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{{EngvarB|date=January 2019}}{{Short description|Type of voting block on ethnic or identity lines}}
{{wiktionary|vote bank|Votebank}}
A '''Votebank''' is a loyal ] of ] from a single ], who consistently back a certain ] or political formation in ] ]. Such behaviour is often the result of an expectation of real or imagined benefits from the political formations, often at the cost of other communities. A '''votebank''' (also spelled '''vote-bank''' or '''vote bank'''), in the political discourse of ] and ], is a loyal ] of ] from a single ], who consistently back a certain ] or political formation in ] ]. Such behavior is often the result of an expectation of benefits, whether real or imagined, from the political formations, often at the cost of other communities. Votebank politics is the practice of creating and maintaining votebanks through divisive policies. As it encourages voting on the basis of self-interest of certain groups, often against their better judgement, it is considered harmful to the principles of ].<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.vifindia.org/article/2013/october/29/vote-bank-politics-a-serious-threat-to-india-s-unity | title=Vote Bank Politics: A Serious Threat to India's Unity }}</ref> Here, community may be of a ], ], ], or ].


==Etymology==
'''Votebank politics''' is the practice of creating and maintaining votebanks through divisive policies. As this brand of politics encourages voters to vote on the basis of narrow communal considerations, often against their better judgement, it is considered inimical to democracy.
The term was first used by noted Indian ], ]{{sfnp|Grillo|2000}} in his 1955 paper entitled ''The Social System of a Mysore Village''.{{sfnp|Srinivas|1955}} He used it in the context of political influence exerted by a patron over a client. Later, the expression was used by ], a professor of ] at the ], in his 1959 book ''Politics and Social Change'',{{sfnp|Bailey|1959}} to refer to the ] influence of the caste leader. This is the usage that has since become popular.


==Examples==
The term was coined in ], where the practice of votebank politics is rampant. Since then, it has gained currency in other Asian countries with a significant English-speaking population.
Some of the first identified votebanks were along caste lines. Others based on other community characteristics, such as ] and ], have also occurred. Votebanks are generally considered undesirable in electoral politics. For example, {{Harvcoltxt|Thapar|2013}} argues that votebanks based on either caste or religion stand in the way of secularisation. {{Harvcoltxt|Katju|2011}} identifies accusations of votebanking as a rhetorical tool used by ] in complaints about special rights or privileges granted to non-Hindus in India. Other examples include:
==Origins in India==
The term was initially used to describe ] who tended to vote together, extended for other groups in ] who exhibited similar voting patterns. In Indian context, there are many Vote Banks; for example, ], ], ], ], ], and others.


*In 1989, the ] of South India petitioned the Indian government to be recognized as an official tribe, demonstrating ''en masse'' on 15 May of that year to imply the strength of the Badaga votebank.{{sfnp|Heidemann|2014|p=96}}
] try to retain and expand votebanks with promises of favourable policies. It is assumed that the ] commands ] votebanks, while ] commands Muslim and Yadav votebanks. <!--often called MY --> Similarly, ] as well has its own votebank, called Minority votebank <!--called that by whom?-->, which comprises Muslims, ] and tribes. <!--tribes/tribal such as...?--> The ] in ] and the ] in ] espouse the cause of the ] and Muslims interests at the provincial level.


*In 1985, ] acted against ] under influence of Muslim conservatives.
] is an important component of votebanks in India. Various political parties have cultivated linguistic votebanks. <!--such as...?--> The ] (TDP) in ], the ] (DMK) and the ] (AIADMK) in ], as well as the ] in ], all flaunt their linguistic votebanks. <!--example...?-->


==Remedy==
Every political party develops their own votebank by focusing on the needs of a group.
Some argue {{Who|date=February 2024}} that the Votebank politics can be disabled by limiting the provisions of ] of ] to a ].{{Citation needed|date=February 2024}}

== References ==
1.<br>


== See also == == See also ==
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ] * ]
* ] * ]
* ]
* ] * ]
* ] * ]
* ]
* ]
* ]
* ]

