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{{Short description|Hypothetical 8th–9th century polity in Eastern Europe}} | |||
{{History of Russia}} | |||
{{pp-move}} | |||
{{Infobox country | |||
| native_name = | |||
| conventional_long_name = Rus' Khaganate | |||
| common_name = Rus' Khaganate | |||
| era = Early Middle Ages | |||
| status = | |||
| empire = | |||
| year_start = {{circa}} 830{{efn|name=magocsi62|"At the far southeastern end of the European continent, the ] and the stability it had created within its large sphere of influence began to break down. A violent civil war took place during the 820s, and although the kaganate's strength was restored a decade later, certain results of the conflict would have serious implications for the future. The losers of the internal political struggle, known as ], fled northward to the Varangian Rusʹ in the upper ], near ], and southward to the ], who formerly had been loyal vassals of the Khazars. The presence of Kabar political refugees from Khazaria among the Varangian traders in Rostov helped to raise the latter's prestige, with the consequence that by the 830s a new power center known as the Rusʹ Kaganate had come into existence. The acceptance of the Kabar rebels by the Magyars, however, turned the latter into the enemies of the new rulers of Khazaria."<ref>{{cite book|last= Magocsi|first= Paul Robert|title= A History of Ukraine: A Land and Its Peoples|year= 2010|publisher= University of Toronto Press|location= Toronto|pages=61–62}}</ref>}} | |||
| year_end = {{circa}} 890s{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
| s1 = Kievan Rusʹ | |||
| religion = | |||
| common_languages = ], ] | |||
}} | |||
'''Rus' Khaganate''' ({{langx|ru|Русский каганат}}, ''Russkiy kaganat'',<ref>{{Cite book|title=Русскиĭ каганат : без кхазар и норманнов |trans-title=Russian Khaganate: without the Khazars and the Normans |last= Galkina, E. S. (Elena Sergeevna)|year= 2012|isbn= 9785443801643|location= Moscow|oclc= 826862812}}</ref> {{langx|uk|Руський каганат}}, ''Ruśkyj kahanat''{{sfn|Smirnov|1928|p=118}}{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=427}}), or '''kaganate of Rus'''{{efn|name=Duczko kaganate}} is a name applied by some modern historians to a hypothetical ] suggested to have existed during a poorly documented period in the history of ] between {{circa}} 830 and the 890s.{{efn|name=magocsi62}}{{efn|name=Duczko kaganate}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}<ref>К. Цукерман (]), , In: ''У истоков русской государственности'', 2007 (a 2005 conference materials); further elaboration of the 2000 Zuckerman's paper</ref> | |||
The '''Rus' Khaganate''', sometimes called ''Volkhov Rus'', ''Ilmen Rus'', or ''Novgorod Rus'', was a ] that flourished during a poorly documented period in the history of ] (roughly the late eighth and early to mid-ninth centuries CE). Predating the ] period and ], the Rus' Khaganate was a state (or a cluster of city-states) in northern ] inhabited by a mixed ], ] and ] population and dominated by the ] or tribes. This region was a center of operations for eastern Scandinavian (]) adventurers, merchants and pirates. | |||
The fact that a few sparse contemporaneous sources appear to refer to the leader or leaders of ] at this time with the word ''chacanus'', which might be derived from the title of '']'' as used by groupings of ] nomads, has led some scholars to suggest that his political organisation can be called a "k(h)aganate".{{efn|name=Duczko kaganate|"The use of the title chacanus by the ruler of the Rus has led scholars to call the organization he headed the "kaganate of Rus". The correctness of such a designation may be disputed. The term kaganate is organically connected with the political organizations of Asiatic people, the nomads, and to give the same name to an organization of immigrant Germanic people from the North seems hardly suitable."{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=29}}}} Other scholars have disputed this, as it would have been unlikely for an organisation of ] immigrants from the north to adopt such a foreign title.{{efn|name=Duczko kaganate}} Some historians have criticised the concept of a Rus' Khaganate, calling it a "historiographical phantom",<ref>{{cite book |last1=Петрухин (Petrukhin) |first1=В. Я. |title=Русь в IX—X веках. От призвания варягов до выбора веры |trans-title=Rus' in the 9th–10th Centuries. From the Invitation of the Varangians to the Choice of Faith |date=2014 |publisher=Форум : Неолит |isbn=9785911346911 |pages=118, 119, 129–131, 277, 288–289, 353 |language=ru}}</ref> and said that the society of 9th-century Rusʹ cannot be characterised as a state.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Толочко (Tolochko) |first1=А. П. |title=Очерки начальной Руси |trans-title=Essays on Early Rus' |date=2015 |publisher=Лаурус |isbn=9785990558304 |language=ru}}</ref> Still other scholars identify these early mentions of a Rus' political entity headed by a ''chacanus'' with the ] state commonly attested in later sources,{{efn|Duczko (2004): "The word Rhos-Ros ]''] is equal to the term ''ar-Rus'' of the Arab sources, and the name of the first state of the eastern Slavs, the Kievan State."{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=23}}}} whose princes such as ],{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} ({{reign|980|1015}}) ] ({{reign|1019|1054}}),<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/>{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=23, 26}} and perhaps ] ({{reign|1073|1076}}){{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} and ]{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} ({{reign|1097|1115}}) were occasionally identified as ''kagans'' in ] until the late 12th century.{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}}{{sfn|Halperin|2022|p=19}} | |||
According to contemporary sources, their population centers, which may have included the proto-towns of ] (Novgorod), ] (Ladoga), ], ], ], and ], were under the rule of a king or kings using the ] title ].<ref name = "christian338">Christian 338.</ref><ref>Franklin and Shepard 33–36.</ref><ref>Dolukhanov 187.</ref> The Rus' Khaganate period marked the genesis of a distinct Rus' ethnos, and its successors would ultimately found Kievan Rus' and its successors, the states from which modern Russia would evolve. | |||
== Mentions in documents == | |||
==Documentary evidence== | |||
=== Overview === | |||
] depicting early Varangian adventurers in Russia.]] | |||
The word ''khagan'' for a leader of some groups of Rus' people is mentioned in several historical sources. According to ] (2000), these sources are divided into two chronological groups: three or four Latin and Arabic sources from {{circa}} 839 to {{circa}} 880 (which he labelled "1a, 1b, 1c"), while three ] sources (labelled "2a, 2b, 2c") date from 200 years later in the 11th and 12th centuries, and are "fundamentally different".{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} The Perso-Arabic (Islamic) sources mentioning a ''khāqān rus'' or ''Khāqān-i Rus'' all appear to follow a single common chain of tradition tracing back to the "Anonymous Note".{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=311}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
* (1a) The Latin '']'' or "Annals of St. Bertin" (this part written by ], who died in 861) mention certain men called ''Rhos'', whose king ('']'') they called ''chacanus'' or ''Chacanus'', visiting Frankish emperor ] in ] in 839.{{sfn|Jones|2001|p=249–250}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} | |||
* (1b) The Latin '']'' or "Salerno Chronicle" (anonymous 10th-century chronicle) reports of a diplomatic dispute in 871 between Carolingian emperor ] and Byzantine emperor ], in which Basil (in a letter now lost) appears to have claimed that ''chaganus'' is a title used amongst the Avars, Khazars and Normans; Louis replies he has heard of an Avar ''caganum'', but never of Khazar or Norman ones:{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=25}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} "But we have found that the leader (''praelatus'') of the Avars is called Khagan (''chaganum''), but not (''non'') the leader of the ''Gazani'' or the Northmen..." ("Chaganum vera nos praelatum Avarum, non Gazanorum aut Nortmannorum nuncupari repperimus …").{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=305, 310}} | |||
* (1c) The Arabic "Anonymous Note" dating from {{circa}} 870–880,{{efn|'...the Arabic description of Eastern Europe used by some Eastern geographers. This source, called the "Anonymous Note" by the Polish orientalist Tadeusz Lewicki, dates back to 870–880.'{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}}} which was reused by a number of Arabic and Persian writers, including the following:{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
** ] wrote {{circa}} 903–913 (or {{circa}} 920{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}}) in an Arabic-language book that the Rus' had a prince called ''khāqān rus''{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}}{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=25}} or ''Khaqan-Rus''.{{sfn|Jones|2001|p=250}} | |||
** '']'' (anonymous late-10th-century Persian-language geography text) refers to the Rus' king as "Khāqān-i Rus".{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=159}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} | |||
** ] (died 1061), ''Zayn al-Akhbār'' (11th century), also referred to "Khāqān-i Rus".{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} | |||
* (2a) ]'s 11th-century '']'' mentions the title of ''kagan'' five times,<ref name="Pushkinskijdom">{{Cite web |url=http://www.pushkinskijdom.ru/Default.aspx?tabid=4868 |title=Introduction to the full text in original, and in modern Russian translation |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110526074522/http://www.pushkinskijdom.ru/Default.aspx?tabid=4868 |archive-date=26 May 2011 |work=] |access-date=23 February 2023 |language=ru}}</ref> and applies it to ]{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} {{reign|980|1015}}),{{sfn|Halperin|2022|p=19}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} and his son Georgij, baptismal name of ] ({{reign|1019|1054}}).<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/>{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=23, 26}} | |||
* (2b) A short inscription on the wall of ] expresses a plea for divine deliverance for the (unnamed) "our kagan", possibly prince ] ({{reign|1073|1076}}).{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} | |||
* (2c) '']'' (12th century) calls ] a ''kogan''.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} According to ] (2018), 'the word ''kogan'' is referring to a specific ruler or just to a time when there were khagans.'{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310}} | |||
=== ''Annales Bertiniani sub anno'' 839 === | |||
The "Khaganate" of the Rus' is mentioned in several historical sources. Most of them are foreign texts dating from the 9th century. Three others are East Slavic sources from the 11th and 12th centuries. | |||
The earliest claimed reference related to Rus' people ruled by a "khagan" comes from the ] Latin '']'', which refer to a group of ] who called themselves ''Rhos'' ({{Lang|la|qui se, id est gentem suam, Rhos vocari dicebant}}) and visited ], capital of the ], around 839.{{sfn|Jones|2001|p=249–250}} Fearful of returning home via the ]s, which would leave them vulnerable to attacks by the ], these Rhos travelled through the ] accompanied by ] ]s from the ] ]. When questioned by the ] ] at ], they stated that their leader was known as ''chacanus'' (hypothesized to be either the ] word for "khagan" or a deformation of Scandinavian proper name ''Håkan''),{{efn|A minority of scholars believe that the reference was to a king bearing the ] name ''Håkan'' or ''Haakon'', including Garipzanov (2006){{sfn|Garipzanov|2006|p=8–11}} and Ostrowski (2018).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310–311}}}} that they lived far to the north, and that they were ] (''comperit eos gentis esse sueonum'').{{sfn|Waitz|1883|p=19–20}}{{sfn|Jones|2001|p=249–250}} | |||
=== ''Chronicon Salernitanum'' === | |||
The earliest European reference to the khaganate comes from the '']''. The Annals refer to a group of ], who called themselves ''Rhos'' (''qi se, id est gentem suam, Rhos vocari dicebant'') and visited ] around the year 838. Fearful of returning home via the steppes, which would leave them vulnerable to attacks by the ], these Rhos travelled through ] accompanied by ] ambassadors from the ] emperor ]. When questioned by the ] ] ] at ], they informed him that their leader was known as ''chacanus'' (the ] for "Khagan")<ref>''Håkan'' or ''Haakon'' was a name used among Scandinavians of the period, and it was once thought possible that the Rhos described in the court annals referred to a king by this name.</ref> and that they lived in the north of Russia, but that their ancestral homeland was in ] (''comperit eos gentis esse sueonum'').<ref>Bertin 19–20; Jones 249–250.</ref> | |||
