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{{Merge|Hindu nationalism|date=February 2007}}
{{Hindu politics}} {{Hindu politics}}
:''For Veer Savarkar's book, see ].'' :''For Veer Savarkar's book, see ].''
'''Hindutva''' ("Hinduness", a word coined by ] in his ] pamphlet entitled '']'' ) is used to describe movements advocating ''']'''. '''Hindutva''' ("Hinduness", a word coined by ] in his ] pamphlet entitled '']'' ) is used to describe movements advocating ''']'''. The word, a compound of the ] word "]" and the ] suffix "-tva".<ref>For use of the suffix -tva to form neuter abstract nouns see p. 145 of ''A Sanskrit Manual: Part II'' by R. Antoine (Xavier Publications: Calcutta: 1970)</ref>, was coined by the right-wing revolutionary ] as a descriptor for "Hindu-ness".


The former ruling party in ], the ] (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organizations that promote Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "]" or family of associations, and include the ], ] and the ]. The former ruling party in ], the ] (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organizations that promote Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "]" or family of associations, and include the ], ] and the ].


Hindutva has played a major role in ] since the late ].
This ] ] has existed since the early ], forged by ] ] popularly known as Veer Savarkar (''Veer'' means brave), but came to prominence in ] in the late ], when two events attracted a large number of mainstream Hindus to the movement. The first of these events was the ] government's use of its large Parliamentary Majority to overturn a ] verdict that had angered many ]s (see the ]). The second was the dispute over the ] ] ] in ]&nbsp;&mdash; built by ] after his first major victory in India. According to Hindutva ideology, the ] was built atop the ruins of a temple honoring the Hindu ] ]. The conflict surrounding the Babri Mosque (referred to by Hindus as the ]) has been compared to the ] disputes in ] by ] <ref></ref>. The Supreme Court of India couldn't deliver a conclusive verdict on the case in the early 1990s due to a cited absence of evidence. Tempers soon flared, and Hindutva supporters razed the ] in late ], setting off a wave of religious conflict that included the ] and the ]. The razing of the mosque and subsequent conflict arguably lifted the BJP and Hindutva to international prominence.

⚫ ==Definition==
Grammatically, the term is a compound of the ] word "]" and the ] suffix "-tva" which is used to form neuter abstract nouns.<ref>For use of the suffix -tva to form neuter abstract nouns see p. 145 of ''A Sanskrit Manual: Part II'' by R. Antoine (Xavier Publications: Calcutta: 1970)</ref> Hence, according to Savarkar, Hindutva is meant to denote the Hindu characteristic, or Hinduness.

In a judgment the ] ruled that "no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms ']', 'Hindutva' and ']'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of ]." The Supreme Court also ruled that "Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind."<ref> FOI report supports IDRF activities; questions Sabrang/FOIL</ref>

⚫ Hindutva is commonly identified with the guiding ideology of the ], a family of ] organizations, and of the ] in particular. While opponents and critics usually view Hindutva as a ] identity based solely on the Hindu religion and ethos, these organizations portray it as a nationalist identity based on the traditions and cultural heritage of the Indian sub-continent, contending that in many respects it is a syncretic ideology, despite drawing freely from ], quoting Hindu scriptures as a staple of party rhetoric, and holding Hindu historical and religious figures up as inspirational examples.

In general, ''Hindutvavaadis'' (followers of Hindutva) believe that they represent the well-being of ], ], ], ] and all other ] prominent in India, as those religions are native to India. Other prominent ], ], ], ] or ], generally are not directly represented by Hindutva groups.


==Organizations== ==Organizations==
{{main|Sangh Parivar|National Democratic Alliance}} {{main|Sangh Parivar|National Democratic Alliance}}
Most nationalists are organized into political, cultural and social organizations. The first Hindutva organisation formed was the ], founded in ]. A prominent ]n political party, the ] (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the ] (RSS), ] and the ]. Other organisations include: The first Hindutva organisation formed was the ], founded in ]. A prominent ]n political party, the ] (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the ] (RSS), ] and the ]. Other organisations include:

⚫ * ] - Overseas branch of the RSS
* ] - Worker's Union * ] - a trade union confederation
* ] - A Student's Union * ] - A student union
* ] - A Farmers' organisation * ] - A farmer's union
⚫ * ] - the overseas wing of the RSS.


