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{{Short description|Serbian diplomat and politician}}
⚫ {{More citations needed|date=June 2016}}
{{Infobox Prime Minister {{Infobox officeholder
| name = Bogoljub Jevtić | name = Bogoljub Jevtić
| image = Bogoljub jevtic.jpg | image = Bogoljub jevtic.jpg
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| death_date = 7 June 1960 (aged 73) | death_date = 7 June 1960 (aged 73)
| death_place = ], ] | death_place = ], ]
| party = ] (Until 1935)<br>] (From 1935) | party = ] (Until 1935)<br/>] (From 1935)
|}} |}}

'''Bogoljub Jevtić''' (]: Богољуб Јевтић; 24 December 1886 – 7 June 1960)<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.rulers.org/indexj.html |title=Archived copy |access-date=2017-06-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191016015248/http://rulers.org/indexj.html |archive-date=2019-10-16 |url-status=dead }}</ref> was a ]ian ] and ] in the ]. '''Bogoljub Jevtić''' (]: Богољуб Јевтић; 24 December 1886 – 7 June 1960)<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.rulers.org/indexj.html |title=Archived copy |access-date=2017-06-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191016015248/http://rulers.org/indexj.html |archive-date=2019-10-16 |url-status=dead }}</ref> was a ]ian ] and ] in the ].


He was plenipotentiary minister of ] in ], ] and ]. After the assassination of King ], on 22 December 1934 he was appointed prime minister of Yugoslavia, holding this position till 24 June 1935. He was plenipotentiary minister of ] in ], ] and ]. After the assassination of King ], on 22 December 1934 he was appointed prime minister of Yugoslavia, holding this position until 24 June 1935.


==Early life and career== ==Early life and career==
Jevtić was born in 1886 in Kragujevac, where he completed his elementary and high school education.<ref name="Taylor">{{cite book |last1=Taylor |first1=Stephen |title=Who's who in Central and East-Europe |date=1935 |publisher=Central European Times Publishing Company Ltd. |page=432 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8CMfAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA432}}</ref> He enrolled at the ] and became a doctor of laws in 1911.<ref name="Taylor" /><ref name="ministry">{{cite web |title=List of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs Since the Forming of the First Government in 1811 (Bogoljub Jevtic) |url=http://www.mfa.gov.rs/en/diplomatic-tradition/ministers-through-history |website=mfa.gov.rs |publisher=Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia |access-date=2020-12-14 |archive-date=2020-08-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200812051438/http://mfa.gov.rs/en/diplomatic-tradition/ministers-through-history |url-status=dead }}</ref> He studied economics at the ] and, continued in the Handelshochschule in Berlin, where he took his second doctor's degree.<ref name="Taylor" /><ref name="ministry" />
Born in 1886 in Kragujevac he completed his elementary and high school education in his hometown. He enrolled at the ] and became a doctor of laws in 1911. This aroused his ambition. Jevtić completed his post-graduate studies at the ] and, since that didn't teach him enough, continued in the Handelshochschule in Berlin, where he took his second doctor's degree. His fellow countrymen studying in Berlin regarded him as merely a hard-working man. They did not know how hungrily he devoured his education.
Meanwhile, the pan-Slavic-Greek alliance of the Balkan states against their mortal Turkish enemy, who still stood on Serbia's soil, was being concluded. In the north Austrians were threatening. Every man was needed to participate in the holy war. Jevtić, a patriot, soon took his place in the firing line, first with the Greeks and Bulgarians against the ], then against the Bulgarians who wanted to compromise the ]. He was already learning what it meant to belong to a nation that larger nations treated as a pawn. Meanwhile, the pan-Slavic-Greek alliance of the Balkan states against the ] was being concluded. In the north, Austrians were threatening. Jevtić, a patriot, would take up arms and join the firing line, first with the Greeks and Bulgarians against the Ottomans, then against the Bulgarians who wanted to compromise the ].<ref name="Littell">{{cite book |title=The Living Age, Volume 347 |date=1935 |publisher=Littell, Son and Company |page=505 |quote=Jevtič, a patriot, soon took his place in the firing line, first with the Bulgarians against the Turks, then against the Bulgarians..}}</ref>