Thirty years later, in spring 871, the eastern and ] Roman Emperors, ] and ], quarrelled over control of ], which had been besieged by Arabs. The Byzantine Emperor sent an angry letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping the title of emperor. He argued that the Frankish rulers are simple '']'', while the imperial title properly applied only to the overlord of the Romans, that is, to Basil himself. He also pointed out that each nation has its own title for the supreme ruler: for instance, the title of ''chaganus'' is used by the overlords of the ] (''Avari''), ] (''Gazari''), and "]" (''Nortmanni''). To that, Louis replied that he was aware only of the Avar khagans, and had never heard of the khagans of the Khazars and Normans.<ref>''Monumenta Germaniae'' 385–394.</ref><ref>''cagano veram non praelatum Avarum, non Gazanorum aut Nortmannorum nuncipari reperimus.'' Duczko 25.</ref> The content of Basil's letter, now lost, is reconstructed from Louis's reply, quoted in full in the '']'' ("Salerno Chronicle]").{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=305, 310–311}} According to Dolger, it indicates that at least one group of Scandinavians had a ruler who called himself "khagan",<ref>Dolger T. 59, No. 487.</ref> but Ostrowski (2018) countered: 'The letter of Louis II to Basil I states specifically that the Northmen do not have a khagan. From that, the non-extant letter of Basil I has been thought to have stated that the Northmen had a khagan, but we do not know that. (...) Besides, even if Basil's letter did assert that the ruler of the Northmen was called a khagan, that testimony is negated by the statement of Louis II that their ruler is not called a khagan.'{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310–311}} | |||
=== Arabic-Persian sources === | |||
Thirty years later, in spring 871, the eastern and western emperors, ] and ], quarreled over control of ], which had been conquered by their joint forces from the Arabs. The Byzantine emperor sent an angry letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping the title of emperor. He argued that the Frankish rulers are simple '']'', while the imperial title behooves only to the overlord of the Romans, that is, to Basil himself. He also pointed out that each nation has its own title for the supreme ruler: for instance, the title of ''chaganus'' is used by the overlords of the ], ] (''Gazani''), and Normanns (''Nortmanno''). To that, Louis replied that he was aware only about the Avar khagans, but never heard about the khagans of the Khazars and Normanns.<ref>''Monumenta Germaniae'' 385-394.</ref> The content of Basil's letter, now lost, is reconstructed from Louis's reply, quoted in full in the ].<ref>Dolger T. 59, №487.</ref> It indicates that at least one group of Scandinavians had a ruler who called himself "khagan". | |||
], a 10th-century ] ], wrote that the Rus' khagan ("khāqān rus") lived on an island in a lake.{{sfn|Brøndsted|1965|p=267–268}} ] comments that Ibn Rustah, using the text of the Anonymous Note from the 870s, attempted to accurately convey the titles of all rulers described by its author, which makes his evidence all the more invaluable.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000|p=96}} Ibn Rustah mentions only two khagans in his treatise—those of ] and Rus.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
'']'', an anonymous geography text written in ] during the late 10th century ({{circa}} 982–983{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=vii}}), refers to the Rus' king as "Khāqān-i Rus".{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=159}} The unknown author of ''Hudud al-Alam'' relied on several 9th-century and 10th-century sources.{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=xiv–xix}} ], an 11th-century ] Muslim geographer, mentioned "khāqān-i rus" in his work ''Zayn al-Akhbār''. Ibn Rustah, the ''Hudud al-Alam'' and Gardizi all copied their information from the same late 9th-century source.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310–311}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=xiv–xix}} | |||
], a tenth-century ] geographer from ], wrote that the Rus' khagan ("khaqan rus") lived on an island in a lake.<ref name = "christian338" /><ref>Brøndsted (1965), pp. 267–268</ref> ] comments that Ibn Rustah, using the text of an anonymous note from the 870s, attempted to accurately convey the titles of all rulers described by its author, which makes his evidence all the more precious.<ref>Zuckerman, "Deux étapes" 96.</ref> The Muslim geographer mentions only two khagans in his treatise — those of Khazaria and Rus. His statement is echoed by ], who wrote in 889 or 890 that the Caucasus mountaineers, when besieged by the Arabs in 854, asked for help from the overlords (''sahib'') of al-Rum (Byzantium), Khazaria, and al-] (Slavs).<ref>Laurent and Canard 490. According to Zuckerman, ] and other Arab authors often confused the terms Rus and Saqaliba when describing ] in the 9th and 10th centuries. Thus, the ruler of al-Saqualiba in 852 was likely the same person as the khagan of the Rus.</ref> '']'', an anonymous ] geography text written in the late tenth century, refers to the Rus' king as "rus-khaqan".<ref>Minorsky 159.</ref> As the unknown author of ''Hudud al-Alam'' relied on numerous ninth-century sources, including ibn Khordadbeh, it is possible that his reference to the Rus' Khagan was copied from earlier, pre-Rurikid texts, rather than reflecting contemporary political reality.<ref>''See, e.g''., Minorsky xvi.</ref> Finally, an eleventh-century Persian geographer ] mentioned "khaqan-i rus" in his work ''Zayn al-Akbar''. Like other ] geogrpahers, Gardizi relied on traditions stemming from the 9th century.<ref name="Rus">"Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''</ref> | |||
Zuckerman (2000) argued that ], '']'' ("The Book of Countries", {{circa}} 889–890), also has a relevant passage. In a legendary story about a siege of the ] in the ] in 854, mention is made of "the overlords (''sahib'') of the Byzantines (''al-Rum''), of the Khazars, and of the Slavs (''al-]'')", which Zuckerman connected with a supposed Rus' ''khagan''.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}<ref>Laurent and Canard 490.</ref> According to Zuckerman, ] and other Arab authors often confused the terms Rus and Saqaliba when describing ] in the 9th and 10th centuries. But Ibn Khordādbeh's '']'' does not mention the title of "khagan" for the ruler of Rus'.{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=25}} | |||
There are good grounds for believing that the title "khagan" was still remembered in ] during the Christian period. ] ] applied the title "khagan" to ] and ] in the earliest monument of ], ''Slovo o Zakone i Blagodati'' ("Sermon on Law and Grace"), written around 1050.<ref>Ilarion, "Sermon on Law and Grace" 3, 17, 18, 26; for discussion, see Brook 154. Hilarion referred to Vladimir as "the great khagan of our land" and Yaroslav as "our devout khagan."</ref> A graffito in the north gallery of ] reads "O Lord, save our khagan", apparently in reference to ] (1073-1076).<ref>Noonan, "Khazar" 91-92.</ref> As late as the end of the 12th century, '']'' refers in passing to a "kogan Oleg"<ref name="Rus">"Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''</ref>, traditionally identified with ].<!--or rather to his wife: Рекъ Боянъ и ходы на Святъславля пѣстворца стараго времени Ярославля Ольгова коганя хоти.--><ref>Most commentators follow ]'s interpretation of the passage. Tmutarakan was a former Khazar possession and the Khazar traditions may have persisted there for an extended period of time. It is known that, while reigning in Tmutarakan, Oleg assumed the title of the "archon of all Khazaria". Other candidates include ] and ] of ]. See: Zenkovsky 160; Encyclopaedia of The Lay 3-4.</ref> | |||
=== Old East Slavic sources === | |||
== Dating == | |||
The three later ] mentioning a ''kagan'' (]'s 11th-century '']'', and the 11th-century ] inscription) or ''kogan'' (the 12th-century '']'') have generally been understood to refer to the ruler of Kievan Rus'.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310–311}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} According to Halperin (1987), the title ''kagan'' in the ''Annales Bertiniani sub anno'' 839, Hilarion's ''Sermon'', and in ''The Tale of Igor's Campaign'' all apply to "the ruler of ]".{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}} He agreed with Peter B. Golden (1982) that this reflected Khazar influence on Kievan Rus', and argued that the use of a "steppe title" in Kiev 'may be the only case of the title's use by a non-nomadic people'.{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}} Halperin also found it "highly anomalous" that a Christian prelate like Hilarion would 'laud his ruler with a shamanist title',{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}} adding in 2022: "The Christian ethos of the sermon is marred by Ilarion's attribution to Vladimir of the Khazar title ''kagan'', which was definitely not Christian."{{sfn|Halperin|2022|p=19}} | |||
Hilarion's '']'' mentions the word ''kagan'' ({{langx|orv|]|translit=kaganŭ}}) throughout the text,{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=3}} a total of five times.<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/>{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=3–30}} | |||
Extant primary sources make it plausible that the title of khagan was applied to the rulers of the Rus' during a rather short period, roughly between their embassy to Constantinople (838) and Basil I's letter (871). All Byzantine sources after Basil I refer to the Rus' rulers as ]s. Later Kievan authors, mentioned above, appear to have revived the term "]" as a laudatory epithet of the ruling ], rather than as a valid political term. | |||
# и похвала каганоу нашемоу влодимероу, ѿ негоже крещени быхом<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("And: an encomium to our kagan Volodimer, by whom we were baptized."{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=3}}) | |||
# великааго кагана нашеа земли Володимера, вънука старааго Игоря, сына же славнааго Святослава<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("the great kagan of our land Volodimer, the grandson of ] of old, and the son of the glorious ]."{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=17}}) | |||
# каганъ нашь Влодимеръ<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("Volodimer, our kagan"{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=18}}) | |||
# Съвлѣче же ся убо каганъ нашь и съ ризами ветъхааго человѣка<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("So our kagan cast off his clothing"{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=18}}) | |||
# Паче же помолися о сынѣ твоемь, благовѣрнѣмь каганѣ нашемь Георгии<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("And furthermore, pray for your son, our devout kagan, Georgij";{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=26}}). Georgij was the baptismal name of ], who reigned in Kiev at the time and was Hilarion's patron.{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=23}} | |||
A ] preserved in a 15th-century manuscript, at the end of a set of works usually attributed to Hilarion, adds one more mention: Быша же си въ лѣто 6559 (1051), владычествующу благовѣрьному кагану Ярославу, сыну Владимирю. Аминь.<ref name="Pushkinskijdom"/> ("These things came to pass in the year 6559 (1051), during the reign of the pious kagan ], the son to Volodimer, Amen."{{sfn|Franklin|1991|p=xvii}}) | |||
The dating of the Khaganate's existence has been the subject of debates among scholars and remains unclear. ] dates the foundation of the Khaganate to around 830-840. Back in the 1920s, Russian historian Pavel Smirnov suggested that the Rus' Khaganate emerged only briefly at around 830 and was soon destroyed by the migration of the ]-] tribal confederation towards the ].<ref>Smirnov 132-45</ref> Whatever the accuracy of such estimates may be, there are simply no primary sources which mention the Rus' or its khagans prior to the 830s. | |||
=== Absence in other contemporary sources === | |||
Equally contentious has been discussion about the date of the khaganate's disintegration. The title of Khagan is not mentioned in the ] (907, 911, 944), or in '']'', a record of court ceremonials meticulously documenting the titles of foreign rulers, when it deals with ]'s reception at the court of ] in 945. Moreover, ], in his detailed account of the Rus (922), designated their supreme ruler as ''malik'' ("king"). From this fact, ] concluded via a ] that the khaganate collapsed at some point between 871 and 922.<ref>Golden 87, 97.</ref> Zuckerman specifies that the khaganate had been derelict by 911, because the khagan is not mentioned in the text of the ].<ref>Zuckerman, "Deux étapes" 96.</ref> | |||
The absence of any ''khagan'' in the following sources has been taken by several scholars as evidence indicating either that there had never been a Rus' ] (Tolochko 2015, Ostrowski 2018),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=297–298, 310–311}} or that it must have disappeared by 911 (Zuckerman 2000), probably already before 900 (Golden 1982).{{sfn|Golden|1982|p=87, 97}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
* The '']'' ({{circa}} 870) written by Persian geographer ] does mention the Rus' as important traders, but does not mention a title of a Rus' ruler in his chapter "Titles of the rulers of the Earth", where only the Turks, Tibetans and Khazars are said to be ruled by ''khaqans.''{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=25}}{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=311}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} If the Rus' had a ''khaqan'' at the time, the author would have been expected to mention it, but he did not.{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=25}} Ibn Khordadbeh's book is a notable exception amongst the Arabic-Persian sources in mentioning the Rus', but not a ''khaqan'';{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=311}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} more generally, his information also does not appear to stem from the same source (possibly the now-lost book written by ]) used by others such as Ibn Rusta and Gardizi.{{sfn|Minorsky|1937|p=xiv–xix}} | |||
* The '']'' (an anonymous ] completed {{circa}} 1110) does not mention the title of ''khagan'' anywhere, for example in the three Rus'-Byzantine treaties of ], ], and ].{{sfn|Golden|1982|p=87, 97}}{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
