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{{Allegations of apartheid}} {{Allegations of apartheid}}
'''Allegations of Brazilian apartheid''' draw a controversial analogy from the treatment of non-whites in ] ] to their treatment in ]. Those who use the analogy point to Brazilian treatment of the poor, particularly black and "half-caste" Brazilians and street youth, and allege their second-class treatment. '''Allegations of Brazilian apartheid''' draw an analogy from the treatment of non-whites in ] ] to their treatment in ]. Those who use the analogy point to Brazilian treatment of the poor, particularly black and "half-caste" Brazilians and street youth, and allege their second-class treatment.


==Social apartheid== ==Social apartheid==
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<blockquote>The elite-drive nature of Brazilian society means that those on top have an authority that goes virtually unchallenged. There are white-collar crimes in Brazil but there are no white-collar criminals, for the elite is careful to protect its members. For the residents of the other Brazil, on the other hand, there are no protective barriers between themselves and the hardships of everyday life. The rift between the two worlds of rich and poor is as deep as the one found in South Africa before it started dismantling the apartheid system. For this reason, the phrase "social apartheid" was coined.<ref>Ladle, Jane. ''Insight Guides: Brazil'', American Map, 1999, p. 76.</ref></blockquote> <blockquote>The elite-drive nature of Brazilian society means that those on top have an authority that goes virtually unchallenged. There are white-collar crimes in Brazil but there are no white-collar criminals, for the elite is careful to protect its members. For the residents of the other Brazil, on the other hand, there are no protective barriers between themselves and the hardships of everyday life. The rift between the two worlds of rich and poor is as deep as the one found in South Africa before it started dismantling the apartheid system. For this reason, the phrase "social apartheid" was coined.<ref>Ladle, Jane. ''Insight Guides: Brazil'', American Map, 1999, p. 76.</ref></blockquote>


This parallel is strengthened by that fact that these inequities in the economic and social status particularly affect ]s.<ref name="brazzil">]. , ''Brazzil Magazine'', ], 2005.</ref> According to ] Congressman ], a leading member of Brazil's leftist ] (PT), "Just as South Africa had racial apartheid, Brazil has social apartheid." Afro-Brazilians trail white Brazilians in almost all ]s, including income and education, and those living in cities are far more likely to be abused or killed by police, or incarcerated.<ref>Hall, Kevin G. "Brazil's blacks get affirmative action 114 years after emancipation", '']/Tribune News Service'', ], 2002.</ref> This parallel is strengthened by that fact that these inequities in the economic and social status particularly affect ]s.<ref name="brazzil">]. , ''Brazzil Magazine'', ], 2005.</ref> According to ] Congressman ], a leading member of Brazil's leftist ] (PT), "ust as South Africa had racial apartheid, Brazil has social apartheid." Afro-Brazilians trail white Brazilians in almost all ]s, including income and education, and those living in cities are far more likely to be abused or killed by police, or incarcerated.<ref>Hall, Kevin G. "Brazil's blacks get affirmative action 114 years after emancipation", '']/Tribune News Service'', ], 2002.</ref> These inequities are so great that the wealthy live in walled-off ], and the disadvantaged classes do not interact at all with the wealthy "except in domestic service and on the shop floor". <ref name=Schneider>"Few studies, for instance probe the implications of these distressing conditions for social, class, and political relations. In those that do, "social apartheid" is a common theme&mdash;a class gulf so wide that interaction ceases, except in domestic service and on the shop floor. Social apartheid is the motive force behind the spread of closed residential communities in São Paulo&mdash;one of the few going concerns in an otherwise sluggish real-estate market. According to the advertisements, these communities are enclosed behind walls five meters high, protected by sophisticated security systems, and patrolled by round-the-clock guards who also carefully screen all visitors. Maids and other day laborers are searched every time they enter or exit. Inside are gracious homes and children playing in the street as in any affluent suburb in the United States, except that this is an island in a sea of squalor." Schneider, Ben Ross. "Brazil under Collor: Anatomy of a Crisis", in Camp, Roderic Ai. ''Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles'', Rowman & Littlefield, 1996, p. 241. ISBN 0842025138</ref>


