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{{Short description|Social system in South Asia}}
This information is hypothetical, and is not in practice now.
Although ] advocates for the complete removal of any ]s in society, ] communities in ], apply a system of ].<ref>{{Cite web|title=Caste Among Indian Muslims Is a Real Issue. So Why Deny Them Reservation?|url=https://thewire.in/caste/caste-among-indian-muslims-real-why-deny-reservation|access-date=2020-12-03|website=The Wire}}</ref> It developed as a result of ] between the foreign conquerors ('']'') (also known as ''tabqa-i ashrafiyya'') and the local converts (''Ajlaf'') as well as the continuation of the ] among local converts.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Gautier|first=Laurence|last2=Levesque|first2=Julien|date=July 2020|title=Introduction: Historicizing Sayyid-ness: Social Status and Muslim Identity in South Asia|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the-royal-asiatic-society/article/introduction-historicizing-sayyidness-social-status-and-muslim-identity-in-south-asia/6E679081E745C0C1CF3E3F277E2D6FB7|journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society|language=en|volume=30|issue=3|pages=383–393|doi=10.1017/S1356186320000139|issn=1356-1863|doi-access=free}}</ref> Non-Ashrafs are converts from Hinduism.

The ] system as well as Syedism is how ] manifests itself in ], and to an extent also ].<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk"></ref> Concepts of "paak" (pure/clean) and "naapak" (religiously impure/unclean/polluted, which is also used to refer to infidels<ref>{{cite book | title = Politics, Landlords, and Islam in Pakistan | first = Nicolas | last = Martin | page = 13 | publisher = Routledge | year = 2016}}</ref>) are found in South Asian Muslims.<ref name = "Patel">{{cite web | title = It is time to talk about caste in Pakistan and Pakistani diaspora| first = Shaista Abdul | last = Aziz Patel | date = 15 December 2020 | publisher = Al Jazeera | url = https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2020/12/15/it-is-time-to-talk-about-caste-in-pakistan-and-pakistani-diaspora}}</ref>

== Historical development ==

] does not recognize any castes,{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=27}} but, when it came to ] and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as '']'' of ] (11th century), '']'' of ] (13th century), and ''Jam-i-Mufidi'' (17th century).{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=29}}

The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century ] were already divided into social classes such as priests, nobles and others. Further, a racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from foreign origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors, and categorized themselves as ] ("noble").{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} Over time, the Indian Muslim society also split on the basis of the existing ].{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=30}} According to ] (1986) and R.K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region.{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=116}} On the other hand, ] (1957) believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|pp=115-116}}

], a 14th century political thinker of the ], recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" (i.e. Ashrafs) be given a higher social status than the low-born (i.e. Ajlaf). His most significant contribution in the ] was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over ] law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act which is "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominity, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("]") that was primarily based on their caste.<ref name="Das">Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, {{ISBN|81-85268-45-2}} pp. 124-143</ref><ref>{{citation |last=Sikand |first=Yoginder |title=Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RBkwnoDPKgUC&pg=PA7 |year=2003 |publisher=Penguin Books India |isbn=978-0-14-302931-1 |pages=7–}}</ref>

Historically, many Muslims from the julaha or weaver caste began to identify as "Ansaris", the butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and ''bishti'' caste Muslims as "Sheikh".<ref name="Sanober"/>

A justification for South Asian Muslim caste practices can be found in the concept of ''kafa'a/kufu'', which is invoked by ''ulama'' in support of endogamy.

=== Ashrafization and Syedization ===

Ashrafization is considered to be social climbing attempts by groups or individuals through hypergamy and adopting higher Muslim classes' ways of life.

=== History of research ===

There are various definitions of the term "caste", and therefore, various opinions on whether this term can be used to denote social stratification among non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari (1960) uses the term "caste" to describe the Muslim social groups with following characteristics:] within a given social group, hierarchical gradation of social groups, determination of the group membership by birth, and, in some cases, association of an occupation with the social group.{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}}

Beginning in the 19th century, the ] scholars of India first catalogued the various Muslim castes:{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=22}}

* ]'s ''Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms'' (1844), later amplied into ''Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India''
* John Charles Williams's ''The Report on the Census of Oudh'' (1869)
* ]'s Census Report of Punjab (1883), later adapted into '']''
* ]'s ''Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh'' (1885)
* ]'s ''Tribes and castes of Bengal'' (1893)
* ]'s ''The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh'' (1896)

