he was probably armed with a Thompson sub-machine gun, and though it is possible that he fired this weapon, there is insufficient evidence to make any finding on this, save that we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire. |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100824013430/http://report.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org/volume01/chapter003 |archive-date=24 August 2010}}</ref>
*Intelligence officer Colonel Maurice Tugwell and ], (an IPU army press officer): Cleared of wrongdoing. Saville believed the information Tugwell and Wallace released through the media was not down to any deliberate attempt to deceive the public but rather due to much of the inaccurate information Tugwell had received at the time by various other figures.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk/8577087.stm|title=BBC News – Britain's propaganda war during the Troubles|publisher=|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref>


Regarding the soldiers in charge on Bloody Sunday, the inquiry arrived at the following findings:
Reporting on the findings of the Saville Inquiry in the ], the British Prime Minister ] said:


*Lieutenant Colonel ]: Commander of 1 Para and directly responsible for the arrest operation. Found to have 'deliberately disobeyed' his superior, Brigadier Patrick MacLellan, by sending Support Company into the Bogside (and without informing MacLellan).<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
"Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world. And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10322295|title=BBC News – Bloody Sunday: PM David Cameron's full statement|work=BBC News|accessdate=28 September 2014}}</ref>
*Major ]: Commander in charge of Support Company, following orders from Lieutenant Colonel Wilford. Cleared of misconduct; the report stated that Loden "neither realised nor should have realised that his soldiers were or might be firing at people who were not posing a threat".<ref name="bbc.co.uk" /> The inquiry found that Loden could not be held responsible for claims (whether malicious or not) by some of the soldiers that they had received fire from snipers.
*Captain ]: ] of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday.<ref>{{cite book |last=Jackson |first=General Sir Mike |title=Soldier |year=2007 |publisher=Bantam Press |location=London |isbn=978-0-593-05907-4 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/soldierautobiogr00jack |page=57}}</ref> Cleared of sinister actions for compiling the "Loden List of Engagements". This was a brief account of what soldiers told Major Loden about why they had fired. This list played a role in the Army's initial explanations. The list did not include soldiers' names. Jackson told the inquiry it was simply a record of shots fired, not an investigative document. While the inquiry found the compiling of the list was 'far from ideal', it accepted Jackson's explanations.<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
*Major General ]: Commander of land forces in Northern Ireland and set the British strategy to oversee the march in Derry. Cleared of any fault, but his choice of 1 Para, and in particular his selection of Wilford to be in control of arresting rioters, was found to be disconcerting, as "1 PARA was a force with a reputation for using excessive physical violence, which thus ran the risk of exacerbating the tensions between the Army and nationalists".<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
*Brigadier Pat MacLellan: Overall operational commander of the day. Cleared of any wrongdoing as he believed Wilford would follow orders by arresting rioters and then returning to base, and could not be blamed for Wilford's actions.<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
*Major Michael Steele: With MacLellan in the operations room and in charge of passing on the orders of the day. The inquiry accepted that Steele did not know there was no longer a separation between rioters and peaceful marchers.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/2521517.stm |title=BBC NEWS – UK – N Ireland – Major gives Bloody Sunday evidence |website=Bbc.co.uk |date=27 November 2002 |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=3 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203082544/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/2521517.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
*a Lance Corporal referred to as "Soldier F" was found responsible for five of the killings on Bloody Sunday.<ref name="bbc.co.uk" />
*Intelligence officers Colonel Maurice Tugwell, and ] (an Army press officer): Cleared of wrongdoing. The inquiry concluded the information Tugwell and Wallace released through the media was not a deliberate attempt to deceive the public, but rather due to the inaccurate information received.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk/8577087.stm |title=BBC News – Britain's propaganda war during the Troubles |website=Bbc.co.uk |date=22 March 2010 |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=3 December 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131203075757/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk/8577087.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>


Reporting on the findings of the Saville Inquiry in the House of Commons, British Prime Minister ] said:{{blockquote|Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world. And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10322295 |title=BBC News – Bloody Sunday: PM David Cameron's full statement |work=BBC News |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=28 September 2014 |archive-date=17 July 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140717032630/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/10322295 |url-status=live}}</ref>}}
==Impact on Northern Ireland divisions==
Cameron added: "You do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible."<ref>{{cite news |author=RTÉ News |url=http://www.rte.ie/news/2010/0615/bloodysunday.html |title=Bloody Sunday killings 'unjustifiable' |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=15 June 2010 |archive-date=16 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100616210952/http://www.rte.ie/news/2010/0615/bloodysunday.html |url-status=live}}</ref> He acknowledged that all those who died were unarmed when they were killed and that a British soldier had fired the first shots at civilians. He also said that this was not premeditated, though "there was no point in trying to soften or equivocate" as "what happened should never, ever have happened". Cameron apologised on behalf of the British Government, saying he was "deeply sorry".<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2010/jun/15/david-cameron-bloody-sunday-apology |title=David Cameron condemns Bloody Sunday killings and makes apology |work=The Guardian |location=London |last=Stratton |first=Allegra |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=3 January 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170103100426/https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2010/jun/15/david-cameron-bloody-sunday-apology |url-status=live}}</ref> A survey by ] in June 2010 found that 61 per cent of Britons and 70 per cent of Northern Irish agreed with Cameron's apology.<ref>{{cite web |author=Angus Reid Public Opinion |url=http://www.visioncritical.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/2010.06.28_Sunday_BRI.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111203194217/http://www.visioncritical.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/2010.06.28_Sunday_BRI.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-date=3 December 2011 |title=Britons and Northern Irish Welcome PM's Apology for Bloody Sunday |publisher=Angus Reid Public Opinion |date=28 June 2010 |access-date=28 June 2010}}</ref> Stephen Pollard, a solicitor representing several of the soldiers, said the report had cherry-picked the evidence and did not have justification for its findings.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |title=Bloody Sunday killings 'unjustified and unjustifiable' |work=BBC News |date=15 June 2010 |access-date=17 June 2010 |archive-date=15 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100615184801/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>
]]]


==Murder charges==
], then the ] in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that a ] was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles.{{citation needed|date=January 2015}} ], then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland.{{citation needed|date=January 2015}}
Following the publication of the Saville Report, a murder investigation was begun by the ]'s Legacy Investigation Branch. On 10 November 2015, a 66-year-old former member of the Parachute Regiment, referred to as "Soldier J" in the Saville Report, was arrested for questioning over the deaths of William Nash, Michael McDaid and John Young. He was released on ] shortly after.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-34794691 |title=Bloody Sunday: Former British soldier released on bail |work=BBC News |date=11 November 2015 |access-date=17 April 2019 |archive-date=26 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190426195838/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-34794691 |url-status=live}}</ref>


The ] announced in March 2019 that there was enough evidence to prosecute "Soldier F" for the murders of James Wray and William McKinney, both of whom were shot in the back. He was also charged with four ]s.<ref>{{cite web |title=Bloody Sunday: Soldier F faces murder charges |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-47540271 |website=BBC News |access-date=14 March 2019 |date=14 March 2019 |archive-date=14 March 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190314010835/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-47540271 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Bowcott |first=Owen |date=14 March 2019 |title=Bloody Sunday trial will test limits of justice in Northern Ireland |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/bloody-sunday-trial-will-test-limits-justice-northern-ireland |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190314164001/https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/bloody-sunday-trial-will-test-limits-justice-northern-ireland |archive-date=14 March 2019 |access-date=14 March 2019 |website=The Guardian}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Bowcott |first=Owen |date=14 March 2019 |title=Prosecutors explain Bloody Sunday murder charges against 'Soldier F' |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/prosecutors-explain-bloody-sunday-charges-against-soldier-f |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190314164306/https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/prosecutors-explain-bloody-sunday-charges-against-soldier-f |archive-date=14 March 2019 |access-date=14 March 2019 |website=The Guardian}}</ref> The Saville Inquiry concluded, based on the evidence, that "Soldier F" also killed Michael Kelly, Patrick Doherty and Barney McGuigan, but evidence from the inquiry was inadmissible to the ] and "the only evidence capable of identifying the soldier who fired the relevant shots came from "Soldier F"'s co-accused, "Soldier G", who is deceased".<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/why-soldier-f-will-be-charged-over-bloody-sunday-but-other-soldiers-will-not-be-1.3825921 |title=Why Soldier F will be charged over Bloody Sunday but other soldiers will not be |last=Moriarty |first=Gerry |location=Derry |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190404122504/https://www.irishtimes.com/news/ireland/irish-news/why-soldier-f-will-be-charged-over-bloody-sunday-but-other-soldiers-will-not-be-1.3825921 |archive-date=4 April 2019 |url-status=live |newspaper=] |date=14 March 2019}}</ref>
When it was deployed on duty in Northern Ireland, the British Army was welcomed by Roman Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant mobs, the ] (RUC) and the ].<ref>This "Honeymoon period", as it has come to be known, ended around the time of the ] on 3 July 1970. See CAIN for details here . The 'B-Specials' were disbanded and replaced by the ] (UDR) on 1 April 1970.</ref> After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young ] became increasingly attracted to violent ] groups. With the Official IRA and ] having moved away from mainstream Irish republicanism towards ], the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected young people.


Relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims expressed dismay that only one soldier would face trial for some of the killings.<ref>{{cite web |last=Bowcott |first=Owen |date=14 March 2019 |title='People were devastated': relatives of Bloody Sunday victims on the charge |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/people-were-devastated-relatives-of-bloody-sunday-victims-on-the-charge |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190314195452/https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2019/mar/14/people-were-devastated-relatives-of-bloody-sunday-victims-on-the-charge |archive-date=14 March 2019 |access-date=14 March 2019 |website=The Guardian}}</ref> In September 2020, it was ruled that there would be no charges against any other soldiers.<ref>{{cite web |first=Julian |last=O'Neill |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-54329803 |title=Bloody Sunday: No further charges against former soldiers |work=] |date=29 September 2020 |access-date=29 September 2020 |archive-date=29 September 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200929082224/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-54329803 |url-status=live}}</ref> The victims' relatives were supported by Irish nationalist political representatives. "Soldier F" received support from some Ulster loyalists<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-foyle-west-49355150 |title=Bloody Sunday Trust: Events at Londonderry parade a 'setback' |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709201210/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-foyle-west-49355150 |archive-date=9 July 2021 |url-status=live |work=BBC News |date=15 August 2019}}</ref> and from the group Justice for Northern Ireland Veterans.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-48321738 |title=Rallies held for British soldiers facing NI charges |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709185927/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-48321738 |archive-date=9 July 2021 |url-status=live |work=BBC News |date=18 May 2019}}</ref> The ] (DUP) called for former British soldiers to be given ]. ] (UUP) leader and former soldier, ], said that if soldiers "went outside the law, then they have to face the law".<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-56842062 |title=Troubles soldiers need legal protection says Sir Jeffrey Donaldson |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210627211321/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-56842062 |archive-date=27 June 2021 |url-status=live |work=BBC News |date=22 April 2021}}</ref>
In the following twenty years, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other smaller republican groups such as the ] (INLA) mounted an ] against the British, by which they meant current and former members of the RUC, the British Army, the ] (UDR) of the British Army, the Prison Service, suppliers to the security services, the judiciary and opposition politicians amongst others (and, according to their critics, the Protestant and ] establishment and community). With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the nationalist/republican and ]/] communities (the ], ] (UVF), etc. on the loyalist side), the Troubles cost the lives of thousands of people. Incidents included the killing by the Provisionals of eighteen members of the Parachute Regiment in the ] – seen by some{{who|date=August 2014}} as revenge for Bloody Sunday.


In July 2021, the Public Prosecution Service decided it would no longer prosecute "Soldier F" because statements from 1972 were deemed inadmissible as evidence.<ref name="Soldier F withdrawn"/> On 13 July 2021 ] MP ] revealed the name of "Soldier F" using ].<ref>{{cite news |last=McClafferty |first=Enda |author-link=Enda McClafferty |date=13 July 2021 |title=Bloody Sunday: Colum Eastwood names Soldier F in parliament |work=BBC News |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57825284 |url-status=live |access-date=1 September 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210812113605/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-57825284 |archive-date=12 August 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://hansard.parliament.uk/commons/2021-07-13/debates/CDF9AFDF-4BFA-4FA1-8481-B68CAF2DDB5F/ArmedForcesBil|title=Armed Forces Bill Volume 699: debated on Tuesday 13 July 2021|publisher=Hansard|date=13 July 2021|accessdate=13 June 2023}}</ref> On 17 July ] published the identity of "Soldier F" and some pictures of him at the time of the massacre.<ref>{{cite news |author=Burke |first=David |date=17 July 2021 |title=Soldier F, the heartless Bloody Sunday killer, is named |publisher=Village Magazine |url=https://villagemagazine.ie/soldier-f-the-cold-blooded-bloody-sunday-murderer-is-named/ |accessdate=13 June 2023}}</ref>
With the official cessation of violence by some of the major paramilitary organisations and the creation of the power-sharing executive at ] in ] under the 1998 ], the Saville Inquiry's re-examination of the events of that day is widely hoped to provide a thorough account of the events of Bloody Sunday.


In March 2022, the High Court overturned the decision not to press charges against "Soldier F" following an appeal by the family of William McKinney and ordered the Public Prosecution Service to reconsider the case.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/mar/23/belfast-court-quashes-decision-to-stop-bloody-sunday-prosecution-of-soldier-f |title=Belfast court quashes decision to stop Bloody Sunday prosecution of Soldier F |website=The Guardian |last=O'Carroll |first=Lisa |date=March 23, 2022 |access-date=9 May 2022 |archive-date=9 May 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220509205749/https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/mar/23/belfast-court-quashes-decision-to-stop-bloody-sunday-prosecution-of-soldier-f |url-status=live }}</ref> The PPS subsequently appealed the court's decision to the ],<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.derrydaily.net/2022/04/25/pps-may-appeal-decision-to-quash-dropping-of-soldier-f-trial/ |title=PPS May Appeal Decision To Quash Dropping of Soldier F Trial |website=Derry Daily |date=April 25, 2022 |access-date=9 May 2022 |archive-date=27 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220927051440/https://www.derrydaily.net/2022/04/25/pps-may-appeal-decision-to-quash-dropping-of-soldier-f-trial/ |url-status=live }}</ref> but permission to appeal was refused that September and the PPS were forced to continue with the prosecution.<ref name=Young/> In October 2022, it was announced that the committal hearing against "Soldier F" would resume on 16 January 2023.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/evidence-against-soldier-f-over-bloody-sunday-murders-to-be-heard-in-january-1374075.html |title=Evidence against Soldier F over Bloody Sunday murders to be heard in January |last1=Black |first1=Rebecca |last2=Young |first2=David |publisher=Breakingnews.ie |date=7 October 2022 |access-date=7 October 2022 |archive-date=7 October 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221007123238/https://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/evidence-against-soldier-f-over-bloody-sunday-murders-to-be-heard-in-january-1374075.html |url-status=live }}</ref> On 24 January 2023 the case against "Soldier F" was resumed at Derry Magistrate's Court.<ref>{{cite news|title=Derry Court: Soldier F hearing resumes into Bloody Sunday murders|publisher=Derry Now|date=24 January 2023|url=https://www.derrynow.com/news/local-news/1018682/derry-court-soldier-f-hearing-resumes-into-bloody-sunday-murders.html}}</ref> Following an adjournment, the case resumed on 26 May 2023.<ref>{{cite news |last1=McDermott |first1=Eamonn |last2=McClements |first2=Freya |date=26 May 2023 |title=Prosecution of Soldier F for Bloody Sunday killings resumes |publisher=The Irish Times |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/crime-law/courts/2023/05/26/prosecution-of-soldier-f-for-bloody-sunday-killings-resumes/}}</ref> On 25 August 2023 Judge Ted Magill ruled that five statements given to the Widgery Report implicating "Soldier F" could be used as evidence at trial.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-66614633.amp|title=Bloody Sunday: Soldier F 'has no reliable recollection' of shootings|website=BBC News|last=Wilson|first=David|date=25 August 2023}}</ref>
In his speech to the House of Commons on the Inquiry, British Prime Minister David Cameron stated: "These are shocking conclusions to read and shocking words to have to say. But you do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible."<ref>{{cite news |author=''RTÉ News'' |url=http://www.rte.ie/news/2010/0615/bloodysunday.html |title=Bloody Sunday killings 'unjustifiable' |date=15 June 2010}}</ref> He acknowledged that all those who died were unarmed when they were killed by British soldiers, and that a British soldier had fired the first shot at civilians. He also said that this was not a premeditated action, though "there was no point in trying to soften or equivocate" as "what happened should never, ever have happened". Cameron then apologised on behalf of the British Government by saying he was "deeply sorry".


In December 2023, an evidentiary hearing was held to decide whether or not to proceed to trial. Judge Magill ruled that "Soldier F" should face trial at Belfast Crown Court.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-67679180|title=Bloody Sunday: Soldier F will face murder trial|website=BBC News|date=14 December 2023|first1=Gerry|first2=Mike|last1=Bradley|last2=McBride}}</ref> The soldier appeared in court for the first time on 14 June 2024.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/czvv942520jo|title=Bloody Sunday accused Soldier F appears in court|first=Julian|last=O'Neill|date=14 June 2024|newspaper=BBC News}}</ref> In December 2024, "Soldier F" pleaded not guilty to two charges of murder and five of attempted murder.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.rte.ie/news/2024/1206/1485071-soldier-f-bloody-sunday-court/|title=Soldier F pleads not guilty to Bloody Sunday murders in return to trial|publisher=RTÉ News|date=6 December 2024|access-date=6 December 2024}}</ref>
A survey conducted by ] in June 2010 found that 61 per cent of Britons and 70 per cent of Northern Irish agreed with Cameron's apology for the Bloody Sunday events.<ref>{{cite web|author=Angus Reid Public Opinion |url=http://www.visioncritical.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/2010.06.28_Sunday_BRI.pdf |title=Britons and Northern Irish Welcome PM's Apology for Bloody Sunday |publisher=Angus Reid Public Opinion |date=28 June 2010 |accessdate=28 June 2010}}</ref>


==Impact on Northern Ireland divisions==
Stephen Pollard, solicitor representing several of the soldiers, said on 15 June 2010 that Saville had cherry-picked the evidence and did not have justification for his findings.<ref>{{cite news|author=Mark Devenport, BBC NI Political Editor |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/10320609.stm |title=Bloody Sunday killings 'unjustified and unjustifiable' |publisher=BBC News |date=30 January 1972 |accessdate=17 June 2010}}</ref>
When it was first deployed on duty in Northern Ireland during the ], the British Army was welcomed by many Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant loyalist mobs, the RUC and the ].<ref>This "Honeymoon period", as it has come to be known, ended around the time of the ] on 3 July 1970. See CAIN for details here {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110514133724/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch70.htm|date=14 May 2011}}. The 'B-Specials' were disbanded and replaced by the ] (UDR) on 1 April 1970.</ref> After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British Army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to armed ] groups. With the Official IRA and ] having moved away from mainstream Irish republicanism towards ], the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected youth.<ref>{{cite news |title=Bloody Sunday Victims Deserve Better Than This |date=15 March 2019 |url=https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/bloody-sunday-families-deserve-better-than-this-8sr8pbtfb |newspaper=The Times |access-date=16 March 2019 |archive-date=15 March 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190315180315/https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/bloody-sunday-families-deserve-better-than-this-8sr8pbtfb |url-status=live}}</ref>
].]]