Carlos Verrisimo states that Brazil is a racist state, and that the inequities of race and class are often inter-related.<ref name="hartford-hwp">Verrisimo, Carlos. , ''CrossRoads'', December/January 1994/1995.</ref> ] agrees, stating: Carlos Verrisimo states that Brazil is a racist state, and that the inequities of race and class are often inter-related.<ref name="hartford-hwp">Verrisimo, Carlos. , ''CrossRoads'', December/January 1994/1995.</ref> ] agrees, stating that the "social apartheid" is manifested in the gated communities, a "social discrimination which also has an implicit racial dimension where the great majority of the poor are black or half-caste."<ref name=Lowy>"There also exists a real ''social apartheid'' throughout the country which is seen in big cities through the physical separation of mansions and the wealthy quarters, surrounded by walls and electric barbwire and guarded by private armed guards who carefully patrol all entrances and exits. It is social discrimination which also has an implicit racial dimension where the great majority of the poor are black or half-caste.]. , '']'', Volume 2 Issue 2, Spring 2003.</ref>
<blockquote>There also exists a real ''social apartheid'' throughout the country which is seen in big cities through the physical separation of mansions and the wealthy quarters, surrounded by walls and electric barbwire and guarded by private armed guards who carefully patrol all entrances and exits. It is social discrimination which also has an implicit racial dimension where the great majority of the poor are black or half-caste.<ref name=Lowy>]. , '']'', Volume 2 Issue 2, Spring 2003.</ref></blockquote>


Jan Rocha argues that Brazil's current social apartheid is rooted in its long history of slavery, and the entrenched attitudes that accompanied that slavery: Jan Rocha argues that Brazil's current social apartheid is rooted in its long history of slavery, and the entrenched attitudes that accompanied that slavery:
<blockquote>Economically dynamic, socially Brazil stagnates. The explanation for these riddles seems to lie in Brazil’s history. Slavery lasted longer and was more widespread than in any other country of the western hemisphere. It was only abolished just over 100 years ago. The attitudes that went with slavery were so deeply entrenched they still influence today’s Brazilians. Brazil never had a political or cultural revolution, or any violent rupture of the status quo. Slavery was abolished, but what took its place was not equality and fraternity, but an unofficial system of first and second class citizenship, a social apartheid more difficult to fight than any official system of discrimination. Bits of Brazil are as modern as anywhere in the industrialized world, but the daily reality for many Brazilians is still rooted in the past.<ref>Rocha, Jan. ''Brazil In Focus: A Guide to the People Politics and Culture'', Interlink Books, 2000.</ref></blockquote> <blockquote>Economically dynamic, socially Brazil stagnates. The explanation for these riddles seems to lie in Brazil’s history. Slavery lasted longer and was more widespread than in any other country of the western hemisphere. It was only abolished just over 100 years ago. The attitudes that went with slavery were so deeply entrenched they still influence today’s Brazilians. Brazil never had a political or cultural revolution, or any violent rupture of the status quo. Slavery was abolished, but what took its place was not equality and fraternity, but an unofficial system of first and second class citizenship, a social apartheid more difficult to fight than any official system of discrimination. Bits of Brazil are as modern as anywhere in the industrialized world, but the daily reality for many Brazilians is still rooted in the past.<ref>Rocha, Jan. ''Brazil In Focus: A Guide to the People Politics and Culture'', Interlink Books, 2000.</ref></blockquote>