The major political wing is the ] which was in power in India's Central Government for six years from ] to ] and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the five states of ], ], ], ], and ]. It is an alliance partner in the states of ], ], ] and ]. The major political wing is the ] which was in power in India's Central Government for six years from ] to ] and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the five states of ], ], ], ], and ]. It is an alliance partner in the states of ], ], ] and ].


Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the ]. Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the ].
Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful Goradia's ]<ref></ref> and ] Bharatiya Janshakti Party.<ref></ref> The influence of these groups is relatively limited. Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful Goradia's ]<ref></ref> and ] Bharatiya Janshakti Party.<ref></ref> The influence of these groups is relatively limited.


The Maharashtrian controversial political party, the ], converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of ]. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Similar is the ], which is a ] religious party but maintains ties with Hindutva organizations, as they also represent Sikhism.<ref> Indian Express</ref> The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the ], converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of ]. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is electorally allied to the Bharatiya Janata Party.

⚫ ==Definition==
In a judgment the ] ruled that "no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms ']', 'Hindutva' and ']'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of ]."

⚫ Hindutva is commonly identified with the guiding ideology of the ] in particular, which itself calls its version of Hindutva ]. While opponents and critics usually view Hindutva as a ] identity based solely on the Hindu religion and ethos, these organizations portray it as a nationalist identity based on the traditions and cultural heritage of the Indian sub-continent, contending that in many respects it is a syncretic ideology, despite the fact that it draws freely from the Hindu scriptures and holds Hindu historical and religious figures up as inspirational examples.


==Central concepts== ==Central concepts==
Line 37: Line 35:
* denunciation of ] and ] alike for a perceived weakening of ]s. * denunciation of ] and ] alike for a perceived weakening of ]s.
* The irredentist call for the establishment of a "]" to protect Hindus and revive Hindu culture * The irredentist call for the establishment of a "]" to protect Hindus and revive Hindu culture
* denunciation of the ] as too passive with regard to the ] Kashmiri Hindus <ref></ref><ref></ref> by Kashmiri muslim separatists and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in ].<ref> by Robert Jenkins</ref>


==Philosophy== ==Philosophy==
Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the consituent elements of 'Hindu' society; thus they havem for example, stated their intention of allotting leadership positions to ]s in their organizations<ref></ref>.
Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the Hindu society which is plagued by ]ism, ], passive religion. They have a positive outlook towards the ] community, which they aim to bring to leadership positions in their organizations.<ref></ref> They believe that the way Muslims and Hindus have treated each other in the past is a ''one-way compromise'' and they intend on making society more balanced and fair towards the majority Hindu population.<ref> See philoshophy</ref> The BJP has also invited Muslims to be a part of this new society and work with the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs for a better India<ref> ''Hindutva: The Great Nationalistic Ideology'' </ref>. Even more militant parties such as the ] have invited Muslims to join and the party leader declared after the Babri Mosque incident, <blockquote>"We must look after the Muslims and treat them as part of us<ref name="1998 interview">,''Rediff.com''</ref>."</blockquote>


India's Muslim minority, has been encouraged to participate in the political wing of Hindutva; both the BJP<ref> ''Hindutva: The Great Nationalistic Ideology'' </ref> and the more militant ] have invited Muslims to join.<ref name="1998 interview">,''Rediff.com''</ref>."</blockquote>
⚫ Muslims and Christians are seen by some as foreign elements in the subcontinent, which rightly belongs to Hindus. The former RSS leader ], like his contemporary Islamist counterpart ], had expressed admiration for the ] and their ideas about national purity.In 1939 he wrote that "Germany has shocked the world by purging the country of the semitic race of the Jews, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by".<ref>Ruthven (2007:10ff.)</ref>


⚫ Outside observers, on the other hand, describe Hindutva philosophy as ]: Muslims and Christians are seen as foreign elements in the subcontinent, which rightly belongs to Hindus. The RSS leader ], like his contemporary Islamist counterpart ], has expressed admiration for the ] and their ideas about national purity: in 1939 he wrote that "Germany has shocked the world by purging the country of the semitic race of the Jews, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by".<ref>Ruthven (2007:10ff.)</ref>
⚫ Ruthven (2007:108) claims to recognize an element of religious fundamentalism in ]'s "elevation of the Vedas to the sum of human knowledge, along with his myth of the Aryavartic kings", but identifies its consequences as nationalistic, since "''Hindutva'' secularizes Hinduism by sacralizing the nation". Mezentseva (1994), however, rejects any necessary connection being made between Dayananda and Hindu nationalism, demonstrating that his interpretation of 'Aryavarta' is not to be identified with the concept of the Indian nation as utilized by Hinduvta groups.<ref> </ref>

