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Russians in Ukraine form the largest minority in the country, and the community forms the largest single Russian diaspora in the world. In the 2001 Ukrainian census, 8,334,100 identified themselves as ethnic Russians (17.3% of the total population).

Geography

Percentage of ethnic Russians in Ukraine by region in 2001

Historically the majority of ethnic Russian population is concentrated in the east and south-east of the country, the areas historically known as New Russia. Percentage of Russian population in regions tend to go higher further east and south in the country.

Historic Background

Early history

The early Russian ethnic group, the Goriuns resided in Putivl (Putyvl) region (what is modern northern Ukraine) from the medieval times. New waves of Russian settlers came to the empty lands of Sloboda Ukraine that the Russian state gained from the Tartars in the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries.

A map of what was called as New Russia during the Russian Empire times.

In 1599 Tsar Boris Godunov ordered to build Tsareborisov on the banks of Oskol River, the first city and the first fortress of Eastern Ukraine. To defend the terrains from Tatars` raid the Russians built the Belgorod defensive line (1635-1658), and the Ukrainians started fleeing under its defense.

At the end of the 18th century, the Russian Empire captured large uninhabited steppe territories from the former Crimean Khanate. In order to keep them, a systematic colonization of land in what became known as New Russia (mainly Crimea, Taurida and around Odessa) began. Migrants from many ethnic groups (predominantly Ukrainians and Russians from Russia proper) came to this area. At the same time the discovery of coal in the Donets Basin also began a large industrialization and an influx of workers from other parts of the Russian Empire.

Nearly all major cities of the southern and eastern Ukraine were established in this period: Aleksandrovsk (now Zaporizhia; 1770), Yekaterinoslav (now Dnipropetrovsk; 1776), Kherson and Mariupol (1778), Sevastopol (1783), Simferopol and Novoaleksandrovka (Melitopol) (1784), Nikolayev (Mykolaiv; 1789), Odessa (1794), Lugansk (Luhansk; foundation of Luhansk plant in 1795).

Both Russians and Ukrainians made the bulk of the migrants — 31.8% and 42.0 % respectively. The population eventually became intermixed, and with the Russification being the state policy, the Russian identity dominated over mixed families and communities. The Russian Empire officially regarded Ukrainians, Russians and Belarusians as Little, Great and White Russians, which, according to officially accepted theory belonged to a single Russian nation.

In the beginning of the 20th century the Russians were the largest ethnic group in the following cities: Kiev (54,2 %), Kharkov (63,1 %), Odessa (49,09 %), Nikolayev (66,33 %), Mariupol (63,22 %), Lugansk (68,16 %), Berdiansk (66,05 %), Kherson (47,21 %), Melitopol (42,8 %), Yekaterinoslav (41,78 %), Yelisavetgrad (Kirovohrad) (34,64 %), Pavlohrad (34,36 %), Simferopol (45,64 %), Feodosiya (46,84 %), Yalta (66,17 %), Kerch (57,8 %), Sevastopol (63,46 %), Chuguyev (Chuhuiv) (86 %).

October Revolution and Ukrainian SSR

Ukraine was a battleground during the Russian Civil War (1918-1922). Although macroscopically Ukraine was fought over by several powers: Austro-Hungary, Germany, Poland, Romania; Ukrainian People's Republic, the Anarchist Black Army as well as the Red Army and the White Army, the population of New Russia by large allied themselves only with the latter two. A large portion of men that made up the armies of Denikin and Wrangel came from New Russian volunteers (see Volunteer Army.) Nevertheless, most of the people in New Russia supported the Red Army and a big part supported the Black Army, because most of the residents of the area being Peasants and Workers, classes that opposed to the Tsar's regime.

The first Russian Empire Census, conducted in 1897, showed extensive usage (and in some cases dominance) of the Little Russian, a contemporary term of the Ukrainian language, in the nine south-western Governorates and the Kuban. Thus when the Central Rada officials were outlining the future borders of the new Ukrainian state they took the results of the census in regards to the language and religion as determining factors. The ethnographic borders of Ukraine thus turned out to be almost twice as large as the original Cossack Hetmanate incorporated into Russia in the 17th century. .

The October Revolution also found its echo amongst the extensive working class and several Soviet Republics were formed by Bolsheviks of Ukraine: Ukrainian People's Socialist Republic, Soviet Socialist Republic of Taurida, Odessa Soviet Republic and the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic.