* The ''Risala'' of ] (written in Arabic, documenting his visit to ]' around 922) calls the monarch of the Rus' a ''malik'' (Arabic for "king"), not a ''qagan'',{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} even though it does say that 'the king of the Khazars called a Qagan'.{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=27}} | |||
* '']'' (a Greek book on ceremonial protocol at the Byzantine court from the 950s) meticulously documents the titles of foreign rulers, but when it deals with ]'s reception at the court ] in 945, it does not call her a ''khagan'',{{sfn|Golden|1982|p=87, 97}} but an '']'' (Greek for "ruler").{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} | |||
== |
==Dating== | ||
The dating of the Khaganate's existence has been the subject of debates among scholars and remains unclear. ] and ] date the foundation of the Khaganate to be around the year 830.{{efn|name=magocsi62}}<ref name="ReferenceA">Pritsak, ''Origin of Rus', passim.''</ref> According to Magocsi, "A violent civil war took place during the 820s. ... The losers of the internal political struggle, known as ], fled northward to the Varangian Rus' in the upper ], near ], and southward to the ], who formerly had been loyal vassals of the ]. The presence of Kabar political refugees from ] among the Varangian traders in Rostov helped to raise the latter's prestige, with the consequence that by the 830s a new power center known as the Rus' Kaganate had come into existence."{{efn|name=magocsi62}} Whatever the accuracy of such estimates may be, there are no primary sources mentioning the Rus' or its khagans prior to the 830s.<ref name="ReferenceA" /> ] noted that the leader of those Kabars was ].<ref name="ReferenceB">Pritsak, ''Origins of Rus' ''1:28, 171, 182.</ref> | |||
] | |||
The location of the khaganate has been actively disputed since the early twentieth century. According to one fringe theory, the Rus' khagan resided somewhere in Scandinavia or even as far west as ].<ref>Александров 222-224.</ref> ] believed that the khagan had his headquarters in the eastern part of the ] or in the ] and that the island described by Ibn Rustah was most likely situated in the estuary of the ].<ref>Vernadsky VII-4.</ref> However, archaeologists failed to find any traces of a Slavic-Norse settlement in the region in the ninth century and there are no Norse sources documenting "khagans" in Scandinavia.<ref>Franklin and Shepard 27-50.</ref> | |||
Golden (1982) and Zuckerman (2000) concluded that if a Rus' khaganate had existed, it must have disappeared before 900, as references to a Rus' khagan are last recorded in the 880s, and do not return until the 11th century.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} Various possible reasons for its disappearance have been suggested. The '']'' describes the uprising of the pagan Slavs and ] (Baltic Finns) against the Varangians, who had to withdraw overseas in 862. The '']'', whose account of the events Shakhmatov considered more trustworthy, does not pinpoint the pre-Rurikid uprising to any specific date. The 16th-century '']'' attributes the banishment of the Varangians from the country to ]. The Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Braychevskiy labelled Vadim's rebellion "a pagan reaction" against the Christianization of the Rus'.{{sfn|Braychevskiy|1989|p=54–55}} A period of unrest and anarchy followed, dated by Zuckerman to {{circa}} 875–900.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} The absence of coin hoards from the 880s and 890s suggests that the Volga trade route ceased functioning, precipitating "the first silver crisis in Europe".<ref>Noonan, "Silver Crisis" 1985 41–50</ref><ref>Noonan, "Fluctuations in Islamic Trade" 1992 ''passim''</ref> | |||
The Soviet historiography, as represented by ] and ], advanced Kiev as the residence of the khagan, assuming that ] were the only khagans recorded by name. Western historians traditionally polemicize with this theory. There is no evidence of an urban settlement on the site of Kiev prior to the 880s.<ref>Callmer J. 325-331.</ref> Archaeological finds from the period in the vicinity of Kiev are almost non-existent. What is particularly convincing, there are no hoards of coins to prove that the ] — the backbone of later ] — was operated in the ninth century.<ref>Yanin 105-106; Noonan, ''The Monetary System of Kiev'' 396.</ref> Based on his examination of archaeological evidence, Zuckerman concludes that Kiev originated as a fortress on the Khazar border with ]. Only after the ]' departure for the west in 889 did the middle Dnieper region start to progress economically.<ref>Zuckerman, "Les Hongrois au Pays de Lebedia" 65-66.</ref> | |||
After this economic ] and period of political upheaval, the region experienced a resurgence beginning in around 900. Zuckerman associates this recovery with the arrival of ] and his men, who turned their attention from the Volga to the Dnieper, for reasons as yet uncertain. The Scandinavian settlements in Ladoga and Novgorod revived and started to grow rapidly. During the first decade of the 10th century, a large trade outpost was formed on the ] in ], near modern ]. Another Dnieper settlement, Kiev, developed into an important urban centre roughly in the same period.{{sfn|Franklin|Shepard|2014|p=91–111}}{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=81}} | |||
Starting with ], there have been many historians who advocated a more northerly position of the khaganate.<ref name = "christian338" /> They have tended to essentialize ibn Rustah's report as the only historical clue to the location of the khagan's residence.<ref>Новосельцев 397-408.</ref> Recent archaeological research, as conducted by ], among others, makes it plausible that this polity was based on a group of settlements along the ], including Ladoga, ], ], ], and Holmgard.<ref>Zuckerman, 2000; Мачинский 5-25.</ref> "Most of these were initially small sites, probably not much more than stations for re-fitting and resupply, providing an opportunity for exchange and the redistribution of items passing along the river and caravan routes".<ref>''A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures'' 266.</ref> If the anonymous traveller quoted by ibn Rustah is to be believed, the Rus of the Khaganate period made extensive use of the ] to trade with the ], possibly through Bulgar and Khazar intermediaries. His description of the Rus' island suggests that their center was at ], an early medieval precursor of Novgorod whose name translates from ] as "the island castle". The ] describes the unrest in Novgorod preceding the invitation of ] in the 860s. This account prompted ] to assert that Holmgard-Novgorod was the khaganate's capital for several decades prior to the appearance of Rurik, including | |||
the time of the Byzantine embassy in 839.<ref>Brøndsted 67–68</ref> Machinsky accepts this theory but notes that, even before the rise of Holmgard-Novgorod, the chief political and economical centre of the area was located at Aldeigja-Ladoga.<ref>Мачинский 5-25.</ref> | |||
== |
== Possible locations == | ||
The location of the purported khaganate, more specifically the residence of the supposed ''khagan'', has been actively disputed since the late 19th century.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} Sites proposed by scholars have included the following: | |||
]. ''] Built in the Land of the Slavs''; a 1903 painting depicting construction of Norse-style vessels in Russia.]] | |||
* The ] including Kiev (]): ] (1904, the Kievan ''khagan'' being Slavic),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} ] (1946, the Kievan ''khagan'' being Varangian-Swedish),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=293}} ],{{efn|Rybakov believed that the title "kagan" was borrowed by the Slavs as early as the sixth century from the ].}} ], ] (1940, the Kievan ''khagan'' being Slavic),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292–293}} Alexander V. Riasanovsky (1962, the Kievan ''khagan'' being Slavic),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=294}} ], ], {{ill|Anton Gorsky|ru|Горский, Антон Анатольевич}}, Charles J. Halperin (1987).{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}} | |||
The origins of the Rus' Khaganate are unclear. First Scandinavian settlers arrived to the lower basin of the ] in the mid-eighth century. The country comprising the present-day ], ], ], ], and ] became known in ] sources as "]", the land of forts. Norse warlords, known to the ]-speaking steppe peoples as "köl-beki" or "sea-kings," came to dominate some of the Finno-Ugric and Slavic peoples, particularly along the ] linking the ] with the ] and ].<ref>Brutzkus 120.</ref> | |||
* The Lower Dnieper near the ]: Vasilii G. Vasil’evskii (1915; the ''khagan'' being Khazar).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} | |||
* The ] (]): ] (1940).<ref>], ''''</ref>{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} | |||
* "Southern Rus'": ] (1935, the ''khagan'' being Khazar).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292, 298}} | |||
* the ] and the ] basin: E. S. Galkina (2002).<ref name="Галкина">''Галкина Е. С.'' . — М., 2002.</ref> | |||
* The interfluve of the ] and the ] to the Middle Dnieper: {{Ill|Valentin Sedov|ru|Седов, Валентин Васильевич}},<ref>Sedov, Valentin Vasilyevich, '' // Otechestvennaya istoriya''. - № 4. - 1998. - P.3-15.</ref> ]. | |||
* The ] region: ] & ] (1996, one of 4 options).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=296–297}} | |||
** ]: ] (2010), {{efn|name=magocsi62}} Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).<ref name=langer2021>{{cite book |last=Langer |first=Lawrence N. |title=Historical Dictionary of Medieval Russia |page=154 |year=2021 |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publisher |isbn=9781538119426}}</ref> | |||
* The ]: ],<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://admgorod.strussa.net/?wiev=145&show |title=Древнейшие судьбы русского племени |author=] |date=1919 }}</ref> ],<ref>], ''''</ref> ], ], ], ], {{ill|Elena Alexandrovna Melnikova|ru|Мельникова, Елена Александровна}}. | |||
** ] (Holmgard) near ]: ] (1995),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=295}} ] & ] (1996, one of 4 options),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=296–297}} Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).<ref name=langer2021/> | |||
** ]: Iurii Vladimirovich Got'e (1915),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} Imre Boba (1968).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=294–295}} | |||
** ] (Aldeigjuborg): ] & ] (1996, one of 4 options),{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=296–297}} Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).<ref name=langer2021/> | |||
** ]. | |||
* The land of the ]: Ernst Kunik (1844).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} | |||
* ] (]): ] & ] (1996, one of 4 options), Ildar Garipzanov (2006, it was an (East) Swedish ''kongur'' named '']'' who may have operated in North Rus', but without permanent residence){{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=306–307}} | |||
* ''Nowhere'': ] (2015),{{efn|' expressed skepticism about the existence of a Rus' khaganate at all, remarking that its location has been a "moving target" in the historiography, one that is "elusive and inconstant." To the question "Where was the Rus' khaganate located," his somewhat sardonic answer was only "in the pages of learned treatises."'{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=297–298}}}} ] (2018).{{efn|Ostrowski summarised that ''Chacanus'' was the Swedish personal name '']'' and thus that the ''Annales Bertiniani'' cannot support the existence of a Rus' khagan or khaganate in 839, that the letter of Louis II the German of 871 is ambiguous and does not point clearly in favour or against Northmen khagan, that the earliest Arabic-Persian source (Ibn Khordadbeh) does not mention a Rus' ''khaqan'' and does not consider the Rus' to be an ''ethnos''/tribe but merchants, and that the later Rus' sources from the 10th to the 12th centuries are too late and 'should not be used as evidence for a Rus' khagan or khaganate in the 830s.' He concluded: 'one of our sources testifies to (...) the existence of in the first half of the ninth century'.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=310–311}}}} | |||
=== Kiev === | |||
As with the Rus' generally, there is much debate as to the identity and ancestry of the Rus' Khagans. They may have been Scandinavians, native Slavs or Finns, or (most probably) of mixed ancestry.<ref>''E.g.,'' Pritsak, ''Origins of Rus' ''1:28, 171, 182.</ref> ] speculated that a ] khagan named ] Dyggvi, exiled after losing ], settled with his followers in the Norse-Slavic settlement of ], married into the local Scandinavian nobility, and fathered the dynasty of the Rus' khagans.<ref>Pritsak, ''Origins of Rus' ''1:28, 171, 182.</ref> Zuckerman dismisses Pritsak's theory as untenable speculation<ref>Archaeologists did not find traces of a settlement in Rostov prior to the 970s. Furthermore, the placename "Rostov" has a transparent Slavic eymology.</ref>, but the possible Khazar connection to early Rus' monarchs is supported by the use of a stylized ] ], or seal, by later Rus' rulers such as ].<ref>Brook 154; Franklin and Shepard 120-121; Pritsak, ''Weights'' 78-79. It should be noted, however, that the genealogical connection between the ninth-century Khagans of Rus' and the later ] rulers, if any, is unknown at this time.</ref> | |||
