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			{{Short description\|Personal union of the kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland from 1603}}
	The '''Union of Crowns''' refers to the accession to the thrones of ] and ] of King ] of ] following the death of his unmarried and childless cousin, ], the last of the ]s, in March 1603.
			{{about\|England and Scotland coming under the rule of the same monarch\|the merger of the two sovereign countries into one sovereign country over a century later\|Treaty of Union\|the 2012 album by Bury Tomorrow\|The Union of Crowns}}

			{{EngvarB\|date=October 2013}}
	The term itself, though now generally accepted, is misleading; for properly speaking this was little more than a ], the crowns remaining distinct and separate, despite James' best efforts to create a new 'imperial' throne. The Union of 1603 was, in some respects at least, a little like the marriage of oil and water; and so it remained for well over a century. Similarly, its origins can be traced back a century prior to James' entry to ] in 1603.
			{{Use dmy dates\|date=December 2024}}
			{{United Kingdom constitutional formation}}

			The '''Union of the Crowns''' ({{langx\|gd\|Aonadh nan Crùintean}}; {{langx\|sco\|Union o the Crouns}})<ref>{{Cite web\|url=https://www.faclair.com/ViewEntry.aspx?ID=2D3DBF68972AB825138BFFB6CB69E338\|title=Aonadh nan Crùintean\|website=faclair.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8slAAQAAIAAJ&q=%22Union+o+the+Crouns%22\|title=English World-wide\|date=26 September 1995\|publisher=Julius Groos Verlag}}</ref> was the accession of ] to the throne of the Kingdom of England as James I and the practical unification of some functions (such as overseas diplomacy) of the two separate realms under a single individual on 24 March 1603. It followed the death of James's cousin, ] of England, the last monarch of the ].<ref>{{cite web\|author=John Daniel McVey \|url= http://uotc.scran.ac.uk \|title=The Union of The Crowns 1603 – 2003 \|publisher=Uotc.scran.ac.uk \| access-date=2013-10-25}}</ref>
	==The Thistle and the Rose==

			The union was ] or ], with the Crown of England and the Crown of Scotland remaining both distinct and separate despite James's best efforts to create a new imperial throne. England and Scotland continued as two separate states sharing a monarch, who directed their domestic and foreign policies, along with ], until the ] during the reign of the last ], ]. However, there was a republican ] in the 1650s, during which the ] of ] created the Commonwealth of England and Scotland which ended with the ].<ref>{{cite book \| first=David Lawrence \| last=Smith \| title=A History of the Modern British Isles, 1603–1707: The Double Crown \| year=1998}}, Chapter 2</ref>
	In August 1503 ], the ], was married to ], the eldest daughter of ], ], and the spirit of the new age was celebrated by the poet ] in ''The Thistle and the Rose''.

			==Early unification==
	The union was the outcome of the ], concluded the previous year, which, in theory at least, ended centuries of Anglo-Scottish rivalry. In many ways the most important political marriage in the history of the two realms, it brought the ]s into the English line of succession, however remote the possibility of a Scottish prince ascending the English throne seemed at the time. There were, however, many on the English side concerned by the dynastic implications of the match, including some on the Privy Council. In countering these fears Henry is reputed to have said;
			{{See also\|Treaty of Greenwich}}
			]]]

			In August 1503, ] married ], eldest daughter of ], and the spirit of the new age was celebrated by the poet ] in '']''.<ref>{{cite book\|url=http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/duntxt2.htm#P30\|editor-first=John\|editor-last=Conlee\|title=William Dunbar: The Complete Works\|location=Kalamazoo, Michigan\|year=2004\|publisher=Medieval Institute Publications\|access-date=26 August 2007\|url-status=dead\|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070314102207/http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/duntxt2.htm#P30\|archive-date=14 March 2007}}</ref> The marriage was the outcome of the ], concluded the previous year, which, in theory, ended centuries of Anglo-Scottish war. The marriage brought Scotland's ] into England's ] ], despite the improbability of a Scottish prince acceding the English throne at the time. However, many on the English side were concerned by the dynastic implications of matrimony, including some ]. In countering these fears Henry VII is reputed to have said:
	''...our realme wald receive na damage thair thorow, for in that caise Ingland wald not accress unto Scotland, bot Scotland wald acress unto Ingland, as to the most noble heid of the hole yle...evin as quhan Normandy came in the power of Inglis men our forbearis.''

			{{Blockquote\|our realme wald receive na damage thair thorow, for in that caise Ingland wald not accress unto Scotland, bot Scotland wald acress unto Ingland, as to the most noble heid of the hole yle...evin as quhan Normandy came in the power of Inglis men our forbearis.<ref>{{cite book\|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m1oJAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA69\|first=John\|last=Leslie\|author-link=John Lesley\|title=The History of Scotland: From the Death of King James I, in the Year M. CCCC. XXXVI, to the Year M.D. LXI\|year=1570\|access-date=26 November 2019}}</ref>}}
	The peace did not last in 'perpetuity': it lasted for a mere ten years, wrecked by by a young king and an old alliance. In 1513 ], who had succeeded his father six years before, went to war with France. In response France invoked the terms of the Auld Alliance, her ancient bond with Scotland. James duly invaded northern England to meet defeat and death at the ].

			The peace did not last in "perpetuity"; it was disturbed in 1513 when ] of England, who had succeeded his father four years before, declared war on ] in the ]. In response France invoked the terms of the ], her ancient bond with Scotland. James duly invaded ] leading to the ].<ref>{{cite web \|last1=Johnson \|first1=Ben \|title=The Battle of Flodden \|url=https://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/HistoryofScotland/The-Battle-of-Flodden/ \|website=Historic UK \|access-date=14 September 2021}}</ref>
	In the decades that followed England's relations with Scotland were sometimes bad and other times worse. By the middle of Henry's reign the problems of the royal succession, which seemed so unimportant in 1503, acquired ever bigger dimensions, when the question of Tudor fertility – or the lack of it – entered directly into the political arena. The line of Margaret Tudor was specifically excluded from the English succession, though this was a question that simply refused to go away, especially when ] became queen. Although the question of her marriage was raised time and again, it was first evaded and then forgotten with the march of time. In the last decade of her reign it was clear to all that James of Scotland, the great-grandson of James IV and Margaret Tudor, was the only generally acceptable heir. For most of his adult life James, fretful and impecunious, had dreamed of a southern throne. In 1603 the dream came true with the assistance of the dying queen's principal secretary, ].