The Soviet Russia's government supported the military intervention against the Ukrainian People's Republic, which at different periods controlled most of the territory of the present-day Ukraine with the exception of Crimea and Western Ukraine. Althought there were differences between Ukrainian Bolsheviks initially, which resulted in proclamation of several Soviet Republics in 1917, later, due in large part to pressure from Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders, one Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was proclaimed. The Ukrainian SSR was de jure independent until the formation of the USSR in 1922 and survived until the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991. Lenin insisted that ignoring the national question in Ukraine would endanger the support of the Revolution among Ukrainian population and thus new borders of the Soviet Ukraine were established to the extent that the Ukrainian People's Republic was claiming in 1918. The new borders completely included New Russia, Donbass and other neighbouring provinces, which contained substantial number of ethnic Russians.

Early Soviet times

In his 1923 speach devoted to the national and ethnic issues in the party and state affairs, Stalin identified several obstacles in implementing the national program of the party. Those were the "dominant-nation chauvinism", "economic and cultural inequality" of the nationalities and the "survivals of nationalism among a number of nations which have borne the heavy yoke of national oppression".

In Ukraine's case, both threats came, respectfully, from the south and the east, the historical Russian New Russia, and the traditional Ukrainian centre and west. This initiated a policy of Ukrainization, to simultaneously break the remains of the Russian national sentiment and to gain populatiry among the Ukrainian population, thus recognizing their dominance of the republic.

Ukrainian language was mandatory for most jobs, and its teaching became compulsory in every school. By 1930 there were only three Russian language newspapers being printed in Ukraine and in places like Odessa where ethnic Ukrainian pupils made up only a third of school children, all schools taught in Ukrainian.

By the early-1930s attitudes towards the policy of Ukrainization had changed within the Soviet leadership. In 1933 when Stalin declared that local nationalism was the main threat to Soviet unity. Consequently, a lot of changes introduced during the Ukrainisation period were reversed, Russian language schools, libraries and newspapers were restored and even increased in number. Changes were brought territorially as well, forcing the Ukrainian SSR to cede some territories to the RSFSR (notably the Shakhty and Taganrog borderland.) During this period the Russian language returned as the prevalent one in what used to be New Russia, and parents in the Ukrainian SSR could choose to send their children whose native language was not Ukrainian to schools with Russian as the primary language of instruction.

Latter Soviet times

The territory of Ukraine was a battlefield during the World War II, and its population, including Russians, significantly decreased. The infrastructure was heavily damaged and it required human and capital resources to be rebuilt. A large portion of the wave of new migrants to industrialize, integrate and Sovietize these territories were ethnic Russians who mostly settled around industrial centers and military garrisons.

The depopulation due the war, two famines (1931-1932 and 1947), the need for labor force in two waves of rapid industrializations (1930s, and post-war) , and the rebuilding of the World War II destruction prompted a new wave of migrants from the rest of the Soviet Union to settle in the Southern and Eastern Ukraine, thus increasing the proportion of the Russian speaking population.

Near the end of the War, the entire population of Crimean Tatars (numbering up to a quarter of a million) was expelled from their homeland in Crimea to Central Asia, under accusations of collaborations with Germans. The Crimea was repopulated by the new wave of Russian and Ukrainian settlers and the Russian population of Crimea went up significant;y (compare 47.7% in 1937 to 61.6% in 1993) and the Ukrainian population doubled (12.8% in 1937 and 23.6% in 1993.)

The Ukrainian language remained a mandatory subject of study in all Russian schools, but in many government offices preference was given to the Russian language that gave an additional impetus to the advancement of Russification. The 1979 census showed that only one third of ethnic Russians spoke the Ukrainian language fluently.

In 1954, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued the decree on the transfer of the Crimean oblast from the Russian SFSR to the Ukrainian SSR. This action increased the ethnic Russian population of Ukraine by almost a million people. Some Russian politicians consider the transfer to be controversial to this day. Controversies and legality of the transfer remained a sore point in relations between Ukraine and Russia for a few years, and in particular in the internal politics in Crimea. However, in a 1997 treaty between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, Russia recognized Ukraine's borders, and accepted Ukraine's sovereignty over Crimea.

Ukraine after the dissolution of the Soviet Union

See also: Anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine.

Russian scientific and cultural center in Kiev

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union Ukraine became an independent state. The independence was supported by the referendum in all regions of Ukrainian SSR, including in those featuring large Russian population. Presently many ethnic Russians in Ukraine feel pressured, by the new Ukrainization effort.