According to Maria Helena Moreira Alves, these inequalities were exacerbated by the differing treatment of urban migrants during and following the ], when internal migrants, who were mainly descended from Indians or African slaves, were given no government assistance or training in adapting to large urban centers, and thus were pushed into a "social apartheid", forced to live in slums and take unpleasant and menial jobs that whites would not take. By contrast, European and Japanese immigrants were given such assistance, as well as other benefits.<ref name=Alves>"Internal migrants from Brazil, many the descendants of Indians or African slaves, were totally abandoned to their own endeavors in the city, with no governmental subsidies, no programs of immigration support, no job training, and no housing programs to help the process of adaptation. In short, Brazilian migrants found themselves pushed into a ''social apartheid'' in the slums of the city, their jobs limited to those that white would not touch, such as garbage removal, hard construction work, and menial jobs in industry. In contrast, many European and Japanese immigrants came under the auspices of programs organized by their governments which assisted them with the cost of their transportation and of housing, helping them find employment, trained them, and provided a number of other benefits." Alves, Maria Helena Moreira "Sao Paolo: the political and socioeconomic transformations wrought by the New Labor Movement in the city and beyond." In Gugler, Josef. ''World Cities Beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality'', Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 202-203.</ref>
According to Maria Helena Moreira Alves, these inequalities were exacerbated by the differing treatment of urban migrants during and following the ]:
<blockquote>Internal migrants from Brazil, many the descendants of Indians or African slaves, were totally abandoned to their own endeavors in the city, with no governmental subsidies, no programs of immigration support, no job training, and no housing programs to help the process of adaptation. In short, Brazilian migrants found themselves pushed into a ''social apartheid'' in the slums of the city, their jobs limited to those that white would not touch, such as garbage removal, hard construction work, and menial jobs in industry. In contrast, many European and Japanese immigrants came under the auspices of programs organized by their governments which assisted them with the cost of their transportation and of housing, helping them find employment, trained them, and provided a number of other benefits.<ref name=Alves>Alves, Maria Helena Moreira "Sao Paolo: the political and socioeconomic transformations wrought by the New Labor Movement in the city and beyond." In Gugler, Josef. ''World Cities Beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality'', Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 202-203.</ref></blockquote>


===Street youth=== ===Street youth===
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==Reaction== ==Reaction==
The term "social apartheid", and the inequities associated with it, are recognized as a serious issue even by Brazil's elites, who benefit from it: "Social apartheid" is a common them in studies of the implications of Brazil's huge income disparities,<ref name=Schneider/>, and the term "social apartheid", and the inequities associated with it, are recognized as a serious issue even by Brazil's elites, who benefit from it:
<blockquote> <blockquote>
Despite decades of impressive economic growth, the striking social inequities remain. In a recent survey of 1,500 of the most influential members of Brazil's political and economic elite, close to 90 percent believed that Brazil had achieved economic success and social failure. Close to half viewed the enormous inequities as a form of "social apartheid".<ref>Eakin, Marshall Craig. ''Brazil: The Once and Future Country'', Palgrave Macmillan, 1997, p. 114.</ref></blockquote> Despite decades of impressive economic growth, the striking social inequities remain. In a recent survey of 1,500 of the most influential members of Brazil's political and economic elite, close to 90 percent believed that Brazil had achieved economic success and social failure. Close to half viewed the enormous inequities as a form of "social apartheid".<ref>Eakin, Marshall Craig. ''Brazil: The Once and Future Country'', Palgrave Macmillan, 1997, p. 114.</ref></blockquote>