Hardly had he begun his diplomatic career under hopeful circumstances than the ] intervened. Military service took precedence over diplomatic service. Jevtić, an infantry captain, did not spend his time sitting in comfortable headquarters. Prince Regent Alexander Karadjordjević (later to become ]) was informed of his bravery. In 1917, summoned from the front, he returned to diplomacy as an ] in the Serbian Legation at ]. Then, he was needed at home in the Cabinet. The next step was the Serbian Legation in ], and during the peace negotiations at Paris, where so many new faces of the new Europe appeared, the overworked and very energetic secretary from the Serbian Legation in London was very much in evidence. ], the leading delegate of the newly proposed ], held few important conversations with Jevtić, and they became friends, though not intimates. He was an adviser to the ] legation in ] and ] in 1924. When ] intervened, military service took precedence over diplomatic service. Jevtić, an infantry captain, joined the action. Prince Regent Alexander Karadjordjević (later to become ]) was informed of his bravery. In 1917, summoned from the front, he returned to diplomacy as an ] in the Serbian Legation at ].<ref name="Littell" /> Then, he was needed at home in the Cabinet. The next step was the Serbian Legation in ], and thereafter Secretary General of the Yugoslav delegation to the peace negotiations in Paris.<ref name="ministry" /> ], the leading delegate of the newly proposed ], held important conversations with Jevtić, and the two became friends. He was an adviser to the ] legation in ] and ] in 1924.<ref name="ministry" />


Onward and upward, from one post to another in many different countries, making the rounds of western Europe with occasional sojourns in Belgrade by way of variety. There was brief intermezzo as Plenipotentiary Minister to ], from 9 April 1926 under the sharp eyes of his immediate superior. Then he was installed as ] Minister in complete charge of the important ] and ] missions, from 13 January 1928. He did not remain there for even a year, but he saw enough to know who was feeding the nationalist flames that made the Croatian kettle of terrorism boil. Jevtić, with his trained eye for Balkan affairs, did not need much cunning to see through the plans that ], a recently naturalized Austrian, was engineering against the ], aided by former members of the Austrian imperial general staff. As he moved from one post to another, he made the rounds in many different western European countries. There was brief intermezzo as Plenipotentiary Minister to ], from 9 April 1926.<ref name="Taylor" /> Then he was installed as ] Minister in complete charge of the important ] and ] missions, from 13 January 1928.<ref name="ministry" /> He did not remain there for even a year, but he noticed the plans that ], a recently naturalized Austrian, was engineering against the ], aided by former members of the Austrian imperial general staff.
At response to the political crisis triggered by the ], King Alexander ] on 6 January 1929, prorogued the Parliament and introduced a personal dictatorship (the so-called "]", ''Šestojanuarska diktatura''). He also changed the name of the country to '''Kingdom of Yugoslavia''' and changed the internal divisions from the 33 ] to nine new '']'' on 3 October. In response to the political crisis triggered by the ], King Alexander ] on 6 January 1929, prorogued the Parliament and introduced a personal dictatorship (the so-called "]", ''Šestojanuarska diktatura''). He also changed the name of the country to '''Kingdom of Yugoslavia''' and changed the internal divisions from the 33 ] to nine new '']'' on 3 October. In the same month, he tried to banish by decree the use of ] to promote the exclusive use of ] in Yugoslavia.<ref>. '']''. (21 October 1929).</ref>


King Alexander needed a conscientious minister in court and a reliable adviser. Jevtić won his trust on 25 January 1929, becoming Minister of Court, a position he held until 1932 in addition to regular duties; Acting Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs from 3 February 1929 to 29 October 1930 and Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2 July 1932 to 20 December 1934.<ref name="ministry" />
In the same month, he tried to banish by decree the use of ] to promote the exclusive use of ] in Yugoslavia.<ref>, '']'', 21 October 1929</ref>

King Alexander needed a conscientious Minister in court, an adviser who would not engage in backstairs intrigues. Jevtić won his trust on 25 January 1929, and it was not ambition that animated him out but a desire to help his King, his country and its citizens.


