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Revision as of 23:51, 17 April 2010 editCambalachero (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled, Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers, Rollbackers53,909 editsm →Juan Manuel de Rosas dictatorship← Previous edit Revision as of 08:54, 18 April 2010 edit undoHebrides (talk | contribs)Autopatrolled, Extended confirmed users, Pending changes reviewers105,071 editsm clean up, typos fixed: coups d'etat → coups d'état, acchieved → achieved (2), disolved → dissolved, expell → expel using AWBNext edit →
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{{seealso|Argentine Civil War}} {{seealso|Argentine Civil War}}
] ]
] ] was elected governor of ] during a time when the country had no formal ]. After the ] in 1828 ] resigned as ], as well as his vice-president shortly after, the 1826 Constitution was repelled and the office disolved. The many provinces were organized since then as a ], with the ] being invested with the power to manage ], ], and debt payment.<ref>{{cite book |title= ]|last= de Santillán|first= Diego Abad|authorlink= Diego Abad de Santillán|year= 1965|publisher= Tipográfica Editora Argentina|location= Buenos aires|page= 196}}</ref> Rosas, leader of the ], exercised control over the other provinces through a combination of negotiation, bribery and military pressure.<ref name=v447>Vainfas, p.447</ref><ref>Lewis, p.45 "He became governor of Buenos Aires in 1929. The city of Buenos Aires remained at the center of Argentine politics, but now as a provincial capital. In reaction to the chaos that the political wars of the 1820s had created, he instituted an authoritarian regime. Rosas grew notorious for his repression of political opponents."</ref><ref>Palmerlee, pp.32-33 "In the first half of the 19th century Juan Manuel de Rosas came to prominence as a caudillo in Buenos Aires province, representing the interests of rural elites and landowners. He became governor of the province in 1829 and, while he championed the Federalist cause, he also helped centralize political power in Buenos Aires and required all international trade to be funneled through the capital. His reign lasted more than 20 years (from 1829 to 1852), and he set ominous precedents in Argentine political life, creating the infamous ''mazorca'' (his ruthless political police force) and institucionalizing torture."</ref> The wealth of Buenos Aires, generated because all of Argentina's international trade had to pass through its port, was a decisive tool to make political pressure over the other provinces.<ref>{{cite book ] ] was elected governor of ] during a time when the country had no formal ]. After the ] in 1828 ] resigned as ], as well as his vice-president shortly after, the 1826 Constitution was repelled and the office dissolved. The many provinces were organized since then as a ], with the ] being invested with the power to manage ], ], and debt payment.<ref name="de Santillán 1965 196">{{cite book |title= ]|last= de Santillán|first= Diego Abad|authorlink= Diego Abad de Santillán|year= 1965|publisher= Tipográfica Editora Argentina|location= Buenos aires|page= 196}}</ref> Rosas, leader of the ], exercised control over the other provinces through a combination of negotiation, bribery and military pressure.<ref name=v447>Vainfas, p.447</ref><ref>Lewis, p.45 "He became governor of Buenos Aires in 1929. The city of Buenos Aires remained at the center of Argentine politics, but now as a provincial capital. In reaction to the chaos that the political wars of the 1820s had created, he instituted an authoritarian regime. Rosas grew notorious for his repression of political opponents."</ref><ref>Palmerlee, pp.32-33 "In the first half of the 19th century Juan Manuel de Rosas came to prominence as a caudillo in Buenos Aires province, representing the interests of rural elites and landowners. He became governor of the province in 1829 and, while he championed the Federalist cause, he also helped centralize political power in Buenos Aires and required all international trade to be funneled through the capital. His reign lasted more than 20 years (from 1829 to 1852), and he set ominous precedents in Argentine political life, creating the infamous ''mazorca'' (his ruthless political police force) and institucionalizing torture."</ref> The wealth of Buenos Aires, generated because all of Argentina's international trade had to pass through its port, was a decisive tool to make political pressure over the other provinces.<ref>{{cite book
|title= La época de Rosas|last= Luna|first= Félix|authorlink= Félix Luna|year= 1998|publisher= Grupo Editorial Planeta|location= Buenos aires|isbn= 950-49-1116-1|page= 74}}</ref> Rosas ran a first term as governor in the 1829-1832 period, declining to be reelected, and again in 1835, this time with the legislature granting him the "sum of public power" ({{lang-es|"Suma del poder público"}}).<ref>{{cite book |title= ]|last= de Santillán|first= Diego Abad|authorlink= Diego Abad de Santillán|year= 1965|publisher= Tipográfica Editora Argentina|location= Buenos aires|page= 196}}</ref> Rosas' government became more despotic as time went on, and some 14,000 of the political opposition (the ]) fled to Uruguay to escape repression<ref>Vianna, p.528</ref>. Rosas had during part of his government a police force called "mazorca", used to intimidate the opposition and generate a state of terror. However, historians have deep disagreements on the number of deaths caused by the Mazorca, which vary from 80<ref>{{cite book |title= La época de Rosas|last= Luna|first= Félix|authorlink= Félix Luna|year= 1998|publisher= Grupo Editorial Planeta|location= Buenos aires|isbn= 950-49-1116-1|page= 74}}</ref> Rosas ran a first term as governor in the 1829-1832 period, declining to be reelected, and again in 1835, this time with the legislature granting him the "sum of public power" ({{lang-es|"Suma del poder público"}}).<ref name="de Santillán 1965 196"/> Rosas' government became more despotic as time went on, and some 14,000 of the political opposition (the ]) fled to Uruguay to escape repression<ref>Vianna, p.528</ref>. Rosas had during part of his government a police force called "mazorca", used to intimidate the opposition and generate a state of terror. However, historians have deep disagreements on the number of deaths caused by the Mazorca, which vary from 80<ref>{{cite book
|title= Juan Manuel de Rosas, el maldito de la historia oficial |title= Juan Manuel de Rosas, el maldito de la historia oficial
|last= O'Donnell |last= O'Donnell
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|pages= 191}}</ref> to 2,000<ref>Lynch (1992), p.261</ref> and even 20,000.<ref>Scheina, p.125</ref> |pages= 191}}</ref> to 2,000<ref>Lynch (1992), p.261</ref> and even 20,000.<ref>Scheina, p.125</ref>