Nelson's book, in particular, included a whole chapter dedicated to the Muslim castes. In the 20th century British India, a number of works included the Muslim social groups in their descriptions of the Indian castes. These included ]'s '']'' (1911).{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=2}}

In independent India, Ghaus Ansari (1960) initiated academic discussion over the Muslim caste system. Subsequently, Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated the topic in his ''Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims'' (1973).{{sfn|Azra Khanam|2013|p=115}}

== Syedism, Ashrafism, Biradarism, Zatism, and Divisions ==

Syedism (or Sayedism) is considered to be a system of social inequality among South Asian Muslims.<ref name = "ThePrint"/> Syedism involves the belief that Syeds have a more authentic grasp on Islam and all social and political matters.<ref name = "Patel"></ref> Zat is sometimes considered a broader category than Biradari. In Pakistani Punjab, being relatives is the main criterion to comprise a Biradari.

{{see also|List of Muslim Other Backward Classes communities}}

Ghaus Ansari (1960) named the following four broad categories of Muslim social divisions in India:{{sfn|Ghaus Ansari|1960|p=32-35}}

*''Ashraf'', who claim foreign-origin descent.
**e.g. , ], ]
*Converts from ]
**e.g. ], ], ]
*Converts from other indan ]
**e.g. ], ], Mansoori, ], ], ] (Nai), ], ], ], ], ], and ]
*Converts from ] castes
**e.g. ]

The non-Ashrafs are categorized as ''Ajlaf''. The untouchable Hindu converts are also categorized as ''Arzal'' ("degraded").<ref name="Ambedkar">{{cite book |last = Ambedkar |first = Bhimrao |author-link = B.R. Ambedkar |title = Pakistan or the Partition of India |publisher = Thackers Publishers }}</ref><ref name="Ambedkaronline"></ref> They are relegated to menial professions such as scavenging and carrying ].<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/dereserve-these-myths/12109/|title=Dereserve these myths - Indian Express|website=archive.indianexpress.com|language=en-gb|access-date=2017-09-30}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last1=Falahi|first1=Masood|title=Caste and caste based discrimination s Among Indian Muslims'|url=http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/5664/1/AHRC_16,_Caste_and_Caste_Based_Discriminations_Among_Indian_Muslims.pdf|website=SAS|access-date=5 January 2015}}</ref>

], citing the Superintendent of the Census for 1901 for the Province of Bengal, mentions that the Ajlaf primarily include:
* Cultivating Sheikhs, and others who were originally Hindus but who do not belong to any functional group, and have not gained admittance to the Ashraf Community, e.g. Pirali and Thakrai.
* Darzi, Brahmin, Jolaha, Fakir, and Rangrez.
* Barhi, Bhalhiara, Chik, Churihar, Dai, Dhawa, Dhunia, Gaddi, Kalal, Kasai, Kula Kunjara, Laheri, Mahifarosh, Mallah, Naliya, Nikari.
* Abdal, Bako, Bediya, Bhal, Chamba, Dafali, Dhobi, Hajjam, Mucho, Nagarchi, Nal, Panwaria, Madaria, Tunlia.

For the Arzal, the following castes are mentioned by the Superintendent of the Census: Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugta, Mehtar.<ref>http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/410.html#part_2</ref>

In ], various social groups (called {{transl|ur|quoms}}) display a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The various {{transl|ur|quoms}} differ widely in power, privilege and wealth. Both ethnic affiliation (e.g. ], ], ], ], etc.) and membership of specific ]s or {{transl|ur|zaat/quoms}} are additional integral components of social identity.<ref name="barth">{{cite book | last = Barth | first = Fredrik | editor = E. R. Leach | title = The System Of Social Stratification In Swat, North Pakistan (Aspects of Caste in South India, Ceylon, and North-West Pakistan) | url= https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=2995517 | publisher = Cambridge University Press | page = 113 | year = 1962 }}</ref> Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close ] are preferred due to a congruence of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott adds that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan.<ref>{{cite journal|title=Ecologic Relationships of Ethnic Groups in Swat, North Pakistan|author=Fredrick Barth|journal=American Anthropologist|doi=10.1525/aa.1956.58.6.02a00080|volume=58|issue=6|pages=1079–1089|date=December 1956|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia (Editor: Kenneth David)|author=Zeyauddin Ahmed|pages=337–354|isbn=978-90-279-7959-9|publisher=Aldine Publishing Company|year=1977}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Caste ranking and community structure in five regions of India and Pakistan|author=McKim Marriott|year=1960|publisher=Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute|oclc=186146571}}</ref> The numerically and socially influential tribes in Pakistani Punjab includes the agricultural tribes of ], ], ] and ] as well as Rajput.<ref name="nihcr.edu.pk"/>