==Dictatorship== ==Dictatorship==
⚫ {{More citations needed section|date=December 2020}}
He became the closest adviser to the head of State in a critical period of its life. He recommended that the formerly democratic king turn to dictatorship as the only way to avoid parliamentary mutiny among the non-Serb element. The army, which had now climbed into the saddle, ruled with a high hand. His brother-in-law, General ], was set-up as a strong man by royal decree, and together, they helped each other and the king rule the country. A new constitution, setting up a constitutional dynasty, was prepared. Yugoslavia reverted to the ranks of the semi-dictatorships. The government party, ordained by God, now controlled two thirds of the seats in the Skupstina (Parliament). He became the closest adviser to the head of State in a critical period of its life. He recommended that the formerly democratic king turn to dictatorship as the only way to avoid parliamentary mutiny among the non-Serb element. The army, which had now climbed into the saddle, ruled with a high hand. His brother-in-law, General ], was set-up as a strong man by royal decree, and together, they helped each other and the king rule the country. A new constitution, setting up a constitutional dynasty, was prepared. Yugoslavia reverted to the ranks of the semi-dictatorships. The government party, ordained by God, now controlled two thirds of the seats in the Skupština (Parliament).


In the rest of Europe unrest prevailed, and Yugoslavia needed an experienced man to conduct its foreign affairs. The king, who had long been his own adviser, saw how he could direct his country's foreign policy and named Jevtić Foreign Minister on 2 July 1932. None of the latter's fundamental beliefs had changed, but he had to bend to the needs of the day. Through a mist of vague hopes a new country was beginning to make its appearance on the distant horizon—a united, southeastern Europe, an independent Power embracing small nations that hitherto had been mere objects of intrigue on the part of Great Powers, a single block that European balance of powers could not ignore, a ]. This tremendous stretch in territory from Prague to Angora took many by surprise. In the rest of Europe unrest prevailed, and Yugoslavia needed an experienced man to conduct its foreign affairs. The King, who had long been his own adviser, named Jevtić Foreign Minister on 2 July 1932.<ref name="ministry" /> None of the latter's fundamental beliefs had changed, but he had to bend to the needs of the day.


Jevtić devoted himself to this idea and carried it forward skillfully. King Alexander and Jevtić traveled through the Balkans with their burden of peace. Their motto was "the Balkans for the Balkan peoples". Mortal enemies became reconciled. Almost all of them had one enemy—Italy, which was always prepared to spring on them. This brought Yugoslavia and Turkey together, for Turkey feared Italy's expansion in ]. The old hatred of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria was transferred into real friendship when the kings of these two countries kissed one another in a traditional Slavic embrace. After Berlin had failed to break into southeastern Europe by way of Austria it tried to make headway in Belgrade. It promised Austrian ] to Yugoslavia while ] was organizing and financing the central terror organization in Croatia, with the help of Croatian ] and other temporal politicians, including ]. Yugoslavia could be blown up, Dalmatia could fall into the hands of Italy and Croatia could declare itself independent from Yugoslavia. All these possibilities existed. If Yugoslavia could cut loose from its allies, break away from the Little Entente and approve the Austro-German ], it could receive a special zone of influence in ]. However, neither King Alexander nor Jevtić could be brought to that point of view while insecurity lingered with ] in Germany and ] in Italy. King Alexander and Jevtić traveled through the Balkans with a burden of peace. Their motto was "the Balkans for the Balkan peoples". Mortal enemies became reconciled. Almost all of them had one enemy—Italy, which was always prepared to spring on them. This brought Yugoslavia and Turkey together, for Turkey feared Italy's expansion in ]. The old hatred of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria was transferred into real friendship when the kings of these two countries kissed one another in a traditional Slavic embrace.{{citation needed|date=December 2020}}