], Governor of the Federal District from 1995 to 98, Minister of Education from 2003 to 2004, and currently PDT (]) senator for the Federal District argues that "Brazil is a divided country, home to the greatest income concentration in the world and to a model of apartation, Brazilian social apartheid."<ref name="brazzil" /> Current Brazilian president ] has been quoted by ] in '']'' as saying "fighting to bring the poor of Brazil out of economic apartheid".<ref name="thenation">]. , '']'', ], 2002.</ref> ], Governor of the Federal District from 1995 to 98, Minister of Education from 2003 to 2004, and currently (]) senator for the Federal District argues that "Brazil is a divided country, home to the greatest income concentration in the world and to a model of apartation, Brazilian social apartheid."<ref name="brazzil" /> Current Brazilian president ] has been quoted by ] in '']'' as saying "fighting to bring the poor of Brazil out of economic apartheid".<ref name="thenation">]. , '']'', ], 2002.</ref> His loss in the Presidential election of 1994 to ] has been attributed in part to the fear Lula aroused in the middle class by his "denunciation of the social apartheid which permeated Brazilian society."<ref name=Lievesley>"Lula's campaign tactics (his lengthy tours of the country, or ''caravanas''), his obviously proletarian origins and his denunciation of the social apartheid which permeated Brazilian society frightened the middle class. Cardoso received 54 per cent of the vote as compared to Lula's 27 per cent (S. Branford and B. Kucinkski, ''Brazil:Carnival of the Oppressed. Lula and the Brazilian Workers's Party'', London, Latin American Bureau, 19945, p. 4)." Lievesley, Geraldine. ''Democracy in Latin America: Mobilization, Power and the Search for a New Politics'', Manchester University Press, 1999, p. 99, note 63. ISBN 0719043115</ref>


==See also== ==See also==
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*]. ''At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil'', Cambridge University Press, 1998. ISBN 0521598699 *]. ''At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil'', Cambridge University Press, 1998. ISBN 0521598699
*Ladle, Jane. ''Insight Guides: Brazil'', American Map, 1999. ISBN 0887291309 *Ladle, Jane. ''Insight Guides: Brazil'', American Map, 1999. ISBN 0887291309
*Lievesley, Geraldine. ''Democracy in Latin America: Mobilization, Power and the Search for a New Politics'', Manchester University Press, 1999. ISBN 0719043115
*]. , '']'', Volume 2 Issue 2, Spring 2003. *]. , '']'', Volume 2 Issue 2, Spring 2003.
*Rocha, Jan. ''Brazil In Focus: A Guide to the People Politics and Culture'', Interlink Books, 2000. ISBN 1566563844 *Rocha, Jan. ''Brazil In Focus: A Guide to the People Politics and Culture'', Interlink Books, 2000. ISBN 1566563844
* Schneider, Ben Ross. "Brazil under Collor: Anatomy of a Crisis", in Camp, Roderic Ai. ''Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles'', Rowman & Littlefield, 1996. ISBN 084202513
*Verrisimo, Carlos. , ''CrossRoads'', December/January 1994/1995. *Verrisimo, Carlos. , ''CrossRoads'', December/January 1994/1995.
*]. , '']'', ], 2002. *]. , '']'', ], 2002.

Revision as of 04:51, 29 July 2007

Template:Allegations of apartheid Allegations of Brazilian apartheid draw an analogy from the treatment of non-whites in apartheid era South Africa to their treatment in Brazil. Those who use the analogy point to Brazilian treatment of the poor, particularly black and "half-caste" Brazilians and street youth, and allege their second-class treatment.

Social apartheid

Economic and race-based

The term "social apartheid" was coined in Brazil to describe the gaps between the rich and poor in Brazil, which were seen as being as great as those found in South Africa during the height of apartheid:

The elite-drive nature of Brazilian society means that those on top have an authority that goes virtually unchallenged. There are white-collar crimes in Brazil but there are no white-collar criminals, for the elite is careful to protect its members. For the residents of the other Brazil, on the other hand, there are no protective barriers between themselves and the hardships of everyday life. The rift between the two worlds of rich and poor is as deep as the one found in South Africa before it started dismantling the apartheid system. For this reason, the phrase "social apartheid" was coined.

This parallel is strengthened by that fact that these inequities in the economic and social status particularly affect Afro-Brazilians. According to São Paulo Congressman Aloizio Mercadante, a leading member of Brazil's leftist Workers' Party (PT), "ust as South Africa had racial apartheid, Brazil has social apartheid." Afro-Brazilians trail white Brazilians in almost all social indicators, including income and education, and those living in cities are far more likely to be abused or killed by police, or incarcerated. These inequities are so great that the wealthy live in walled-off gated communities, and the disadvantaged classes do not interact at all with the wealthy "except in domestic service and on the shop floor".