], as represented by ] and ], advanced Kiev as the residence of the khagan, assuming that ] were the only khagans recorded by name. ] became an adherent of the theory that Kiev was the seat of the Rus' Khaganate, and continued to hold this view into the 1990s.<ref>Artamonov 271–290.</ref> Halperin (1987) also stated that the 839 ''Annales Bertiniani'' reference to a Rus' ''chacanus'' is to "the ruler of ]".{{sfn|Halperin|1987|p=26–27}} Some archaeologists have countered that there is no material evidence of a Norse presence in Kiev prior to the 10th century.<ref>''From the Baltic to the Black Sea: Studies in Medieval Archaeology'' (One World Archaeology, 18) by David Austin Publisher: Routledge; New edition (June 27, 1997).pp. 285–286; Э. Мюле. К вопросу о начале Киева// Вопросы истории. – № 4 – 1989 – с. 118 – 127.</ref> Troublesome is the absence of hoards of coins which would prove that the ] – the backbone of later ] – was operating in the 9th century.<ref>Yanin 105–106.</ref><ref>Noonan, ''The Monetary System of Kiev'' 1987, p. 396.</ref> Based on his examination of the archaeological evidence, Zuckerman concludes that Kiev originated as a ] on the Khazar border with ] and that only after the ] departed for the west in 889 did the middle ] region start to progress economically.{{sfn|Zuckerman|1997|p=65–66}} | |||
=== Volkhov river sites === | |||
Most historians agree that the title "khagan" was borrowed by the Rus from the Khazars, but there is considerable dispute over the circumstances of this borrowing. ] presumes that the Rus' khaganate was a puppet state set up by the Khazars in the basin of the ] to fend off recurring attacks of the ].<ref>Golden 77-99.</ref> No source records that the Rus' of the ninth century were subjects to the Khazars, however. For foreign observers (such as Ibn Rustah) there was no material difference between the titles of the Khazar and Rus' rulers.<ref>Zuckerman, "Deux étapes".</ref> ] hypothesizes that the adoption of the title of khagan was designed to advertise the Rus' claims to the equality with the Khazars.<ref>Новосельцев </ref> This theory is echoed by ], who asserts that the Rus' leaders were loosely unified under the rule of one of the "sea-kings" in the early ninth century, and that this "]" adopted the title khagan to give him legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects and neighboring states.<ref>Noonan, "Khazar" 87-89, 94.</ref> The title of khagan was, according to this theory, a sign that the bearers ruled under a divine mandate.<ref>Brook 154; Noonan, "Khazar" 87-94.</ref> | |||
A number of historians, the first of whom was ], have advocated a more northerly position for the khaganate. They have tended to emphasize ibn Rustah's report as the only historical clue to the location of the khagan's residence.<ref>Новосельцев 397–408.</ref>{{clarification needed|date=February 2023|reason=Which book by Новосельцев? 1955 or 1985?}} Recent archaeological research, conducted by Anatoly Kirpichnikov and ], has raised the possibility that this polity was based on a group of settlements along the ], including Ladoga, ], ], ], and Holmgard (modern ]).{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}}<ref>Мачинский 5–25.</ref> "Most of these were initially small sites, probably not much more than stations for re-fitting and resupply, providing an opportunity for exchange and the redistribution of items passing along the river and caravan routes".<ref>''A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures'' 266.</ref> If the anonymous traveller quoted by ibn Rustah is to be believed, the Rus of the Khaganate period made extensive use of the ] to trade with the ], possibly through ] and ] intermediaries.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}} His description of the Rus' island suggests that their center was at Holmgard, an early medieval precursor of Novgorod whose name translates from ] as "the river-island castle".{{citation needed|date=February 2023}} The ] describes unrest in Novgorod before ] was invited to come to rule the region in the 860s.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}} This account prompted ] to assert that Holmgard-Novgorod was the khaganate's capital for several decades prior to the appearance of Rurik, including the time of the Byzantine embassy in 839.{{sfn|Brøndsted|1965|p=67–68}}{{efn|For a detailed analysis of recent archaeological investigations at Holmgard, see Duczko 2004 102–104.}} Machinsky accepts this theory but notes that, before the rise of Holmgard-Novgorod, the chief political and economic centre of the area was located at Aldeigja-Ladoga.<ref>Мачинский 5–25; see also Duczko 31–32.</ref> However, Nosov (1990) stated that archaeological evidence recovered at Rurikovo Gorodische puts the '']'' for the hill-fort's establishment decades later: ] showed that trees used in construction at the site were felled between the years 889 and 948, and ] of charcoal samples collected from a ditch at the site of "Holmgard" trace back to 880(±20).{{sfn|Dolukhanov|1996|p=187}} | |||
=== Islands in fringe theories === | |||
== Economy == | |||
According to one fringe theory, the Rus' khagan resided somewhere in Scandinavia or even as far west as ].{{sfn|Александров|1997|p=222–224}} In stark contrast, ] believed that the khagan had his headquarters in the eastern part of the ] or in the ] and that the island described by Ibn Rustah was most likely situated in the estuary of the ].<ref name="Vernadsky VII-4.">Vernadsky VII-4.</ref> Neither of these theories has won many adherents, as ]s have uncovered no traces of a Slavic-Norse settlement in the Crimea region in the 9th century and there are no Norse sources documenting "khagans" in Scandinavia.{{sfn|Franklin|Shepard|2014|p=27–50}} | |||
] (1864-1910), ''Slave Trade in Early Medieval Eastern Europe''.]] | |||
== Etymological issues == | |||
The likely mainstay of the khaganate's economy was the Volga trade route. Early ninth-century coin hordes unearthed in Scandinavia frequently contain large quantities of ] coins minted in the ] and other ] polities, sometimes split in smaller pieces and inscribed with ] signs.<ref>Noonan, "Rus/Rus' Merchants" 213-219.</ref> All in all, more than 228,000 Arabic coins have been recovered from over a thousand hoards in European Russia and the Baltic region. Almost 90% of these arrived to Scandinavia by way of the Volga trade route. Unsurprisingly, the dirhem was the basis for the monetary system of ].<ref>Yanin 1956. 91-100.</ref> | |||
=== ''Rhos'' and Rus' === | |||
{{See also|Rus' people|Anti-Normanism|Names of Rusʹ, Russia and Ruthenia}} | |||
The Russian ] ] (1876) was the first historian to suggest that the ''Rhos'' ambassadors mentioned in the ''] sub anno'' 839 were Swedes in the diplomatic service of a Rusʹ (''Rhos'') khagan (''chacanus''), and thus that there was Rus' khaganate, and that these Rus' people were ].{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} Danish linguist ] (1877) instead concluded "that ''Rhos'' was the Greek designation for the Scandinavians or Northmen, who in this case happened to be Swedes."{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} According to Ukrainian historian ] (1904), the ''Rhos'' envoys were "northern Germanic", but in the service of a "Rus' khagan", that was to be identified as the Slavic ].{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} Vasil’evskii (1915) thought the ''Rhos'' were an indigenous people living near the mouth of the ] into the ], and that the ''khagan'' was their ] master.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292}} Still others presume a Rus' khagan reigning over a ], or a cluster of ]s, set up by Rus' people somewhere in what is today ] and ] as a chronological predecessor{{by whom|date=February 2023|reason=Some scholars believe that all the references to a Rus' khagan are to the (Rurikid) ruler of Kiev, not a separate earlier polity.}} to the ] and ]. The region's population at that time was composed of Slavs, ], ], ], ] and ]. The region was also a place of operations for ], eastern Scandinavian adventurers, merchants, and pirates.{{sfn|Franklin|Shepard|2014|p=33–36}}{{sfn|Dolukhanov|1996|p=187}}{{request quotation|date=May 2021}} | |||
Although since the 19th century various writers (some expressing anti-Normanist views) have asserted the Rus' (''Rhos'') mentioned in the ''Annales Bertiniani'' and the other sources possibly mentioning a Rus' ''khagan'' were ],{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=292–303}} the modern scholarly consensus is that the ] originated in ], possibly ].<ref>{{cite web |title=Kievan Rus |url=https://www.worldhistory.org/Kievan_Rus/ |website=] |access-date=19 February 2023 |quote=(...) the Rus, a Scandinavian people. (...) The annals claim they were Swedes, and this is possible, but their ethnicity has never been firmly established.}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=The Vikings at home |url=https://www.historyextra.com/period/viking/the-vikings-at-home/ |website=HistoryExtra |language=en}}</ref><ref>"in 839, the Rus' were ]. In 1043, the Rus' were ]." (F. Donald Logan, ''The Vikings in History'', cit. Montgomery, p. 24).</ref> According to the prevalent theory, the name ''Rus{{'}}'', like the ] name for Sweden (''*Ruotsi''), is derived from an ] term for "the men who row" (''rods-'') as rowing was the main method of navigating the rivers of ], and that it could be linked to the Swedish coastal area of ] (''Rus-law'') or '']'', as it was known in earlier times.<ref name="Blöndal2007">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vFRug14ui7gC&pg=PA1|title=The Varangians of Byzantium|last=Blöndal|first=Sigfús|date=1978|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9780521035521|page=1|access-date=2 February 2014}}</ref><ref name="auto">Stefan Brink, "Who were the Vikings?", in '''', ed. by Stefan Brink and Neil Price (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), pp. 4–10 (pp. 6–7).</ref> The name ''Rus{{'}}'' would then have the same origin as the ] and ] names for Sweden: ''Ruotsi'' and ''Rootsi''.<ref name="auto"/><ref name="etymonline.com">{{cite OED|Russ|id=169069|access-date=25 July 2018}}</ref> | |||
Trade was the major source of income for the Rus, who according to ibn Rustah did not engage in ]: "They have no cultivated fields but depend for their supplies on what they can obtain from as-Saqaliba's land. They have no estates, villages, or fields; their only business is to trade in ], ], and other ]s, and the money they take in these transactions they stow in their belts."<ref>Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted (1965), pp. 267–268</ref> Rus merchants travelled down the Volga, paying duties to the Bulghars and Khazars, reaching the ports of ] and ] on the southern shore of the ]. Sometimes, they penetrated as far as ].<ref name="Rus"/> | |||
Around 860, a group of Rus' ] began to rule the area under their leader ].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=Russia |title=Russia |work=Online Etymology Dictionary |access-date=2012-08-15}}</ref><ref>{{cite encyclopedia|url=http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Rus |title=Rus |encyclopedia=Free Online Dictionary, Thesaurus and Encyclopedia |access-date=2012-08-15}}</ref> Gradually, ] warlords, known to the ]-speaking steppe peoples as "köl-beki" or "lake-princes", came to dominate some of the region's Finno-Ugric and Slavic peoples, particularly along the ] linking the ] with the ] and ].<ref>Brutzkus 120.</ref> According to Franklin & Shepard (1996, 2014), the account of the 860s Rus' expedition against Constantinople in the ''Primary Chronicle'' (which claims the raid originated in Kiev) was largely borrowed by the authors from a 10th-century Greek source, the ''Continuation'' of the ''Chronicle'' of ], which does not identify a point of departure.{{sfn|Franklin|Shepard|2014|p=53}} | |||
==Government== <!--this section appears quite speculative and anachronistic, as it describes political realities of the 920s, when Igor was the ruler in Kiev. This is a far cry from the period when the khagans were recorded in Northern Russia.--> | |||
Writing in 922, Ibn Fadlan described the Rus' ruler<!--earlier the article says he called this ruler "king"--> (like the Khazar khagan), as having little real authority. Instead, political and military power was wielded by a deputy, who "commands the troops, attacks enemies, and acts as his representative before his subjects."<ref name="Christian340">Christian 340-341, citing ibn Fadlan's ''Risala''.</ref> The supreme king of the Rus', on the other hand, "has no duties other than to make love to his slave girls, drink, and give himself up to pleasure."<ref name="Christian340"/> He was guarded by 400 men, "willing to die for him... These 400 sit below the royal throne: a large and bejewelled platform which also accommodates the forty slave-girls of his harem." Ibn Fadlan wrote that the Rus' ruler would almost never leave his throne and even "when he wants to go riding his horse is led up to him, and on his return the horse is brought right up to the throne."<ref>Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 266–267</ref> Ibn Rustah, on the other hand, reported that the khagan was the ultimate authority in settling disputes between his subjects. His decisions, however, were not binding, so that if one of the disputants disagreed with the khagan's ruling, the dispute was then resolved in a battle, which took place "in the presence of the contestants' kin who stand with swords drawn; and the man who gets the better of the duel also gets the decision about the matter in dispute."<ref>Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted 266–267</ref> | |||
=== ''Chacanus'' === | |||