The return of Crimean Tatars has resulted in several high-profile clashes over land ownership and employment rights.

Much controversy has surrounded the reduction of schools with Russian language of instruction. In 1989 there were 4633 of them, and by 2001 this fell to 2001 schools or 11.8% of the total in the country. A significant number of Russian schools were converted into mixed schools in which there are classes with both Russian and Ukrainian language of education. By 2007, 20% of pupils in public schools studied in Russian classes. Some regions such as Rivne Oblast have no Russian schools left, but only Russian classes in the mixed Russian-Ukrainian schools. As of May, 2007, only seven schools with the Russian language of instruction is left in Kiev with 17 more mixed language schools (8,000 total pupils). with the rest of the pupils attending the school with Ukrainian being the only language of instruction. Among the latter pupils, 45.7 thousand (or 18 % from the total) study the Russian language as the school subject in the largely Russophone Ukrainian capital.

File:VandalismRuCentLvov.jpg
The Russian Cultural Center in Lviv after being vandelized another time, as an example to the Anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine.

According to 2006 survey by Research & Branding Group (Donetsk) 39 % of Ukrainian citizens think that the rights of the Russophones are violated because the Russian language is not official in the country, whereas 38 % of the citizens have the opposite position. According to annual surveys by the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences) 43.9 % - 52.0 % of total population of Ukraine support the idea of granting the status of state language to Russian language.

While there are concerns over the status of the Russian language in the country, it continues to dominate in several regions and in nation's business, foreign movie translations, in leading Ukrainian magazines and other printed media. Russian language in Ukraine still dominates the everyday life in many areas of the country, the local media and press in the East and South, internet, book printing and most of leading national newspapers.

After the collaps of the Soviet Union, the Anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine grew stronger. Since the Russian Cultural Center in Lviv started its activity in 1996, it was a subject to several acts of vandalism by Ukrainian nationalists, including attempts to burn, brake windows and dors, shooting on the place, and spray-colouring the walls of the place.

Demographics

Census year Total population
of Ukraine
Russians %
1922 29,018,187 2,677,166 9.2%
1939 30,946,218 4,175,299 13.4%
1959 41,869,046 7,090,813 16.9%
1970 47,126,517 9,126,331 19.3%
1979 49,609,333 10,471,602 21,1%
1989 51,452,034 11,355,582 22.1%
2001 48,457,000 8,334,100 17.2%

Trends

According to 2001 census the Russians are the largest ethnic group in Sevastopol (71,7 %) and Autonomous republic of Crimea (58 %), and also in some cities and raions: Donetsk (48,2 %), Makiyivka (50,8 %, Donetsk Oblast), Ternivka (52,9 %, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast), Krasnodon (63,3 %), Sverdlovsk (58,7 %), Stakhanov (50,1 %) Krasnodonskyi (51,7 %) and Stanychno-Luhanskyi (61,1 %) raions of Luhansk Oblast, Izmail (43,7 %, Odessa oblast), Putyvlskyi Raion (51,6 %, Sumy Oblast).Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

The Russian population was also hit by the factors that affected all the population of Ukraine, such as low birth rate and high death rate.

2001 census showed that 95.9 % of Russian consider the Russian languge to be native for them, 3.9 % named the Ukrainian to be their native language. The majority, 59.6 % of Ukrainian Russians were born in Ukraine. They constitute 22.4 % of all urban population and 6.9 % of rural population in the country. Women are 55.1 % of all Russians, men are 44.9 %. An average Russian in Ukraine have an age of 41.9 years. The imbalance in sexual and age structure intensifies in western and central regions. In these regions the Russians are concentrated in important administative, industrial and recreational centers, especially in the centers of oblast.

Politics

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Results of the 2006 parliamentary election show that the Party of Regions maintains a stronghold in the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine.

In several of Ukraine's elections, political parties that call for closer ties with Russia received higher percentage of votes in the areas, where Russian-speaking population predominate. Such parties like the Party of Regions, Communist Party of Ukraine and the Progressive Socialist Party are particularly popular in Crimea, Southern and Southeastern regions of Ukraine.

An analysis showed that "the percentage of the votes for Yushchenko and Yanukovych in 2004, as well as those for the orange and the white-blue in 2006, are mostly tightly linked... most of all, with the portion of the mono-ethnical Ukrainians and the bi-ethnical Russain-Ukrainians among the voters".