In the following twenty years, the Provisional IRA and other smaller republican groups such as the ] stepped up their ] against the state and those seen as being in service to it. With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the republican and loyalist communities (such as the UDA, ] (UVF), etc. on the loyalist side), the Troubles cost the lives of thousands of people.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/topics/troubles_paramilitaries |title=Paramilitaries in the Troubles |website=BBC History |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=22 November 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161122062531/http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/topics/troubles_paramilitaries |url-status=live}}</ref>
In 2012 an actively serving British army soldier from Belfast was charged with inciting hatred by a surviving relative of the deceased, due to their online use of social media to promote sectarian slogans about the killings while featuring banners of the Parachute Regiment logo.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/bloody-sunday/sack-soldier-for-bloody-sunday-slurs-urges-brother-of-victim-28778498.html |title=Sack soldier for Bloody Sunday slurs, urges brother of victim}}</ref>


In 1979, the Provisional IRA killed 18 British soldiers in the ], most of them paratroopers. This happened the same day the IRA assassinated ]. Republicans portrayed the attack as belated retaliation for Bloody Sunday, with graffiti declaring "13 gone and not forgotten, we got 18 and Mountbatten".<ref>Somerville, Ian and Purcell, Andrew (2011). {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220131015343/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/254188119_A_history_of_Republican_public_relations_in_Northern_Ireland_from_Bloody_Sunday_to_the_Good_Friday_Agreement |date=31 January 2022 }}. ''Journal of Communication Management – Special Edition on PR History'', Volume 15, Issue 3.</ref>
In January 2013, shortly before the annual Bloody Sunday remembrance march, two Parachute Regiment flags appeared in the loyalist Fountain, and Waterside, ] areas of Derry. The display of the flags was heavily criticised by nationalist politicians and relatives of the Bloody Sunday dead.<ref> ''Derry Journal'' 18 January 2013 Retrieved 11 February 2013</ref> The ] also condemned the flying of the flags.<ref> ''The Newsletter''</ref> The flags were removed to be replaced by Union Flags.<ref> 19 January 2013</ref> In the run up to the loyalist marching season in 2013 the flag of the Parachute Regiment appeared alongside other loyalist flags in other parts of Northern Ireland. In 2014 loyalists in ] erected the flags in opposition, close to the route of a ] parade in the town.<ref></ref>
]]]


In 2012 a serving British soldier from Belfast was charged with inciting hatred, due to their use of online ] to post sectarian slurs about the killings along with banners of the Parachute Regiment.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/bloody-sunday/sack-soldier-for-bloody-sunday-slurs-urges-brother-of-victim-28778498.html |title=Sack soldier for Bloody Sunday slurs, urges brother of victim |newspaper=Belfasttelegraph |access-date=17 July 2014 |archive-date=26 July 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140726022050/http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/bloody-sunday/sack-soldier-for-bloody-sunday-slurs-urges-brother-of-victim-28778498.html |url-status=live}}</ref>
==Artistic reaction==
] (who is of Irish descent)<ref> McCartney bio</ref> recorded the first song in response only two days after the incident. The single entitled "]", expressed his views on the matter. It was one of a few McCartney solo songs to be banned by the ].<ref> BBC News Entertainment, 17 June 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006.</ref>


In recent years, Parachute Regiment flags have been erected by some ] around the time of the Bloody Sunday anniversaries. In January 2013, shortly before the yearly Bloody Sunday remembrance march, several Parachute Regiment flags were flown in loyalist areas of Derry. The flying of the flags was condemned by nationalist politicians and relatives of the Bloody Sunday dead.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130121095605/http://www.derryjournal.com/news/local/para-flag-fury-1-4697596 |date=21 January 2013 }} ''Derry Journal'' 18 January 2013 Retrieved 11 February 2013</ref> The MoD also condemned the flying of the flags.<ref>{{Dead link |date=August 2019 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }} 8 June 2013 '']''</ref> The flags were replaced by Union Jacks.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150106013352/http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/northern-ireland/parachute-regiment-flags-flown-in-derry-as-plans-are-laid-to-target-concert-29016592.html |date=6 January 2015 }} 19 January 2013</ref> Later that year, the Parachute Regiment flag was flown alongside other loyalist flags in other parts of Northern Ireland. In 2014, loyalists erected the flags near the route of a ] parade in ].<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.tyronetimes.co.uk/news/tyrone-news/parachute-regiment-flag-erected-in-cookstown-as-tensions-mount-ahead-of-st-patrick-s-day-1-5938290 |title="Parachute regiment flag erected in Cookstown as tensions mount ahead of St Patrick's Day" ''Tyrone Times'' |access-date=17 March 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150903213319/http://www.tyronetimes.co.uk/news/tyrone-news/parachute-regiment-flag-erected-in-cookstown-as-tensions-mount-ahead-of-st-patrick-s-day-1-5938290 |archive-date=3 September 2015 |url-status=dead}}</ref>
The ] album '']'' features a song entitled "Sunday Bloody Sunday", inspired by the incident, as well as the song "The Luck of the Irish", which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. Lennon, who was of Irish descent, also spoke at a protest in New York in support of the victims and families of Bloody Sunday.<ref> John Lennon at New York protest.</ref>


==Artistic reaction==
The incident has been commemorated by Irish band, ], in their 1983 ] "]".<ref name="popular culture"> 15 June 2010. telegraph.co.uk. Retrieved 20 June 2010.</ref>
]
] (who is of Irish descent)<ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080415204834/http://www.experiencefestival.com/a/Paul_McCartney_-_Early_years/id/5466391 |date=15 April 2008 }} McCartney bio</ref> recorded the first song in response only two days after the incident. The single, entitled "]", expressed his views on the matter. This song was one of few McCartney released with ] to be banned by the ].<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111107054918/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/entertainment/5087006.stm |date=7 November 2011 }} BBC News Entertainment, 17 June 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006.</ref>


The 1972 ] album '']'' features a song entitled "]", inspired by the incident, as well as the song "]", which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. Lennon, who was of Irish descent, also spoke at a protest in New York in support of the victims and families of Bloody Sunday.<ref> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090223061921/http://www.irishabroad.com/YourRoots/Genealogy/irishroots/alltheyneedislovethelennons.asp |date=23 February 2009 }} John Lennon at New York protest.</ref>
The North-Irish ] band ] recorded the song "Bloody Sunday", in their reissued album '']'' in 2001.


Irish poet ]'s 1972 poem ''Butcher's Dozen'' is a satirical and angry response to the Widgery Tribunal and the events of Bloody Sunday.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.indymedia.ie/article/97120 |title=Poems of Bloody Sunday: Thomas Kinsella, Seamus Deane |website=indymedia ireland |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202042518/http://www.indymedia.ie/article/97120 |url-status=live}}</ref>
The ] song "All Ireland" from the album '']'', written in the days following the incident, is critical of the military but takes a long term view with regard to a solution. In Harper's book (''The Passions of Great Fortune''), his comment on the song ends "…there must always be some hope that the children of 'Bloody Sunday', on both sides, can grow into some wisdom".