After Berlin had failed to break into southeastern Europe by way of Austria it tried to make headway in Belgrade. It promised Austrian ] to Yugoslavia while ] was organizing and financing the central terror organization in Croatia, with the help of Croatian ] and other temporal politicians, including ]. Several possibilities existed including the disintegration of Yugoslavia. If Yugoslavia had cut loose from its allies, breaking away from the Little Entente and approved the Austro-German ], it could have received a special zone of influence in ]. However, neither King Alexander nor Jevtić could be brought to that point of view while insecurity lingered with ] in Germany and ] in Italy.{{citation needed|date=December 2020}}
⚫ With everything breaking down in Yugoslavia, especially with the ], "a nation of comrades" had become the popular watchword among the peasantry in Yugoslavia and the rest of Europe. It is peasant support on which Jevtić's power rests, and he was a successful foreign minister. In Belgrade, the insiders whispered that there would presently be a new military soon with Jevtić at its head (a prophecy of sorts), as he was not an active military man but a kind of a general in a frock coat. The national word "comrades" would come into existence.

⚫ With everything breaking down in Yugoslavia, especially with the ], "a nation of comrades" had become the popular watchword among the peasantry in Yugoslavia and the rest of Europe. It is peasant support on which Jevtić's power rested, and he was a successful foreign minister. In Belgrade, the insiders whispered that there would presently be a new military soon with Jevtić at its head (a prophecy of sorts), as he was not an active military man but a kind of a general in a frock coat. The national word "comrades" would come into existence.{{citation needed|date=December 2020}}
The ] assassination of King Alexander, along with French Foreign Minister ], on 9 October 1934 eliminated the king but not the plan. Jevtić, riding in the car behind the monarch, was the first to rush over to him and hear Alexander's dying words: "Preserve Yugoslavia!" The ] assassination of King Alexander, along with French Foreign Minister ], on 9 October 1934 eliminated the king but not the plan. Jevtić, riding in the car behind the monarch, was the first to rush over to him and reportedly heard Alexander's dying words: "Preserve Yugoslavia!".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Axboe Nielsen |first1=Christian |title=Making Yugoslavs: Identity in King Aleksandar's Yugoslavia |date=2014 |publisher=University of Toronto Press |isbn=978-1-44262-750-5 |page=346 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ksAeBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA346}}</ref>


==Prime minister== ==Prime minister==
] took Alexander's place instead of Alexander's son Peter, who was then a minor. Paul, who understood the political situation in Europe better than most, as he had been educated in England, named Jevtić as prime minister and put Jevtić's brother-in-law Petar Živković in charge of the armed forces. ] took Alexander's place instead of Alexander's son Peter, who was then a minor. Paul named Jevtić as prime minister<ref>{{cite book |last1=Luthar |first1=Oto |title=The Land Between: A History of Slovenia |date=2008 |publisher=Peter Lang |isbn=978-3-63157-011-1 |page=412 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G9tDboBJ70EC&pg=PA412}}</ref> and put Jevtić's brother-in-law Petar Živković in charge of the armed forces. Jevtić had to adapt himself to the result of the Geneva inquiry into Alexander's assassination although it tarnished his popularity at home and his career. However, Jevtić accepted the resolution in the interests of peace.


The assassination had been plotted by the Croat extremist Ante Pavelić and by ], the Bulgarian head of the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation).<ref name="McCormick">{{cite book |last1=McCormick |first1=Robert B. |title=Croatia Under Ante Pavelic: America, the Ustase and Croatian Genocide in World War II |date=2014 |publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing |isbn=978-0-85772-535-6 |pages=16–18 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rhGMDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA16}}</ref> The Yugoslav government's anger was directed towards the Italians and Hungarians for harbouring the Ustaša, but it was not to be a lasting anger because of the actions of both the Italians and Hungarians in the following months and years.
Jevtić had to adapt himself to the result of the Geneva inquiry into Alexander's assassination although it tarnished his popularity at home and his career. However, Jevtić accepted the resolution in the interests of peace.


⚫ The expected reaction to the death of the unifying leader of Yugoslavia could have resulted in social disorder and political unrest. However, the initial reaction to the assassination in political and social terms was positive; Serbs and Croats both expressed their grief.<ref name="McCormick" /> Instead of breaking up after its leader's death, Yugoslavia appeared more united than ever since 1918, if only until it was invaded in April 1941 by the Axis powers. A report of Alexander's alleged last words, "Preserve Yugoslavia", inspired patriotic fervour, which would ensure attempts to continue his political testament. The assassination thus had the opposite effect to the one intended by the perpetrators.
The assassination had been plotted by the Croat extremist Ante Pavelić and by ], the Bulgarian head of the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation), according to the Geneva inquiry into the assassination.