File:AntiRussianPoster.jpg
Modern Anti-Russian poster in Lviv, Western Ukraine, issued by the ultra-radical nationalist political party. The Ukrainian text reads: "Remember! Profanity turns you into a Moskal. In Russia, they do not use profanity for cursing, they use profanity for speaking." The usage of the term Moskal in Ukraine in modern context is an ethnic slur referring to the Russians in general.

While the Ukrainian nationalism remains the fringe political movement in post-Soviet Ukraine, the perception of its importance is often exaggerated by the disproportionately vocal activity of its most radical wing. The degree of "anti-Russianness" of the mainstream national conservative parties is debatable but their overall national support has been insufficient to overcome the 3% threshold required for the Ukrainian parliament representation in each and every national election to this day. The situation in the local representative bodies in Western Ukraine, a stronghold of Ukrainian nationalism, is somewhat different, especially in Galicia, the only region with the authoritarian nationalist tradition being present. The ultra-right nationalist political party "Svoboda" often invokes the radically Russophobic rhetoric (see poster) and has sufficient electoral support to form factions in several municipal and provincial local councils in Western Ukraine. However, the nationalism of Western Ukraine, particularly Galicia, is out of step with the rest of the country, and the Russophobic and nationalist sentiment is firmly rejected by the overwhelming majority of population, as shown by the poll results. At the same time, the political party that whose electoral platform is crafted specifically to cater the Russophile voter's sentiments fare exceptionally well. In the last election, the mainstream Party of Regions, whose stronghold is based on Eastern and Southern Ukraine came first with 32.14 %, ahead of its two nationally conscious main rivals, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (22.29 %) and Our Ukraine Bloc (13.95 %), while also Russophile communist party collected 3.66 % and the radically pro-Russian Nataliya Vitrenko Bloc that calls for the national Union with Russia collected 2.93 % coming closest of the small parties to overcoming the 3 % barrier.

Radical pro-Russian movements in Ukraine

File:1162825302.jpg
Russian March in Odessa. The placard reads: Kikes - masons are ruining the whole world.

Several observers point out at Russian government and the Russian Orthodox Church's support of radical pro-Russian movements and parties in Ukraine, especially in Crimea. Among them the notoriety received such youth organizations as the Proryv and the ESM (Eurasian Youth Movement). Both movements' registration and legal status have been challenged in courts, the leader of Proryv, a Russian citizen was expelled from Ukraine, declared Persona non grata and barred from entering the country again. Alexander Dugin, the Moscow-based leader of the Eurasian Youth Movement and his associate P. Zariffulin have also been barred from traveling to Ukraine because of their involvement in the activities of these organizations. These movements openly state their mission as disintegration of Ukraine and restoration of the Russian Empire and, reportedly, have received regular encouragement and monetary support from Russian politicians.Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page). As a branch of similar Russian organization the ESM has been organizing annual Russian Marches, which feature radical Russian nationalist, antisemitic and xenophobic slogans. In addition, in Ukraine and particularly in Kiev these marches were accompanied by violent clashes with police and their opponents. Some observers link resurgence of extremist Russian youth organizations in Ukraine with Kremlin's fear that the Orange Revolution in Ukraine could be exported to Russia, and the fight with that possibility have been put at the forefront of these movements' activity.

Culture

See also: Russian language in Ukraine

Russian is a major minority language in Ukraine. It is the most common first language in the Donbass and Crimea regions, the most commonly used language in east and south of the country as well as in its capital, Kiev, and the most widespread second language throughout Ukraine. The usage and status of the language is an object of political disputes within Ukrainian society and the considerable Russian minority of the country.