⚫ Ruthven (2007:108) recognizes an element of religious fundamentalism in ]'s "elevation of the Vedas to the sum of human knowledge, along with his myth of the Aryavartic kings", but identifies its consequences as nationalistic, since "''Hindutva'' secularizes Hinduism by sacralizing the nation". Mezentseva (1994), however, rejects any necessary connection being made between Dayananda and Hindu nationalism, demonstrating that his interpretation of 'Aryavarta' is not to be identified with the concept of the Indian nation as utilized by Hinduvta groups.<ref> </ref>


==Views on other faiths== ==Views on other faiths==
{{main|Uniform Civil Code}}
The advocates of Hindutva often use the term ] to refer to laws which they believe are very favourable towards the minorities. They point to the different standards for Hindus, Muslims and Christians. They oppose what they see as a ']' system; some supporters of Hindutva see it as the ] party's effort to woo the sizeable minority ] at the expense of true equality. The subject of a ], which would remove special religion-based provisions for different religions (Hindus, Muslims, Christians, etc) from the ], is thus one of the main political planks of Hindutva. The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by Muslims, Christians and parties like the ] and The ].
{{main|Pseudo-secularism}}
The advocates of Hindutva often use the term ] to refer to laws which they believe are biased against Hindus. The implementaion of the Constitutional provision for a ], which would remove special religion-based provisions for different religions from the Indian legal code, is thus one of the main political planks of Hindutva.


A further demand is the conversion of disputed historical monuments into ]<ref></ref>.
Hindutva followers question differential laws in terms of marriage and divorce and ask why in a ] ] Muslims are allowed ], but Hindus or Christians are prosecuted for doing the same.

Christians are also given separate laws for ], which is more difficult for them than for Hindus. The amendment of the Indian constitution by the late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to overturn a Supreme Court judgment under pressure from the conservative Muslims incensed some Hindus who became Hindutva supporters. The amended laws, more in tune with the ], reduced the rights that divorced Muslim women previously had. <ref></ref>

Followers feel that Hindutva speaks for the Hindu majority in India. They also often feel that ] ] implies equal laws for all religions, and want a Uniform Civil Code passed for the same reason.

One must also differentiate between the word "secularism" as used in the Western and Indian contexts. ] in the West implies "separation of church & state" whereas secularism in India means "equal respect for all religions".

Among the goals of the Hindutva organisations in ] is a reversing of the invasions by conquerors. They include demands to convert disputed historical monuments into ] <ref></ref>. This statement comes from the fact that when ] came to India, he called for an entire conversion of Asia in the lines of that carried out in Europe and Africa in the earlier millennia.<ref></ref>

Hindutva groups are overwhelmingly supportive of the ] State of ], including ] himself, who supported Israel during its formation.<ref></ref> RSS is the most pro-Israel group in India at present and actively praised the efforts of ] when he visited India <ref></ref><ref></ref>. R.S.S spokesperson Ram Madhav recently expressed support for Israel (when the ] Marxists and ] in India routinely attack Israel and Jews and have, in fact, accused Israel and ] of "fascistic" inclinations as well<ref>,''BBC''</ref><ref></ref>) when he said:


==Views on Indian History== ==Views on Indian History==
{{see|Indigenous Aryans|Aryan Invasion Theory (history and controversies)}} {{see|Indigenous Aryans|Aryan Invasion Theory (history and controversies)}}


The RSS' worldview is that India is the "fount of human civilisation", from where its knowledge spread to the rest of the world. Since this view it challenges many contemporary historic notions such as the ], and the influence of Babylonic cultures and ancient Central Asian civilizations, on the development of the language, culture and religions of India, these claims are considered ] in peer-reviewed academia.
The ideological beginning of this line of political thought in modern ] is the RSS. Its aim, according to its stated objectives is to instil ] in every Indian. Its motto is 'Sangathit Hindu, Samartha Bharat' i.e. 'United Hindus, capable India'. The RSS is the largest voluntary organisation in the world. All of its gatherings are held on open grounds, where men, women and children of all ages gather in daily meetings. There are about 50000 such daily gatherings (called ''shakha'', i.e. branch) across the length and breadth of the country. It has widespread support among Indian Hindus.
The '']'' (VHP) was established to network with Hindus outside India. The ] is the youth wing of the VHP.