			In the decades that followed, ], including ]. By the middle of Henry's reign, the problems of the royal succession, which seemed so unimportant in 1503, acquired ever larger dimensions, when the question of Tudor fertility or the lack thereof entered directly into the political arena. Margaret's line was excluded from the English succession though during the reign of ], concerns were once again raised. In the last decade of her reign it was clear to all that ], great-grandson of James IV and Margaret, was the only generally acceptable heir.<ref>{{cite web \|title=Elizabeth I \|url=http://stuarts.exeter.ac.uk/education/biographies/elizabeth-i/ \|department=The Stuart Successions Project \|publisher=University of Exeter \|access-date=14 September 2021}}</ref>
	==I Am The Head==

			==Accession of James VI==
	Whatever residual fears many in England may have felt at the prospect of being ruled by a Scot, James' arrival was greated with enthusiasm and a mood of high expectation. The twilight years of Elizabeth had been a disappointment; and for a nation troubled for so many years by the question of succession, the new king was a family man who already had male heirs in the wing. But James' honeymoon was of very short duration; and his initial political actions were to do much to create the rather negative tone which was to turn a successful Scottish king into a disappointing English one. The greatest and most obvious of these was the question of his exact status and title. James intended to be king of Britain. His first obstacle along this imperial road was the attitude of the English Parliament.
			{{See also\|Succession to Elizabeth I}}
			]

			From 1601, in the last years of Elizabeth I's life, certain English politicians, notably her chief minister, ],<ref>James described Cecil as "king there in effect". Croft, p 48.</ref> maintained a ] to prepare in advance for a smooth succession. Cecil advised James not to press the matter of the succession upon the queen but simply to treat her with kindness and respect.<ref>Cecil wrote that James should "secure the heart of the highest, to whose sex and quality nothing is so improper as either needless expostulations or over much curiosity in her own actions, the first showing unquietness in yourself, the second challenging some untimely interest in hers; both which are best forborne". Willson, pp 154–155.</ref> The approach proved effective: "I trust that you will not doubt", Elizabeth wrote to James, "but that your last letters are so acceptably taken as my thanks cannot be lacking for the same, but yield them you in grateful sort".<ref>Willson, p 155.</ref> In March 1603, with the queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne. Strategic fortresses were put on alert, with ] placed under guard. English agents including ] were advising James in Edinburgh on forms of government.<ref>], ''The Egerton Papers'' (London: Camden Society, 1840), 364.</ref> Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March. Within eight hours, James was proclaimed king in London, with the news received without protest or disturbance.<ref name="Croftp49"/><ref>Willson, p 158</ref>
	In his first speech to his southern assembly in March 1603 James gave a clear statement of the royal manifesto;

			On 5 April 1603, James left ] for London and promised to return every three years, which he failed to keep by returning only once, in 1617.<ref name="Croftp49">Croft, p 49</ref> He progressed slowly from town to town to arrive in the capital after Elizabeth's funeral.<ref name="Croftp49"/> Local lords received James with lavish hospitality along the route, and James's new subjects flocked to see him and were relieved above all that the succession had triggered neither unrest nor invasion.<ref>Croft, p 50.</ref> As James entered London, he was mobbed. The crowds of people, one observer reported, were so great that "they covered the beauty of the fields; and so greedy were they to behold the King that they injured and hurt one another".<ref>Stewart, p 169.</ref> James's ] took place on 25 July though the festivities had to be restricted because of an outbreak of the plague. A ] featuring elaborate allegories provided by dramatic poets such as ] and ] was deferred until 15 March 1604, when all London turned out for the occasion: "The streets seemed paved with men", wrote Dekker, "Stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children, open casements filled up with women".<ref>Stewart, pp 172–3.</ref>
	''What God hath conjoined let no man separate. I am the husband and the whole isle is my lawful wife; I am the head and it is my body; I am the shepherd and it is my flock. I hope therefore that no man will think that I, a Christian King under the Gospel, should be a polygamist and husband to two wives; that I being the head should have a divided or monstrous body or that being the shepherd to so fair a flock should have my flock parted in two.''

			]]]
	Parliament may very well have rejected polygamy; but the marriage, if marriage it was, between the realms of England and Scotland was to be at best morganatic. James' ambitions were greeted with very little enthusiasm, as one by one MPs rushed to defend the ancient name and realm of England. All sorts of legal objections were raised: all laws would have to be renewed and all treaties renegotiated. For James, whose experience of parliaments was limited to the stage-managed and semi-feudal Scottish variety, the self-assurance – and obduracy – of the English version, which had long experience of upsetting monarchs, was an obvious shock. He decided to side-step the whole issue by unilaterally assuming the title of King of ] by a ''Proclamation concerning the Kings Majesties Stile'' on ] ] ] announcing that he did "assume to Our selfe by the cleerenesse of our Right, The Name and Stile of KING OF GREAT BRITTAINE, FRANCE, AND IRELAND, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &c." .<ref></ref> This only deepened the offence. Even in Scotland there was little real enthusiasm for the project, though the two parliaments were eventually prodded into taking the whole matter 'under consideration'. Consider it they did for several years, never drawing the desired conclusion.

			Whatever residual fears that many in England may have felt, James's arrival aroused a mood of high expectation. The twilight years of Elizabeth had been a disappointment, and for a nation troubled for so many years by the question of succession, the new king was a family man who already had male heirs waiting in the wings. But James's honeymoon was of very short duration, and his initial political actions were to do much to create the rather negative tone, which was to turn a successful Scottish king into a disappointing English one. The greatest and most obvious was the question of his exact status and title.
	==The First and Oldest Empire==

			In his first speech to his southern assembly on 19 March 1604 James gave a clear statement of the royal manifesto:
	In Scotland the incorporating union desired by James met with the same lack of zeal that it did in England, but for different reasons. Whatever pleasure there was in seeing a Scottish king succeeding to the crown of England, rather than the danger for centuries past of an English king seizing the crown of Scotland, there were early signs that many saw the risk of the 'lesser being drawn by the greater', as Henry VII once predicted. The obvious example before Scottish eyes was the case of Ireland, a kingdom in name, but – since 1601 – a subject nation in practice. John Russell, lawyer and writer, an initial enthusiast for 'the happie and blissed Unioun betuixt the tua ancienne realmes of Scotland and Ingland' was later to warn James:

			{{Blockquote\|What God hath conjoined let no man separate. I am the husband and the whole isle is my lawful wife; I am the head and it is my body; I am the shepherd and it is my flock. I hope therefore that no man will think that I, a Christian King under the Gospel, should be a polygamist and husband to two wives; that I being the head should have a divided or monstrous body or that being the shepherd to so fair a flock should have my flock parted in two.<ref>James I, speech to the Westminster parliament, 19 March 1603, in ''King James VI and I: Political Writings'', ed. Johann Sommerville, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995, 132–46, here 136.</ref>}}
	''Lett it not begyne vith ane comedie, and end in ane tragedie; to be ane verball unioun in disparitie nor reall in conformity...thairby, to advance the ane kingdome, to great honor and beccome forzetfull of the uther, sua to mak the samyn altogidder solitat and desoltat qhilk cannot stand vith your Majestie's honor. As god hes heichlie advanceit your Majestie lett Scotland qhilk is zour auldest impyir be partakeris of zour blissings.''