Understandably, the Yugoslav government's anger was directed towards the Italians and Hungarians for harbouring the Ustaša, but it was not to be a lasting anger because of the actions of both the Italians and Hungarians in the following months and years.

⚫ The expected reaction to the death of the unifying leader of Yugoslavia could have been social disorder and political unrest. However, the initial reaction to the assassination in political and social terms was unreservedly positive. Instead of breaking up after its leader's death, Yugoslavia appeared more united than ever since 1918, if only until kt was invaded in April 1941 by the Axis powers. A report of Alexander's alleged last words, "Preserve Yugoslavia", inspired patriotic fervour, which would ensure attempts to continue his political testament. The assassination thus had the opposite effect to the one intended by the perpetrators, Ivan Mihailov of the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation) and Ante Pavelić of the Ustaša organization.


==Tripartite Pact== ==Tripartite Pact==
Prince Paul submitted to the fascist pressure and signed the Tripartite Pact in Vienna on 25 March 1941 but still hoped to still keep Yugoslavia out of the war. That was at the expense of popular support for Paul's regency. Senior military officers were also opposed to the treaty and launched a coup d'état when the king returned on 27 March. Army General ] seized power, arrested the Vienna delegation, exiled Paul and ended the regency, giving King Peter full powers at 17. Jevtić was named Minister of Transportation from 27 March 1941. Prince Paul submitted to the fascist pressure and signed the ] in Vienna on 25 March 1941 but still hoped to still keep Yugoslavia out of the war. Army General ] seized power. Jevtić was named Minister of Transportation on 27 March 1941.<ref name="ministry" />

Hitler decided to attack Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, followed immediately by an invasion of Greece, where Mussolini had previously been repelled.


==Later life== ==Later life==
During and after World War II, Jevtić, in exile along with the rest of the ministers, continued to engage in activities against the Communists in Yugoslavia. During and after World War II, Jevtić, in exile along with the rest of the ministers, continued to engage in activities against the Communists in Yugoslavia.


He died in Paris on 7 June 1960, at 73.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lentz |first1=Harris M. |title=Encyclopedia of Heads of States and Governments, 1900 Through 1945 |date=1999 |publisher=McFarland |isbn=978-0-78640-500-8 |page=478}}</ref>
He died in Paris on 7 June 1960, at 73.


==References== ==References==
{{Reflist}} {{Reflist}}
Translated and adapted from Serbian Misplaced Pages: ]


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Latest revision as of 22:32, 1 September 2024

Serbian diplomat and politician
Bogoljub Jevtić
11th Prime Minister of Yugoslavia
In office
22 December 1934 – 24 June 1935
MonarchPeter II
Preceded byNikola Uzunović
Succeeded byMilan Stojadinović
Personal details
Born24 December 1886
Kragujevac, Kingdom of Serbia
Died7 June 1960 (aged 73)
Paris, France
Political partyYugoslav National Party (Until 1935)
Yugoslav Radical Union (From 1935)

Bogoljub Jevtić (Serbian Cyrillic: Богољуб Јевтић; 24 December 1886 – 7 June 1960) was a Serbian diplomat and politician in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

He was plenipotentiary minister of Yugoslavia in Albania, Austria and Hungary. After the assassination of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia, on 22 December 1934 he was appointed prime minister of Yugoslavia, holding this position until 24 June 1935.

Early life and career

Jevtić was born in 1886 in Kragujevac, where he completed his elementary and high school education. He enrolled at the University of Belgrade and became a doctor of laws in 1911. He studied economics at the University of Zurich and, continued in the Handelshochschule in Berlin, where he took his second doctor's degree.