Rosas desired to recreate the former ], not as a monarchy, however. But instead, as a powerful, republican state, placing Argentina at the center of it.<ref>Lynch (2001), p.140 "Rosas had never recognized Paraguay as an independent nation. He still called it the ''província del Paraguay'' and sought its 'recovery', aiming to extend its frontiers of the confederation to those of the old Spanish viceroyalty."</ref><ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.546">Estado-maior do Exército, p.546</ref><ref>Doratioto (2002), p.25 "A tentativa do ditador da Confederação Argentina, Juan Manuel de Rosas, na década de 1830, de se impor às antigas províncias do vice-reinado do Rio da Prata, abrigando-as em um Estado nacional sob sua chefia".</ref><ref name="Maia, p.255">Maia, p.255</ref><ref name="Lima, p.158">Lima, p.158 "O ditador de Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, sonhou reconstituir o antigo vice-reinado do Prata, criado na segunda metade do século XVIII e que abrangia, além da Argentina, as atuais repúblicas do Uruguai, Paraguai e Bolívia (alto Peru)."</ref><ref>Pedrosa, p.50 "Cresceu, então, o velho receio do Paraguai, por que o objetivo de Rosas sempre foi reconstituir o Vice-Reinado."</ref> The defunct viceroyalty had been shattered into several separate countries once it acchieved independence at the beginning of the 20th century. To acchieve its reunification, the Argentine government would need to reannex the three neighbouring nations of ], ] and ], as well as a ] of ].<ref name=l160>Lyra (v.1), p.160</ref> Rosas first had to gather allies across the region who shared his vision. In some instances, this entailed becoming involved in the internal politics of neighboring countries to back those sympathetic to union with Argentina, and occasionally even financing rebellions and wars.<ref name=l160/><ref>Barman (1999), p.125 "Deliberate manipulation of Uruguayan politics for external advantage began in the year 1835, when Juan Manuel de Rosas became president of the Argentine Confederation . In 1836 the Colorados revolted against the Blanco-controlled government, which they overthrew two years later. The Blancos turned to President Rosas for support, which he willingly supplied. In 1839 the new Colorado-controlled government declared war on Argentina, starting a twelve-year conflict. Rosas not only enabled the Blancos to dominate the Uruguayan countryside but also encouraged them to give aid and asylum to the Farrapos rebels, across the frontier in Rio Grande do Sul."</ref> Rosas desired to recreate the former ], not as a monarchy, however. But instead, as a powerful, republican state, placing Argentina at the center of it.<ref>Lynch (2001), p.140 "Rosas had never recognized Paraguay as an independent nation. He still called it the ''província del Paraguay'' and sought its 'recovery', aiming to extend its frontiers of the confederation to those of the old Spanish viceroyalty."</ref><ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.546">Estado-maior do Exército, p.546</ref><ref>Doratioto (2002), p.25 "A tentativa do ditador da Confederação Argentina, Juan Manuel de Rosas, na década de 1830, de se impor às antigas províncias do vice-reinado do Rio da Prata, abrigando-as em um Estado nacional sob sua chefia".</ref><ref name="Maia, p.255">Maia, p.255</ref><ref name="Lima, p.158">Lima, p.158 "O ditador de Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, sonhou reconstituir o antigo vice-reinado do Prata, criado na segunda metade do século XVIII e que abrangia, além da Argentina, as atuais repúblicas do Uruguai, Paraguai e Bolívia (alto Peru)."</ref><ref>Pedrosa, p.50 "Cresceu, então, o velho receio do Paraguai, por que o objetivo de Rosas sempre foi reconstituir o Vice-Reinado."</ref> The defunct viceroyalty had been shattered into several separate countries once it achieved independence at the beginning of the 20th century. To achieve its reunification, the Argentine government would need to reannex the three neighbouring nations of ], ] and ], as well as a ] of ].<ref name=l160>Lyra (v.1), p.160</ref> Rosas first had to gather allies across the region who shared his vision. In some instances, this entailed becoming involved in the internal politics of neighboring countries to back those sympathetic to union with Argentina, and occasionally even financing rebellions and wars.<ref name=l160/><ref>Barman (1999), p.125 "Deliberate manipulation of Uruguayan politics for external advantage began in the year 1835, when Juan Manuel de Rosas became president of the Argentine Confederation . In 1836 the Colorados revolted against the Blanco-controlled government, which they overthrew two years later. The Blancos turned to President Rosas for support, which he willingly supplied. In 1839 the new Colorado-controlled government declared war on Argentina, starting a twelve-year conflict. Rosas not only enabled the Blancos to dominate the Uruguayan countryside but also encouraged them to give aid and asylum to the Farrapos rebels, across the frontier in Rio Grande do Sul."</ref>