			Parliament may very well have rejected polygamy; but the marriage, if marriage it was, between the realms of England and Scotland was to be ] at best. James's ambitions were greeted with horror from the English parliament who feared the loss of the ancient and famous name of England.{{sfn\|Wormald\|2007}} Legal objections were raised, with legal opinion at the time being that a union would end all established laws of both countries.{{sfn\|Thrush}} For James, whose experience of parliaments was limited to the stage-managed and semi-feudal Scottish variety, the self-assurance – and obduracy – of the English version, which had long experience of upsetting monarchs, was an obvious shock. He decided to side-step the whole issue by unilaterally assuming the title of King of Great Britain by a ''Proclamation concerning the Kings Majesties Stile'' on 20 October 1604 announcing that he did "assume to Our selfe by the cleerenesse of our Right, The Name and Stile of KING OF GREAT BRITTAINE, FRANCE AND IRELAND, DEFENDER OF THE FAITH, &c." .<ref>{{cite web\|author=Francois Velde \|url=http://www.heraldica.org/topics/britain/britstyles.htm#1604 \|title=Royal Arms, Styles and Titles of Great Britain \|publisher=Heraldica.org \|access-date=2013-10-25}}</ref> This only deepened the offence. Even in Scotland there was little real enthusiasm for the project, though the two parliaments were eventually prodded into taking the whole matter 'under consideration'. Consider it they did for several years, never drawing the desired conclusion.{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
	These fears were echoed by the Scottish Parliament, learning from its English cousin that the King's word was not law after all. MPs, in much the same way as those in England, were telling the king that they were 'confident' that his plans for an incorporating union would not prejudice the ancient laws and liberties of Scotland; for any such hurt would mean that 'it culd no more be a frie monarchie.'

			==Opposition==
	Scottish fears can scarcely have been allayed when the king, now aware of the depths of English hostility, attempted to reassure his new subjects that the new union would be much like that between England and Wales, and that if Scotland should refuse 'he would compell their assents, having a stronger party there than the opposite party of the mutineers'. In June 1604 the two national parliaments, with obvious lack of enthusiasm, passed acts appointing commissioners to explore the possibility of a 'a more perfect union'. One cannot but sympathise with these men whose remit was to achieve the impossible – a new state that would still preserve the laws, honours, dignities, offices and liberties of each of the component kingdoms. James, in a more sober and wiser mood, closed the final session of his first parliament with a rebuke to his opponents in the House of Commons – 'Here all things suspected...He merits to be buried in the bottom of the sea that shall but think of separation, where God had made such a Union.'
			{{Main\|Jacobean debate on the Union}}
			In Scotland there were early signs that many saw the risk of the "lesser being drawn by the greater", as Henry VII once predicted. An example before Scottish eyes was the case of ], a kingdom in name, but since 1601, a subject nation in practice. The asymmetric relationship between Scotland and England had been evident for at least a decade. In 1589, the ] shipwreck survivor ] sought refuge in Scotland, as he had heard the Scottish king "protected all the Spaniards who reached his kingdom, clothed them, and gave them passages to Spain". However, following his six-month ordeal within the kingdom, he concluded "the King of Scotland is nobody: nor does he possess the authority or position of a king: and he does not move a step, nor eat a mouthful, that is not by order of the Queen (])".<ref>{{cite web\|url=https://www.gutenberg.org/files/52472/52472-h/52472-h.htm#Page_62\|title=Captain Cuellar's Narrative of the Spanish Armada and of his Wanderings and Adventures in Ireland\|work=Project Gutenburg}}</ref>

			], lawyer and writer, an initial enthusiast for "the happie and blissed Unioun betuixt the tua ancienne realmes of Scotland and Ingland" was later to warn James:<ref>Bruce R. Galloway & Brian P. Levack, </ref>
	==Beggarly Scots and English Monkeys==

			{{Blockquote\|Lett it not begyne vith ane comedie, and end in ane tragedie; to be ane verball unioun in disparitie nor reall in conformity... hairby, to advance the ane kingdome, to great honor and beccome forȝetfull of the uther, sua to mak the samyn altogidder solitat and desoltat qhilk cannot stand vith your Majestie's honor. As god hes heichlie advanceit your Majestie lett Scotland qhilk is ȝour auldest impyir be partakeris of ȝour blissings.}}
	James, of course, was moving too quickly for both nations, attempting to conjure away centuries of mutual hostility virtually overnight. He scarcely improved his position as large numbers of impoverished Scottish aristocrats and other place seekers made their way to London, ready to compete for the very highest positions at the heart of government. Several years later Sir Anthony Weldon was to write that 'Scotland was too guid for those that inhabit it, and too bad for others to be at the charge of conquering it. The ayre might be wholesome, but for the stinking people that inhabit it...Thair beastis be generallie small (women excepted) of which sort there are no greater in the world.' But the most immediately wounding observation came in the comedy ''Eastward Ho,'' a collaboration between ], ] and ]. In enthusing over the good life to be had in the colony of ] it is observed;

			Those fears were echoed by the Scottish Parliament, whose members were telling the King that they were "confident" that his plans for an incorporating union would not prejudice the ancient ]; for any such hurt would mean that "it culd no more be a frie monarchie".<ref>{{cite journal \|last1=Mason \|first1=Roger A \|title=Debating Britain in Seventeenth-Century Scotland: Multiple Monarchy and Scottish Sovereignty \|url=https://www.euppublishing.com/doi/full/10.3366/jshs.2015.0138 \|journal=Journal of Scottish Historical Studies \|year=2015 \|volume=35 \|pages=1–24 \|doi=10.3366/jshs.2015.0138 \|access-date=14 September 2021}}</ref> James attempted to reassure his new English subjects that the new union would be much like that between England and ] and that if Scotland should refuse, "he would compel their assents, having a stronger party there than the opposite party of the mutineers".{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
	''And then you shal live freely there, without Sergeants, or Courtiers, or Lawyers, or Intelligencers – onely a few industrious Scots perhaps, who indeed are disperst over the face of the whole earth. But as for them, there are no greater friends of Englishmen and England, when they are out an't, in the world, then they are. And for my part, I would a hundred thousand of them were there, for wee are all one Countrymen now, yee know; and wee shoulde finde ten times more comfort of them there, then wee do here.''