In ], the castes of Muslims rank differs according to the criteria applied.<ref>{{cite book|title=Encyclopaedia of the World Muslims: Tribes, Castes and Communities, Volume 1|author=Nagendra Kr Singh, Abdul Mabud Khan|page=1124|publisher=Global Vision Pub House|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Zzfs_G7QHoAC&pg=PA1124|isbn=9788187746072|year=2001}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|title=Islamic Culture - Volume 52|page=207|author=Marmaduke William Pickthall, Muhammad Asad|year=1978}}</ref>

In India the Ajlaf comprise of Qureshis, Ansaris, Saifis, and other groups of lower occupation.

=== Pakistani Punjab ===

In Pakistani Punjabi villages, there is a hierarchical division of two major caste based status groups: landowning castes, Zamindars, and service providing castes, Kammis. Zamindar Quoms and Kammi Quoms are distinct and rigid birth-ascribed status groups on the bases of their parentage occupations. Zamindars and Kammis are traditionally linked through the Seyp system (labor contract), in which Kammis are provided money, food, grains/crops, and favors in return for their services and labor. Zamindars are the dominant caste group, and they compete for leadership roles and control village affairs. Zamindar Quoms in Pakistani Punjab have had a monopolistic control over land against Kammi Quoms, and dominate political, economic, and social aspects of village life. Kammi Quoms are socially marginalized. Inter-Quom endogamy remains a strict divide between Zamindar and Kammi Quoms. Pakistani Punjabis associate the status of being a Zamindar with the possession of ancestral land and cultivation as the parentage occupation.

In contemporary Pakistani Punjabi villages, "Zamindars" refer mostly to members of a landowning Quom involved in agriculture (Zamindari) as their occupation. Some Quoms, including Arains, are above the service providing castes but are not mostly given the landowning castes' status either.

Caste endogamy is practiced in Pakistan and different Quoms generally do not inter-marry or at least generally do not prefer to marry out of the Quom. The caste endogamy between Zamindar and Kammi Quoms is an essential feature of the caste system in rural Pakistani Punjab. All the service providing, laborer, and artisan Quoms are grouped together as Kammis (for example, cobblers, carpenters, and barbers). Quoms form the Biradari system.

A Kammi woman remarked how:

{{quote|"Even if a Kammi acquires 100 acres of land, he remains Kammi and Zamindars will always consider him lower. A Zamindar who owns one acre of land would think "if a Kammi has bought 2 acres, so what after all he remains a Kammi". They do not accept us as equals."}}

Quoms are an important factor in marriage practices. Different Zamindar Quoms sometimes intermarry, and this may form a Biradari. A large majority of Kammis are associated with low graded tasks or daily wage labour.

In elections, people show loyalty to their Quoms. Local bodies' elections in Pakistani Punjab are purely on Biradari basis. Kammis are lesser in population than Zamindars. Kammis generally do not contest elections, including because contesting elections involves a lot of financial resources.

A study in a Pakistani Punjabi village found that in the ''Seyp'' (contractual relationships) between a ''Zamindar'' (landholding) family and ''Kammi'' (artisan castes) families, Kammi families provide services and goods to the Zamindars in exchange for grain; the Kammi families also perform some other ritual and customary roles - for example, the barber cooks in the house of the Zamindar on special occasions and performs circumcision.

== Discrimination == == Discrimination ==


Revision as of 13:39, 30 July 2021

Social system in South Asia

This information is hypothetical, and is not in practice now. Although Islam advocates for the complete removal of any castes in society, Muslim communities in South Asia, apply a system of religious stratification. It developed as a result of ethnic segregation between the foreign conquerors (Ashraf) (also known as tabqa-i ashrafiyya) and the local converts (Ajlaf) as well as the continuation of the Indian caste system among local converts. Non-Ashrafs are converts from Hinduism.

The Biradari system as well as Syedism is how social stratification manifests itself in Pakistan, and to an extent also India. Concepts of "paak" (pure/clean) and "naapak" (religiously impure/unclean/polluted, which is also used to refer to infidels) are found in South Asian Muslims.