Paraguay had considered itself a sovereign nation since 1811, but it was not recognized as such by any other nation. Argentina viewed it as a rebellious province. The Paraguayan dictator ] decided that the best way to maintain his own rule and the independence of Paraguay from Argentina was to isolate the country from contacts with the outside world. It was for this reason that, up until 1840, the country had avoided establishing diplomatic relations with other nations.<ref>Doratioto (2002), p.24</ref> With the death of Francia, this policy began to shift, and his successor Don ] signed two treaties in July 1841. These were the 'Friendship, Commerce and Navigation' and 'Limits' agreements made with the Argentine province of ], which itself had broken away from Argentina under Rosas.<ref name=d26>Doratioto (2002), p.26</ref> Meanwhile, Rosas began to place pressure on Paraguay. Rosas continued to refuse recognition of Paraguayan independence and placed a blockade on international traffic to and from Paraguay on the ].<ref name=d26/> Paraguay had considered itself a sovereign nation since 1811, but it was not recognized as such by any other nation. Argentina viewed it as a rebellious province. The Paraguayan dictator ] decided that the best way to maintain his own rule and the independence of Paraguay from Argentina was to isolate the country from contacts with the outside world. It was for this reason that, up until 1840, the country had avoided establishing diplomatic relations with other nations.<ref>Doratioto (2002), p.24</ref> With the death of Francia, this policy began to shift, and his successor Don ] signed two treaties in July 1841. These were the 'Friendship, Commerce and Navigation' and 'Limits' agreements made with the Argentine province of ], which itself had broken away from Argentina under Rosas.<ref name=d26>Doratioto (2002), p.26</ref> Meanwhile, Rosas began to place pressure on Paraguay. Rosas continued to refuse recognition of Paraguayan independence and placed a blockade on international traffic to and from Paraguay on the ].<ref name=d26/>
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Lavalleja soon discovered that Rosas in neighbouring Buenos Aires was interested in aiding him financially and militarily.<ref name=h113>Holanda, p.113</ref> In 1832, Lavalleja began to receive aid<ref>Holanda, p.113, 114</ref> from ], a soldier and farmer from the Brazilian province of ]. Gonçalves had been encouraged by Rosas ], with the ultimate aim of enabling Argentina to annex the province of ].<ref name=h116>Holanda, p.116</ref><ref>Vainfas, p.448</ref> Together, Lavalleja and Gonçalves initiated a military campaign in Uruguay which was characterised by extensive violence and theft.<ref name="Holanda, p.114">Holanda, p.114</ref> Lavalleja soon discovered that Rosas in neighbouring Buenos Aires was interested in aiding him financially and militarily.<ref name=h113>Holanda, p.113</ref> In 1832, Lavalleja began to receive aid<ref>Holanda, p.113, 114</ref> from ], a soldier and farmer from the Brazilian province of ]. Gonçalves had been encouraged by Rosas ], with the ultimate aim of enabling Argentina to annex the province of ].<ref name=h116>Holanda, p.116</ref><ref>Vainfas, p.448</ref> Together, Lavalleja and Gonçalves initiated a military campaign in Uruguay which was characterised by extensive violence and theft.<ref name="Holanda, p.114">Holanda, p.114</ref>


Rivera completed his term of office as President in October 1834. ], like Lavalleja a member of the Blanco party, was elected in March 1835<ref name="Holanda, p.114"/><ref name="Furtado, p.7">Furtado, p.7</ref> and called for an end to the anarchy of the previous years.<ref name=h116/> But election of the new president caused a shift in regional alliances. Outgoing president Rivera rebelled against Oribe<ref name=h116/> but was militarily defeated and retreated into Rio Grande do Sul. There he joined forces with Gonçalves and his men, until then allies of Rosas.<ref>Holanda, p.117</ref><ref name=e546>Estado-maior do Exército, p.546</ref> Lavajella, however, remained loyal to Oribe. Rivera and Gonçalves then invaded Uruguay and overran most of the country outside the environs of the capital, ]. Defeated, Oribe renounced his position as president and decamped to Argentina.<ref>Holanda, p.119</ref> Rivera was then reelected president in 1838.<ref name="Holanda, p.120">Holanda, p.120</ref> Rivera completed his term of office as President in October 1834. ], like Lavalleja a member of the Blanco party, was elected in March 1835<ref name="Holanda, p.114"/><ref name="Furtado, p.7">Furtado, p.7</ref> and called for an end to the anarchy of the previous years.<ref name=h116/> But election of the new president caused a shift in regional alliances. Outgoing president Rivera rebelled against Oribe<ref name=h116/> but was militarily defeated and retreated into Rio Grande do Sul. There he joined forces with Gonçalves and his men, until then allies of Rosas.<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.546"/><ref>Holanda, p.117</ref> Lavajella, however, remained loyal to Oribe. Rivera and Gonçalves then invaded Uruguay and overran most of the country outside the environs of the capital, ]. Defeated, Oribe renounced his position as president and decamped to Argentina.<ref>Holanda, p.119</ref> Rivera was then reelected president in 1838.<ref name="Holanda, p.120">Holanda, p.120</ref>