			===Commissions===
	But the Scots were too happy to pay out these libels, with interest. The age-old French slander that the English had tails like monkeys was once again in circulation, joining many more original anti-English satires, so much so that in 1609 the king had an act passed, promising the direst penalties against the writers of 'pasquillis, libellis, rymis, cockalanis, comedies and sicklyk occasiones whereby they slander and maligne and revile the estait and countrey of England...'

			In October 1604 English and Scottish MP's were appointed as commissioners to explore the creation of a perfect union.{{sfn\|UK Parliament}} James closed the final session of his first parliament with a rebuke to his opponents in the House of Commons: "Here all things suspected.... He merits to be buried in the bottom of the sea that shall but think of separation, where God had made such a Union".{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
	Against this cultural and political background the gentlemen of the parliamentary commission had little real prospect of making any progress along the road to a close and intimate union. As early as October 1605, well before the commissioners reported, the Venetian ambassador noted 'the question of the Union will, I am assured, be dropped; for His Majesty is now well aware that nothing can be effected, both sides displaying such obstinacy that an accommodation is impossible; and so his Majesty is resolved to abandon the question for the present, in hope that time may consume the ill-humours.' It did, but over a far longer period than James can ever have imagined.

			The Union Commission made some limited progress, on discrete issues such as hostile border laws, trade and citizenship. The borders were to become the "middle shires".<ref>Keith M Brown, "Reformation to Union, 1560–1707," in R.A. Houston and W. W. J. Knox, eds., ''The New Penguin History of Scotland'' (2002) pp. 182–275, p. 236</ref> ] proved contentious, as did the issue of equal rights before the law. Fears were openly expressed in the Westminster Parliament that English jobs would be threatened by all the poor people of the realm of Scotland, who will "draw near to the Sonn, and flocking hither in such Multitudes, that death and dearth is very probable to ensue".{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}} The exact status of the ''post nati'', those born after the Union of March 1603, was not decided by Parliament but in the courts by '']'' (1608), which extended property rights to all the King's subjects in ] and allowed them to bring cases before the courts.{{sfn\|Lynch\|1992\|p=240}}
	==Citizens and Subjects==

			===National animosity===
	By 1606 James' dream of a British Crown was looking sickly. The Union Commission made some limited progress, but only by setting the big picture to one side, concentrating instead on the seemingly more manageable issues like hostile border laws, trade and citizenship. The borders were to become the 'middle shires', as if history could be side-stepped by semantics. But the issues of free trade proved highly contentious, threatening powerful economic interest groups, as did the issue of equal rights before the law. It was to be, in essence, the immigration debate of the day. Fears were openly expressed in Parliament that English jobs would be threatened by all the poor people of the realm of Scotland, who will 'draw near to the Sonn, and flocking hither in such Multitudes, that death and dearth is very probable to ensue.' The exact status of the Post-Nati, those born after the Union of March 1603, was never to be decided by Parliament. In the end the deadlock had to be broken by the courts in the case of Robert Calvin, a Post-Nati, which extended property rights to the Scots in English common law.
			Scottish aristocrats and other placeseekers made their way to London to compete for high positions in government. In 1617, Sir ] wrote of the poverty of Scotland, as conceived by English courtiers:<ref>Julia Marciari Alexander & Catharine MacLeod, ''Politics, Transgression, and Representation at the Court of Charles II'' (Yale, 2007), p. 50.</ref>

			{{Blockquote\|the Countrey ... is too good for those that possesse yt, and too bad for others to be at the charge of conquering yt. The ayre might be wholesome, but for the stincking people that inhabit yt ... Their beasts be generallie small (women excepted) of which sort there are no greater in the world.<ref>John Nichols, ''Progresses of James the First'', vol. 3 (London, 1828), p. 338.</ref>}}
	==Symbols and Substance==

			A wounding observation came in the comedy ''Eastward Ho'', a collaboration between ], ] and ]. In enthusing over the good life to be had in the ], it is observed:{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
	In the end James never got his 'imperial crown', and of political necessity was obliged to accept the reality of polygamy. Denied the substance he played with the symbols, devising new coats of arms, a uniform coinage and the like. But the creation of a national flag proved just as contentious as a national crown. Various design were tried, that which proved acceptable to one side almost inevitably offended the other. James finally proclaimed the new Union Flag on 12 April 1606, but it was greeted without a great deal of enthusiasm, especially by the Scots, who saw a St. George's Cross superimposed on a St. Andrew's Saltire. For years afterwards vessels of both nations continued to fly their respective 'jacks', the royal proclamation notwithstanding. Ironically, the Union Jack only entered into common use under Cromwell's Protectorate.

			{{Blockquote\|And then you shal live freely there, without Sergeants, or Courtiers, or Lawyers, or Intelligencers – onely a few industrious Scots perhaps, who indeed are disperst over the face of the whole earth. But as for them, there are no greater friends of Englishmen and England, when they are out an't, in the world, then they are. And for my part, I would a hundred thousand of them were there, for wee are all one Countrymen now, yee know; and wee shoulde finde ten times more comfort of them there, then wee do here.}}
	==British==
	{{main\|British}}
	James did not create a ] but he did, in one sense at least, create the British as a distinct group of people. In 1607 large tracts of land in ] fell to the crown. A new ] was started, made up of Protestant settlers from Scotland and England, mostly from the ] (the "middle shires" between the ] and the ]), with a minority from ] and ]. Over the years the settlers, surrounded by the hostile Catholic Irish, gradually cast off their separate English and Scottish roots, becoming ] in the process, as a means of emphasising their 'otherness' from their Gaelic neighbours (Marshall, T., p. 31). It was the one corner of the United Kingdom where Britishness became truly meaningful as a political and cultural identity in its own right, as opposed to a gloss on older and deeper national associations.