== References ==
{{reflist}}

==Bibliography==
{{refbegin|40em}}
*{{citation
|last=Bailey
|first=F. G.
|authorlink=F.G. Bailey
|year=1959
|title=Politics and Social Change
|publisher=University of California Press
|location=Berkeley
}}
*{{citation
|last=Basu
|first=Partha
|year=2007
|title="Brand Buddha" in India's West Bengal: The Left Reinvents Itself
|journal=Asian Survey
|volume=47
|issue=2
|pages=288–306
|doi=10.1525/as.2007.47.2.288
}}
*{{citation
|last1=Grillo
|first1=Ralph
|last2=Needham
|first2=Rodney
|year=2000
|title=Obituary: M. N. Srinivas
|journal=Anthropology Today
|volume=16
|issue=1
|pages=22
|issn=0268-540X
|jstor=2678199
|doi=10.1111/1467-8322.00007
}}
*{{citation
|last=Heidemann
|first=Frank
|year=2014
|title=Objectification and Social Aesthetics: Memoranda and the Celebration of "Badaga Day"
|journal=Asian Ethnology
|volume=73
|issue=1/2
|pages=91–109
|doi=10.18874/ae.73.1-2.06
|doi-access=free
}}
*{{citation
|last=Katju
|first=Manjari
|year=2011
|title=The Understanding of Freedom in Hindutva
|journal=Social Scientist
|volume=39
|issue=3/4
|pages=3–22
}}
*{{citation
|last=Srinivas
|first=M. N.
|authorlink = M. N. Srinivas
|year=1955
|chapter=The Social System of a Mysore Village
|editor-last=Marriott
|editor-first=McKim
|title=Village India: studies in the little community
|publisher=University of Chicago Press
|location=Chicago
|pages=1–35
}}
*{{citation
|last=Thapar
|first=Romila
|year=2013
|title=The Secular Mode for India
|journal=Social Scientist
|volume=41
|issue=11/12
|pages=3–10
}}
{{refend}}

==Further reading==
{{wikiquote}}
{{wiktionary|vote bank|Votebank}}
* Shourie, Arun (2012). Falling over backwards: An essay on reservations and judicial populism. New Delhi: HarperCollins Publishers. {{ISBN|978-9350293553}}
* Syed Ali Mujtaba, , ''Himal South Asian'', 2004


{{Use dmy dates|date=April 2019}}


]
]
]
]



{{India-poli-stub}}
]
{{poli-term-stub}}
]

Latest revision as of 18:11, 13 December 2024

Type of voting block on ethnic or identity lines

A votebank (also spelled vote-bank or vote bank), in the political discourse of India and Pakistan, is a loyal bloc of voters from a single community, who consistently back a certain candidate or political formation in democratic elections. Such behavior is often the result of an expectation of benefits, whether real or imagined, from the political formations, often at the cost of other communities. Votebank politics is the practice of creating and maintaining votebanks through divisive policies. As it encourages voting on the basis of self-interest of certain groups, often against their better judgement, it is considered harmful to the principles of representative democracy. Here, community may be of a caste, religion, language, or subnation.

Etymology

The term was first used by noted Indian sociologist, M. N. Srinivas in his 1955 paper entitled The Social System of a Mysore Village. He used it in the context of political influence exerted by a patron over a client. Later, the expression was used by F. G. Bailey, a professor of anthropology at the University of California, San Diego, in his 1959 book Politics and Social Change, to refer to the electoral influence of the caste leader. This is the usage that has since become popular.

Examples

Some of the first identified votebanks were along caste lines. Others based on other community characteristics, such as religion and language, have also occurred. Votebanks are generally considered undesirable in electoral politics. For example, Thapar (2013) argues that votebanks based on either caste or religion stand in the way of secularisation. Katju (2011) identifies accusations of votebanking as a rhetorical tool used by Hindu nationalists in complaints about special rights or privileges granted to non-Hindus in India. Other examples include:

  • In 1989, the Badaga people of South India petitioned the Indian government to be recognized as an official tribe, demonstrating en masse on 15 May of that year to imply the strength of the Badaga votebank.

Remedy

Some argue that the Votebank politics can be disabled by limiting the provisions of Tenth Schedule of Indian Constitution to a few critical issues.

See also

References

  1. "Vote Bank Politics: A Serious Threat to India's Unity".
  2. Grillo (2000). sfnp error: no target: CITEREFGrillo2000 (help)
  3. Srinivas (1955).
  4. Bailey (1959).
  5. Heidemann (2014), p. 96.

Bibliography

  • Bailey, F. G. (1959), Politics and Social Change, Berkeley: University of California Press
  • Basu, Partha (2007), ""Brand Buddha" in India's West Bengal: The Left Reinvents Itself", Asian Survey, 47 (2): 288–306, doi:10.1525/as.2007.47.2.288
  • Grillo, Ralph; Needham, Rodney (2000), "Obituary: M. N. Srinivas", Anthropology Today, 16 (1): 22, doi:10.1111/1467-8322.00007, ISSN 0268-540X, JSTOR 2678199
  • Heidemann, Frank (2014), "Objectification and Social Aesthetics: Memoranda and the Celebration of "Badaga Day"", Asian Ethnology, 73 (1/2): 91–109, doi:10.18874/ae.73.1-2.06
  • Katju, Manjari (2011), "The Understanding of Freedom in Hindutva", Social Scientist, 39 (3/4): 3–22
  • Srinivas, M. N. (1955), "The Social System of a Mysore Village", in Marriott, McKim (ed.), Village India: studies in the little community, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 1–35
  • Thapar, Romila (2013), "The Secular Mode for India", Social Scientist, 41 (11/12): 3–10

Further reading



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