Rosas was determined to restore Argentine suzerainty over Uruguay and take revenge on Gonçalves, and launched a sequence of interventions. In 1839 an army led by ], Lavalleja, Oribe and ], (Governor of ]) was quickly defeated by Rivera. At this point, Lavalleja left the conflict for good and did not further participate in the civil war.<ref name="Holanda, p.120"/> Rosas sent another army of Argentines and Uruguayans in 1845, led by Oribe<ref name="Furtado, p.7"/> and Urquiza,<ref name=e546/> and this time defeated Rivera's forces, slaughtering the survivors. Rivera was one of the few who managed to escape,<ref>Holanda, p.121</ref> and went into exile in ].<ref>Vainfas, p.303</ref><ref name="Vianna, p.526">Vianna, p.526</ref> The remains of the ] Uruguayan government in ] chose ] as the president's successor, as Oribe's forces began subjecting the capital to a siege.<ref name="Holanda, p.120"/> The violence in Uruguay escalated, with Oribe's men killing more than 17,000 Uruguayans and 15,000 Argentinians during the conflict.<ref>Costa, p.145</ref> Rosas was determined to restore Argentine suzerainty over Uruguay and take revenge on Gonçalves, and launched a sequence of interventions. In 1839 an army led by ], Lavalleja, Oribe and ], (Governor of ]) was quickly defeated by Rivera. At this point, Lavalleja left the conflict for good and did not further participate in the civil war.<ref name="Holanda, p.120"/> Rosas sent another army of Argentines and Uruguayans in 1845, led by Oribe<ref name="Furtado, p.7"/> and Urquiza,<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.546"/> and this time defeated Rivera's forces, slaughtering the survivors. Rivera was one of the few who managed to escape,<ref>Holanda, p.121</ref> and went into exile in ].<ref>Vainfas, p.303</ref><ref name="Vianna, p.526">Vianna, p.526</ref> The remains of the ] Uruguayan government in ] chose ] as the president's successor, as Oribe's forces began subjecting the capital to a siege.<ref name="Holanda, p.120"/> The violence in Uruguay escalated, with Oribe's men killing more than 17,000 Uruguayans and 15,000 Argentinians during the conflict.<ref>Costa, p.145</ref>


The hostilities began to spread beyond Uruguay's borders. In 1847, ] sponsored a revolt led by ] and ] against the Rosas regime in Argentina. This revolt was ultimately suppressed by de Urquiza.<ref name=e547/> Meanwhile Oribe, having gained control of nearly all of Uruguay, enabled Rosas to launch an invasion of southern Brazil, his forces stealing cattle, pillaging ranches, and liquidating political enemies as they went.<ref name="Vianna, p.526"/> More than 188 Brazilian farms were attacked, with 814,000 cattle and 16,950 horses stolen.<ref>Costa, p.146</ref> ] independently decided to retaliate, making raids into Uruguay which became known as "Califórnias",<ref name=e547>Estado-maior do Exército, p.547</ref><ref name="Vianna, p.527">Vianna, p.527</ref><ref>Pedrosa, p.110</ref> in reference to the violence in western North America during ]'s revolt against ], its brief independence and subsequent anexation by the U.S.<ref>Calmon (1975), p.371</ref><ref name="Bueno, p.207">Bueno, p.207</ref> As conflict further escalated with the support of Rosas for the ], anarchy over wide areas in the region, and a growing threat to trade, the era's two greatest powers, ] and ], were induced to declare war on Argentina.<ref name=e546/> Buenos Aires suffered repeated attacks from Anglo-French fleets and endured several blockades. The Argentine government was able to mount effective resistance, however, leading to a peace accord in 1849.<ref name="Lima, p.158"/><ref name=e547/> The hostilities began to spread beyond Uruguay's borders. In 1847, ] sponsored a revolt led by ] and ] against the Rosas regime in Argentina. This revolt was ultimately suppressed by de Urquiza.<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.547"/> Meanwhile Oribe, having gained control of nearly all of Uruguay, enabled Rosas to launch an invasion of southern Brazil, his forces stealing cattle, pillaging ranches, and liquidating political enemies as they went.<ref name="Vianna, p.526"/> More than 188 Brazilian farms were attacked, with 814,000 cattle and 16,950 horses stolen.<ref>Costa, p.146</ref> ] independently decided to retaliate, making raids into Uruguay which became known as "Califórnias",<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.547">Estado-maior do Exército, p.547</ref><ref name="Vianna, p.527">Vianna, p.527</ref><ref>Pedrosa, p.110</ref> in reference to the violence in western North America during ]'s revolt against ], its brief independence and subsequent anexation by the U.S.<ref>Calmon (1975), p.371</ref><ref name="Bueno, p.207">Bueno, p.207</ref> As conflict further escalated with the support of Rosas for the ], anarchy over wide areas in the region, and a growing threat to trade, the era's two greatest powers, ] and ], were induced to declare war on Argentina.<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.546"/> Buenos Aires suffered repeated attacks from Anglo-French fleets and endured several blockades. The Argentine government was able to mount effective resistance, however, leading to a peace accord in 1849.<ref name="Lima, p.158"/><ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.547"/>