Meanwhile, the pan-Slavic-Greek alliance of the Balkan states against the Ottomans was being concluded. In the north, Austrians were threatening. Jevtić, a patriot, would take up arms and join the firing line, first with the Greeks and Bulgarians against the Ottomans, then against the Bulgarians who wanted to compromise the Greek-Serbian Alliance of 1913.

When World War I intervened, military service took precedence over diplomatic service. Jevtić, an infantry captain, joined the action. Prince Regent Alexander Karadjordjević (later to become Alexander I of Yugoslavia) was informed of his bravery. In 1917, summoned from the front, he returned to diplomacy as an attaché in the Serbian Legation at Stockholm. Then, he was needed at home in the Cabinet. The next step was the Serbian Legation in London, and thereafter Secretary General of the Yugoslav delegation to the peace negotiations in Paris. Edvard Beneš, the leading delegate of the newly proposed Czechoslovakia, held important conversations with Jevtić, and the two became friends. He was an adviser to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes legation in Paris and Brussels in 1924.

As he moved from one post to another, he made the rounds in many different western European countries. There was brief intermezzo as Plenipotentiary Minister to Tirana, from 9 April 1926. Then he was installed as Plenipotentiary Minister in complete charge of the important Vienna and Budapest missions, from 13 January 1928. He did not remain there for even a year, but he noticed the plans that Stjepan Sarkotić, a recently naturalized Austrian, was engineering against the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, aided by former members of the Austrian imperial general staff.

In response to the political crisis triggered by the assassination of Stjepan Radić, King Alexander abolished the Constitution on 6 January 1929, prorogued the Parliament and introduced a personal dictatorship (the so-called "January 6th Dictatorship", Šestojanuarska diktatura). He also changed the name of the country to Kingdom of Yugoslavia and changed the internal divisions from the 33 oblasts to nine new banovinas on 3 October. In the same month, he tried to banish by decree the use of Serbian Cyrillic to promote the exclusive use of Latin alphabet in Yugoslavia.

King Alexander needed a conscientious minister in court and a reliable adviser. Jevtić won his trust on 25 January 1929, becoming Minister of Court, a position he held until 1932 in addition to regular duties; Acting Assistant Minister for Foreign Affairs from 3 February 1929 to 29 October 1930 and Minister for Foreign Affairs from 2 July 1932 to 20 December 1934.

Dictatorship

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources in this section. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this message)

He became the closest adviser to the head of State in a critical period of its life. He recommended that the formerly democratic king turn to dictatorship as the only way to avoid parliamentary mutiny among the non-Serb element. The army, which had now climbed into the saddle, ruled with a high hand. His brother-in-law, General Petar Živković, was set-up as a strong man by royal decree, and together, they helped each other and the king rule the country. A new constitution, setting up a constitutional dynasty, was prepared. Yugoslavia reverted to the ranks of the semi-dictatorships. The government party, ordained by God, now controlled two thirds of the seats in the Skupština (Parliament).

In the rest of Europe unrest prevailed, and Yugoslavia needed an experienced man to conduct its foreign affairs. The King, who had long been his own adviser, named Jevtić Foreign Minister on 2 July 1932. None of the latter's fundamental beliefs had changed, but he had to bend to the needs of the day.

King Alexander and Jevtić traveled through the Balkans with a burden of peace. Their motto was "the Balkans for the Balkan peoples". Mortal enemies became reconciled. Almost all of them had one enemy—Italy, which was always prepared to spring on them. This brought Yugoslavia and Turkey together, for Turkey feared Italy's expansion in Western Asia. The old hatred of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria was transferred into real friendship when the kings of these two countries kissed one another in a traditional Slavic embrace.

After Berlin had failed to break into southeastern Europe by way of Austria it tried to make headway in Belgrade. It promised Austrian Carinthia to Yugoslavia while Alfred Rosenberg was organizing and financing the central terror organization in Croatia, with the help of Croatian curia and other temporal politicians, including Ante Pavelić. Several possibilities existed including the disintegration of Yugoslavia. If Yugoslavia had cut loose from its allies, breaking away from the Little Entente and approved the Austro-German Anschluss, it could have received a special zone of influence in Carinthia. However, neither King Alexander nor Jevtić could be brought to that point of view while insecurity lingered with Hitler in Germany and Mussolini in Italy.