This dichotomy reflects the structure of ] government, with secular authority in the hands of a ] only theoretically subordinate to the khagan, and sharply contrasts with the traditional ] system, where kingship was held by military prowess and not necessarily by blood. Moreover, some scholars have noted similarities between this dual kingship and the relationship between ] and ] in the early tenth century (compare ] in the ninth century).<ref>Christian 341.</ref> <!--The following assertion seems to be untenable, as Jones' book is available online, and there are tons of more up-to-date references on modern excavations of Volkhov sites. I have not been able to trace any mention of nomadic influences: Norse burial sites from locations connected to the Rus Khaganate period supposedly contain some features common with those of neighboring ] populations.<ref>Christian 340, ''citing, inter alia,'' Jones 256.</ref>--> The institution of separate sacral ruler and military commander may be observed in the relationship between Oleg and Igor, but whether this is part of the Rus' Khaganate's legacy to its ] is unknown. The early Kievan Rus' principalities exhibited certain distinctive characteristics in their government, military organization, and jurisprudence that were very similar to those in force among the Khazars and other steppe peoples; some historians believe that these elements came to the Kievan Rus' from the Khazars by way of the earlier Rus' Khagans.<ref>Brutzkus 111.</ref> | |||
Since the 18th century, the debate on the word ''chacanus'' / ''Chacanus'' in the ''Annales Bertiniani'' has had two sides: it must either be understood as the title of the ''rex'', namely '']'' (first proposed by Siegfried Bayer in 1736), or that it was a Scandinavian proper name, namely '']'' (first suggested by Stroube de Piermont in 1785).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=303}} In 2004, Duczko stated: 'At present there is almost total unity of opinion that the title of the ruler of Rus is of Khazarian origin and that the word ''chacanus'' is a Latin form of the Turk word ''khagan'', a title of a prime ruler in the nomadic societies in Eurasia.'{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=24–25}} He claimed that the Old Norse personal name interpretation 'was abandoned (though its supporters still appear from time to time).'{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=24}} Garipzanov (2006) challenged the ''khagan'' interpretation again, arguing that one cannot just turn the ''c'' in the middle of ''chacanus'' into a ''g'', adding that 'many Germanic names starting with phonetic ''h-'' were transcribed in Frankish sources with ''ch-''{{'}}, and concluding that the word most likely was the Swedish name '']'',{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=306–307}} an explanation accepted by Ostrowski (2018).{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=311}} | |||
Assuming it reflects the Khazar-derived title ''khagan'', there is considerable dispute over the circumstances of this borrowing. ] (1982) rejected the idea that the Rus' could have appropriated the title of ''Qağan'' from the Khazars; the ruling ] would have had to voluntarily appoint a Rus' leader as a vassal ''Qağan'' for it to have any legitimacy.{{sfn|Ostrowski|2018|p=305–306}} Golden concluded that the Rus' Khaganate was a puppet state set up by the Khazars in the basin of the ] to fend off recurring attacks of the ].<ref>Golden 77–99; Duczko 30.</ref> However, no source records that the Rus' of the 9th century were subjects of the Khazars. For foreign observers (such as Ibn Rustah), there was no material difference between the titles of the Khazar and Rus' rulers.{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} ] hypothesizes that the adoption of the title "khagan" was designed to advertise the Rus' claims to equality with the Khazars.<ref>Новосельцев (Novoselʹcev)</ref>{{clarification needed|date=February 2023|reason=Which book by Новосельцев? 1955 or 1985? And which page?}} This theory is echoed by ], who asserts that the Rus' leaders were loosely unified under the rule of one of the "sea-kings" in the early 9th century, and that this "]" adopted the title "khagan" to give him legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects and neighboring states.<ref>Noonan, "Khazar" 2001 87–89, 94.</ref> According to this theory, the title was a sign that the bearers ruled under a divine mandate.{{sfn|Brook|2006|p=154}}<ref>Noonan, "Khazar" 2001 87–94.</ref> | |||
==Customs and religion== | |||
]. This burial rite, with the funerary tumulus, is typical of both ], and ]ic customs.]] | |||
Judging from excavations conducted since the 1820s at Ladoga and related sites in Northern Russia, the Rus' customs reflected primarily Scandinavian influences. This is consistent with the writings of ibn Rustah and ibn Fadlan. The former gives a brief description of the burial of a Rus' nobleman, who was put into a "grave like a large house", together with food, amlets, coins, other staples, as well as his favorite wife. "Then the grave door is sealed and she dies there."<ref>Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted 305</ref> <!-- This burial rite is consistent with archeological findings in ] and ].--There are no 9th-century layers in Chernigov, hundreds miles south of the khaganate! And Birka, apart from being a modest site in itself, has nothing to do with the khaganate too!!-->Ibn Fadlan provides further evidence of the Rus' building a memorial mound, or ], and giving it a runic <!--does he say "runic"??-->inscription on a piece of wood.<ref>Brøndsted 305</ref> The Arab traveler also left a detailed description of the Rus' custom of ], which involved both animal and ]. When a poor man died, he was put into a little ship and burned in it; the funeral of a nobleman was much more elaborate. His estate was divided into three parts: one for his family, one to pay for his funerary costume, and one to make beer, which was consumed on the day of his cremation.<ref>Ibn Fadlan describes the Rus' as addicted to beer, "and often one of them has been found dead with a beaker in his hand." Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 301</ref> One of the deceased man's slave girls volunteered to be put to death so as to join her master in ]. On the day of cremation, the dead man was disinterred from his grave, dressed in fine clothings, and put onto a specially constructed ship. The volunteer slave girl was killed and placed on board together with her master before the dead man's nearest kinsman set the vessel on fire. The funeral ended with the construction of a round mound.<ref>Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 301–305</ref> <!--and what do we know about Khazar burial customs, anyway? how many Khazar sites have been extensively excavated?--> | |||
] speculated that a ] khagan named ] Dyggvi, exiled after losing an ], settled with his ] faction in the Norse-Slavic settlement of ], married into the local Scandinavian nobility, and fathered the dynasty of the Rus' khagans.<ref name="ReferenceB"/>{{sfn|Zuckerman|2000}} Zuckerman dismisses Pritsak's theory as untenable speculation,{{efn|Archaeologists did not find traces of a settlement in Rostov prior to the 970s. Furthermore, the placename "Rostov" has a transparent Slavic etymology.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}}} and no record of any Khazar khagan fleeing to find refuge among the Rus' exists in contemporaneous sources.{{sfn|Duczko|2004|p=31}} Nevertheless, the possible Khazar connection to early Rus' monarchs is supported by the use of a ] ], or seal, by later Rus' rulers such as ]; similar tamgas are found in ruins that are definitively Khazar in origin.{{sfn|Brook|2006|p=154}}{{sfn|Franklin|Shepard|2014|p=120–121}}<ref>Pritsak, ''Weights'' 78–79.</ref> The genealogical connection between the 9th-century Khagans of Rus' and the later ] rulers, if any, is unknown at this time.{{efn|But see, e.g., Duczko 31–32, outlining theories that Rurik held the title of Khagan Rus'.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}}} | |||
Early medieval hstorians were impressed with the spirit of independence and enterprise inculcated among the Rus from birth.<ref name="Rus"/> Ibn Rustah writes: "When a son is born the father will go up to the newborn baby, ] in hand; throwing it down, he says; 'I shall not leave you any property: you have only what you can provide with this weapon!'"<ref>Brøndsted 268</ref> ] repeated this description of the intructions given to a son and added that it was the daughter who received her father's inheritance. The same sense of rugged individualism was reflected in their treatment of the ill. According to ibn Fadlan, "if one of the Rus falls sick they put him in a tent by himself and leave bread and water for him. They do not visit him, however, or speak to him, especially if he is a serf. Should he recover he rejoins the others; if he dies they burn him. If he happens to be a serf, however, they leave him for the dogs and vultures to devor."<ref>Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 301–305. See also "Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''.</ref> Sources describe the Rus as liberal in sexual matters. Ibn Fadlan wrote that the king of the Rus did not shy away from having public intercourse with the slave girls in his harem. When Rus traders arrived to the Volga shores, they would make love with the slave girls they brought for sale in the presence of their comrades; sometimes this would develop into a communal ].<ref>Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 265, 305; "Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam'' ''passim''</ref> ] | |||
==See also== | |||
Both ibn Fadlan and ibn Rustah portray the Rus as devout pagans. Ibn Rustah and, following him, Garizi reported that the Rus ]s or "medicine men" (''attiba'') wielded great power over the common folk. According to ibn Rustah, these shamans acted "as if they own everything". They determined what women, men, or animals had to be sacrificed, and when the shamans gave orders, there was no way of evading them. The shaman would take the offering, wherther human or animal, and hang it from a pole until death.<ref>Ibn Rustah. English translation in Brøndsted 268. See also "Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''.</ref> Ibn Fadlan left a description of the Rus merchants praying for success in trading before "a large wooden stake with a face like that of a human being, surrounded by smaller figures, and behind them tall poles in the ground." If trade did not pick up, more offerings were made; if the business remained slow, the trader would make offerings to the minor idols, too. When the trading was especially good, Rus merchants would likewise make additional offerings of cattle and sheep, some of which were distributed as alms.<ref>Ibn Fadlan, ''Risala''. English translation in Brøndsted 266. See also "Rus", ''Encyclopaedia of Islam''.</ref> | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
* ] | |||
== Notes == | |||
On the other hand, Byzantine sources report that the Rus adopted ] by the end of the 860s. In his ] dated to 867, ] wrote about the enthusiastic conversion of the Rus, mentioning that he had sent to their lands a ].<ref>Photii Patriarchae Constantinopolitani Epistulae et Amphilochia. Ed. B. Laourdas, L.G. Westerinck. T.1. Leipzig, 1983. P. 49.</ref> ] attributes the conversion to his grandfather ] and to ] rather than to their predecessors ] and Photius. Constantine narrates how the Byzantines galvanized the Rus' into conversion by their persuasive words and rich presents, including gold, silver, and precious tissues. He also repeats a traditional story that the pagans were particularly impressed by a miracle: a ] book thrown by the archbishop into an oven was not damaged by fire.<ref>Theophanes Continuatus, Ioannes Cameniata, Symeon Magister, Georgius Monachus. Ed. I. Becker. Bonnae, 1838 (CSHB), pp. 342-343.</ref> ] wrote in the late 9th century that the Rus who arrived to Muslim lands "claimed to be Christians".<ref name="Rus"/> Modern historians are divided in their views on the historicity and extent of the ]. <!-- Modern historians are divided whether at least some of the Rus indeed baptized at such an early date. --is there any historian who discards Photius's evidence as unreliable?--> | |||
{{Notelist}} | |||
== References == | |||
==Relations with neighbors== | |||
{{Reflist}} | |||
In 838, Rus' Khaganate sent an embassy to the Byzantine Empire, which was recorded in the Annals of St. Bertin, the reasons for which remain a cause of controversy among historians. ] argued that the embassy of 838 had two ends in view: to establish amity with Byzantium and to establish the way into Sweden through Western Europe.<ref>A. Shakhmatov, Survey of the oldest period of the History of the Russian Language. Encyclopedia of Slavonic Philology, II, 1 ( Petrograd, 1915), XXVIII, cited in Vasiliev 12</ref> ] postulates that the Rus' ambassadors were to negotiate a peace treaty after their ] of the 830s.<ref>Zuckerman, "Deux étapes".</ref> ] connects their mission with the construction of the fortress of ] in 833. That embassy was not recorded in Byzantine sources, and in 860 Patriarch Photius referred to the Rus as "unknown people".<ref>Vasiliev 13.</ref> According to Vernadsky, the Khazars and Greeks erected Sarkel near the portage between the ] and Volga specifically to defend this strategic point from the Rus.<ref>Vernadsky VII-4.</ref> Other scholars, however, believe that the fortress of Sarkel was constructed to defend against or monitor the activities of the ] and other steppe tribes, and not the Rus'.<ref>Shepard 24; Kovalev 124. The ] historian Mikhailo Hrushevsky declared that the extant sources were unclear on this point. Hrushevsky 1:176. ] claimed that Sarkel was a "staunch bulwark against the ] but did not identify that as its original purpose. Huxley ''passim''.</ref> | |||
== Bibliography == | |||