]'s ] (also of Irish descent) wrote the lyrics to the Black Sabbath song "]" on the album of the ] in 1973. Butler stated, "…the Sunday Bloody Sunday thing had just happened in Ireland, when the British troops opened fire on the Irish demonstrators… So I came up with the title 'Sabbath Bloody Sabbath', and sort of put it in how the band was feeling at the time, getting away from management, mixed with the state Ireland was in."<ref>Black Sabbath: Doom Let Loose, Martin Popoff; ECW Press, 2006.</ref> ]'s ] (also of Irish descent) wrote the lyrics to the Black Sabbath song "]" on the album of the ] in 1973. Butler stated, "…the Sunday Bloody Sunday thing had just happened in Ireland, when the British troops opened fire on the Irish demonstrators… So I came up with the title 'Sabbath Bloody Sabbath', and sort of put it in how the band was feeling at the time, getting away from management, mixed with the state Ireland was in."<ref>Black Sabbath: Doom Let Loose, Martin Popoff; ECW Press, 2006.</ref>


The ] song "All Ireland" from the album '']'', written in the days following the incident, is critical of the military but takes a long-term view with regard to a solution. In Harper's book (''The Passions of Great Fortune''), his comment on the song ends "…there must always be some hope that the children of 'Bloody Sunday', on both sides, can grow into some wisdom".<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ybPECQAAQBAJ&pg=PA144 |title=A Journey of Art and Conflict: Weaving Indra's Net |last=Oddie |first=David |year=2015 |publisher=Intellect |isbn=978-1-78320-500-4 |page=144 |access-date=30 January 2017 |archive-date=15 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170215172946/https://books.google.com/books?id=ybPECQAAQBAJ&pg=PA144 |url-status=live}}</ref>
]'s song "Minds Locked Shut" on the album ''Graffiti Tongue'' is all about the events of the day, and names the dead civilians.<ref>, christymoore.com. Retrieved 20 June 2010.</ref>


]'s 1973 play '']'' deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians.<ref name="popular culture" />
The ] band ] addressed the incident in a song "Bloody Sunday" from their 2004 album '']''.<ref>{{cite web |author=Bolther, Giancarlo |title=Interview with Keith Fay |url=http://rock-impressions.com/cruachan_inter1e.htm |publisher=Rock-impressions.com |accessdate=24 March 2008}}</ref>


Irish poet ]'s ''Casualty'' (published in ''Field Work,'' 1981) criticises Britain for the death of his friend.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://criticalinquiry.uchicago.edu/heaney_in_chicago/ |title=Heaney in Chicago |work=Critical Inquiry |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202055228/http://criticalinquiry.uchicago.edu/heaney_in_chicago/ |url-status=live}}</ref>
The events of the day have been dramatised in two 2002 television films, '']'' (starring ]) and '']'' by ].<ref name="popular culture" />


The Irish rock band ] commemorated the incident in their 1983 ] "]".<ref name="popular culture"> {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180202142146/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/7829154/Bloody-Sunday-in-popular-culture.html |date=2 February 2018 }} 15 June 2010. telegraph.co.uk. Retrieved 20 June 2010.</ref>
]'s 1973 play '']'' deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians.<ref name="popular culture" />

]'s song "Minds Locked Shut" on the album ''Graffiti Tongue'' is all about the events of the day, and names the dead civilians.<ref> {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110927000550/http://www.christymoore.com/lyrics_detail.php?id=91 |date=27 September 2011 }}, christymoore.com. Retrieved 20 June 2010.</ref>


The events of the day have been dramatised in two 2002 television films, '']'' (starring ]) and '']'' by ].<ref name="popular culture" />
Irish poet ]'s 1972 poem ''Butcher's Dozen'' is a satirical and angry response to the Widgery Tribunal and the events of Bloody Sunday.


The ] band ] addressed the incident in a song "Bloody Sunday" from their 2002 album '']''.<ref>{{cite web |author=Bolther, Giancarlo |title=Interview with Keith Fay |url=http://rock-impressions.com/cruachan_inter1e.htm |publisher=Rock-impressions.com |access-date=24 March 2008 |archive-date=3 March 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080303084411/http://www.rock-impressions.com/cruachan_inter1e.htm |url-status=live}}</ref>
Irish poet ]'s ''Casualty'' (published in ''Field Work,'' 1981) criticizes Britain for the death of his friend.


], a Derry-born artist, has amassed a large body of work which addresses the troubles in Northern Ireland. "30 January 1972" deals specifically with the events of Bloody Sunday.<ref name="popular culture" /> ], a Derry-born artist, has amassed a large body of work which addresses the troubles in Northern Ireland. "30 January 1972" deals specifically with the events of Bloody Sunday.<ref name="popular culture" />


In mid-2005, the play '']'', a dramatisation based on the Saville Inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin.<ref>{{cite news |title=Out of crises, a drama |author=Liz Hoggard |url=http://www.guardian.co.uk/arts/features/story/0,11710,1446221,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=27 March 2005 |accessdate=19 February 2009 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry |url=http://www.dublinks.com/index.cfm/loc/14/pt/0/spid/85F418D2-6CD9-4669-8A9FA731AF2AB0CC.htm |work=Dublinks |year=2005 |accessdate=19 February 2009}}</ref> The writer, journalist ], distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance by ]. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, including ''The Times'': "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating"; ''The Daily Telegraph'': "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly… exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; and ''The Independent'': "A necessary triumph".<ref>{{cite web |title = Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry |url=http://www.tricycle.co.uk/htmlnew/whatson/show.php3?id=71 |archiveurl=http://web.archive.org/web/20050405182630/http://www.tricycle.co.uk/htmlnew/whatson/show.php3?id=71 |publisher=Tricycle Theatre |year=2005 |archivedate=5 April 2005 |accessdate=19 February 2009}}</ref> In mid-2005, the play '']'', a dramatisation based on the Saville Inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin.<ref>{{cite news |title=Out of crises, a drama |author=Liz Hoggard |url=https://www.theguardian.com/arts/features/story/0,11710,1446221,00.html |work=The Guardian |location=London |date=27 March 2005 |access-date=19 February 2009 |archive-date=2 February 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220202200352/https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2005/mar/27/theatre |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry |url=http://www.dublinks.com/index.cfm/loc/14/pt/0/spid/85F418D2-6CD9-4669-8A9FA731AF2AB0CC.htm |work=Dublinks |year=2005 |access-date=19 February 2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081001223059/http://www.dublinks.com/index.cfm/loc/14/pt/0/spid/85F418D2-6CD9-4669-8A9FA731AF2AB0CC.htm |archive-date=1 October 2008}}</ref> The writer, journalist ], distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance at the ]. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, including ''The Times'': "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating"; ''The Daily Telegraph'': "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly… exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; and ''The Independent'': "A necessary triumph".<ref>{{cite web |title=Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry |url=http://www.tricycle.co.uk/htmlnew/whatson/show.php3?id=71 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050405182630/http://www.tricycle.co.uk/htmlnew/whatson/show.php3?id=71 |publisher=Tricycle Theatre |year=2005 |archive-date=5 April 2005 |access-date=19 February 2009}}</ref>


In October 2010, ] released the song "Domhnach na Fola" (Irish for "Bloody Sunday"), written by ], ], ] and ] on their '']'' album.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.allmusic.com/song/domhnach-na-fola-mt0040702147 |title=T with the Maggies: Domhnach Na Fola |website=allmusic.com |access-date=29 January 2017 |archive-date=2 February 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202195320/http://www.allmusic.com/song/domhnach-na-fola-mt0040702147 |url-status=live}}</ref>
Swedish troubadour ] wrote a song called "Den 30/1-72" about the incident.


==Notes==
In October 2010, ] released the song ''Domhnach na Fola'' (Irish for ''Bloody Sunday''), written by ] and ] on their ].
{{reflist|group=n}}


==References== ==References==
{{Reflist|colwidth=25em}} {{Reflist}}


==Bibliography== ==Bibliography==
* {{cite book |author=] |title=The Irish War |publisher= Johns Hopkins University Press |year=2000 |isbn=0-8018-7117-4}} *{{cite book |author=] |title=The Irish War |url=https://archive.org/details/irishwarhiddenco00mrto |url-access=registration |publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press |year=2000 |isbn=0-8018-7117-4}}
* {{cite book |author=Dr ] |title=The Road To Bloody Sunday (revised edition) |location=Guildhall |publisher=Printing Press |year=1997 |isbn=0-946451-37-0}} *{{cite book |author=] |title=The Road To Bloody Sunday |location=Guildhall |publisher=Printing Press |year=1997 |isbn=0-946451-37-0 |edition=revised}} {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190109080513/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/mcclean.htm |date=9 January 2019 }}
* {{cite book |author=] |title=Bloody Sunday in Derry |location=Brandon |publisher=Printing Press | year=1998 |isbn=0-86322-139-4}} *{{cite book |author=] |title=Bloody Sunday in Derry |location=Brandon |publisher=Printing Press |year=1998 |isbn=0-86322-139-4}}
* {{cite book |author=Dermot P.J. Walsh |title=Bloody Sunday and the rule of law in Northern Ireland| publisher=Gill & Macmillan |year=2000 |isbn=0-7171-3085-1}} *{{cite book |author=Dermot P.J. Walsh |title=Bloody Sunday and the rule of law in Northern Ireland |publisher=Gill & Macmillan |year=2000 |isbn=0-7171-3085-1}}
* {{cite book |author=Jennifer Faus |title=Before Sunday |publisher= Nonsuch Publishing |year=2007 |isbn=1-84588-573-2 }} *{{cite book |author=Jennifer Faus |title=Before Sunday |publisher=Nonsuch Publishing |year=2007 |isbn=978-1-84588-573-1}}
* ]. ''Armed Struggle;– A History of the IRA'', MacMillan, London 2003, ISBN 1-4050-0108-9 *]. ''Armed Struggle;– A History of the IRA'', MacMillan, London 2003, {{ISBN|1-4050-0108-9}}


==External links== ==External links==
{{commons category|Bloody Sunday, Derry}} {{commons category|Bloody Sunday, Derry}}
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* * {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110823191926/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/bsunday/bs.htm |date=23 August 2011 }}
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* * {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110923121509/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/widgery.htm |date=23 September 2011 }}
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* * {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210225235430/http://www.veryderry.com/bloodysunday08/ |date=25 February 2021 }}
* *


===The events of the day=== ;The events of the day
* *
* *
* Museum of Free Derry * Museum of Free Derry


===Contemporary newspaper coverage=== ;Contemporary newspaper coverage
* from The Guardian, Monday 31 January 1972 * from The Guardian, Monday 31 January 1972
* from The Guardian, Tuesday 1 February 1972 * from The Guardian, Tuesday 1 February 1972


===Importance and impact=== ;Importance and impact
* from The Guardian, Wednesday 16 May 2001 * from The Guardian, Wednesday 16 May 2001
* – video report by '']'' * – video report by '']''


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Latest revision as of 16:05, 20 December 2024

Mass shooting in Derry, Northern Ireland For other events of the same name, see Bloody Sunday.