The RSS worldview is that India is the "fount of human civilisation", from where its knowledge spread to the rest of the world. Since this view it challenges many contemporary historic notions such as the ], and the influence of Babylonic cultures and ancient Central Asian civilizations, on the development of the language, culture and religions of India etc., these claims are considered ] in peer-reviewed academia, but finds defenders such as Belgian writer ] who casts the notion in an academic framework with his "]" theory. While largely uncontroversial in academia<ref>"the great majority of linguists... seek the ancestors of the ] in Asia somewhere to the north of their later historical seats." {{cite book | last = Mallory | first = J. P. | title = In Search of the Indo-Europeans | publisher = Thames and Hudson | year = 1989 | id = ISBN 0-500-27616-1 | pages = 65}}</ref> "Aryan Invasion" debate in India, involving e.g. ], ] and ], is thus a matter of politics. Defenders of this worldview have propounded theories in line with its central ideas, such as the "]" theory. Largely uncontroversial in academia<ref>"the great majority of linguists... seek the ancestors of the ] in Asia somewhere to the north of their later historical seats." {{cite book | last = Mallory | first = J. P. | title = In Search of the Indo-Europeans | publisher = Thames and Hudson | year = 1989 | id = ISBN 0-500-27616-1 | pages = 65}}</ref>, the "Aryan Invasion" debate in India is thus politically charged.


===Symbolism of Historic Hindu Figures=== ===Symbolism of Historic Hindu Figures===
Because there were many fighters who stood up to outside aggression, Hindu nationalists use these fighters such as ], Prithviraj, and especially Shivaji Maharaj as defenders of India and Hinduism and further advocate that every Hindu should try to be like them. Some organizations such as the ] have been named themselves after and been modelled after the ideology of these kings. Hindu nationalists set up historical military figures such as ], ] and ] as archetypal defenders of India, and thus Hinduism. The ] in particular reveres, and attempts to emulate, the Maratha emperor ].


==Political rise==
==Allegations of Fascism in Hindutva and its denial ==
{{cleanup-remainder|January 2007}}


{{main|Ayodhya dispute}}
Many sociologues have described the Hindutva movement as Fascist in classical sense, in its ideology and class support specially targeting the concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony.<ref>Fascism of our times </ref>
The Hindutva movement on the other hand terms such description as coming from the ]<ref>eg. </ref><ref>- Rajesh Tembarai Krishnamachari, ]</ref>. More moderate and non-prejudicial critics of Hindutva do not base their criticism on allegations of "Fascism", but raise issues with regards to their sometimes-vacillating attitudes towards non-Hindus and secularism. The epithet of "Fascism" is also used to evoke double standards against Hindus in political and academic discourse. The academia and polity have been accused of engaging in a form of ] ] against Hindu political expression by levelling the accusation of "Fascism" against anyone who expresses sympathy for Hindus<ref>, ''Yvette Rosser''</ref>.


Hindutva rose to prominence in the late 1980s, when two events occurred that caused an upturn in the fortunes of the BJP. The first of these events was the ] government's use of its large parliamentary majority to overturn a ] ] that had angered some Indian ] organisations. The second was the ] over the ] ] ] in ]&nbsp;&mdash; built by ] after his first major victory in India, allegedly by razing a ] ] marking the ] of the Hindu ] ]. This came to a head with the razing of the ] by a Hindu mob in ] and subsequent ].
Marxist critics <ref>eg. , ], ], ]</ref>, have used the inflammatory political epithets of "Indian fascism" and "Hindu fascism" to describe the ideology of the ]. For example, Marxist social scientist ] has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically ] in class support, methods and programme"<ref>"The Fascism of Our Times" ''Social Scientist'' VOl 21 No.3-4, 1993, p.69</ref></blockquote>
⚫ Patniak bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogeonous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiorityl; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on ] and ].