===The Empire of Brazil reacts=== ===The Empire of Brazil reacts===


By the middle of the 19th century, the Empire of Brazil was the richest<ref>Pedrosa, p.232</ref> and most powerful nation in Latin America.<ref>Pedrosa, p.35</ref> It thrived under democratic institutions and a constitutional monarchy, and prided itself on the absence of the caudillos, dictators and ''coups d'état'' which were common across the rest of the continent.<ref>Pedrosa, p.35 "quando o Brasil firmou-se como um país de governo sólido e situação interna estabilizada, a partir da vitória sobre a Farroupilha, em 1845, e contra a revolta pernambucana, consolidando, definitivamente, sua superioridade no continente. Compete admitir que, nesta mesma época, as novas repúblicas debatiam-se em lutas internas intermináveis iniciadas em 1810 e sofriam de visível complexo de insegurança em relação ao Brasil"</ref> During the minority of emperor ] ], however, there had been internal rebellions driven by local disputes for power within a few provinces.<ref>Dolhnikoff, p.206</ref> One of these, the ], had been led by ], as noted above. And although it began as just another local squabble within ], it escalated into a fully fledged separatist revolt, aided by financial support from Rosas. Because there was no foreign intervention, Brazil was confident that its security was not threatened and that it would be able to handle the situation. Most of ], including the largest and richest cities, remained loyal to the Emperor,<ref>Piccolo, p.43, 44</ref> who chose to pardon the rebels instead of prosecuting them. This helped lead to order and stability being restored. Once defeated, even Gonçalves, who had remained a firm monarchist even while leading the uprising against the crown,<ref>Bueno, p.190</ref> swore loyalty to the Emperor during Pedro II's inspection tour of the south in 1845.<ref>Lyra (v.1), p.142</ref> By the middle of the 19th century, the Empire of Brazil was the richest<ref>Pedrosa, p.232</ref> and most powerful nation in Latin America.<ref name="Pedrosa, p.35">Pedrosa, p.35</ref> It thrived under democratic institutions and a constitutional monarchy, and prided itself on the absence of the caudillos, dictators and ''coups d'état'' which were common across the rest of the continent.<ref>Pedrosa, p.35 "quando o Brasil firmou-se como um país de governo sólido e situação interna estabilizada, a partir da vitória sobre a Farroupilha, em 1845, e contra a revolta pernambucana, consolidando, definitivamente, sua superioridade no continente. Compete admitir que, nesta mesma época, as novas repúblicas debatiam-se em lutas internas intermináveis iniciadas em 1810 e sofriam de visível complexo de insegurança em relação ao Brasil"</ref> During the minority of emperor ] ], however, there had been internal rebellions driven by local disputes for power within a few provinces.<ref>Dolhnikoff, p.206</ref> One of these, the ], had been led by ], as noted above. And although it began as just another local squabble within ], it escalated into a fully fledged separatist revolt, aided by financial support from Rosas. Because there was no foreign intervention, Brazil was confident that its security was not threatened and that it would be able to handle the situation. Most of ], including the largest and richest cities, remained loyal to the Emperor,<ref>Piccolo, p.43, 44</ref> who chose to pardon the rebels instead of prosecuting them. This helped lead to order and stability being restored. Once defeated, even Gonçalves, who had remained a firm monarchist even while leading the uprising against the crown,<ref>Bueno, p.190</ref> swore loyalty to the Emperor during Pedro II's inspection tour of the south in 1845.<ref>Lyra (v.1), p.142</ref>
] around the time of the Platine War.]] ] around the time of the Platine War.]]
For the Brazilian Empire, expansionist plans on the part of powerful, republican Argentina represented an existential menace to the monarchy. It also signified a threat to Brazilian hegemony across its southern borders. A successful Argentine bid to incorporate Paraguay and Uruguay into a reconstituted ], and control of the Platine river network consequently passing into entirely hostile hands,<ref name=d28/><ref name=f6/> would have threatened to cut communication between the Brazilian province of ] and Rio de Janeiro.<ref name=d28/><ref name=f6>Furtado, p.6</ref> With river transportation denied, the alternative land routes would require months of travel instead of days. Nor was Brazil keen to share a direct border with Argentina, fearing an increased vulnerability to an invasion by Rosas.<ref name=d28>Doratioto (2002), p.28</ref><ref name="Furtado, p.8">Furtado, p.8</ref> For the Brazilian Empire, expansionist plans on the part of powerful, republican Argentina represented an existential menace to the monarchy. It also signified a threat to Brazilian hegemony across its southern borders. A successful Argentine bid to incorporate Paraguay and Uruguay into a reconstituted ], and control of the Platine river network consequently passing into entirely hostile hands,<ref name=d28/><ref name=f6/> would have threatened to cut communication between the Brazilian province of ] and Rio de Janeiro.<ref name=d28/><ref name=f6>Furtado, p.6</ref> With river transportation denied, the alternative land routes would require months of travel instead of days. Nor was Brazil keen to share a direct border with Argentina, fearing an increased vulnerability to an invasion by Rosas.<ref name=d28>Doratioto (2002), p.28</ref><ref name="Furtado, p.8">Furtado, p.8</ref>
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Brazil had also been searching for support against Rosas inside Argentina, with some success. On 1 May 1851, the Argentine province of ], governed by ], declared to Rosas that "it is the will of its people to reassume the entire exercise of its own sovereignty and power which had been delegated to the governor of Buenos Aires." It was followed by the province of Corrientes, governed by ], which sent the same message.<ref name="Lyra v.1, p.164">Lyra (v.1), p.164</ref> Brazil encouraged and financially supported both uprisings. One of the reasons for Urquiza's betrayal of Rosas was a long-running rivalry. Rosas had tried to remove him from power several times since 1845, suspecting that the caudillo was nurturing designs for his overthrow.<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.547"/> This was the trigger for military intervention, and Brazil sent a naval force to the Platine region, basing it near the port of ]. The British Rear admiral ], a veteran of the ] and of the ] was appointed to lead the fleet,<ref name="Lima, p.159"/> which reached Montevideo on 4 May 1851. His command included one ], seven ]s, three ]s and six ].<ref name="Maia, p.256"/><ref>Estado-maior do Exército, p.548</ref> The Brazilian Armada had a total of 59 vessels of various types in 1851, including: 36 armed sailing ships, 10 armed steamships, 7 unarmed sailing ships and 6 sailing transports.<ref>Carvalho, p.181</ref> Brazil had also been searching for support against Rosas inside Argentina, with some success. On 1 May 1851, the Argentine province of ], governed by ], declared to Rosas that "it is the will of its people to reassume the entire exercise of its own sovereignty and power which had been delegated to the governor of Buenos Aires." It was followed by the province of Corrientes, governed by ], which sent the same message.<ref name="Lyra v.1, p.164">Lyra (v.1), p.164</ref> Brazil encouraged and financially supported both uprisings. One of the reasons for Urquiza's betrayal of Rosas was a long-running rivalry. Rosas had tried to remove him from power several times since 1845, suspecting that the caudillo was nurturing designs for his overthrow.<ref name="Estado-maior do Exército, p.547"/> This was the trigger for military intervention, and Brazil sent a naval force to the Platine region, basing it near the port of ]. The British Rear admiral ], a veteran of the ] and of the ] was appointed to lead the fleet,<ref name="Lima, p.159"/> which reached Montevideo on 4 May 1851. His command included one ], seven ]s, three ]s and six ].<ref name="Maia, p.256"/><ref>Estado-maior do Exército, p.548</ref> The Brazilian Armada had a total of 59 vessels of various types in 1851, including: 36 armed sailing ships, 10 armed steamships, 7 unarmed sailing ships and 6 sailing transports.<ref>Carvalho, p.181</ref>