			Anti-English satires proliferated, and in 1609, the king had an act passed that promised the direst penalties against the writers of "pasquillis, libellis, rymis, cockalanis, comedies and sicklyk occasiones whereby they slander and maligne and revile the estait and countrey of England..."{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
	Though, over time, Britishness also took some root in England and Scotland – especially in the days of ] – by and large people were English or Scottish first, and British second. In Northern Ireland the Protestant communities were to be British first, second and last. It was James' most enduring – and troublesome – legacy.

			In October 1605 ], the ] ambassador in London, noted that "the question of the Union will, I am assured, be dropped; for His Majesty is now well aware that nothing can be effected, both sides displaying such obstinacy that an accommodation is impossible; and so his Majesty is resolved to abandon the question for the present, in hope that time may consume the ill-humours".<ref>Horatio Brown, ''Calendar State Papers, Venice: 1603–1607'', vol. 10 (London, 1900), p. 280 no. 433.</ref>
	==A Perfect Union?==

			==Symbols==
	In many ways the problems of the dynastic union in the United Kingdom were little different from those engendered by similar experiments elsewhere in Europe: the case of Aragon and Castile springs to mind, as does the temporary union of Sweden and Poland. Unions of this kind can be made to work, but they take time to bed down. In the end the union of Scotland and England was to be successful but it was never a marriage of equals. James promised that he would return to his ancient kingdom every three years. In the end he came back only one time – in 1617 – and even then his English councillors pleaded with him to remain in London. Scotland, up to the full parliamentary Union of 1707, may have retained its institutional independence, but it lost control of vital areas of policy, most notably foreign relations, which remained the prerogative of the crown. This meant, in practice, that policy matters were inevitably tied to an English rather than a British interest. A case in point was the Dutch Wars of ], which took Scotland to war with its strongest trading partner, though no Scottish interest was served and none threatened. James' imperial crown over time diminished in size and scope, so much so that in 1616 he was to admit openly in the ] that his intention 'was always to effect union by uniting Scotland to England, and not England to Scotland.' Years later ], the first true British monarch, was to describe the Scots as 'a strange people' and told her first parliament that she knew her heart 'to be entirely English.' It was to be ] – a scion of the German ] – who recaptured something of the old spirit of King James of 1603 when he declared his pride 'in the name of Briton.'
			King James devised new coats of arms and a uniform coinage. The creation of a national flag proved contentious, designs acceptable to one side typically offending the other. James finally proclaimed the new Union Flag on 12 April 1606: Scots who saw in it a ] superimposed upon a ] sought to create their own 'Scotch' design, which saw the reverse superimposition take place.{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}} (that design was used in Scotland until 1707).{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}} For years afterwards, vessels of the two nations continued to fly their respective "flags", the royal proclamation notwithstanding.{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}} The ] entered into common use only under Cromwell's ].{{Citation needed\|date=September 2020}}
			<gallery class="center" perrow="5">
			File:Royal Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland.svg\|<small>] of the ], 1565–1603.</small>
			File:Royal Arms of England (1399-1603).svg\|<small>] of the ], 1558–1603.</small>
			File:Arms of Ireland (historical).svg\|<small>] of the ], 1541–1603.</small>
			File:Royal Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland (1603-1707).svg\|<small>Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland, 1603–1707.{{citation needed\|date=October 2022}}<!--This is clearly a flag of the United Kingdom--></small>
			File:Royal Arms of England (1603-1707).svg\|<small>Arms of the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Ireland, 1603–1707.{{citation needed\|date=October 2022}}<!--This is clearly a flag of the United Kingdom--></small>
			File:Flag of Scotland.svg\|<small>The ] of the Kingdom of Scotland.</small>
			File:Flag of England.svg\|<small>The ] of the Kingdom of England.</small>
			File:Union Jack 1606 Scotland.svg\|<small>] used in the Kingdom of Scotland from the early 17th century to 1707.</small>
			File:Union flag 1606 (Kings Colors).svg\|<small>] used in the Kingdom of England, 1606–1707.</small>
			File:Union of the Crowns Royal Badge.svg\|<small>The ] ] with the ], James used the device as a ].</small>
			</gallery>

			==See also==
			{{Portal\|England\|Royalty\|Scotland}}
			* ]
			* ]
			* ]

	==References==		==References==
			{{Reflist}}
	* Brown, K., ''The Vanishing Emperor: British Kingship and its Decline, 1603-1707'', in Scots and Britons, ed R. A. Mason, 1994.