Bloody Sunday
Part of the Troubles
Catholic priest Edward Daly waving a blood-stained white handkerchief while trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety
LocationDerry, Northern Ireland
Coordinates54°59′49″N 07°19′32″W / 54.99694°N 7.32556°W / 54.99694; -7.32556
Date30 January 1972; 52 years ago (1972-01-30)
16:10 (UTC+00:00)
Attack typeMass shooting, state terrorism
WeaponsL1A1 SLR rifles
Deaths14 (13 immediate, 1 died four months later)
Injured15+ (12 from gunshots, two from vehicle impact, others from rubber bullets and flying debris)
PerpetratorsBritish Army (Parachute Regiment)
The Troubles
in Ireland
1960s and 1970s

1980s


1990s


See also: The Troubles in Britain & Europe, Assassinations during the Troubles, and Loyalist feud

Bloody Sunday, or the Bogside Massacre, was a massacre on 30 January 1972 when British soldiers shot 26 unarmed civilians during a protest march in the Bogside area of Derry, Northern Ireland. Thirteen men were killed outright and the death of another man four months later was attributed to gunshot injuries from the incident. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers, and some were shot while trying to help the wounded. Other protesters were injured by shrapnel, rubber bullets, or batons; two were run down by British Army vehicles; and some were beaten. All of those shot were Catholics. The march had been organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) to protest against internment without trial. The soldiers were from the 1st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment ("1 Para"), the same battalion implicated in the Ballymurphy massacre several months before.

Two investigations were held by the British government. The Widgery Tribunal, held in the aftermath, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame. It described some of the soldiers' shooting as "bordering on the reckless", but accepted their claims that they shot at gunmen and bomb-throwers. The report was widely criticised as a "whitewash".

The Saville Inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville of Newdigate, was established in 1998 to reinvestigate the incident much more thoroughly. Following a twelve-year investigation, Saville's report was made public in 2010 and concluded that the killings were "unjustified" and "unjustifiable". It found that all of those shot were unarmed, that none were posing a serious threat, that no bombs were thrown and that soldiers "knowingly put forward false accounts" to justify their firing. The soldiers denied shooting the named victims but also denied shooting anyone by mistake. On publication of the report, British Prime Minister David Cameron formally apologised. Following this, police began a murder investigation into the killings. One former soldier was charged with murder, but the case was dropped two years later when evidence was deemed inadmissible. Following an appeal by the families of the victims, the Public Prosecution Service resumed the prosecution.

Bloody Sunday came to be regarded as one of the most significant events of the Troubles because so many civilians were killed by forces of the state, in view of the public and the press. It was the highest number of people killed in a shooting incident during the conflict and is considered the worst mass shooting in Northern Irish history. Bloody Sunday fuelled Catholic and Irish nationalist hostility to the British Army and worsened the conflict. Support for the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) rose, and there was a surge of recruitment into the organisation, especially locally. The Republic of Ireland held a national day of mourning, and huge crowds besieged and burnt down the chancery of the British Embassy in Dublin.

Background

Main article: The Troubles

The City of Derry was perceived by many Catholics and Irish nationalists in Northern Ireland to be the epitome of what was described as "fifty years of Unionist misrule": despite having a nationalist majority, gerrymandering ensured elections to the City Corporation always returned a unionist majority. The city was perceived to be deprived of public investment: motorways were not extended to it, a university was opened in the smaller (Protestant-majority) town of Coleraine rather than Derry and, above all, the city's housing stock was in a generally poor state. Derry therefore became a major focus of the civil rights campaign led by organisations such as the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) in the late 1960s. It was the scene of the major riot known as Battle of the Bogside in August 1969, which pushed the Northern Ireland administration to ask for military support.

While many Catholics initially welcomed the British Army as a neutral force – in contrast to the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which was regarded as a sectarian police force – relations between them soon deteriorated.

In response to rising levels of violence across Northern Ireland, internment without trial was introduced on 9 August 1971. There was disorder across the region following the introduction of internment, with 21 people being killed in three days of violence. In Belfast, soldiers of the Parachute Regiment shot dead eleven civilians in what became known as the Ballymurphy massacre. On 10 August, Bombardier Paul Challenor became the first soldier to be killed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA) in Derry, when he was shot by a sniper in the Creggan housing estate. A month after internment was introduced, a British soldier shot dead a 14-year-old Catholic schoolgirl, Annette McGavigan, in Derry. Two months later, Kathleen Thompson, a 47-year-old mother of six, was shot dead in her back garden in Derry by the British Army.

IRA activity also increased across Northern Ireland, with thirty British soldiers being killed in the remaining months of 1971, in contrast to the ten soldiers killed during the pre-internment period of the year. A further six soldiers had been killed in Derry by end of 1971. At least 1,332 rounds were fired at the British Army, which also faced 211 explosions and 180 nail bombs, and who fired 364 rounds in return. Both the Provisional IRA and the Official IRA had built barricades and established no-go areas for the British Army and RUC in Derry. By the end of 1971, 29 barricades were in place to prevent access to what was known as Free Derry, sixteen of them impassable even to the British Army's one-ton armoured vehicles. IRA members openly mounted roadblocks in front of the media, and daily clashes took place between nationalist youths and the British Army at a spot known as "aggro corner". Due to rioting and incendiary devices, an estimated £4 million worth of damage was caused to local businesses.

Lead-up to the march

On 18 January 1972 the Northern Irish Prime Minister, Brian Faulkner, banned all parades and marches in the region until the end of the year. Four days later, in defiance of the ban, an anti-internment march was held at Magilligan strand, near Derry. Protesters marched to an internment camp but were stopped by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment. When some protesters threw stones and tried to go around the barbed wire, paratroopers drove them back by firing rubber bullets at close range and making baton charges. The paratroopers badly beat a number of protesters and had to be physically restrained by their own officers. These allegations of brutality by paratroopers were reported widely on television and in the press. Some in the British Army also thought there had been undue violence by the paratroopers.

NICRA intended to hold another anti-internment march in Derry on 30 January. The authorities decided to allow it to proceed in the Bogside, but to stop it from reaching Guildhall Square, as planned by the organisers, to avoid rioting. Major General Robert Ford, then Commander of Land Forces in Northern Ireland, ordered that the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment (1 Para), should travel to Derry to be used to arrest rioters. The arrest operation was codenamed 'Operation Forecast'. The Saville Report criticised Ford for choosing the Parachute Regiment for the operation, as it had "a reputation for using excessive physical violence". March organiser and MP Ivan Cooper had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA members would be near the march, although Tony Geraghty wrote that some of the stewards were probably IRA members.

Events of the day

Main article: Narrative of events of Bloody Sunday (1972)
The Bogside in 1981, overlooking the area where many of the victims were shot. On the right of the picture is the south side of Rossville Flats, and in the middle distance is Glenfada Park.

The paratroopers arrived in Derry on the morning of the march and took up positions. Brigadier Pat MacLellan was the operational commander and issued orders from Ebrington Barracks. He gave orders to Lieutenant Colonel Derek Wilford, commander of 1 Para. He in turn gave orders to Major Ted Loden, who commanded the company who would launch the arrest operation. The protesters planned on marching from Bishop's Field, in the Creggan housing estate, to the Guildhall in the city centre, where they would hold a rally. The march set off at about 2:45 p.m. There were 10,000–15,000 people on the march, with many joining along its route. Lord Widgery, in his now discredited tribunal, said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000.

The march made its way along William Street but, as it neared the city centre, its path was blocked by British Army barriers. The organisers redirected the march down Rossville Street, intending to hold the rally at Free Derry Corner instead. However, some broke off from the march and began throwing stones at soldiers manning the barriers. The soldiers fired rubber bullets, CS gas and water cannons. Such clashes between soldiers and youths were common, and observers reported that the rioting was no more violent than usual.

Some of the crowd spotted paratroopers occupying a derelict three-story building overlooking William Street and began throwing stones up at the windows. At about 3:55 p.m., these paratroopers opened fire. The civilians Damien Donaghy and John Johnston were shot and wounded while standing on waste ground opposite the building. These were the first shots fired. The soldiers claimed Donaghy was holding a black cylindrical object, but the Saville Inquiry concluded that all of those shot were unarmed.