Uruguay, Brazil and the Argentine provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes joined in an offensive alliance against Rosas on 29 May 1851. The text of the treaty declared that the objective was to protect Uruguayan independence, pacify its territory, and expell Oribe's forces.<ref name="Vianna, p.527"/> ] would command the Argentine forces and ] would lead the Colorado Uruguayans, with both receiving financial and military aid from the Empire of Brazil.<ref name="Maia, p.256">Maia, p.256</ref> This was followed on 2 August 1851 by landings of the first Brazilian detachments in Uruguay, consisting of approximately 300 soldiers of the 6th Battalion of Skirmishers sent to protect ''Fuerte del Cerro'' (Cerro Fort).<ref>Maia, p.256, 257</ref> In response, Rosas declared war against Brazil on 18 August 1851.<ref>Furtado, p.9</ref> Uruguay, Brazil and the Argentine provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes joined in an offensive alliance against Rosas on 29 May 1851. The text of the treaty declared that the objective was to protect Uruguayan independence, pacify its territory, and expel Oribe's forces.<ref name="Vianna, p.527"/> ] would command the Argentine forces and ] would lead the Colorado Uruguayans, with both receiving financial and military aid from the Empire of Brazil.<ref name="Maia, p.256">Maia, p.256</ref> This was followed on 2 August 1851 by landings of the first Brazilian detachments in Uruguay, consisting of approximately 300 soldiers of the 6th Battalion of Skirmishers sent to protect ''Fuerte del Cerro'' (Cerro Fort).<ref>Maia, p.256, 257</ref> In response, Rosas declared war against Brazil on 18 August 1851.<ref>Furtado, p.9</ref>


==Allied invasion of Uruguay== ==Allied invasion of Uruguay==
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===Rosas defeat=== ===Rosas defeat===


The Allied army had been advancing on the Argentinian capital of Buenos Aires by land, while the Brazilian Army commanded by Caxias planned a supporting attack by sea. On 29 January at the ] the Allied vanguard defeated a force of 4,000 Argentines led by two colonels which General ] had sent to slow down the advance.<ref>Títara, p.161</ref> Pacheco retreated. Two days later, troops under his personal command were defeated at the ] by two allied divisions, losing 4,000 men.<ref>Títara, p.161</ref><ref>Estado-maior do Exército, p.554</ref> On 1 February 1852, the Allied troops encamped approximately nine kilometers from Buenos Aires. The next day a brief skirmish between the vanguards of both armies ended with a retreat by the Argentines.<ref>Magalhães, p.64</ref><ref>Títara, p.162</ref> The Allied army had been advancing on the Argentinian capital of Buenos Aires by land, while the Brazilian Army commanded by Caxias planned a supporting attack by sea. On 29 January at the ] the Allied vanguard defeated a force of 4,000 Argentines led by two colonels which General ] had sent to slow down the advance.<ref name="Títara, p.161">Títara, p.161</ref> Pacheco retreated. Two days later, troops under his personal command were defeated at the ] by two allied divisions, losing 4,000 men.<ref name="Títara, p.161"/><ref>Estado-maior do Exército, p.554</ref> On 1 February 1852, the Allied troops encamped approximately nine kilometers from Buenos Aires. The next day a brief skirmish between the vanguards of both armies ended with a retreat by the Argentines.<ref>Magalhães, p.64</ref><ref>Títara, p.162</ref>
], future President of Argentina. He is wearing the Brazilian ] given to him by Pedro II during his exile in ] in 1852.<ref>Calmon (1975), p.407</ref> ]] ], future President of Argentina. He is wearing the Brazilian ] given to him by Pedro II during his exile in ] in 1852.<ref>Calmon (1975), p.407</ref> ]]
On 3 February the Allied army encountered the main Argentine force commanded by Rosas himself. On paper, the two sides were well-matched. The Allies included 20,000 Argentines, 2,000 Uruguayans, 4,000<ref name=g42/> Brazilian elite<ref>Calmon (2002), p.196</ref> troops (or 16,000 cavalrymen, 9,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen), totalling 26,000 men and 45 cannon.<ref name="Costa, p.156">Costa, p.156</ref> On the Argentine side, Rosas had 15,000 cavalrymen, 10,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen, totalling of 26,000 men and 60 cannon.<ref name="Golin, p.43">Golin, p.43</ref> Rosas had been able to select the best positions for his army, choosing the high ground on the slopes of a hill at Caseros which lay on the other side of a small river called the Arrojo Morón. His headquarters were based in a mansion at the top of Caseros.<ref name="Costa, p.156">Costa, p.156</ref> On 3 February the Allied army encountered the main Argentine force commanded by Rosas himself. On paper, the two sides were well-matched. The Allies included 20,000 Argentines, 2,000 Uruguayans, 4,000<ref name="Golin, p.42"/> Brazilian elite<ref>Calmon (2002), p.196</ref> troops (or 16,000 cavalrymen, 9,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen), totalling 26,000 men and 45 cannon.<ref name="Costa, p.156">Costa, p.156</ref> On the Argentine side, Rosas had 15,000 cavalrymen, 10,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen, totalling of 26,000 men and 60 cannon.<ref name="Golin, p.43">Golin, p.43</ref> Rosas had been able to select the best positions for his army, choosing the high ground on the slopes of a hill at Caseros which lay on the other side of a small river called the Arrojo Morón. His headquarters were based in a mansion at the top of Caseros.<ref name="Costa, p.156">Costa, p.156</ref>