Historical development

Islam does not recognize any castes, but, when it came to Persia and India, the existing divisions in these regions were adopted among the local Muslim societies. Evidence of social stratification can be found in several later Persian works, such as Siyasatnama of Nizam al-Mulk (11th century), Akhlaq-i Nasiri of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (13th century), and Jam-i-Mufidi (17th century).

The Muslims who came to the subcontinent during the 12th century Muslim conquests on the Indian subcontinent were already divided into social classes such as priests, nobles and others. Further, a racial segregation demarcated the local Muslim converts from foreign origin Muslims. The foreigners claimed a superior status as they were associated with the conquerors, and categorized themselves as Ashraf ("noble"). Over time, the Indian Muslim society also split on the basis of the existing Hindu caste system. According to M. N. Srinivas (1986) and R.K. Bhattacharya, Indian Hindu converts to Islam brought their original caste system to the Muslim society in the region. On the other hand, Louis Dumont (1957) believes that the Islamic conquerors consciously adopted the Hindu caste system "as a compromise which they had to make in a predominantly Hindu environment."

Ziauddin Barani, a 14th century political thinker of the Delhi Sultanate, recommended that the "sons of Mohamed" (i.e. Ashrafs) be given a higher social status than the low-born (i.e. Ajlaf). His most significant contribution in the fatwa was his analysis of the castes with respect to Islam. His assertion was that castes would be mandated through state laws or "Zawabi" and would carry precedence over Sharia law whenever they were in conflict. According to Barani, every act which is "contaminated with meanness and based on ignominity, comes elegantly ". Barani also developed an elaborate system of promotion and demotion of Imperial officers ("Wazirs") that was primarily based on their caste.

Historically, many Muslims from the julaha or weaver caste began to identify as "Ansaris", the butchers as "Quereshis", and the sanitation and bishti caste Muslims as "Sheikh".

A justification for South Asian Muslim caste practices can be found in the concept of kafa'a/kufu, which is invoked by ulama in support of endogamy.

Ashrafization and Syedization

Ashrafization is considered to be social climbing attempts by groups or individuals through hypergamy and adopting higher Muslim classes' ways of life.

History of research

There are various definitions of the term "caste", and therefore, various opinions on whether this term can be used to denote social stratification among non-Hindu communities. Ghaus Ansari (1960) uses the term "caste" to describe the Muslim social groups with following characteristics:endogamy within a given social group, hierarchical gradation of social groups, determination of the group membership by birth, and, in some cases, association of an occupation with the social group.

Beginning in the 19th century, the British scholars of India first catalogued the various Muslim castes:

  • Henry Miers Elliot's Supplement to the glossary of Indian terms (1844), later amplied into Memoirs on the history, folk-lore, and distribution of the Races of the North Western Provinces of India
  • John Charles Williams's The Report on the Census of Oudh (1869)
  • Denzil Ibbetson's Census Report of Punjab (1883), later adapted into Panjab Castes
  • John Nesfield's Brief View of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh (1885)
  • Herbert Hope Risley's Tribes and castes of Bengal (1893)
  • William Crooke's The tribes and castes of the North-western Provinces and Oudh (1896)

Nelson's book, in particular, included a whole chapter dedicated to the Muslim castes. In the 20th century British India, a number of works included the Muslim social groups in their descriptions of the Indian castes. These included H. A. Rose's A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province (1911).

In independent India, Ghaus Ansari (1960) initiated academic discussion over the Muslim caste system. Subsequently, Imtiaz Ahmed elaborated the topic in his Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims (1973).

Syedism, Ashrafism, Biradarism, Zatism, and Divisions

Syedism (or Sayedism) is considered to be a system of social inequality among South Asian Muslims. Syedism involves the belief that Syeds have a more authentic grasp on Islam and all social and political matters. Zat is sometimes considered a broader category than Biradari. In Pakistani Punjab, being relatives is the main criterion to comprise a Biradari.

See also: List of Muslim Other Backward Classes communities

Ghaus Ansari (1960) named the following four broad categories of Muslim social divisions in India:

The non-Ashrafs are categorized as Ajlaf. The untouchable Hindu converts are also categorized as Arzal ("degraded"). They are relegated to menial professions such as scavenging and carrying night soil.