	* Ferguson, W., ''Scotland's Relations with England: a Survey to 1707'', 1977.
			==Sources==
	* Galloway, Bruce, ''The Union of England and Scotland, 1603-1608'', 1986.
			* {{cite book\|last=Brown\|first=Keith M.\|title=Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603\|editor=Roger A. Mason\|year=1994\|publisher=Cambridge University Press\|location=Cambridge\|isbn=978-0-521-42034-1\|chapter=The vanishing emperor: British kingship and its decline, 1603–1707}}
	* Lee, M.,ed. ''The 'Inevitable' Union and Other Essays on Early Modern Scotland'', 2003.
			* Croft, Pauline (2003). ''King James.'' Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. {{ISBN\|0-333-61395-3}}.
	* Marshall, T., ''United We Stand?'', in BBC History magazine, July 2005
			* {{cite book\|last=Ferguson\|first=William\|title=Scotland's Relations with England: A Survey to 1707\|year=1977\|publisher=J. Donald\|location=Edinburgh\|isbn=978-0-85976-022-5\|url-access=registration\|url=https://archive.org/details/scotlandsrelatio0000ferg}}
	* Mason, R. A., ''Scotland and England, 1286-1815'', 1987.
			* {{cite book\|last=Galloway\|first=Bruce\|title=The Union of England and Scotland, 1603–1608\|year=1986\|publisher=J. Donald\|location=Edinburgh\|isbn=978-0-85976-143-7}}
	* Stewart, A., ''The Cradle King. A Life of King James VI and I'', 2003.
			* Galloway, Bruce, & Levack, Brian, ed., (1985) ''The Jacobean Union, Six tracts of 1604'', Edinburgh, Scottish History Society. {{ISBN\|0-906245-06-0}}
	* Wormald, J., ''The Union of 1603'', in Scots and Britons, op cit.
			* {{cite book\|last=Lee\|first=Maurice Jr.\|title=The "Inevitable" Union and Other Essays on Early Modern Scotland\|year=2003\|publisher=Tuckwell Press\|location=East Linton, East Lothian\|isbn=978-1-86232-107-6}}
	<references/>
			* {{cite book \|last1=Lynch \|first1=Michael \|title=Scotland: a new history \|date=1992 \|publisher=Pimlico \|location=London \|isbn=978-0-712-69893-1}}
			* {{cite journal\|last=Marshall\|first=T.\|title=United We Stand?\|journal=BBC History Magazine\|date=July 2005}}
			* {{cite book\|editor-last=Mason\|editor-first=Roger A.\|title=Scotland and England, 1286–1815\|year=1987\|publisher=J. Donald\|location=Edinburgh\|isbn=978-0-85976-177-2}}
			* {{cite book\|last=Stewart\|first=Alan\|title=The Cradle King: A Life of James VI and I\|year=2003\|publisher=Chatto & Windus\|location=London\|isbn=978-0-7011-6984-8}}
			* {{cite web \|last1=Thrush \|first1=Andrew \|title=On this Day: 21 November 1606: The proposed union between England and Scotland {{!}} History of Parliament Online \|url=https://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/periods/stuarts/day-21-november-1606-proposed-union-between-england-and-scotland \|website=The History of Parliament \|publisher=The History of Parliament Trust \|access-date=16 June 2024}}
			* {{cite web \|last1=UK Parliament \|title=Union of the Crowns \|url=https://www.parliament.uk/about/living-heritage/evolutionofparliament/legislativescrutiny/act-of-union-1707/overview/union-of-the-crowns/ \|publisher=Parliament of the United Kingdom \|access-date=16 June 2024}}
			* Willson, David Harris ( 1963 ed). ''King James VI & 1.'' London: Jonathan Cape Ltd. {{ISBN\|0-224-60572-0}}.
			* Wormald, Jenny (1994). "The Union of 1603", in ''Scots and Britons'', op cit.
			* {{cite book \|last1=Wormald \|first1=Jenny \|editor1-last=Lynch \|editor1-first=Michael \|title=The Oxford companion to Scottish history \|date=2007 \|publisher=Oxford University Press \|location=New York \|isbn=9780191727481 \|url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780199234820.001.0001/acref-9780199234820-e-294 \|chapter=Union of the Crowns}}

	==External links==		==External links==
	*		*
	* ~~(.doc format)~~		*

			{{English, Scottish and British monarchs}}
			{{Kingdom of England}}
			{{Kingdom of Scotland}}
			{{Authority control}}

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Latest revision as of 18:15, 16 December 2024

Personal union of the kingdoms of Scotland, England, and Ireland from 1603 This article is about England and Scotland coming under the rule of the same monarch. For the merger of the two sovereign countries into one sovereign country over a century later, see Treaty of Union. For the 2012 album by Bury Tomorrow, see The Union of Crowns.

Constitutional documents and events relevant to the status of the United Kingdom and its countries

List per year

Treaty of Union	1706
Acts of Union	1707
Succession to the Crown Act 1707	1707
Septennial Act	1716
Wales and Berwick Act	1746
Constitution of Ireland (1782)	1782
Acts of Union 1800	1800
HC (Disqualifications) Act 1801	1801
Reform Act 1832	1832
Scottish Reform Act 1832	1832
Irish Reform Act 1832	1832
Judicial Committee Act 1833	1833
Judicial Committee Act 1843	1843
Judicial Committee Act 1844	1844
Representation of the People Act 1867	1867
Reform Act (Scotland) 1868	1868
Reform Act (Ireland) 1868	1868
Irish Church Act	1869
Royal Titles Act 1876	1876
Appellate Jurisdiction Act	1876
Reform Act 1884	1884
Interpretation Act 1889	1889
Parliament Act	1911
Aliens Restriction Act	1914
Status of Aliens Act 1914	1914
Government of Ireland Act 1914	1914
Welsh Church Act	1914
Royal Proclamation of 1917	1917
Representation of the People Act 1918	1918
Church of England Assembly (Powers) Act	1919
Government of Ireland Act	1920
Anglo-Irish Treaty	1921
Church of Scotland Act 1921	1921
Irish Free State (Agreement) Act	1922
Irish Free State Constitution Act	1922
Ireland (Confirm. of Agreement) Act 1925	1925
Balfour Declaration of 1926	1926
Royal and Parliamentary Titles Act	1927
Representation of the People Act 1928	1928
Eire (Confirmation of Agreement) Act 1929	1929
Statute of Westminster	1931
HM Declaration of Abdication Act 1936	1936
Regency Act 1937	1937
Regency Act 1943	1943
British Nationality Act 1948	1948
Representation of the People Act 1948	1948
Ireland Act 1949	1949
Statute of the Council of Europe	1949
Parliament Act 1949	1949
Regency Act 1953	1953
Royal Titles Act 1953	1953
European Convention on Human Rights	1953
Interpretation Act (NI)	1954
HC Disqualification Act 1957	1957
Life Peerages Act	1958
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962	1962
Peerage Act	1963
Royal Assent Act	1967
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968	1968
Immigration Act	1971
EC Treaty of Accession	1972
NI (Temporary Provisions) Act	1972
European Communities Act	1972
Local Government Act	1972
UK joins the European Communities	1973
Local Government (Scotland) Act	1973
NI border poll	1973
NI Constitution Act	1973
House of Commons Disqualification Act	1975
Referendum Act	1975
EC membership referendum	1975
Interpretation Act	1978
Scotland Act 1978	1978
Wales Act 1978	1978
Scottish devolution referendum	1979
Welsh devolution referendum	1979
British Nationality Act	1981
Representation of the People Act 1983	1983
Representation of the People Act 1985	1985
Single European Act	1985
Maastricht Treaty	1993
Local Government (Wales) Act	1994
Local Government etc. (Scotland) Act	1994
Referendums (Scotland & Wales) Act	1997
Scottish devolution referendum	1997
Welsh devolution referendum	1997
Good Friday Agreement	1998
Northern Ireland Act	1998
Government of Wales Act	1998
Human Rights Act	1998
Scotland Act	1998
House of Lords Act	1999
Representation of the People Act 2000	2000
Parties, Elections and Referendums Act	2000
Constitutional Reform Act	2005
Government of Wales Act 2006	2006
Northern Ireland Act 2009	2009
Lisbon Treaty	2009
Constitutional Reform and Governance Act	2010
Parl. Voting System and Constituencies Act	2011
Welsh devolution referendum	2011
Alternative Vote referendum	2011
European Union Act 2011	2011
Fixed-term Parliaments Act	2011
Scotland Act 2012	2012
Succession to the Crown Act 2013	2013
Scottish independence referendum	2014
House of Lords Reform Act	2014
Wales Act 2014	2014
HL (Expulsion and Suspension) Act	2015
Recall of MPs Act	2015
European Union Referendum Act	2015
EU membership referendum	2016
Scotland Act 2016	2016
Wales Act 2017	2017
EU (Notification of Withdrawal) Act	2017
Invocation of Article 50	2017
European Union (Withdrawal) Act	2018
EU Withdrawal Act 2019	2019
EU Withdrawal (No. 2) Act	2019
Early Parliamentary General Election Act	2019
EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Act	2020
UK leaves the European Union	2020
UK Internal Market Act	2020
EU (Future Relationship) Act	2020
Dissolution and Calling of Parliament Act	2022
Elections Act	2022