In 860, the Rus ], having arrived on 200 ships. The Byzantine army and navy were far from the capital, leaving it vulnerable to the attack. The timing of the attack suggests that the Rus were well-aware of the internal situation in the empire thanks to the commercial and other relations that continued after the embassy of 838. The Rus warriors devastated the suburbs of Constantinople before suddenly departing on ]. | |||
{{refbegin|40em}} | |||
The early Rus' traded extensively with ]. ] wrote in the '']'' that "they go via the Slavic River (the ]) to ], a city of the Khazars, where the latter's ruler collects the tithe from them."<ref>ibn Khordadbeh, as cited in Vernadsky 1:9</ref> Some modern commentators infer from Arab accounts that the Rus' Khaganate's political culture was profoundly<!--exaggeration!--> influenced by its contacts with Khazaria.<ref>''E.g.,'' Jones 164 (summarizing evidence from ] and ]); Franklin and Shepard 67-8; Christian 340.</ref> By the beginning of the ] period in the first decades of the tenth century, relations between the Rus' and the Khazars ]. | |||
==Decline and legacy== | |||
Soon after ] informed other Orthodox bishops about the Christianization of the Rus all the centres of the khaganate in North-Western Russia were destroyed by fire. Archaeologists found convincing evidence that Holmgard, Aldeigja, ], ] and other local centres were burnt to the ground in the 860s or 870s. Some of these settlements were abandoned after the conflagration for good. The ] describes the uprising of the pagan Slavs and Finns against the Varangians, who had to withdraw overseas, in 862. The ], whose account of the events Shakhmatov considered more trustworthy, does not pinpoint the pre-Rurikid uprising to any specific date. The 16th-century ] attributes the banishment of the Varangians from the country to ]. The Ukrainian historian Mikhailo Braichevsky labelled Vadim's rebellion "a pagan reaction" against the Christianization of the Rus'.<ref>Брайчевский 42-96.</ref> A period of unrest and anarchy followed, dated by Zuckerman to ca. 875-900. The absence of coin hoards from the 880s and 890s suggests that the Volga trade route ceased functioning, precipitating "the first silver crisis in Europe".<ref>Noonan, "Silver Crisis" 41-50; Noonan, "Fluctuations in Islamic Trade" ''passim''</ref> | |||
After this economic depression and period of political upheaval, there was a renaissance, starting from ca. 900. Zuckerman associates the new period with the arrival of ] and his men, who turned their attention from the Volga to the Dnieper, for reasons as yet uncertain. The Scandinavian settlements in Ladoga and Novgorod revived and started to grow rapidly. During the first decade of the tenth century, a large trade outpost was formed on the ] in ], near modern ]. Another Dnieper settlement, Kiev, developed into an important urban centre roughly in the same period. | |||
The fate of the Rus' Khaganate, and the process by which it either evolved into or was consumed by the Rurikid ], is unclear. The Kievans seem to have had a very vague notion about the existence of the khaganate. Slavonic sources do not mention either the Christianization of the Rus in the 860s or the Paphlagonian expedition of the 830s. The account of the Rus' expedition against Constantinople in the 860s was borrowed by the authors of the Primary Chronicle from Greek sources, suggesting the absence of a vernacular written tradition. | |||
==Notes== | |||
{{reflist|2}} | |||
==References== | |||
*Ahmed ibn Fadlan. ''Ibn Fadlan's Journey to Russia: A Tenth-Century Traveler from Baghdad to the Volga River.'' Frye, Richard Nelson, ed. and trans. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2005. | *Ahmed ibn Fadlan. ''Ibn Fadlan's Journey to Russia: A Tenth-Century Traveler from Baghdad to the Volga River.'' Frye, Richard Nelson, ed. and trans. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2005. | ||
*Ahmad ibn Umar ibn Rustah. ''al-Alaq al-nafisah: Maruf bih Ibn Rustah. Tarjamah va taliq-i Husayn Qarah'chanlu.'' Tehran, Iran: Amir Kabir, 1986. | *Ahmad ibn Umar ibn Rustah. ''al-Alaq al-nafisah: Maruf bih Ibn Rustah. Tarjamah va taliq-i Husayn Qarah'chanlu.'' Tehran, Iran: Amir Kabir, 1986. | ||
* {{cite book |last=Александров |first=А.А. |title=Остров руссов |trans-title=The Rus' Island |location=St. Petersburg-Kishinev |date=1997}} (Aleksandrov) | |||
*]. ''The Russian Attack on Constantinople in 860''. Mediaeval Academy of America, 1946 | |||
*] "Prevye Stranisky Russkoy Istorii ve Archeologicheskom Osveshchenii." ''Sovietskaya Arkheologica''. Vol 3, 1990. pp. 271–290. | |||
*Александров А.А. ''Остров руссов.'' . St. Petersburg-Kishinev, 1997. | |||
* {{Citation |editor-first1=Georg |editor-last1=Waitz |series=Scriptores rerum Germanicarum (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) |volume=5 |title=Annales Bertiniani |place=Hannover |publisher=Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani |date=1883 |url= https://www.dmgh.de/mgh_ss_rer_germ_5/#page/(III)/mode/1up}} | |||
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* |
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*Golden |
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* {{Cite book |last1=Minorsky |first1=Vladimir |authorlink1=Vladimir Minorsky |date=1937 |title=Hudud al-'Alam, The Regions of the World A Persian Geography, 372 A.H. - 982 A.D. translated and explained by V. Minorsky |url=http://www.kroraina.com/hudud/hudud_al_alam_1937.pdf |location=London |publisher=Luzac & Co. |pages=546}} (). | |||
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*Noonan, Thomas. "The Monetary System of Kiev in the Pre-Mongol Period". ''Harvard Ukrainian Studies'', 1987, No.11. Page 396. | |||
*"Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae VII". ''Epistolae Karolini aevi V''. Berlin: W. Henze, 1928. | |||
*Новосельцев (Novoselʹcev) А.П. ''et al. Древнерусское государство и его международное значение.'' . Moscow, 1965. | |||
*]. "The Khazar Qaghanate and Its Impact On the Early Rus' State: The ''translatio imperii'' from Itil to Kiev." ''Nomads in the Sedentary World'', Anatoly Mikhailovich Khazanov and Andre Wink, eds. p. 76-102. Richmond, England: Curzon, 2001. ISBN 0700713700. | |||
*Новосельцев (Novoselʹcev) А.П. "К вопросу об одном из древнейших титулов русского князя". . ''История СССР.'' – 1982. – Вып. 4. | |||
*Noonan, Thomas. "When Did Rus/Rus' Merchants First Visit Khazaria and Baghdad?" ''Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi'' 7 (1987-1991): 213-219. | |||
* {{Cite journal |last1=Ostrowski |first1=Donald |date=2018 |title=The Return of the Rhos |url=https://brill.com/view/journals/css/52/2-3/article-p290_10.xml |journal=Canadian-American Slavic Studie |volume=52 |issue=2–3 |pages=290–311 |doi=10.1163/22102396-05202009 |s2cid=195449155 |access-date=22 February 2023}} | |||
*Noonan, Thomas. "The First Major Silver Crisis in Russia and the Baltic, ca. 875-900". ''Hikuin'', 11 (1985): 41-50. | |||
*Noonan, Thomas. "Fluctuations in Islamic Trade with Eastern Europe during the Viking Age". ''Harvard Ukrainian Studies'', 1992, №16. | |||
*Noonan, Thomas. "The Monetary System of Kiev in the Pre-Mongol Period". ''Harvard Ukrainian Studies'', 1987, №11. Page 396. | |||
*Новосельцев А.П. ''et al. Древнерусское государство и его международное значение.'' . Moscow, 1965. | |||
*Новосельцев А.П. "К вопросу об одном из древнейших титулов русского князя". . ''История СССР.'' - 1982. - Вып. 4. | |||
*]. ''The Origin of Rus'.'' Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991. | *]. ''The Origin of Rus'.'' Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991. | ||
*Pritsak, Omeljan. ''The Origins of the Old Rus' Weights and Monetary Systems. Cambridge, MA: ], 1998. | *Pritsak, Omeljan. ''The Origins of the Old Rus' Weights and Monetary Systems. Cambridge, MA: ], 1998. | ||
* {{Cite book |last1=Smirnov |first1=Pavlo |authorlink1= |date=1928 |title=Волзький шлях і стародавні руси Нариси з руської історії VI — IX вв. (Volzʹkyĭ shli︠a︡kh i starodavni Rusy: narysy z rusʹkoï istoriï VI-IX vv) |trans-title=The Volga route and the ancient Rus'. Essays on Rus' history VI-IX centuries |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pjAQAAAAIAAJ |location=Kyiv |publisher=] |pages=228 |access-date=23 February 2023 |language=uk}} | |||
*Shepard, Jonathan. "The Khazars' Formal Adoption of Judaism and Byzantium's Northern Policy." ''Oxford Slavonic Papers, New Series ''31 (1998):24. | |||
*''Theophanes Continuatus, Ioannes Cameniata, Symeon Magister, Georgius Monachus''. Ed. I. Becker. Bonnae, 1838 (CSHB), pp. 342–343. | |||
*Smirnov, Pavel. ''Volz'kiy shlyakh i starodavni Rusy'' (''The Volga route and the ancient Rus''). Kiev, 1928. | |||
*] |
*] ''A History of Russia''. Vol. 1. Yale University Press, 1943 () | ||
*Vernadsky, G.V., ed. ''A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, Vol. 1.'' New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1972. | *Vernadsky, G.V., ed. ''A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, Vol. 1.'' New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1972. | ||
*]. ''Денежно-весовые системы русского средневековья. Домонгольский период.'' . Moscow, 1956. |
*]. ''Денежно-весовые системы русского средневековья. Домонгольский период.'' . Moscow, 1956. | ||
*{{Cite book |last=Zuckerman |first=Constantin |authorlink=Constantin Zuckerman |chapter=Deux étapes de la formation de l'ancien état russe |title=Les centres proto-urbains russes entre Scandinavie, Byzance et Orient: Actes du Colloque International tenu au Collège de France en octobre 1997. éd. M. Kazanski, A. Nersessian et C. Zuckerman (Réalités Byzantines 7) |location=Paris |date=2000}} | |||
*Zenkovsky, Serge A., ed. ''Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles, and Tales.'' New York: Meridian, 1974. ISBN 0452010861. | |||
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** (). | ||
*Zuckerman |
* {{Cite book |last1=Zuckerman |first1=Constantin |authorlink1=Constantin Zuckerman |date=1997 |title=Byzantium at War (9th–12th Century) |chapter=Les Hongrois au Pays de Lebedia: une nouvelle puissance aux confins de Byzance et de la Khazarie en 836–889 |url= |location=Athens |publisher=National Research Foundation |pages= |isbn= |access-date= |language=fr}} | ||
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Latest revision as of 18:20, 6 December 2024
Hypothetical 8th–9th century polity in Eastern EuropeRus' Khaganate | |||||||
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c. 830–c. 890s | |||||||
Common languages | Old East Slavic, Old East Norse | ||||||
Historical era | Early Middle Ages | ||||||
• Established | c. 830 | ||||||
• Disestablished | c. 890s | ||||||
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Rus' Khaganate (Russian: Русский каганат, Russkiy kaganat, Ukrainian: Руський каганат, Ruśkyj kahanat), or kaganate of Rus is a name applied by some modern historians to a hypothetical polity suggested to have existed during a poorly documented period in the history of Eastern Europe between c. 830 and the 890s.
The fact that a few sparse contemporaneous sources appear to refer to the leader or leaders of Rus' people at this time with the word chacanus, which might be derived from the title of khagan as used by groupings of Asiatic nomads, has led some scholars to suggest that his political organisation can be called a "k(h)aganate". Other scholars have disputed this, as it would have been unlikely for an organisation of Germanic immigrants from the north to adopt such a foreign title. Some historians have criticised the concept of a Rus' Khaganate, calling it a "historiographical phantom", and said that the society of 9th-century Rusʹ cannot be characterised as a state. Still other scholars identify these early mentions of a Rus' political entity headed by a chacanus with the Kievan Rus' state commonly attested in later sources, whose princes such as Vladimir the Great, (r. 980–1015) Yaroslav the Wise (r. 1019–1054), and perhaps Sviatoslav II of Kiev (r. 1073–1076) and Oleg I of Chernigov (r. 1097–1115) were occasionally identified as kagans in Old East Slavic literature until the late 12th century.
Mentions in documents
Overview
The word khagan for a leader of some groups of Rus' people is mentioned in several historical sources. According to Constantin Zuckerman (2000), these sources are divided into two chronological groups: three or four Latin and Arabic sources from c. 839 to c. 880 (which he labelled "1a, 1b, 1c"), while three Old East Slavic sources (labelled "2a, 2b, 2c") date from 200 years later in the 11th and 12th centuries, and are "fundamentally different". The Perso-Arabic (Islamic) sources mentioning a khāqān rus or Khāqān-i Rus all appear to follow a single common chain of tradition tracing back to the "Anonymous Note".
- (1a) The Latin Annales Bertiniani or "Annals of St. Bertin" (this part written by Prudentius of Troyes, who died in 861) mention certain men called Rhos, whose king (rex) they called chacanus or Chacanus, visiting Frankish emperor Louis the Pious in Ingelheim in 839.
- (1b) The Latin Chronicon Salernitanum or "Salerno Chronicle" (anonymous 10th-century chronicle) reports of a diplomatic dispute in 871 between Carolingian emperor Louis the German and Byzantine emperor Basil I, in which Basil (in a letter now lost) appears to have claimed that chaganus is a title used amongst the Avars, Khazars and Normans; Louis replies he has heard of an Avar caganum, but never of Khazar or Norman ones: "But we have found that the leader (praelatus) of the Avars is called Khagan (chaganum), but not (non) the leader of the Gazani or the Northmen..." ("Chaganum vera nos praelatum Avarum, non Gazanorum aut Nortmannorum nuncupari repperimus …").
- (1c) The Arabic "Anonymous Note" dating from c. 870–880, which was reused by a number of Arabic and Persian writers, including the following:
- Ahmad ibn Rustah wrote c. 903–913 (or c. 920) in an Arabic-language book that the Rus' had a prince called khāqān rus or Khaqan-Rus.