The Allied commanders were ], ] (later the Marquis of Erval), ], ] (who replaced Garzón after his unexpected death in December 1851), Urquiza, and the future Argentine presidents ] and ]. These men formed a War Council, and gave orders to commence the attack.<ref name=g42/> Almost immediately the forward units of the two armies began to engage in battle.<ref name="Costa, p.156"/> The Allied commanders were ], ] (later the Marquis of Erval), ], ] (who replaced Garzón after his unexpected death in December 1851), Urquiza, and the future Argentine presidents ] and ]. These men formed a War Council, and gave orders to commence the attack.<ref name="Golin, p.42"/> Almost immediately the forward units of the two armies began to engage in battle.<ref name="Costa, p.156"/>


The ], as the clash between the Allied and Argentine armies became known, resulted in a great victory for the opponents of Rosas. Although they started with the inferior position on the battlefield, the Allied soldiers managed to annihilate Rosas's troops in a fight that lasted for most of the day. A few minutes before the Allied forces reached Rosas' headquarters, the Argentine dictator escaped the battlefield. Disguised as a sailor,<ref name="Costa, p.158"/> he sought out Robert Gore, British ambassador in Buenos Aires, and requested asylum. The ambassador agreed to have de Rosas and his daughter Manuelita taken to the ], where he would spend the last twenty years of his life.<ref name="Lima, p.159"/><ref name="Golin, p.42">Golin, p.42</ref> The official report stated that 600 men on the Allied side had been wounded or died, while the Argentine army had 1,400 killed and 7,000 were captured. Given the duration and scale of the battle, however, this may be an underestimate.<ref>Doratioto (2009), p.80</ref><ref>Scheina, p.123</ref> The ], as the clash between the Allied and Argentine armies became known, resulted in a great victory for the opponents of Rosas. Although they started with the inferior position on the battlefield, the Allied soldiers managed to annihilate Rosas's troops in a fight that lasted for most of the day. A few minutes before the Allied forces reached Rosas' headquarters, the Argentine dictator escaped the battlefield. Disguised as a sailor,<ref name="Costa, p.158"/> he sought out Robert Gore, British ambassador in Buenos Aires, and requested asylum. The ambassador agreed to have de Rosas and his daughter Manuelita taken to the ], where he would spend the last twenty years of his life.<ref name="Lima, p.159"/><ref name="Golin, p.42">Golin, p.42</ref> The official report stated that 600 men on the Allied side had been wounded or died, while the Argentine army had 1,400 killed and 7,000 were captured. Given the duration and scale of the battle, however, this may be an underestimate.<ref>Doratioto (2009), p.80</ref><ref>Scheina, p.123</ref>


To mark their victory, the Allied troops marched in triumph through the streets of Buenos Aires. The parades included the Brazilian Army, which insisted that their triumphal procession take place on 20 February, to mark payback for the defeat it had suffered at the hands of the Argentines in the ], twenty five years before on that date during the Argentina–Brazil War. The population of Buenos Aires was said to be ashamed, quiet and hostile as the Brazilians passed.<ref name=g42>Golin, p.42</ref> To mark their victory, the Allied troops marched in triumph through the streets of Buenos Aires. The parades included the Brazilian Army, which insisted that their triumphal procession take place on 20 February, to mark payback for the defeat it had suffered at the hands of the Argentines in the ], twenty five years before on that date during the Argentina–Brazil War. The population of Buenos Aires was said to be ashamed, quiet and hostile as the Brazilians passed.<ref name="Golin, p.42">Golin, p.42</ref>


==Aftermath== ==Aftermath==
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===In Brazil=== ===In Brazil===