==Alleged Fascistic nature==
Views on Hindutva and Fascism include those of the Christian convert to the RSS viewpoint, Anthony Elenjimittan, who based his views on RSS's symbolism of the ] (the banner of lord ]), ] and ] (one must note that these symbols are normative in ] and bear no relation to ] and the lattermost is the national motto of a ] ] ]). The claim of fascism in Hindutva is based on the RSS's "discipline, organised centralism and organic collective consciousness" and dismisses the idea of fascism and ] being evils and ] and ] types of ] being holy, as "silly" and "should be got rid of from our minds"<ref>Anthony Elenjimittan, The Philosophy and Action of the RSS for the Hind Swaraj, p. 197, cited in V.C.P. Chaudhury, Secularism Versus Communalism, Patna, 1977, p. 101.</ref>
{{main|Fascism in India}}
⚫ The Hindutva movement has sometimes been described by academics and commentators as a form of "Hindu Fascism" or "Indian Fascism". For example, economist ] has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically ] in class support, methods and programme".<ref>"The Fascism of Our Times" ''Social Scientist'' VOl 21 No.3-4, 1993, p.69</ref></blockquote> Patnaik bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogeonous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiorityl; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on ] and ].


⚫ ]'s analysis, in which he argued that Hindutva draws on the ''cultural'' nationalism of ], rather than the ''racial'' nationalism of the Nazis themselves have been criticized by former philosophy lecturer<ref>, Jyotirmaya Sharma</ref> and ] commentator ] as a "simplistic transference has done great injustice to our knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics"<ref>,J. Sharma ''Times of India''</ref>
The description of Hindutva as fascist has been condemned by pro-Hindutva authors such as ] who claim that the ideology of Hindutva meets none of the characteristics of fascist ideologies. Claims that Hindutva social service organisations such as the ] are "fascist" have been disputed by academics such as ].<ref></ref> <ref></ref>

⚫ In addition, accusations of "fascism" in the Hindutva movement coming from the left wing parties and western academics such as ] (who argues that Hindutva draws on the ''cultural'' nationalism of ], rather than the ''racial'' nationalism of the Nazis themselves) have been criticized by former professor of political philosophy.<ref>, Jyotirmaya Sharma</ref> and ] commentator ] as a "simplistic transference has done great injustice to our knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics"<ref>,J. Sharma ''Times of India''</ref>


Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its "distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSS’s disavowal Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its "distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSS’s disavowal
of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in ]". They instead describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "]".<ref>''Ethnic and Racial Studies'' Volume 23 Number 3 May 2000 pp. 407–441 ISSN 0141-9870 print/ISSN 1466-4356 online</ref>. of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in ]". They instead describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "]".<ref>''Ethnic and Racial Studies'' Volume 23 Number 3 May 2000 pp. 407–441 ISSN 0141-9870 print/ISSN 1466-4356 online</ref>.

] ] also rejects these allegations and views the rise of Hindutva as a welcome, broader civilizational resurgence of India.<ref>Naipaul V.S. India, a million Mutinies now, Penguin 1992</ref>


==References== ==References==
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== External links == == External links ==

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Revision as of 05:42, 23 June 2007

It has been suggested that this article be merged with Hindu nationalism. (Discuss) Proposed since February 2007.

Template:Hindu politics

For Veer Savarkar's book, see Hindutva (book).

Hindutva ("Hinduness", a word coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his 1923 pamphlet entitled Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? ) is used to describe movements advocating Hindu nationalism. The word, a compound of the Persian word "Hindu" and the Sanskrit suffix "-tva"., was coined by the right-wing revolutionary Vinayak Damodar Savarkar as a descriptor for "Hindu-ness".

The former ruling party in India, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organizations that promote Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.

Hindutva has played a major role in Indian politics since the late 1980s.

Organizations

Main articles: Sangh Parivar and National Democratic Alliance

The first Hindutva organisation formed was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, founded in 1925. A prominent Indian political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the "Sangh Parivar" or family of associations, and include the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad. Other organisations include:

The major political wing is the BJP which was in power in India's Central Government for six years from 1998 to 2004 and is now the main opposition party. It is also in power in the five states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, and Uttaranchal. It is an alliance partner in the states of Orissa, Punjab, Bihar and Karnataka.

Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the Sangh Parivar. Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh's influence include Praful Goradia's Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Uma Bharti's Bharatiya Janshakti Party. The influence of these groups is relatively limited.