- Hudud al-'Alam (anonymous late-10th-century Persian-language geography text) refers to the Rus' king as "Khāqān-i Rus".
- Abu Saʿīd Gardīzī (died 1061), Zayn al-Akhbār (11th century), also referred to "Khāqān-i Rus".
- (2a) Hilarion of Kiev's 11th-century Sermon on Law and Grace mentions the title of kagan five times, and applies it to Volodimir I (Vladimir/Volodymyr "the Great") r. 980–1015), and his son Georgij, baptismal name of Yaroslav the Wise (r. 1019–1054).
- (2b) A short inscription on the wall of Saint Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv expresses a plea for divine deliverance for the (unnamed) "our kagan", possibly prince Sviatoslav II of Kiev (r. 1073–1076).
- (2c) The Tale of Igor's Campaign (12th century) calls Oleg I of Chernigov a kogan. According to Donald Ostrowski (2018), 'the word kogan is referring to a specific ruler or just to a time when there were khagans.'
Annales Bertiniani sub anno 839
The earliest claimed reference related to Rus' people ruled by a "khagan" comes from the Frankish Latin Annales Bertiniani, which refer to a group of Norsemen who called themselves Rhos (qui se, id est gentem suam, Rhos vocari dicebant) and visited Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire, around 839. Fearful of returning home via the steppes, which would leave them vulnerable to attacks by the Magyars, these Rhos travelled through the Frankish kingdom accompanied by Byzantine Greek ambassadors from the Byzantine Emperor Theophilus. When questioned by the Frankish king Louis the Pious at Ingelheim, they stated that their leader was known as chacanus (hypothesized to be either the Latin word for "khagan" or a deformation of Scandinavian proper name Håkan), that they lived far to the north, and that they were Swedes (comperit eos gentis esse sueonum).
Chronicon Salernitanum
Thirty years later, in spring 871, the eastern and western Roman Emperors, Basil I and Louis II of Italy, quarrelled over control of Bari, which had been besieged by Arabs. The Byzantine Emperor sent an angry letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping the title of emperor. He argued that the Frankish rulers are simple reges, while the imperial title properly applied only to the overlord of the Romans, that is, to Basil himself. He also pointed out that each nation has its own title for the supreme ruler: for instance, the title of chaganus is used by the overlords of the Avars (Avari), Khazars (Gazari), and "Northmen" (Nortmanni). To that, Louis replied that he was aware only of the Avar khagans, and had never heard of the khagans of the Khazars and Normans. The content of Basil's letter, now lost, is reconstructed from Louis's reply, quoted in full in the Chronicon Salernitanum ("Salerno Chronicle]"). According to Dolger, it indicates that at least one group of Scandinavians had a ruler who called himself "khagan", but Ostrowski (2018) countered: 'The letter of Louis II to Basil I states specifically that the Northmen do not have a khagan. From that, the non-extant letter of Basil I has been thought to have stated that the Northmen had a khagan, but we do not know that. (...) Besides, even if Basil's letter did assert that the ruler of the Northmen was called a khagan, that testimony is negated by the statement of Louis II that their ruler is not called a khagan.'
Arabic-Persian sources
Ahmad ibn Rustah, a 10th-century Persian Muslim geographer, wrote that the Rus' khagan ("khāqān rus") lived on an island in a lake. Constantin Zuckerman comments that Ibn Rustah, using the text of the Anonymous Note from the 870s, attempted to accurately convey the titles of all rulers described by its author, which makes his evidence all the more invaluable. Ibn Rustah mentions only two khagans in his treatise—those of Khazaria and Rus.
Hudud al-'Alam, an anonymous geography text written in Persian during the late 10th century (c. 982–983), refers to the Rus' king as "Khāqān-i Rus". The unknown author of Hudud al-Alam relied on several 9th-century and 10th-century sources. Abu Said Gardizi, an 11th-century Persian Muslim geographer, mentioned "khāqān-i rus" in his work Zayn al-Akhbār. Ibn Rustah, the Hudud al-Alam and Gardizi all copied their information from the same late 9th-century source.
Zuckerman (2000) argued that Ya'qubi, Kitab al-Buldan ("The Book of Countries", c. 889–890), also has a relevant passage. In a legendary story about a siege of the Tsanars in the Caucasus in 854, mention is made of "the overlords (sahib) of the Byzantines (al-Rum), of the Khazars, and of the Slavs (al-Saqaliba)", which Zuckerman connected with a supposed Rus' khagan. According to Zuckerman, Ibn Khordadbeh and other Arab authors often confused the terms Rus and Saqaliba when describing Caspian expeditions of the Rusʹ in the 9th and 10th centuries. But Ibn Khordādbeh's Book of Roads and Kingdoms does not mention the title of "khagan" for the ruler of Rus'.
Old East Slavic sources
The three later Old East Slavic sources mentioning a kagan (Hilarion of Kiev's 11th-century Sermon on Law and Grace, and the 11th-century Saint Sophia Cathedral, Kyiv inscription) or kogan (the 12th-century The Tale of Igor's Campaign) have generally been understood to refer to the ruler of Kievan Rus'. According to Halperin (1987), the title kagan in the Annales Bertiniani sub anno 839, Hilarion's Sermon, and in The Tale of Igor's Campaign all apply to "the ruler of Kiev". He agreed with Peter B. Golden (1982) that this reflected Khazar influence on Kievan Rus', and argued that the use of a "steppe title" in Kiev 'may be the only case of the title's use by a non-nomadic people'. Halperin also found it "highly anomalous" that a Christian prelate like Hilarion would 'laud his ruler with a shamanist title', adding in 2022: "The Christian ethos of the sermon is marred by Ilarion's attribution to Vladimir of the Khazar title kagan, which was definitely not Christian."
Hilarion's Sermon on Law and Grace mentions the word kagan (Old East Slavic: каганъ, romanized: kaganŭ) throughout the text, a total of five times.
- и похвала каганоу нашемоу влодимероу, ѿ негоже крещени быхом ("And: an encomium to our kagan Volodimer, by whom we were baptized.")
- великааго кагана нашеа земли Володимера, вънука старааго Игоря, сына же славнааго Святослава ("the great kagan of our land Volodimer, the grandson of Igor' of old, and the son of the glorious Svjatoslav.")
- каганъ нашь Влодимеръ ("Volodimer, our kagan")
- Съвлѣче же ся убо каганъ нашь и съ ризами ветъхааго человѣка ("So our kagan cast off his clothing")
- Паче же помолися о сынѣ твоемь, благовѣрнѣмь каганѣ нашемь Георгии ("And furthermore, pray for your son, our devout kagan, Georgij";). Georgij was the baptismal name of Yaroslav the Wise, who reigned in Kiev at the time and was Hilarion's patron.
A colophon preserved in a 15th-century manuscript, at the end of a set of works usually attributed to Hilarion, adds one more mention: Быша же си въ лѣто 6559 (1051), владычествующу благовѣрьному кагану Ярославу, сыну Владимирю. Аминь. ("These things came to pass in the year 6559 (1051), during the reign of the pious kagan Jaroslav, the son to Volodimer, Amen.")
Absence in other contemporary sources
The absence of any khagan in the following sources has been taken by several scholars as evidence indicating either that there had never been a Rus' khaganate (Tolochko 2015, Ostrowski 2018), or that it must have disappeared by 911 (Zuckerman 2000), probably already before 900 (Golden 1982).
- The Book of Roads and Kingdoms (c. 870) written by Persian geographer Ibn Khordadbeh does mention the Rus' as important traders, but does not mention a title of a Rus' ruler in his chapter "Titles of the rulers of the Earth", where only the Turks, Tibetans and Khazars are said to be ruled by khaqans. If the Rus' had a khaqan at the time, the author would have been expected to mention it, but he did not. Ibn Khordadbeh's book is a notable exception amongst the Arabic-Persian sources in mentioning the Rus', but not a khaqan; more generally, his information also does not appear to stem from the same source (possibly the now-lost book written by Jayhani) used by others such as Ibn Rusta and Gardizi.
- The Primary Chronicle (an anonymous Rus' chronicle completed c. 1110) does not mention the title of khagan anywhere, for example in the three Rus'-Byzantine treaties of 907, 911, and 944.
- The Risala of Ahmad ibn Fadlan (written in Arabic, documenting his visit to Kievan Rus' around 922) calls the monarch of the Rus' a malik (Arabic for "king"), not a qagan, even though it does say that 'the king of the Khazars called a Qagan'.
- De Ceremoniis (a Greek book on ceremonial protocol at the Byzantine court from the 950s) meticulously documents the titles of foreign rulers, but when it deals with Olga of Kiev's reception at the court Constantine VII in 945, it does not call her a khagan, but an archon (Greek for "ruler").
Dating
The dating of the Khaganate's existence has been the subject of debates among scholars and remains unclear. Paul Robert Magocsi and Omeljan Pritsak date the foundation of the Khaganate to be around the year 830. According to Magocsi, "A violent civil war took place during the 820s. ... The losers of the internal political struggle, known as Kabars, fled northward to the Varangian Rus' in the upper Volga region, near Rostov, and southward to the Magyars, who formerly had been loyal vassals of the Khazars. The presence of Kabar political refugees from Khazaria among the Varangian traders in Rostov helped to raise the latter's prestige, with the consequence that by the 830s a new power center known as the Rus' Kaganate had come into existence." Whatever the accuracy of such estimates may be, there are no primary sources mentioning the Rus' or its khagans prior to the 830s. Omeljan Pritsak noted that the leader of those Kabars was Khan-Tuvan.
Golden (1982) and Zuckerman (2000) concluded that if a Rus' khaganate had existed, it must have disappeared before 900, as references to a Rus' khagan are last recorded in the 880s, and do not return until the 11th century. Various possible reasons for its disappearance have been suggested. The Primary Chronicle describes the uprising of the pagan Slavs and Chudes (Baltic Finns) against the Varangians, who had to withdraw overseas in 862. The Novgorod First Chronicle, whose account of the events Shakhmatov considered more trustworthy, does not pinpoint the pre-Rurikid uprising to any specific date. The 16th-century Nikon Chronicle attributes the banishment of the Varangians from the country to Vadim the Bold. The Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Braychevskiy labelled Vadim's rebellion "a pagan reaction" against the Christianization of the Rus'. A period of unrest and anarchy followed, dated by Zuckerman to c. 875–900. The absence of coin hoards from the 880s and 890s suggests that the Volga trade route ceased functioning, precipitating "the first silver crisis in Europe".
After this economic depression and period of political upheaval, the region experienced a resurgence beginning in around 900. Zuckerman associates this recovery with the arrival of Rurik and his men, who turned their attention from the Volga to the Dnieper, for reasons as yet uncertain. The Scandinavian settlements in Ladoga and Novgorod revived and started to grow rapidly. During the first decade of the 10th century, a large trade outpost was formed on the Dnieper in Gnezdovo, near modern Smolensk. Another Dnieper settlement, Kiev, developed into an important urban centre roughly in the same period.
Possible locations
The location of the purported khaganate, more specifically the residence of the supposed khagan, has been actively disputed since the late 19th century. Sites proposed by scholars have included the following:
- The Middle Dnieper including Kiev (Kyiv): Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1904, the Kievan khagan being Slavic), Alexander Vasiliev (1946, the Kievan khagan being Varangian-Swedish), Boris Rybakov, Lev Gumilev, Mikhail Artamonov (1940, the Kievan khagan being Slavic), Alexander V. Riasanovsky (1962, the Kievan khagan being Slavic), Anatoly Novoseltsev, Aleksandr Nazarenko, Anton Gorsky [ru], Charles J. Halperin (1987).
- The Lower Dnieper near the Black Sea: Vasilii G. Vasil’evskii (1915; the khagan being Khazar).
- The Sea of Azov (Tmutarakan): George Vernadsky (1940).
- "Southern Rus'": Julius Brutzkus (1935, the khagan being Khazar).
- the Middle Don and the Siverskyi Donets basin: E. S. Galkina (2002).
- The interfluve of the Middle Don and the upper Oka to the Middle Dnieper: Valentin Sedov [ru], Peter Benjamin Golden.
- The Upper Volga region: Simon Franklin & Jonathan Shepard (1996, one of 4 options).
- Rostov: Paul Robert Magocsi (2010), Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).
- The Volkhov river region: Aleksey Shakhmatov, Sergey Platonov, Vasily Bartold, Omeljan Pritsak, Constantin Zuckerman, Dmitry Machinsky, Elena Alexandrovna Melnikova [ru].