With everything breaking down in Yugoslavia, especially with the Velebit uprising, "a nation of comrades" had become the popular watchword among the peasantry in Yugoslavia and the rest of Europe. It is peasant support on which Jevtić's power rested, and he was a successful foreign minister. In Belgrade, the insiders whispered that there would presently be a new military soon with Jevtić at its head (a prophecy of sorts), as he was not an active military man but a kind of a general in a frock coat. The national word "comrades" would come into existence.

The Marseilles assassination of King Alexander, along with French Foreign Minister Louis Barthou, on 9 October 1934 eliminated the king but not the plan. Jevtić, riding in the car behind the monarch, was the first to rush over to him and reportedly heard Alexander's dying words: "Preserve Yugoslavia!".

Prime minister

Prince Paul of Yugoslavia took Alexander's place instead of Alexander's son Peter, who was then a minor. Paul named Jevtić as prime minister and put Jevtić's brother-in-law Petar Živković in charge of the armed forces. Jevtić had to adapt himself to the result of the Geneva inquiry into Alexander's assassination although it tarnished his popularity at home and his career. However, Jevtić accepted the resolution in the interests of peace.

The assassination had been plotted by the Croat extremist Ante Pavelić and by Ivan Mihailov, the Bulgarian head of the IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation). The Yugoslav government's anger was directed towards the Italians and Hungarians for harbouring the Ustaša, but it was not to be a lasting anger because of the actions of both the Italians and Hungarians in the following months and years.

The expected reaction to the death of the unifying leader of Yugoslavia could have resulted in social disorder and political unrest. However, the initial reaction to the assassination in political and social terms was positive; Serbs and Croats both expressed their grief. Instead of breaking up after its leader's death, Yugoslavia appeared more united than ever since 1918, if only until it was invaded in April 1941 by the Axis powers. A report of Alexander's alleged last words, "Preserve Yugoslavia", inspired patriotic fervour, which would ensure attempts to continue his political testament. The assassination thus had the opposite effect to the one intended by the perpetrators.

Tripartite Pact

Prince Paul submitted to the fascist pressure and signed the Tripartite Pact in Vienna on 25 March 1941 but still hoped to still keep Yugoslavia out of the war. Army General Dušan Simović seized power. Jevtić was named Minister of Transportation on 27 March 1941.

Later life

During and after World War II, Jevtić, in exile along with the rest of the ministers, continued to engage in activities against the Communists in Yugoslavia.

He died in Paris on 7 June 1960, at 73.

References

  1. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2019-10-16. Retrieved 2017-06-12.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  2. ^ Taylor, Stephen (1935). Who's who in Central and East-Europe. Central European Times Publishing Company Ltd. p. 432.
  3. ^ "List of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs Since the Forming of the First Government in 1811 (Bogoljub Jevtic)". mfa.gov.rs. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia. Archived from the original on 2020-08-12. Retrieved 2020-12-14.
  4. ^ The Living Age, Volume 347. Littell, Son and Company. 1935. p. 505. Jevtič, a patriot, soon took his place in the firing line, first with the Bulgarians against the Turks, then against the Bulgarians..
  5. "Dangerous Decree". Time. (21 October 1929).
  6. Axboe Nielsen, Christian (2014). Making Yugoslavs: Identity in King Aleksandar's Yugoslavia. University of Toronto Press. p. 346. ISBN 978-1-44262-750-5.
  7. Luthar, Oto (2008). The Land Between: A History of Slovenia. Peter Lang. p. 412. ISBN 978-3-63157-011-1.
  8. ^ McCormick, Robert B. (2014). Croatia Under Ante Pavelic: America, the Ustase and Croatian Genocide in World War II. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 16–18. ISBN 978-0-85772-535-6.
  9. Lentz, Harris M. (1999). Encyclopedia of Heads of States and Governments, 1900 Through 1945. McFarland. p. 478. ISBN 978-0-78640-500-8.
Preceded byNikola Uzunović Prime Minister of Yugoslavia
1934-1935 		Succeeded byMilan Stojadinović
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