B.R. Ambedkar, citing the Superintendent of the Census for 1901 for the Province of Bengal, mentions that the Ajlaf primarily include:

  • Cultivating Sheikhs, and others who were originally Hindus but who do not belong to any functional group, and have not gained admittance to the Ashraf Community, e.g. Pirali and Thakrai.
  • Darzi, Brahmin, Jolaha, Fakir, and Rangrez.
  • Barhi, Bhalhiara, Chik, Churihar, Dai, Dhawa, Dhunia, Gaddi, Kalal, Kasai, Kula Kunjara, Laheri, Mahifarosh, Mallah, Naliya, Nikari.
  • Abdal, Bako, Bediya, Bhal, Chamba, Dafali, Dhobi, Hajjam, Mucho, Nagarchi, Nal, Panwaria, Madaria, Tunlia.

For the Arzal, the following castes are mentioned by the Superintendent of the Census: Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugta, Mehtar.

In Pakistan, various social groups (called quoms) display a social stratification comparable to the Indian caste system. The various quoms differ widely in power, privilege and wealth. Both ethnic affiliation (e.g. Pathan, Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi, etc.) and membership of specific biraderis or zaat/quoms are additional integral components of social identity. Within the bounds of endogamy defined by the above parameters, close consanguineous unions are preferred due to a congruence of key features of group- and individual-level background factors as well as affinities. McKim Marriott adds that a social stratification that is hierarchical, closed, endogamous and hereditary is widely prevalent, particularly in western parts of Pakistan. The numerically and socially influential tribes in Pakistani Punjab includes the agricultural tribes of Arain, Awan, Jat Muslim and Gujjar as well as Rajput.

In Nepal, the castes of Muslims rank differs according to the criteria applied.

In India the Ajlaf comprise of Qureshis, Ansaris, Saifis, and other groups of lower occupation.

Pakistani Punjab

In Pakistani Punjabi villages, there is a hierarchical division of two major caste based status groups: landowning castes, Zamindars, and service providing castes, Kammis. Zamindar Quoms and Kammi Quoms are distinct and rigid birth-ascribed status groups on the bases of their parentage occupations. Zamindars and Kammis are traditionally linked through the Seyp system (labor contract), in which Kammis are provided money, food, grains/crops, and favors in return for their services and labor. Zamindars are the dominant caste group, and they compete for leadership roles and control village affairs. Zamindar Quoms in Pakistani Punjab have had a monopolistic control over land against Kammi Quoms, and dominate political, economic, and social aspects of village life. Kammi Quoms are socially marginalized. Inter-Quom endogamy remains a strict divide between Zamindar and Kammi Quoms. Pakistani Punjabis associate the status of being a Zamindar with the possession of ancestral land and cultivation as the parentage occupation.

In contemporary Pakistani Punjabi villages, "Zamindars" refer mostly to members of a landowning Quom involved in agriculture (Zamindari) as their occupation. Some Quoms, including Arains, are above the service providing castes but are not mostly given the landowning castes' status either.

Caste endogamy is practiced in Pakistan and different Quoms generally do not inter-marry or at least generally do not prefer to marry out of the Quom. The caste endogamy between Zamindar and Kammi Quoms is an essential feature of the caste system in rural Pakistani Punjab. All the service providing, laborer, and artisan Quoms are grouped together as Kammis (for example, cobblers, carpenters, and barbers). Quoms form the Biradari system.

A Kammi woman remarked how:

"Even if a Kammi acquires 100 acres of land, he remains Kammi and Zamindars will always consider him lower. A Zamindar who owns one acre of land would think "if a Kammi has bought 2 acres, so what after all he remains a Kammi". They do not accept us as equals."

Quoms are an important factor in marriage practices. Different Zamindar Quoms sometimes intermarry, and this may form a Biradari. A large majority of Kammis are associated with low graded tasks or daily wage labour.

In elections, people show loyalty to their Quoms. Local bodies' elections in Pakistani Punjab are purely on Biradari basis. Kammis are lesser in population than Zamindars. Kammis generally do not contest elections, including because contesting elections involves a lot of financial resources.

A study in a Pakistani Punjabi village found that in the Seyp (contractual relationships) between a Zamindar (landholding) family and Kammi (artisan castes) families, Kammi families provide services and goods to the Zamindars in exchange for grain; the Kammi families also perform some other ritual and customary roles - for example, the barber cooks in the house of the Zamindar on special occasions and performs circumcision.