Carlos Verrisimo states that Brazil is a racist state, and that the inequities of race and class are often inter-related. Michael Löwy agrees, stating that the "social apartheid" is manifested in the gated communities, a "social discrimination which also has an implicit racial dimension where the great majority of the poor are black or half-caste."

Jan Rocha argues that Brazil's current social apartheid is rooted in its long history of slavery, and the entrenched attitudes that accompanied that slavery:

Economically dynamic, socially Brazil stagnates. The explanation for these riddles seems to lie in Brazil’s history. Slavery lasted longer and was more widespread than in any other country of the western hemisphere. It was only abolished just over 100 years ago. The attitudes that went with slavery were so deeply entrenched they still influence today’s Brazilians. Brazil never had a political or cultural revolution, or any violent rupture of the status quo. Slavery was abolished, but what took its place was not equality and fraternity, but an unofficial system of first and second class citizenship, a social apartheid more difficult to fight than any official system of discrimination. Bits of Brazil are as modern as anywhere in the industrialized world, but the daily reality for many Brazilians is still rooted in the past.

According to Maria Helena Moreira Alves, these inequalities were exacerbated by the differing treatment of urban migrants during and following the Great Depression, when internal migrants, who were mainly descended from Indians or African slaves, were given no government assistance or training in adapting to large urban centers, and thus were pushed into a "social apartheid", forced to live in slums and take unpleasant and menial jobs that whites would not take. By contrast, European and Japanese immigrants were given such assistance, as well as other benefits.

Street youth

Social apartheid is also tied the exclusion of poor youth (particularly street youth) from Brazilian society. Tobias Hecht writes that rich Brazilians view street children as a threat, and that this perception:

... is rooted in the contradiction between the desire to keep children socially marginal, docile, and out of view, and the existence — precisely at the center of urban life — of street children who often exercise violence, something normally deemed the province of adults. Street children are a reminder, literally on the doorsteps of rich Brazilians and just outside the five-star hotels where the development consultants stay, of the contradictions of contemporary social life: the opulence of the few amid the poverty of the majority, the plethora of resources amid the squandering of opportunities. They embody the failure of an unacknowledged social apartheid to keep the poor out of view.

The role of the police in keeping the inhabitants of Brazil's many favelas from impinging on the lives of middle- and upper-class Brazilians is key to maintaining this state of apartheid:

The total number of favelas in Brazil is 3,905... Given their proximity to the elite neighbourhoods, they have become a daily nightmate for the predominantly white middle- and upper-class population of Rio. The role of the police, as an ex-minister in the city stated, is to maintain a state of social apartheid 'without the need for the fences they use in South Africa, because they don't come down from the hills, they don't organize themselves.'

Reaction

"Social apartheid" is a common them in studies of the implications of Brazil's huge income disparities,, and the term "social apartheid", and the inequities associated with it, are recognized as a serious issue even by Brazil's elites, who benefit from it:

Despite decades of impressive economic growth, the striking social inequities remain. In a recent survey of 1,500 of the most influential members of Brazil's political and economic elite, close to 90 percent believed that Brazil had achieved economic success and social failure. Close to half viewed the enormous inequities as a form of "social apartheid".

Cristovam Buarque, Governor of the Federal District from 1995 to 98, Minister of Education from 2003 to 2004, and currently (Democratic Labour Party) senator for the Federal District argues that "Brazil is a divided country, home to the greatest income concentration in the world and to a model of apartation, Brazilian social apartheid." Current Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has been quoted by Mark Weisbrot in The Nation as saying "fighting to bring the poor of Brazil out of economic apartheid". His loss in the Presidential election of 1994 to Fernando Henrique Cardoso has been attributed in part to the fear Lula aroused in the middle class by his "denunciation of the social apartheid which permeated Brazilian society."