The Union of the Crowns (Scottish Gaelic: Aonadh nan Crùintean; Scots: Union o the Crouns) was the accession of James VI of Scotland to the throne of the Kingdom of England as James I and the practical unification of some functions (such as overseas diplomacy) of the two separate realms under a single individual on 24 March 1603. It followed the death of James's cousin, Elizabeth I of England, the last monarch of the Tudor dynasty.

The union was personal or dynastic, with the Crown of England and the Crown of Scotland remaining both distinct and separate despite James's best efforts to create a new imperial throne. England and Scotland continued as two separate states sharing a monarch, who directed their domestic and foreign policies, along with Ireland, until the Acts of Union of 1707 during the reign of the last Stuart monarch, Anne. However, there was a republican interregnum in the 1650s, during which the Tender of Union of Oliver Cromwell created the Commonwealth of England and Scotland which ended with the Stuart Restoration.

Early unification

Accession of James VI

Opposition

Main article: Jacobean debate on the Union

In Scotland there were early signs that many saw the risk of the "lesser being drawn by the greater", as Henry VII once predicted. An example before Scottish eyes was the case of Ireland, a kingdom in name, but since 1601, a subject nation in practice. The asymmetric relationship between Scotland and England had been evident for at least a decade. In 1589, the Spanish Armada shipwreck survivor Francisco de Cuellar sought refuge in Scotland, as he had heard the Scottish king "protected all the Spaniards who reached his kingdom, clothed them, and gave them passages to Spain". However, following his six-month ordeal within the kingdom, he concluded "the King of Scotland is nobody: nor does he possess the authority or position of a king: and he does not move a step, nor eat a mouthful, that is not by order of the Queen (Elizabeth I)".

John Russell, lawyer and writer, an initial enthusiast for "the happie and blissed Unioun betuixt the tua ancienne realmes of Scotland and Ingland" was later to warn James:

Lett it not begyne vith ane comedie, and end in ane tragedie; to be ane verball unioun in disparitie nor reall in conformity... hairby, to advance the ane kingdome, to great honor and beccome forȝetfull of the uther, sua to mak the samyn altogidder solitat and desoltat qhilk cannot stand vith your Majestie's honor. As god hes heichlie advanceit your Majestie lett Scotland qhilk is ȝour auldest impyir be partakeris of ȝour blissings.

Those fears were echoed by the Scottish Parliament, whose members were telling the King that they were "confident" that his plans for an incorporating union would not prejudice the ancient laws and liberties of Scotland; for any such hurt would mean that "it culd no more be a frie monarchie". James attempted to reassure his new English subjects that the new union would be much like that between England and Wales and that if Scotland should refuse, "he would compel their assents, having a stronger party there than the opposite party of the mutineers".

Commissions

In October 1604 English and Scottish MP's were appointed as commissioners to explore the creation of a perfect union. James closed the final session of his first parliament with a rebuke to his opponents in the House of Commons: "Here all things suspected.... He merits to be buried in the bottom of the sea that shall but think of separation, where God had made such a Union".

The Union Commission made some limited progress, on discrete issues such as hostile border laws, trade and citizenship. The borders were to become the "middle shires". Free trade proved contentious, as did the issue of equal rights before the law. Fears were openly expressed in the Westminster Parliament that English jobs would be threatened by all the poor people of the realm of Scotland, who will "draw near to the Sonn, and flocking hither in such Multitudes, that death and dearth is very probable to ensue". The exact status of the post nati, those born after the Union of March 1603, was not decided by Parliament but in the courts by Calvin's Case (1608), which extended property rights to all the King's subjects in English common law and allowed them to bring cases before the courts.

National animosity

Scottish aristocrats and other placeseekers made their way to London to compete for high positions in government. In 1617, Sir Anthony Weldon wrote of the poverty of Scotland, as conceived by English courtiers:

the Countrey ... is too good for those that possesse yt, and too bad for others to be at the charge of conquering yt. The ayre might be wholesome, but for the stincking people that inhabit yt ... Their beasts be generallie small (women excepted) of which sort there are no greater in the world.

A wounding observation came in the comedy Eastward Ho, a collaboration between Ben Jonson, George Chapman and John Marston. In enthusing over the good life to be had in the Colony of Virginia, it is observed:

And then you shal live freely there, without Sergeants, or Courtiers, or Lawyers, or Intelligencers – onely a few industrious Scots perhaps, who indeed are disperst over the face of the whole earth. But as for them, there are no greater friends of Englishmen and England, when they are out an't, in the world, then they are. And for my part, I would a hundred thousand of them were there, for wee are all one Countrymen now, yee know; and wee shoulde finde ten times more comfort of them there, then wee do here.

Anti-English satires proliferated, and in 1609, the king had an act passed that promised the direst penalties against the writers of "pasquillis, libellis, rymis, cockalanis, comedies and sicklyk occasiones whereby they slander and maligne and revile the estait and countrey of England..."

In October 1605 Nicolò Molin, the Venetian ambassador in London, noted that "the question of the Union will, I am assured, be dropped; for His Majesty is now well aware that nothing can be effected, both sides displaying such obstinacy that an accommodation is impossible; and so his Majesty is resolved to abandon the question for the present, in hope that time may consume the ill-humours".