The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the Shiv Sena, converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of Maharashtra. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is electorally allied to the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Definition

In a judgment the Indian Supreme Court ruled that "no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms 'Hindu', 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage."

Hindutva is commonly identified with the guiding ideology of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in particular, which itself calls its version of Hindutva integral humanism. While opponents and critics usually view Hindutva as a nationalist identity based solely on the Hindu religion and ethos, these organizations portray it as a nationalist identity based on the traditions and cultural heritage of the Indian sub-continent, contending that in many respects it is a syncretic ideology, despite the fact that it draws freely from the Hindu scriptures and holds Hindu historical and religious figures up as inspirational examples.

Central concepts

Philosophy

Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the consituent elements of 'Hindu' society; thus they havem for example, stated their intention of allotting leadership positions to Dalits in their organizations.

India's Muslim minority, has been encouraged to participate in the political wing of Hindutva; both the BJP and the more militant Shiv Sena have invited Muslims to join.."

Outside observers, on the other hand, describe Hindutva philosophy as fundamentalism: Muslims and Christians are seen as foreign elements in the subcontinent, which rightly belongs to Hindus. The RSS leader M. S. Golwalkar, like his contemporary Islamist counterpart Mawdudi, has expressed admiration for the Nazis and their ideas about national purity: in 1939 he wrote that "Germany has shocked the world by purging the country of the semitic race of the Jews, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by".

Ruthven (2007:108) recognizes an element of religious fundamentalism in Swami Dayananda's "elevation of the Vedas to the sum of human knowledge, along with his myth of the Aryavartic kings", but identifies its consequences as nationalistic, since "Hindutva secularizes Hinduism by sacralizing the nation". Mezentseva (1994), however, rejects any necessary connection being made between Dayananda and Hindu nationalism, demonstrating that his interpretation of 'Aryavarta' is not to be identified with the concept of the Indian nation as utilized by Hinduvta groups.

Views on other faiths

Main article: Uniform Civil Code Main article: Pseudo-secularism

The advocates of Hindutva often use the term pseudo-secularism to refer to laws which they believe are biased against Hindus. The implementaion of the Constitutional provision for a Uniform Civil Code, which would remove special religion-based provisions for different religions from the Indian legal code, is thus one of the main political planks of Hindutva.

A further demand is the conversion of disputed historical monuments into temples.

Views on Indian History

Further information: Indigenous Aryans and Aryan Invasion Theory (history and controversies)

The RSS' worldview is that India is the "fount of human civilisation", from where its knowledge spread to the rest of the world. Since this view it challenges many contemporary historic notions such as the Indo-Aryan migration, and the influence of Babylonic cultures and ancient Central Asian civilizations, on the development of the language, culture and religions of India, these claims are considered pseudocience in peer-reviewed academia.

Defenders of this worldview have propounded theories in line with its central ideas, such as the "out of India" theory. Largely uncontroversial in academia, the "Aryan Invasion" debate in India is thus politically charged.

Symbolism of Historic Hindu Figures

Hindu nationalists set up historical military figures such as Ahilyabai Holkar, Prithviraj Chauhan and Shivaji as archetypal defenders of India, and thus Hinduism. The Shiv Sena in particular reveres, and attempts to emulate, the Maratha emperor Shivaji.

Political rise

Main article: Ayodhya dispute

Hindutva rose to prominence in the late 1980s, when two events occurred that caused an upturn in the fortunes of the BJP. The first of these events was the Rajiv Gandhi government's use of its large parliamentary majority to overturn a Supreme Court verdict that had angered some Indian Muslim organisations. The second was the dispute over the 16th century Mughal Babri Mosque in Ayodhya — built by Babur after his first major victory in India, allegedly by razing a Hindu temple marking the birthplace of the Hindu God-king Rama. This came to a head with the razing of the mosque by a Hindu mob in 1992 and subsequent communal riots.

Alleged Fascistic nature

Main article: Fascism in India

The Hindutva movement has sometimes been described by academics and commentators as a form of "Hindu Fascism" or "Indian Fascism". For example, economist Prabhat Patnaik has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is "classically fascist in class support, methods and programme". Patnaik bases this argument on the following "ingredients" of classical fascism present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogeonous majority under the concept of 'the Hindus'; a sense of grievance against past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of history according to this grievance and superiorityl; a rejection of rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the majority based on race and masculinity.