See also

Notes

  1. Ladle, Jane. Insight Guides: Brazil, American Map, 1999, p. 76.
  2. ^ Buarque, Cristovam. Lula's Brazil Is Indebted to the World for So Many Broken Hopes, Brazzil Magazine, August 23, 2005.
  3. Hall, Kevin G. "Brazil's blacks get affirmative action 114 years after emancipation", Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service, May 31, 2002.
  4. ^ "Few studies, for instance probe the implications of these distressing conditions for social, class, and political relations. In those that do, "social apartheid" is a common theme—a class gulf so wide that interaction ceases, except in domestic service and on the shop floor. Social apartheid is the motive force behind the spread of closed residential communities in São Paulo—one of the few going concerns in an otherwise sluggish real-estate market. According to the advertisements, these communities are enclosed behind walls five meters high, protected by sophisticated security systems, and patrolled by round-the-clock guards who also carefully screen all visitors. Maids and other day laborers are searched every time they enter or exit. Inside are gracious homes and children playing in the street as in any affluent suburb in the United States, except that this is an island in a sea of squalor." Schneider, Ben Ross. "Brazil under Collor: Anatomy of a Crisis", in Camp, Roderic Ai. Democracy in Latin America: Patterns and Cycles, Rowman & Littlefield, 1996, p. 241. ISBN 0842025138
  5. Verrisimo, Carlos. Apartheid in Americas, CrossRoads, December/January 1994/1995.
  6. "There also exists a real social apartheid throughout the country which is seen in big cities through the physical separation of mansions and the wealthy quarters, surrounded by walls and electric barbwire and guarded by private armed guards who carefully patrol all entrances and exits. It is social discrimination which also has an implicit racial dimension where the great majority of the poor are black or half-caste.Lowy, Michael. Brazil: A Country Marked by Social Apartheid, Logos: A Journal of Modern Society and Culture, Volume 2 Issue 2, Spring 2003.
  7. Rocha, Jan. Brazil In Focus: A Guide to the People Politics and Culture, Interlink Books, 2000.
  8. "Internal migrants from Brazil, many the descendants of Indians or African slaves, were totally abandoned to their own endeavors in the city, with no governmental subsidies, no programs of immigration support, no job training, and no housing programs to help the process of adaptation. In short, Brazilian migrants found themselves pushed into a social apartheid in the slums of the city, their jobs limited to those that white would not touch, such as garbage removal, hard construction work, and menial jobs in industry. In contrast, many European and Japanese immigrants came under the auspices of programs organized by their governments which assisted them with the cost of their transportation and of housing, helping them find employment, trained them, and provided a number of other benefits." Alves, Maria Helena Moreira "Sao Paolo: the political and socioeconomic transformations wrought by the New Labor Movement in the city and beyond." In Gugler, Josef. World Cities Beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality, Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 202-203.
  9. Brandão, Caius. The Landmark Achievements of Brazil's Social Movement for Children's Rights: The Social Apartheid in Brazil, New Designs for Youth Development, v.14-3, Fall 1998.
  10. Hecht, Tobias. At Home in the Street: Street Children of Northeast Brazil, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 214.
  11. Erdentuğ, Aygen and Colombijn, Freek. Urban Ethnic Encounters: The Spatial Consequences, Routledge, 2002, p. 119.
  12. Eakin, Marshall Craig. Brazil: The Once and Future Country, Palgrave Macmillan, 1997, p. 114.
  13. Weisbrot, Mark. As Brazil Goes..., The Nation, September 16, 2002.
  14. "Lula's campaign tactics (his lengthy tours of the country, or caravanas), his obviously proletarian origins and his denunciation of the social apartheid which permeated Brazilian society frightened the middle class. Cardoso received 54 per cent of the vote as compared to Lula's 27 per cent (S. Branford and B. Kucinkski, Brazil:Carnival of the Oppressed. Lula and the Brazilian Workers's Party, London, Latin American Bureau, 19945, p. 4)." Lievesley, Geraldine. Democracy in Latin America: Mobilization, Power and the Search for a New Politics, Manchester University Press, 1999, p. 99, note 63. ISBN 0719043115

References

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