At 4:07 p.m., the paratroopers were ordered to go through the barriers and arrest rioters. The paratroopers, on foot and in armoured vehicles, chased people down Rossville Street and into the Bogside. Two people were knocked down by the vehicles. MacLellan had ordered that only one company of paratroopers be sent through the barriers, on foot, and that they should not chase people down Rossville Street. Wilford disobeyed this order, which meant there was no separation between rioters and peaceful marchers. There were many claims of paratroopers beating people, clubbing them with rifle butts, firing rubber bullets at them from close range, making threats to kill, and hurling abuse. The Saville Report agreed that soldiers "used excessive force when arresting people as well as seriously assaulting them for no good reason while in their custody".

One group of paratroopers took up position at a low wall about 80 yards (73 m) in front of a rubble barricade that stretched across Rossville Street. There were people at the barricade and some were throwing stones at the soldiers, but were not near enough to hit them. The soldiers fired on the people at the barricade, killing six and wounding a seventh.

A large group fled or were chased into the car park of Rossville Flats. This area was like a courtyard, surrounded on three sides by high-rise flats. The soldiers opened fire, killing one civilian and wounding six others. This fatality, Jackie Duddy, was running alongside a priest, Edward Daly, when he was shot in the back.

Another group fled into the car park of Glenfada Park, which was also surrounded by flats. Here, the soldiers shot at people across the car park, about 40–50 yards (35–45 m) away. Two civilians were killed and at least four others wounded. The Saville Report says it is probable that at least one soldier fired randomly at the crowd from the hip. The paratroopers went through the car park and out the other side. Some soldiers went out the southwest corner, where they shot dead two civilians. The other soldiers went out the southeast corner and shot four more civilians, killing two.

About ten minutes had elapsed between the time soldiers drove into the Bogside and the time the last of the civilians was shot. More than 100 rounds were fired by the soldiers. No warnings were given before soldiers opened fire.

Some of those shot were given first aid by civilian volunteers, either on the scene or after being carried into nearby homes. They were then driven to hospital, either in civilian cars or in ambulances. The first ambulances arrived at 4:28 p.m. The three boys killed at the rubble barricade were driven to hospital by paratroopers. Witnesses said paratroopers lifted the bodies by the hands and feet and dumped them in the back of their armoured personnel carrier as if they were "pieces of meat". The Saville Report agreed that this is an "accurate description of what happened", saying the paratroopers "might well have felt themselves at risk, but in our view this does not excuse them".

Casualties

Bloody Sunday memorial in the Bogside

In all, 26 people were shot by the paratroopers; thirteen died on the day and another died of his injuries four months later. The dead were killed in four main areas: the rubble barricade across Rossville Street, the car park of Rossville Flats (on the north side of the flats), the forecourt of Rossville Flats (on the south side), and the car park of Glenfada Park.

All of the soldiers responsible insisted that they had shot at, and hit, gunmen or bomb-throwers. No soldier said he missed his target and hit someone else by mistake. The Saville Report concluded that all of those shot were unarmed and that none were posing a serious threat. It also concluded that none of the soldiers fired in response to attacks, or threatened attacks, by gunmen or bomb-throwers.

The casualties are listed in the order in which they were killed.

  • John "Jackie" Duddy, age 17. Shot as he ran away from soldiers in the car park of Rossville Flats. The bullet struck him in the shoulder and entered his chest. Three witnesses said they saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. He was the first fatality on Bloody Sunday. Both Saville and Widgery concluded that Duddy was unarmed.
  • Michael Kelly, age 17. Shot in the stomach while standing at the rubble barricade on Rossville Street. Both Saville and Widgery concluded that Kelly was unarmed. The Saville Inquiry concluded that 'Soldier F' shot Kelly.
  • Hugh Gilmour, age 17. Shot as he ran away from soldiers near the rubble barricade. The bullet went through his left elbow and entered his chest. Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed. The Saville Inquiry concluded that 'Private U' shot Gilmour.
  • William Nash, age 19. Shot in the chest at the rubble barricade. Three people were shot while apparently going to his aid, including his father Alexander Nash.
  • John Young, age 17. Shot in the face at the rubble barricade, apparently while crouching and going to the aid of William Nash.
  • Michael McDaid, age 20. Shot in the face at the rubble barricade, apparently while crouching and going to the aid of William Nash.
  • Kevin McElhinney, age 17. Shot from behind, near the rubble barricade, while attempting to crawl to safety.
  • James "Jim" Wray, age 22. Shot in the back while running away from soldiers in Glenfada Park courtyard. He was then shot again in the back as he lay mortally wounded on the ground. Witnesses, who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal, stated that Wray was calling out that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.
  • William McKinney, age 26. Shot in the back as he attempted to flee through Glenfada Park courtyard. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.
  • Gerard "Gerry" McKinney, age 35. Shot in the chest at Abbey Park. A soldier, identified as 'Private G', ran through an alleyway from Glenfada Park and shot him from a few yards away. Witnesses said that when he saw the soldier, McKinney stopped and held up his arms, shouting, "Don't shoot! Don't shoot!", before being shot. The bullet apparently went through his body and struck Gerard Donaghy behind him.
  • Gerard "Gerry" Donaghy, age 17. Shot in the stomach at Abbey Park while standing behind Gerard McKinney. Both were apparently struck by the same bullet. Bystanders brought Donaghy to a nearby house. A doctor examined him, and his pockets were searched for identification. Two bystanders then attempted to drive Donaghy to hospital, but the car was stopped at a British Army checkpoint. They were ordered to leave the car and a soldier drove it to a Regimental Aid Post, where an Army medical officer pronounced Donaghy dead. Shortly after, soldiers found four nail bombs in his pockets. The civilians who searched him, the soldier who drove him to the Army post, and the Army medical officer all said that they did not see any bombs. This led to claims that soldiers planted the bombs on Donaghy to justify the killings.
Belt worn by Patrick Doherty. The notch was made by the bullet that killed him.
  • Patrick Doherty, age 31. Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville Flats. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F', who came out of Glenfada Park. Doherty was photographed, moments before and after he died, by French journalist Gilles Peress. Despite testimony from 'Soldier F' that he had shot a man holding a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs show Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.
  • Bernard "Barney" McGuigan, age 41. Shot in the back of the head when he walked out from cover to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief to indicate his peaceful intentions. The Saville Inquiry concluded that he was shot by 'Soldier F'.
  • John Johnston, age 59. Shot in the leg and left shoulder on William Street fifteen minutes before the rest of the shooting started. Johnston was not on the march, but on his way to visit a friend in Glenfada Park. He died on 16 June 1972; his death has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. He was the only fatality not to die immediately or soon after being shot.

Aftermath

Banner and crosses carried by the families of the victims on the annual commemoration march

Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another wounded man dying subsequently, which his family believed was from injuries suffered that day. Apart from the soldiers, all eyewitnesses—including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present—maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those helping the wounded. No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or bombs, nor were any bullets or nail bombs recovered to back up their claims. The British Army's version of events, outlined by the Ministry of Defence and repeated by Home Secretary Reginald Maudling in the House of Commons the day after Bloody Sunday, was that paratroopers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers. Bernadette Devlin, the independent Irish socialist republican Member of Parliament (MP) for Mid Ulster, slapped Maudling for his comments, and was temporarily suspended from Parliament. Having seen the shootings firsthand, she was infuriated that the Speaker of the House of Commons, Selwyn Lloyd, repeatedly denied her the chance to speak about it in Parliament, although convention decreed that any MP witnessing an incident under discussion would be allowed to do so.

On Wednesday 2 February 1972, tens of thousands attended the funerals of eleven of the victims. In the Republic of Ireland it was observed as a national day of mourning, and there was a general strike, the biggest in Europe since the Second World War relative to population. Memorial services were held in Catholic and Protestant churches, as well as synagogues, throughout the Republic, while schools closed and public transport stopped running. Large crowds had besieged the chancery of the British embassy on Merrion Square in Dublin, and embassy staff had been evacuated. That Wednesday, tens of thousands of protesters marched to the chancery and thirteen symbolic coffins were placed outside the entrance. The Union Jack was burnt and the building was attacked with stones and petrol bombs. The outnumbered Gardaí tried to push back the crowd, but the building was burnt down. Anglo-Irish relations hit one of their lowest ebbs with the Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Patrick Hillery, going to the United Nations Security Council to demand the involvement of a UN peacekeeping force in the Northern Ireland conflict. Kieran Conway, the head of the IRA's intelligence-gathering department for a period in the 1970s, stated in his memoir that after the massacre, the IRA Southern Command in Dublin received up to 200 applications from Southern Irish citizens to fight the British.

Harold Wilson, then the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that a united Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles. William Craig, then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland.

On 22 February 1972, the Official IRA attempted to retaliate for Bloody Sunday by detonating a car bomb at Aldershot military barracks, headquarters of 16th Parachute Brigade, killing seven ancillary staff.

An inquest into the deaths was held in August 1973. The city's coroner, Hubert O'Neill, a retired British Army major, issued a statement at the completion of the inquest. He declared:

This Sunday became known as Bloody Sunday and bloody it was. It was quite unnecessary. It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. It was murder.