- Rurikovo Gorodische (Holmgard) near Veliky Novgorod: Jonathan Shepard (1995), Simon Franklin & Jonathan Shepard (1996, one of 4 options), Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).
- Lake Ilmen: Iurii Vladimirovich Got'e (1915), Imre Boba (1968).
- Staraya Ladoga (Aldeigjuborg): Simon Franklin & Jonathan Shepard (1996, one of 4 options), Lawrence N. Langer (2021, one of 3 options).
- Staraya Russa.
- The land of the Chud: Ernst Kunik (1844).
- East Sweden (Birka): Simon Franklin & Jonathan Shepard (1996, one of 4 options), Ildar Garipzanov (2006, it was an (East) Swedish kongur named Håkan who may have operated in North Rus', but without permanent residence)
- Nowhere: Oleksiy Tolochko (2015), Donald Ostrowski (2018).
Kiev
Soviet historiography, as represented by Boris Rybakov and Lev Gumilev, advanced Kiev as the residence of the khagan, assuming that Askold and Dir were the only khagans recorded by name. Mikhail Artamonov became an adherent of the theory that Kiev was the seat of the Rus' Khaganate, and continued to hold this view into the 1990s. Halperin (1987) also stated that the 839 Annales Bertiniani reference to a Rus' chacanus is to "the ruler of Kiev". Some archaeologists have countered that there is no material evidence of a Norse presence in Kiev prior to the 10th century. Troublesome is the absence of hoards of coins which would prove that the Dnieper trade route – the backbone of later Kievan Rus' – was operating in the 9th century. Based on his examination of the archaeological evidence, Zuckerman concludes that Kiev originated as a fortress on the Khazar border with Levedia and that only after the Magyars departed for the west in 889 did the middle Dnieper region start to progress economically.
Volkhov river sites
A number of historians, the first of whom was Vasily Bartold, have advocated a more northerly position for the khaganate. They have tended to emphasize ibn Rustah's report as the only historical clue to the location of the khagan's residence. Recent archaeological research, conducted by Anatoly Kirpichnikov and Dmitry Machinsky, has raised the possibility that this polity was based on a group of settlements along the Volkhov River, including Ladoga, Lyubsha, Duboviki, Alaborg, and Holmgard (modern Rurikovo Gorodische). "Most of these were initially small sites, probably not much more than stations for re-fitting and resupply, providing an opportunity for exchange and the redistribution of items passing along the river and caravan routes". If the anonymous traveller quoted by ibn Rustah is to be believed, the Rus of the Khaganate period made extensive use of the Volga route to trade with the Near East, possibly through Bulgar and Khazar intermediaries. His description of the Rus' island suggests that their center was at Holmgard, an early medieval precursor of Novgorod whose name translates from Old Norse as "the river-island castle". The First Novgorod Chronicle describes unrest in Novgorod before Rurik was invited to come to rule the region in the 860s. This account prompted Johannes Brøndsted to assert that Holmgard-Novgorod was the khaganate's capital for several decades prior to the appearance of Rurik, including the time of the Byzantine embassy in 839. Machinsky accepts this theory but notes that, before the rise of Holmgard-Novgorod, the chief political and economic centre of the area was located at Aldeigja-Ladoga. However, Nosov (1990) stated that archaeological evidence recovered at Rurikovo Gorodische puts the terminus post quem for the hill-fort's establishment decades later: dendrochronological analysis showed that trees used in construction at the site were felled between the years 889 and 948, and radiocarbon dating of charcoal samples collected from a ditch at the site of "Holmgard" trace back to 880(±20).
Islands in fringe theories
According to one fringe theory, the Rus' khagan resided somewhere in Scandinavia or even as far west as Walcheren. In stark contrast, George Vernadsky believed that the khagan had his headquarters in the eastern part of the Crimea or in the Taman Peninsula and that the island described by Ibn Rustah was most likely situated in the estuary of the Kuban River. Neither of these theories has won many adherents, as archaeologists have uncovered no traces of a Slavic-Norse settlement in the Crimea region in the 9th century and there are no Norse sources documenting "khagans" in Scandinavia.
Etymological issues
Rhos and Rus'
See also: Rus' people; Anti-Normanism; and Names of Rusʹ, Russia and RutheniaThe Russian anti-Normanist Stepan Gedeonov (1876) was the first historian to suggest that the Rhos ambassadors mentioned in the Annales Bertiniani sub anno 839 were Swedes in the diplomatic service of a Rusʹ (Rhos) khagan (chacanus), and thus that there was Rus' khaganate, and that these Rus' people were Slavic. Danish linguist Vilhelm Thomsen (1877) instead concluded "that Rhos was the Greek designation for the Scandinavians or Northmen, who in this case happened to be Swedes." According to Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1904), the Rhos envoys were "northern Germanic", but in the service of a "Rus' khagan", that was to be identified as the Slavic Rus' prince of Kiev. Vasil’evskii (1915) thought the Rhos were an indigenous people living near the mouth of the Dnieper into the Black Sea, and that the khagan was their Khazar master. Still others presume a Rus' khagan reigning over a state, or a cluster of city-states, set up by Rus' people somewhere in what is today European Russia and Ukraine as a chronological predecessor to the Rurik dynasty and Kievan Rusʹ. The region's population at that time was composed of Slavs, Turkic, Baltic, Finnic, Hungarian and Norse peoples. The region was also a place of operations for Varangians, eastern Scandinavian adventurers, merchants, and pirates.
Although since the 19th century various writers (some expressing anti-Normanist views) have asserted the Rus' (Rhos) mentioned in the Annales Bertiniani and the other sources possibly mentioning a Rus' khagan were Slavic, the modern scholarly consensus is that the Rus' people originated in Scandinavia, possibly Sweden. According to the prevalent theory, the name Rus', like the Proto-Finnic name for Sweden (*Ruotsi), is derived from an Old Norse term for "the men who row" (rods-) as rowing was the main method of navigating the rivers of Eastern Europe, and that it could be linked to the Swedish coastal area of Roslagen (Rus-law) or Roden, as it was known in earlier times. The name Rus' would then have the same origin as the Finnish and Estonian names for Sweden: Ruotsi and Rootsi.
Around 860, a group of Rus' Vikings began to rule the area under their leader Rurik. Gradually, Norse warlords, known to the Turkic-speaking steppe peoples as "köl-beki" or "lake-princes", came to dominate some of the region's Finno-Ugric and Slavic peoples, particularly along the Volga trade route linking the Baltic Sea with the Caspian Sea and Serkland. According to Franklin & Shepard (1996, 2014), the account of the 860s Rus' expedition against Constantinople in the Primary Chronicle (which claims the raid originated in Kiev) was largely borrowed by the authors from a 10th-century Greek source, the Continuation of the Chronicle of George the Monk, which does not identify a point of departure.
Chacanus
Since the 18th century, the debate on the word chacanus / Chacanus in the Annales Bertiniani has had two sides: it must either be understood as the title of the rex, namely khagan (first proposed by Siegfried Bayer in 1736), or that it was a Scandinavian proper name, namely Håkon (first suggested by Stroube de Piermont in 1785). In 2004, Duczko stated: 'At present there is almost total unity of opinion that the title of the ruler of Rus is of Khazarian origin and that the word chacanus is a Latin form of the Turk word khagan, a title of a prime ruler in the nomadic societies in Eurasia.' He claimed that the Old Norse personal name interpretation 'was abandoned (though its supporters still appear from time to time).' Garipzanov (2006) challenged the khagan interpretation again, arguing that one cannot just turn the c in the middle of chacanus into a g, adding that 'many Germanic names starting with phonetic h- were transcribed in Frankish sources with ch-', and concluding that the word most likely was the Swedish name Håkan, an explanation accepted by Ostrowski (2018).
Assuming it reflects the Khazar-derived title khagan, there is considerable dispute over the circumstances of this borrowing. Peter Benjamin Golden (1982) rejected the idea that the Rus' could have appropriated the title of Qağan from the Khazars; the ruling Ashina clan would have had to voluntarily appoint a Rus' leader as a vassal Qağan for it to have any legitimacy. Golden concluded that the Rus' Khaganate was a puppet state set up by the Khazars in the basin of the Oka River to fend off recurring attacks of the Magyars. However, no source records that the Rus' of the 9th century were subjects of the Khazars. For foreign observers (such as Ibn Rustah), there was no material difference between the titles of the Khazar and Rus' rulers. Anatoly Novoseltsev hypothesizes that the adoption of the title "khagan" was designed to advertise the Rus' claims to equality with the Khazars. This theory is echoed by Thomas Noonan, who asserts that the Rus' leaders were loosely unified under the rule of one of the "sea-kings" in the early 9th century, and that this "High King" adopted the title "khagan" to give him legitimacy in the eyes of his subjects and neighboring states. According to this theory, the title was a sign that the bearers ruled under a divine mandate.
Omeljan Pritsak speculated that a Khazar khagan named Khan-Tuvan Dyggvi, exiled after losing an internecine war, settled with his Kabar faction in the Norse-Slavic settlement of Rostov, married into the local Scandinavian nobility, and fathered the dynasty of the Rus' khagans. Zuckerman dismisses Pritsak's theory as untenable speculation, and no record of any Khazar khagan fleeing to find refuge among the Rus' exists in contemporaneous sources. Nevertheless, the possible Khazar connection to early Rus' monarchs is supported by the use of a stylized trident tamga, or seal, by later Rus' rulers such as Sviatoslav I of Kiev; similar tamgas are found in ruins that are definitively Khazar in origin. The genealogical connection between the 9th-century Khagans of Rus' and the later Rurikid rulers, if any, is unknown at this time.
See also
Notes
- ^ "At the far southeastern end of the European continent, the Khazar Kaganate and the stability it had created within its large sphere of influence began to break down. A violent civil war took place during the 820s, and although the kaganate's strength was restored a decade later, certain results of the conflict would have serious implications for the future. The losers of the internal political struggle, known as Kabars, fled northward to the Varangian Rusʹ in the upper Volga region, near Rostov, and southward to the Magyars, who formerly had been loyal vassals of the Khazars. The presence of Kabar political refugees from Khazaria among the Varangian traders in Rostov helped to raise the latter's prestige, with the consequence that by the 830s a new power center known as the Rusʹ Kaganate had come into existence. The acceptance of the Kabar rebels by the Magyars, however, turned the latter into the enemies of the new rulers of Khazaria."
- ^ "The use of the title chacanus by the ruler of the Rus has led scholars to call the organization he headed the "kaganate of Rus". The correctness of such a designation may be disputed. The term kaganate is organically connected with the political organizations of Asiatic people, the nomads, and to give the same name to an organization of immigrant Germanic people from the North seems hardly suitable."
- Duczko (2004): "The word Rhos-Ros is equal to the term ar-Rus of the Arab sources, and the name of the first state of the eastern Slavs, the Kievan State."
- '...the Arabic description of Eastern Europe used by some Eastern geographers. This source, called the "Anonymous Note" by the Polish orientalist Tadeusz Lewicki, dates back to 870–880.'
- A minority of scholars believe that the reference was to a king bearing the Old Norse name Håkan or Haakon, including Garipzanov (2006) and Ostrowski (2018).
- Rybakov believed that the title "kagan" was borrowed by the Slavs as early as the sixth century from the Avar Khanate.
- ' expressed skepticism about the existence of a Rus' khaganate at all, remarking that its location has been a "moving target" in the historiography, one that is "elusive and inconstant." To the question "Where was the Rus' khaganate located," his somewhat sardonic answer was only "in the pages of learned treatises."'
- Ostrowski summarised that Chacanus was the Swedish personal name Håkan and thus that the Annales Bertiniani cannot support the existence of a Rus' khagan or khaganate in 839, that the letter of Louis II the German of 871 is ambiguous and does not point clearly in favour or against Northmen khagan, that the earliest Arabic-Persian source (Ibn Khordadbeh) does not mention a Rus' khaqan and does not consider the Rus' to be an ethnos/tribe but merchants, and that the later Rus' sources from the 10th to the 12th centuries are too late and 'should not be used as evidence for a Rus' khagan or khaganate in the 830s.' He concluded: 'one of our sources testifies to (...) the existence of in the first half of the ninth century'.
- For a detailed analysis of recent archaeological investigations at Holmgard, see Duczko 2004 102–104.
- Archaeologists did not find traces of a settlement in Rostov prior to the 970s. Furthermore, the placename "Rostov" has a transparent Slavic etymology.
- But see, e.g., Duczko 31–32, outlining theories that Rurik held the title of Khagan Rus'.
References
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(...) the Rus, a Scandinavian people. (...) The annals claim they were Swedes, and this is possible, but their ethnicity has never been firmly established.
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