Discrimination

Over the centuries, like other South Asian societies, the Muslim society in the region has evolved into the concept of caste purity and pollution. Hence, the low-class (Ajlaf) Muslims in the region have faced other kinds of discrimination. In 20th century India, the upper-class (Ashraf) Muslims dominated the government jobs and parliamentary representation. As a result, there have been campaigns to include lower social classes among the groups eligible for affirmative action in India under SC and STs provision act.

In Bihar state of India, cases have been reported in which the higher caste Muslims have opposed the burials of lower caste Muslims in the same graveyard.

A study in a Pakistani village found that a caste-like hierarchy exists in the Muslim community of the village. The sweeper group is ranked the lowest. The other Muslim communities do not allow the sweepers to touch the cooking vessels of the upper ranking groups of Muslims.

An analysis of Muslim representation in India's Lok Sabha found that of the roughly 400 Muslim representatives from the 1st to the 14th Lok Sabha, 340 were Ashraf, while 60 were Pasmanda (meaning oppressed or marginalized); Pasmandas make up 85% of India's Muslim population and Ashrafs 15%.

Medieval Ashraf scholars mentioned that Muslims of Afghan, Iranian, Arab, and Central Asian origin were superior while local converts were inferior. This was due not only to racial differences with local concerts generally being dark skinned and Ashrafs being lighter skinned, but also due to Ashraf being the dominant political elite, while the majority of Ajlaf were associated with ancestral professions as peasants and artisans which were looked down upon as inferior and demeaning.

Based on classical literature, particularly the Fatawa-i-Jahandari written by Turkish scholar Ziauddin Barani, a leading courtier of Muhammad bin Tughlaq (Sultan of Delhi), caste divisions were recommended among Indian Muslims. Barani warned the Sultan not to educate the lowborn and that they are not allowed to mingle with the superior race.

Historians and Urdu writers such as Masood Alam Falahi have discussed how condescension of Ashraf Muslims towards the lower caste and Dalit Muslims often masqueraded under conceptions of class and "khandaani" (family line) values among Muslims in Uttar Pradesh.

Some scholars say that Ashraf Muslims are over-represented in government-run institutions for minorities (including Aligarh Muslim University).

Another practice that has been noted includes the existence of separate burial grounds.

See also

References

Citations

  1. "Caste Among Indian Muslims Is a Real Issue. So Why Deny Them Reservation?". The Wire. Retrieved 2020-12-03.
  2. Gautier, Laurence; Levesque, Julien (July 2020). "Introduction: Historicizing Sayyid-ness: Social Status and Muslim Identity in South Asia". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 30 (3): 383–393. doi:10.1017/S1356186320000139. ISSN 1356-1863.
  3. ^ Ahmed, M., 2009. Local-bodies or local biradari system: An analysis of the role of biradaries in the local bodies system of the Punjab. Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, 30(1), pp.81-92.
  4. Martin, Nicolas (2016). Politics, Landlords, and Islam in Pakistan. Routledge. p. 13.
  5. ^ Aziz Patel, Shaista Abdul (15 December 2020). "It is time to talk about caste in Pakistan and Pakistani diaspora". Al Jazeera.
  6. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 27.
  7. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 29.
  8. ^ Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 30.
  9. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 116.
  10. Azra Khanam 2013, pp. 115–116.
  11. Das, Arbind, Arthashastra of Kautilya and Fatwa-i-Jahandari of Ziauddin Barrani: an analysis, Pratibha Publications, Delhi 1996, ISBN 81-85268-45-2 pp. 124-143
  12. Sikand, Yoginder (2003), Sacred Spaces: Exploring Traditions of Shared Faith in India, Penguin Books India, pp. 7–, ISBN 978-0-14-302931-1
  13. ^ Umar, Sanober. "The Identity of Language and the Language of Erasure: Urdu and the Racialized-Decastification of the "Backward Musalmaan" in India". Brandeis University: 187. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  14. ^ Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 22.
  15. Ghaus Ansari 1960, p. 2.
  16. Azra Khanam 2013, p. 115.
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Bibliography

Further reading

Segregation in countries by type (in some countries, categories overlap)
Religious
Ethnic and racial
Gender
Dynamics
Related
topics
Discrimination
Forms
Attributes
Social
Religious
Ethnic/National
Manifestations
Discriminatory
policies
Countermeasures
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