Shankill shootings

Several months after Bloody Sunday, 1 Para—again under Lt Col Wilford's command—were involved in another controversial shooting incident. On 7 September, paratroopers raided the headquarters of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and houses in the Shankill area of Belfast. Two Protestant civilians were shot dead and others wounded by the paratroopers, who claimed they were returning fire at loyalist gunmen. This sparked angry demonstrations by local Protestants, and the UDA declared: "Never has Ulster witnessed such licensed sadists and such blatant liars as the 1st Paras. These gun-happy louts must be removed from the streets". A unit of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment refused to carry out duties until 1 Para was withdrawn from the Shankill.

At the end of 1972, Wilford, who was directly in charge of the soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday and Shankill, was appointed an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE).

Widgery Inquiry

Two days after Bloody Sunday, the British Parliament adopted a resolution for a tribunal into the shootings, resulting in Prime Minister Edward Heath commissioning the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery, to undertake it. Many witnesses intended to boycott the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but many were eventually persuaded to take part.

Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within ten weeks (on 10 April) and published within eleven weeks (on 19 April)—supported the British Army's account of the events of the day. It stated that the soldiers returned fire at gunmen and bomb-throwers. It said "None of the deceased or wounded is proved to have been shot whilst handling a firearm or bomb. Some are wholly acquitted of complicity in such action; but there is a strong suspicion that some others had been firing weapons or handling bombs". Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results of paraffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. It has been argued that firearms residue on some victims may have come from contact with the soldiers themselves who moved some of the bodies, or that lead residue on the hands of one (James Wray) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved using lead-based solder. Widgery held the march organisers responsible, concluding "There would have been no deaths if those who organised the illegal march had not thereby created a highly dangerous situation".

Widgery stated there was no evidence the paratroopers were sent to "flush out any IRA gunmen in the Bogside" or to punish its residents for opposing the British Army. The Saville Inquiry also trawled classified documents and found no evidence of such a plan, but said "It is of course possible for plans to be hatched in secret and kept out of documents".

Most witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a whitewash, the slogan, "Widgery washes whiter" – a play on the contemporary advertisement for Daz soap powder – emblazoned on walls in Derry, crystallised the views of many nationalists about the report.

In 1992, British Prime Minister John Major, replying to John Hume's request for a new public inquiry, stated: "The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives". Major was succeeded by Tony Blair. Blair's chief aide, Jonathan Powell, later described Widgery as a "complete and utter whitewash".

Saville Inquiry

Main article: Bloody Sunday Inquiry
The city Guildhall, home to the Inquiry

In 1998, during the latter stages of the Northern Ireland peace process, Prime Minister Blair agreed to hold a public inquiry into Bloody Sunday. The inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville, was established in April 1998. The other judges were John Toohey, a former Justice of the High Court of Australia who had worked on Aboriginal issues (he replaced New Zealander Sir Edward Somers, who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), and William Hoyt, former Chief Justice of New Brunswick and member of the Canadian Judicial Council. The inquiry heard testimony at the Guildhall in Derry from March 2000 until November 2004. The Saville Inquiry was much more comprehensive than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians, and reviewing large amounts of photographs and footage. Lord Saville declined to comment on the Widgery report and made the point that this was a judicial inquiry into Bloody Sunday, not the Widgery Tribunal.

Colonel Wilford expressed anger at the decision to hold the inquiry and said he was proud of his actions on Bloody Sunday. Two years later, in 2000, Wilford said: "There might have been things wrong in the sense that some innocent people, people who were not carrying a weapon, were wounded or even killed. But that was not done as a deliberate malicious act. It was done as an act of war." In 2007, General (then Captain) Sir Mike Jackson, adjutant of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday, said: "I have no doubt that innocent people were shot." This was in contrast to his insistence, for more than thirty years, that those killed had not been innocent.

One former paratrooper testified that a lieutenant told them the night before Bloody Sunday: "Let's teach these buggers a lesson - we want some kills tomorrow". He did not see anyone with a weapon nor hear any explosions, and said some fellow soldiers were thrilled and were shooting out of bravado or frustration. The paratrooper said several soldiers "fired their own personal supply of dum-dums", which were banned, and that one "fired 10 dum-dums into the crowd but as he still had his official quota he got away with saying he never fired a shot". Furthermore, the paratrooper said his original statement to the Widgery Inquiry was torn up and replaced by one "bearing no relation with fact".

Many observers allege that the Ministry of Defence (MoD) acted in a way to impede the inquiry. Over 1,000 Army photographs and original Army helicopter video footage were never made available. Furthermore, guns used by the soldiers on Bloody Sunday, which could have been evidence in the inquiry, were lost by the MoD. The MoD claimed all the guns had been destroyed, but some were later recovered in various locations (such as Sierra Leone and Beirut) despite the obstruction.

By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in British legal history. It was also the longest and most expensive, taking twelve years and costing £195 million. The inquiry was expected to report in late 2009 but was delayed until after the 2010 general election.

The 35th Bloody Sunday memorial march in Derry, 28 January 2007

Report

The report of the inquiry was published on 15 June 2010. It concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury." It stated that British paratroopers "lost control", shooting fleeing civilians and those who tried to help the wounded. The civilians had not been warned by soldiers that they intended to shoot. Contrary to the soldiers' claims, the report concluded that the victims were unarmed, and no nail bombs or petrol bombs were thrown. "None of them fired in response to attacks or threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers." It stated that while some soldiers probably fired out of fear and recklessness, others did not, and fired at civilians they knew were unarmed. The report stated that soldiers lied to hide their acts. Soldier H, who fired the most bullets, claimed to have fired 19 separate shots at a gunman behind a frosted glass window, but missed each time, and suggested all the bullets had gone through the same hole.

The inquiry concluded that an Official IRA sniper, positioned in a block of flats, fired one round at British soldiers, who were at the Presbyterian church on the other side of William Street. The bullet missed the soldiers and hit a drainpipe. The inquiry concluded that it was fired shortly after the British soldiers had shot Damien Donaghy and John Johnston in this area. It rejected the sniper's account that he fired in reprisal, concluding that he and another Official IRA member had already been in position and probably fired simply because the opportunity presented itself. The inquiry also concluded an Official IRA member fired a handgun at a British APC from behind a gable wall near Rossville Flats, but there is no evidence the soldiers noticed this. The IRA member said he fired three rounds in anger after seeing civilians shot. He was seen by Father Edward Daly and others, who shouted at him to stop.

Martin McGuinness, a senior member of Sinn Féin and later the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, stated in his testimony that he was second-in-command of the Provisional IRA Derry Brigade and was at the march. Paddy Ward told the inquiry he was the local leader of Fianna Éireann, the IRA youth wing, in January 1972. He claimed that McGuinness and another unnamed IRA member gave him bomb detonators on the morning of Bloody Sunday, with the intent to attack premises in Derry city centre that day. McGuinness rejected the claims as "fantasy", while Gerry O'Hara, a Sinn Féin councillor in Derry, stated that he, not Ward, was the Fianna leader at the time. The inquiry was unsure of McGuinness's movements on the day. It stated that while he had probably been armed with a Thompson submachine gun, there was insufficient evidence to state whether he fired it, but concluded "we are sure that he did not engage in any activity that provided any of the soldiers with any justification for opening fire".

Regarding the soldiers in charge on Bloody Sunday, the inquiry arrived at the following findings:

  • Lieutenant Colonel Derek Wilford: Commander of 1 Para and directly responsible for the arrest operation. Found to have 'deliberately disobeyed' his superior, Brigadier Patrick MacLellan, by sending Support Company into the Bogside (and without informing MacLellan).
  • Major Ted Loden: Commander in charge of Support Company, following orders from Lieutenant Colonel Wilford. Cleared of misconduct; the report stated that Loden "neither realised nor should have realised that his soldiers were or might be firing at people who were not posing a threat". The inquiry found that Loden could not be held responsible for claims (whether malicious or not) by some of the soldiers that they had received fire from snipers.
  • Captain Mike Jackson: Adjutant of 1 Para on Bloody Sunday. Cleared of sinister actions for compiling the "Loden List of Engagements". This was a brief account of what soldiers told Major Loden about why they had fired. This list played a role in the Army's initial explanations. The list did not include soldiers' names. Jackson told the inquiry it was simply a record of shots fired, not an investigative document. While the inquiry found the compiling of the list was 'far from ideal', it accepted Jackson's explanations.
  • Major General Robert Ford: Commander of land forces in Northern Ireland and set the British strategy to oversee the march in Derry. Cleared of any fault, but his choice of 1 Para, and in particular his selection of Wilford to be in control of arresting rioters, was found to be disconcerting, as "1 PARA was a force with a reputation for using excessive physical violence, which thus ran the risk of exacerbating the tensions between the Army and nationalists".
  • Brigadier Pat MacLellan: Overall operational commander of the day. Cleared of any wrongdoing as he believed Wilford would follow orders by arresting rioters and then returning to base, and could not be blamed for Wilford's actions.
  • Major Michael Steele: With MacLellan in the operations room and in charge of passing on the orders of the day. The inquiry accepted that Steele did not know there was no longer a separation between rioters and peaceful marchers.
  • a Lance Corporal referred to as "Soldier F" was found responsible for five of the killings on Bloody Sunday.
  • Intelligence officers Colonel Maurice Tugwell, and Colin Wallace (an Army press officer): Cleared of wrongdoing. The inquiry concluded the information Tugwell and Wallace released through the media was not a deliberate attempt to deceive the public, but rather due to the inaccurate information received.