See also

Footnotes and citations

  1. "Results / General results of the census / National composition of population". 2001 Ukrainian Census. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  2. F.D. Klimchuk, About ethnoliguistic history of Left Bank of Dnieper (in connection to the ethnogenesis of Goriuns). Published in "Goriuns: history, language, culture" Proceedings of International scientific conference, (Institute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences, February 13, 2004)
  3. ^ Russians in Ukraine, Congress of National Communities of Ukraine
  4. Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 342 isbn = 966-700760-4
  5. 1897 Census on Demoscope.ru Retrieved on 20th May 2007.
  6. Stanislav Kulchitsky, "Imperia i my", Vol. 9, 26 Jan. 2006. Retrieved on 19 March 2007.
  7. ^ Ukraine: A History. Subtelny, Orest University of Toronto Press 2000, ISBN 0-8020-8390-0, 600
  8. Valeriy Soldatenko, "Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic — illusions and practicals of nihilism", Zerkalo Nedeli, December 4 - 10, 2004. In Russian, in Ukrainian.
  9. "National Factors in Party and State Affairs -- Theses for the Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Approved by the Central Committee of the Party". URL
  10. For more information, see Ukrainization in the UkSSR (1923-1931)
  11. Терлюк І.Я. Росіяни західних областей України (1944—1996 р.р.) (Етносоціологічне дослідження). — Львів: Центр Європи, 1997.- С.25.
  12. The Stalinist Penal System: A Statistical History of Soviet Repression and Terror
  13. Ethnic Cleansing in the USSR, 1937-1949
  14. Directory of resources on minority human rights and related problems of the transition period in Eastern and Central Europe. Demographic Balance and Migration Processes in Crimea. Retrieved June 3, 2007
  15. Our Security Predicament, Vladimir P. Lukin, Foreign Policy, No. 88 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 57-75
  16. http://www.podrobnosti.ua/society/2006/12/04/373924.html
  17. http://www.regnum.ru/news/749712.html
  18. "Tatars push to regain their historic lands in Crimea". Today's Zaman. 2006. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |year= (help); Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help); Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help)CS1 maint: year (link)
  19. A.Dokurcheva, E.Roberova, The use of Russian language in education in CIS and the Baltics.
  20. Retrieved on 6th June 2007
  21. Как соблюдается в Украине языковая Хартия?
  22. http://www.nbuv.gov.ua/Articles/Kultnar/knp60_3/knp60t3_6-9.pdf
  23. ^ Шестая часть киевских школьников изучает русский язык, Korrespondent.net, May 29, 2007
  24. In the 2003 sociological survey in Kiev the answers to the question 'What language do you use in everyday life?' were distributed as follows: 'mostly Russian': 52%, 'both Russian and Ukrainian in equal measure': 32%, 'mostly Ukrainian': 14%, 'exclusively Ukrainian': 4.3%.
    "What language is spoken in Ukraine?". Welcome to Ukraine. 2003/2. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help).
  25. According to a 2006 survey, Ukrainian is used at home by 23% of Kievans, as 52% use Russian and 24% switch between both.
    "Kiev: the city, its residents, problems of today, wishes for tomorrow.", Zerkalo Nedeli, April 29 - May 12, 2006. in Russian, in Ukrainian
  26. http://www.podrobnosti.ua/society/2006/12/04/373924.html
  27. http://www.regnum.ru/news/749712.html
  28. "Ukrainian society 1994-2005: sociological monitoring". http://dif.org.ua/ (in Ukrainian). {{cite web}}: External link in |work= (help); Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  29. "TOLERANCE REDUCES NEED FOR RUSSIAN LANGUAGE LAW IN UKRAINE". Eurasia today. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |accessmonthday= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |accessyear= ignored (|access-date= suggested) (help)
  30. Рождаемость в Украине самая низкая в Европе, Demoscope.ru, April 16-29, 2007 Template:Ru icon
  31. Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів, Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 261 isbn = 966-700760-4
  32. ^ Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів, Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 259 isbn = 966-700760-4
  33. Svetlana Stcherbak, "Some aspects of the social and political situation in Ukraine (2004-2006 elections)", Analitik, July 18, 2006
  34. Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s: A Minority Faith, Cambridge University Press, 1996, xvii, 300p. ISBN 0-521-48285-2
  35. Wilson, pp. 82, 132, 134, 145, 195
  36. ^ Wilson, p. 195
  37. As of the last (2005) national election, the ultra-nationalist "Svoboda" party received 0.36 % of the overall support and none of the more mainstream national conservative parties fared better than 2 %. Source cvk.gov.ua
  38. The Sunday Times Once more into the valley of death? October 24, 2004
  39. Mykyta Kasianenko, "Without provocateurs and Russophobes Crimea seeking solutions to Ukrainian-Russian problems", Den, 13 August 2007
  40. Радикальные русские маргиналы хотят разделить Украину по Сталину, Ukrayinska Pravda , July 18, 2006
  41. Андреас Умланд, Pravda Ukrainy Фашистский друг Витренко 26.09.2006
  42. Pravda.ru Russian nationalists to launch Russian March under racist slogans nationwide
  43. «Російський марш» в Одесі серед інших піднімав тему єдності УПЦ із Московським Патріархатом
  44. Andriy Okara, "New Ukrainian Oprichnina, or what is in common "Pora", neoeuro-asians, Ivan the Terrible and Yulia Tymoshenko", Zerkalo Nedeli, March 12 - 18, 2005. In Russian, in Ukrainian.

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