Symbols

King James devised new coats of arms and a uniform coinage. The creation of a national flag proved contentious, designs acceptable to one side typically offending the other. James finally proclaimed the new Union Flag on 12 April 1606: Scots who saw in it a St George's Cross superimposed upon a St Andrew's Saltire sought to create their own 'Scotch' design, which saw the reverse superimposition take place. (that design was used in Scotland until 1707). For years afterwards, vessels of the two nations continued to fly their respective "flags", the royal proclamation notwithstanding. The Union Flag entered into common use only under Cromwell's Protectorate.

Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland, 1565–1603.
Arms of the Kingdom of England, 1558–1603.
Arms of the Kingdom of Ireland, 1541–1603.
Arms of the Kingdom of Scotland, 1603–1707.
Arms of the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Ireland, 1603–1707.
The flag of the Kingdom of Scotland.
The flag of the Kingdom of England.
Union Flag used in the Kingdom of Scotland from the early 17th century to 1707.
Union Flag used in the Kingdom of England, 1606–1707.
The Tudor rose dimidiated with the Scottish thistle, James used the device as a royal heraldic badge.

References

"Aonadh nan Crùintean". faclair.com.
"English World-wide". Julius Groos Verlag. 26 September 1995.
John Daniel McVey. "The Union of The Crowns 1603 – 2003". Uotc.scran.ac.uk. Retrieved 25 October 2013.
Smith, David Lawrence (1998). A History of the Modern British Isles, 1603–1707: The Double Crown., Chapter 2
Conlee, John, ed. (2004). William Dunbar: The Complete Works. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Medieval Institute Publications. Archived from the original on 14 March 2007. Retrieved 26 August 2007.
Leslie, John (1570). The History of Scotland: From the Death of King James I, in the Year M. CCCC. XXXVI, to the Year M.D. LXI. Retrieved 26 November 2019.
Johnson, Ben. "The Battle of Flodden". Historic UK. Retrieved 14 September 2021.
"Elizabeth I". The Stuart Successions Project. University of Exeter. Retrieved 14 September 2021.
James described Cecil as "king there in effect". Croft, p 48.
Cecil wrote that James should "secure the heart of the highest, to whose sex and quality nothing is so improper as either needless expostulations or over much curiosity in her own actions, the first showing unquietness in yourself, the second challenging some untimely interest in hers; both which are best forborne". Willson, pp 154–155.
Willson, p 155.
John Payne Collier, The Egerton Papers (London: Camden Society, 1840), 364.
^ Croft, p 49
Willson, p 158
Croft, p 50.
Stewart, p 169.
Stewart, pp 172–3.
James I, speech to the Westminster parliament, 19 March 1603, in King James VI and I: Political Writings, ed. Johann Sommerville, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995, 132–46, here 136.
Wormald 2007.
Thrush.
Francois Velde. "Royal Arms, Styles and Titles of Great Britain". Heraldica.org. Retrieved 25 October 2013.
"Captain Cuellar's Narrative of the Spanish Armada and of his Wanderings and Adventures in Ireland". Project Gutenburg.
Bruce R. Galloway & Brian P. Levack, The Jacobean Union: Six Tracts of 1604 (Edinburgh: SHS, 1985), pp. liv-lxi, 75-141
Mason, Roger A (2015). "Debating Britain in Seventeenth-Century Scotland: Multiple Monarchy and Scottish Sovereignty". Journal of Scottish Historical Studies. 35: 1–24. doi:10.3366/jshs.2015.0138. Retrieved 14 September 2021.
UK Parliament.
Keith M Brown, "Reformation to Union, 1560–1707," in R.A. Houston and W. W. J. Knox, eds., The New Penguin History of Scotland (2002) pp. 182–275, p. 236
Lynch 1992, p. 240.
Julia Marciari Alexander & Catharine MacLeod, Politics, Transgression, and Representation at the Court of Charles II (Yale, 2007), p. 50.
John Nichols, Progresses of James the First, vol. 3 (London, 1828), p. 338.
Horatio Brown, Calendar State Papers, Venice: 1603–1607, vol. 10 (London, 1900), p. 280 no. 433.

Sources

Brown, Keith M. (1994). "The vanishing emperor: British kingship and its decline, 1603–1707". In Roger A. Mason (ed.). Scots and Britons: Scottish Political Thought and the Union of 1603. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-42034-1.
Croft, Pauline (2003). King James. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-61395-3.
Ferguson, William (1977). Scotland's Relations with England: A Survey to 1707. Edinburgh: J. Donald. ISBN 978-0-85976-022-5.
Galloway, Bruce (1986). The Union of England and Scotland, 1603–1608. Edinburgh: J. Donald. ISBN 978-0-85976-143-7.
Galloway, Bruce, & Levack, Brian, ed., (1985) The Jacobean Union, Six tracts of 1604, Edinburgh, Scottish History Society. ISBN 0-906245-06-0
Lee, Maurice Jr. (2003). The "Inevitable" Union and Other Essays on Early Modern Scotland. East Linton, East Lothian: Tuckwell Press. ISBN 978-1-86232-107-6.
Lynch, Michael (1992). Scotland: a new history. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-0-712-69893-1.
Marshall, T. (July 2005). "United We Stand?". BBC History Magazine.
Mason, Roger A., ed. (1987). Scotland and England, 1286–1815. Edinburgh: J. Donald. ISBN 978-0-85976-177-2.
Stewart, Alan (2003). The Cradle King: A Life of James VI and I. London: Chatto & Windus. ISBN 978-0-7011-6984-8.
Thrush, Andrew. "On this Day: 21 November 1606: The proposed union between England and Scotland | History of Parliament Online". The History of Parliament. The History of Parliament Trust. Retrieved 16 June 2024.
UK Parliament. "Union of the Crowns". Parliament of the United Kingdom. Retrieved 16 June 2024.
Willson, David Harris ( 1963 ed). King James VI & 1. London: Jonathan Cape Ltd. ISBN 0-224-60572-0.
Wormald, Jenny (1994). "The Union of 1603", in Scots and Britons, op cit.
Wormald, Jenny (2007). "Union of the Crowns". In Lynch, Michael (ed.). The Oxford companion to Scottish history. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191727481.

External links

English, Scottish and British monarchs

Monarchs of England until 1603

Monarchs of Scotland until 1603

Monarchs of England and Scotland after the Union of the Crowns from 1603
James I & VI Charles I The Protectorate Oliver Cromwell Richard Cromwell Charles II James II & VII William III & II and Mary II Anne

British monarchs after the Acts of Union 1707
Anne George I George II George III George IV William IV Victoria Edward VII George V Edward VIII George VI Elizabeth II Charles III

Debated or disputed rulers are in italics.

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