Reporting on the findings of the Saville Inquiry in the House of Commons, British Prime Minister David Cameron said:

Mr Speaker, I am deeply patriotic. I never want to believe anything bad about our country. I never want to call into question the behaviour of our soldiers and our army, who I believe to be the finest in the world. And I have seen for myself the very difficult and dangerous circumstances in which we ask our soldiers to serve. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. There is no doubt, there is nothing equivocal, there are no ambiguities. What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong.

Cameron added: "You do not defend the British Army by defending the indefensible." He acknowledged that all those who died were unarmed when they were killed and that a British soldier had fired the first shots at civilians. He also said that this was not premeditated, though "there was no point in trying to soften or equivocate" as "what happened should never, ever have happened". Cameron apologised on behalf of the British Government, saying he was "deeply sorry". A survey by Angus Reid Public Opinion in June 2010 found that 61 per cent of Britons and 70 per cent of Northern Irish agreed with Cameron's apology. Stephen Pollard, a solicitor representing several of the soldiers, said the report had cherry-picked the evidence and did not have justification for its findings.

Murder charges

Following the publication of the Saville Report, a murder investigation was begun by the Police Service of Northern Ireland's Legacy Investigation Branch. On 10 November 2015, a 66-year-old former member of the Parachute Regiment, referred to as "Soldier J" in the Saville Report, was arrested for questioning over the deaths of William Nash, Michael McDaid and John Young. He was released on bail shortly after.

The Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland announced in March 2019 that there was enough evidence to prosecute "Soldier F" for the murders of James Wray and William McKinney, both of whom were shot in the back. He was also charged with four attempted murders. The Saville Inquiry concluded, based on the evidence, that "Soldier F" also killed Michael Kelly, Patrick Doherty and Barney McGuigan, but evidence from the inquiry was inadmissible to the prosecution and "the only evidence capable of identifying the soldier who fired the relevant shots came from "Soldier F"'s co-accused, "Soldier G", who is deceased".

Relatives of the Bloody Sunday victims expressed dismay that only one soldier would face trial for some of the killings. In September 2020, it was ruled that there would be no charges against any other soldiers. The victims' relatives were supported by Irish nationalist political representatives. "Soldier F" received support from some Ulster loyalists and from the group Justice for Northern Ireland Veterans. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) called for former British soldiers to be given immunity from prosecution. Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) leader and former soldier, Doug Beattie, said that if soldiers "went outside the law, then they have to face the law".

In July 2021, the Public Prosecution Service decided it would no longer prosecute "Soldier F" because statements from 1972 were deemed inadmissible as evidence. On 13 July 2021 Social Democratic and Labour Party MP Colum Eastwood revealed the name of "Soldier F" using parliamentary privilege. On 17 July Village magazine published the identity of "Soldier F" and some pictures of him at the time of the massacre.

In March 2022, the High Court overturned the decision not to press charges against "Soldier F" following an appeal by the family of William McKinney and ordered the Public Prosecution Service to reconsider the case. The PPS subsequently appealed the court's decision to the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom, but permission to appeal was refused that September and the PPS were forced to continue with the prosecution. In October 2022, it was announced that the committal hearing against "Soldier F" would resume on 16 January 2023. On 24 January 2023 the case against "Soldier F" was resumed at Derry Magistrate's Court. Following an adjournment, the case resumed on 26 May 2023. On 25 August 2023 Judge Ted Magill ruled that five statements given to the Widgery Report implicating "Soldier F" could be used as evidence at trial.

In December 2023, an evidentiary hearing was held to decide whether or not to proceed to trial. Judge Magill ruled that "Soldier F" should face trial at Belfast Crown Court. The soldier appeared in court for the first time on 14 June 2024. In December 2024, "Soldier F" pleaded not guilty to two charges of murder and five of attempted murder.

Impact on Northern Ireland divisions

When it was first deployed on duty in Northern Ireland during the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, the British Army was welcomed by many Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant loyalist mobs, the RUC and the B-Specials. After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British Army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to armed republican groups. With the Official IRA and Official Sinn Féin having moved away from mainstream Irish republicanism towards Marxism, the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected youth.

In the following twenty years, the Provisional IRA and other smaller republican groups such as the Irish National Liberation Army stepped up their armed campaigns against the state and those seen as being in service to it. With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the republican and loyalist communities (such as the UDA, Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), etc. on the loyalist side), the Troubles cost the lives of thousands of people.

In 1979, the Provisional IRA killed 18 British soldiers in the Warrenpoint ambush, most of them paratroopers. This happened the same day the IRA assassinated Lord Mountbatten. Republicans portrayed the attack as belated retaliation for Bloody Sunday, with graffiti declaring "13 gone and not forgotten, we got 18 and Mountbatten".

Parachute Regiment flag and the Union flag flying in Ballymena

In 2012 a serving British soldier from Belfast was charged with inciting hatred, due to their use of online social media to post sectarian slurs about the killings along with banners of the Parachute Regiment.

In recent years, Parachute Regiment flags have been erected by some loyalists around the time of the Bloody Sunday anniversaries. In January 2013, shortly before the yearly Bloody Sunday remembrance march, several Parachute Regiment flags were flown in loyalist areas of Derry. The flying of the flags was condemned by nationalist politicians and relatives of the Bloody Sunday dead. The MoD also condemned the flying of the flags. The flags were replaced by Union Jacks. Later that year, the Parachute Regiment flag was flown alongside other loyalist flags in other parts of Northern Ireland. In 2014, loyalists erected the flags near the route of a Saint Patrick's Day parade in Cookstown.

Artistic reaction

A mural in Derry commemorating Bloody Sunday

Paul McCartney (who is of Irish descent) recorded the first song in response only two days after the incident. The single, entitled "Give Ireland Back to the Irish", expressed his views on the matter. This song was one of few McCartney released with Wings to be banned by the BBC.

The 1972 John Lennon album Some Time in New York City features a song entitled "Sunday Bloody Sunday", inspired by the incident, as well as the song "The Luck of the Irish", which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. Lennon, who was of Irish descent, also spoke at a protest in New York in support of the victims and families of Bloody Sunday.

Irish poet Thomas Kinsella's 1972 poem Butcher's Dozen is a satirical and angry response to the Widgery Tribunal and the events of Bloody Sunday.

Black Sabbath's Geezer Butler (also of Irish descent) wrote the lyrics to the Black Sabbath song "Sabbath Bloody Sabbath" on the album of the same name in 1973. Butler stated, "…the Sunday Bloody Sunday thing had just happened in Ireland, when the British troops opened fire on the Irish demonstrators… So I came up with the title 'Sabbath Bloody Sabbath', and sort of put it in how the band was feeling at the time, getting away from management, mixed with the state Ireland was in."

The Roy Harper song "All Ireland" from the album Lifemask, written in the days following the incident, is critical of the military but takes a long-term view with regard to a solution. In Harper's book (The Passions of Great Fortune), his comment on the song ends "…there must always be some hope that the children of 'Bloody Sunday', on both sides, can grow into some wisdom".

Brian Friel's 1973 play The Freedom of the City deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians.

Irish poet Seamus Heaney's Casualty (published in Field Work, 1981) criticises Britain for the death of his friend.

The Irish rock band U2 commemorated the incident in their 1983 protest song "Sunday Bloody Sunday".

Christy Moore's song "Minds Locked Shut" on the album Graffiti Tongue is all about the events of the day, and names the dead civilians.

The events of the day have been dramatised in two 2002 television films, Bloody Sunday (starring James Nesbitt) and Sunday by Jimmy McGovern.

The Celtic metal band Cruachan addressed the incident in a song "Bloody Sunday" from their 2002 album Folk-Lore.

Willie Doherty, a Derry-born artist, has amassed a large body of work which addresses the troubles in Northern Ireland. "30 January 1972" deals specifically with the events of Bloody Sunday.

In mid-2005, the play Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry, a dramatisation based on the Saville Inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin. The writer, journalist Richard Norton-Taylor, distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance at the Tricycle Theatre. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, including The Times: "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating"; The Daily Telegraph: "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly… exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; and The Independent: "A necessary triumph".

In October 2010, T with the Maggies released the song "Domhnach na Fola" (Irish for "Bloody Sunday"), written by Mairéad Ní Mhaonaigh, Moya Brennan, Tríona Ní Dhomhnaill and Maighread Ní Dhomhnaill on their T with the Maggies album.

Notes

  1. ^ There is a longstanding Derry/Londonderry name dispute. This article follows the approach that Derry refers to the city and County Londonderry refers to the county (outside of organisations' names, which may follow their own approaches).
  2. Donaghy was a member of Fianna Éireann, an IRA-linked republican youth movement. Paddy Ward, a police informer, testified at the Saville Inquiry that he gave two nail bombs to Donaghy several hours before he was shot. The Inquiry concluded that the bombs were probably in Donaghy's pockets when he was shot; but that he was not about to throw a bomb when he was shot, and was not shot because he had bombs. "He was shot while trying to escape from the soldiers".
  3. The contamination discovered upon victim William Nash was solely discovered upon his right hand, whereas Nash had been left-handed. Nash had been one of the fatalities killed at the barricade and later placed by paratroopers into an Army APC.

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