Christophe Jaffrelot's analysis, in which he argued that Hindutva draws on the cultural nationalism of Bluntschli, rather than the racial nationalism of the Nazis themselves have been criticized by former philosophy lecturer and Times of India commentator Jyotirmaya Sharma as a "simplistic transference has done great injustice to our knowledge of Hindu nationalist politics"

Academics Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva with fascism, because of Hindutva's embrace of cultural rather than racial nationalism, because of its "distinctively Indian" character, and because of "the RSS’s disavowal of the seizure of state power in preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society". They instead describe Hindutva as a form of "revolutionary conservatism" or "ethnic absolutism"..

References

  1. For use of the suffix -tva to form neuter abstract nouns see p. 145 of A Sanskrit Manual: Part II by R. Antoine (Xavier Publications: Calcutta: 1970)
  2. Jana Sangh promises to make India Hindu nation
  3. Uma launches new party
  4. Organize under Dalit leadership: RSS
  5. Bharatiya Janata Party Official Website Hindutva: The Great Nationalistic Ideology
  6. The Rediff Election Interview/Bal Thackeray,Rediff.com
  7. Ruthven (2007:10ff.)
  8. A World of Vedic Truths: The Life and Teaching of Swami Dayananda O.V. Mezentseva, Soviet Institute of Philosophy (1994)
  9. About Hindu Unity
  10. "the great majority of linguists... seek the ancestors of the Indo-Europeans in Asia somewhere to the north of their later historical seats." Mallory, J. P. (1989). In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Thames and Hudson. p. 65. ISBN 0-500-27616-1.
  11. "The Fascism of Our Times" Social Scientist VOl 21 No.3-4, 1993, p.69
  12. Profile, Jyotirmaya Sharma
  13. Hindu Nationalist Politics,J. Sharma Times of India
  14. Ethnic and Racial Studies Volume 23 Number 3 May 2000 pp. 407–441 ISSN 0141-9870 print/ISSN 1466-4356 online

Further reading

  • Andersen, Walter K., ‘Bharatiya Janata Party: Searching for the Hindu Nationalist Face’, In The New Politics of the Right: Neo–Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies, ed. Hans–Georg Betz and Stefan Immerfall (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998), pp. 219–232. (ISBN 0-312-21134-1 or ISBN 0-312-21338-7)
  • Banerjee, Partha, In the Belly of the Beast: The Hindu Supremacist RSS and BJP of India (Delhi: Ajanta, 1998). (ISBN 81-202-0504-2) (ISBN not available)
  • Bhatt Chetan, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers (2001), ISBN 1859733484.
  • Elst, Koenraad: The Saffron Swastika. The Notion of "Hindu Fascism". New Delhi: Voice of India, 2001, 2 Vols., ISBN 81-85990-69-7 ,
  • Elst, Koenraad: Decolonizing the Hindu Mind. Ideological Development of Hindu Revivalism. Rupa, Delhi 2001.
  • Embree, Ainslie T. , ‘The Function of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh: To Define the Hindu Nation’, in Accounting for Fundamentalisms, The Fundamentalism Project 4, ed. Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), pp. 617–652. (ISBN 0-226-50885-4)
  • Goel, Sita Ram: Perversion of India's Political Parlance. Voice of India, Delhi 1984.
  • Goel, Sita Ram (editor): Time for Stock Taking. Whither Sangh Parivar? 1996.
  • Gold, Daniel, 'Organized Hinduisms: From Vedic Truths to Hindu Nation' in: Fundamentalisms Observed The Fundamentalism Project vol. 4, eds. M. E. Marty, R. S. Appleby, University Of Chicago Press (1994), ISBN 978-0226508788, pp. 531-593.
  • Ruthven, Malise, Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, USA (2007), ISBN 978-0199212705.
  • Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar: Hindutva Bharati Sahitya Sadan, Delhi 1989 (1923).
  • Sharma, Jyotirmay, Hindutva: Exploring the Idea of Hindu Nationalism, Penguin Global (2004), ISBN 0670049905.
  • Shourie, Arun: A Secular Agenda. HarperCollins ISBN 81-7223-258-6
  • Smith, David James, Hinduism and Modernity, Blackwell Publishing ISBN 0-631-20862-3

See also

External links

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