The triumph in Caseros was a pivotal military victory for Brazil. The independence of Paraguay and Uruguay was secured, and the planned Argentine invasion of Rio Grande do Sul was blocked.<ref>Golin, p.42, 43</ref> In a period of three years, the Empire of Brazil had destroyed any possibility of reconstituting a state encompassing the territories of old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, a goal cherished by many in Argentina since independence.<ref name="Lyra v.1, p.164"/> What Great Britain and France, the great powers of that time, had not achieved through interventions by their powerful navies, Brazil's army and fleet had accomplished.<ref>Calmon (2002), p.195</ref> This represented a watershed for the history of the region, as it not only ushered in Imperial hegemony over the Platine region,<ref name="Furtado, p.10"/><ref name="Golin, p.42"/> but also in the rest of South America.<ref>Pedrosa, p.35</ref> The victory over Paraguay eighteen years later would be only a confirmation of Brazilian dominance.<ref>Lyra (v.2), p.9 "The end of the Paraguayan War marked the apogee of the Imperial regime in Brazil. It is the 'Golden Age' of the monarchy." and "...Brazil had a reputation in the international community that, with the sole exception of the United States of America, no other country in the Americas held."</ref> The triumph in Caseros was a pivotal military victory for Brazil. The independence of Paraguay and Uruguay was secured, and the planned Argentine invasion of Rio Grande do Sul was blocked.<ref>Golin, p.42, 43</ref> In a period of three years, the Empire of Brazil had destroyed any possibility of reconstituting a state encompassing the territories of old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, a goal cherished by many in Argentina since independence.<ref name="Lyra v.1, p.164"/> What Great Britain and France, the great powers of that time, had not achieved through interventions by their powerful navies, Brazil's army and fleet had accomplished.<ref>Calmon (2002), p.195</ref> This represented a watershed for the history of the region, as it not only ushered in Imperial hegemony over the Platine region,<ref name="Furtado, p.10"/><ref name="Golin, p.42"/> but also in the rest of South America.<ref name="Pedrosa, p.35"/> The victory over Paraguay eighteen years later would be only a confirmation of Brazilian dominance.<ref>Lyra (v.2), p.9 "The end of the Paraguayan War marked the apogee of the Imperial regime in Brazil. It is the 'Golden Age' of the monarchy." and "...Brazil had a reputation in the international community that, with the sole exception of the United States of America, no other country in the Americas held."</ref>
] (photo of 1854) led Buenos Aires against the Argentine Confederation until he reunified Argentina after his victory in the ] in 1861.]] ] (photo of 1854) led Buenos Aires against the Argentine Confederation until he reunified Argentina after his victory in the ] in 1861.]]
] nations from ] to Argentina suffered from coups d'etat, revolts, ]s, political upheavals, economic instability, ]s and ]s. Brazil, on the other hand, came out of the conflict with the monarchy stronger than ever and a cessation of internal revolts. The problematic province of Rio Grande do Sul had actively participated in the war effort. As a consequence, there was increased identification with Brazil among its populace, quelling of separatist feeling, and an easier and effective integration with the rest of the nation.<ref name="Golin, p.43"/> Internal stability also allowed Brazil to begin assuming a respected place on the international scene, coinciding with the parallel emergence of the ] which was only now establishing its borders. The European powers perceived in the Empire of Brazil a rare exception in a continent afflicted by civil wars and dictatorships.<ref>Lyra (v.1), p.200</ref> Brazil entered into a period of great economic, scientific and cultural prosperity unmatched by any of its neighbors, lasting from 1850 until the end of the monarchy.<ref>Bueno, p.196</ref><ref>Lyra (v.1), p.199</ref> ] nations from ] to Argentina suffered from coups d'état, revolts, ]s, political upheavals, economic instability, ]s and ]s. Brazil, on the other hand, came out of the conflict with the monarchy stronger than ever and a cessation of internal revolts. The problematic province of Rio Grande do Sul had actively participated in the war effort. As a consequence, there was increased identification with Brazil among its populace, quelling of separatist feeling, and an easier and effective integration with the rest of the nation.<ref name="Golin, p.43"/> Internal stability also allowed Brazil to begin assuming a respected place on the international scene, coinciding with the parallel emergence of the ] which was only now establishing its borders. The European powers perceived in the Empire of Brazil a rare exception in a continent afflicted by civil wars and dictatorships.<ref>Lyra (v.1), p.200</ref> Brazil entered into a period of great economic, scientific and cultural prosperity unmatched by any of its neighbors, lasting from 1850 until the end of the monarchy.<ref>Bueno, p.196</ref><ref>Lyra (v.1), p.199</ref>


===In Argentina=== ===In Argentina===
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* Doratioto, Francisco. ''Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional''. Year 4. Issue 41. Rio de Janeiro: SABIN, 2009. {{pt icon}} * Doratioto, Francisco. ''Revista de História da Biblioteca Nacional''. Year 4. Issue 41. Rio de Janeiro: SABIN, 2009. {{pt icon}}
* Estado-maior do Exército. ''História do Exército Brasileiro: Perfil militar de um povo''. v.2. Brasília: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1972. {{pt icon}} * Estado-maior do Exército. ''História do Exército Brasileiro: Perfil militar de um povo''. v.2. Brasília: Instituto Nacional do Livro, 1972. {{pt icon}}
* Furtado, Joaci Pereira. ''A Guerra do Paraguai (1864-1870)''. São Paulo: Saraiva, 2000. ISBN 85-02-03102-3 {{pt icon}} * Furtado, Joaci Pereira. ''A Guerra do Paraguai (1864–1870)''. São Paulo: Saraiva, 2000. ISBN 85-02-03102-3 {{pt icon}}
* Golin, Tau. ''A Fronteira''. v.2. Porto Alegre: L&PM Editores, 2004. ISBN 8525414387 {{pt icon}} * Golin, Tau. ''A Fronteira''. v.2. Porto Alegre: L&PM Editores, 2004. ISBN 8525414387 {{pt icon}}
* ]. ''História Geral da Civilização Brasileira (II, v. 3)''. DIFEL/Difusão Editorial S.A., 1976. {{pt icon}} * ]. ''História Geral da Civilização Brasileira (II, v. 3)''. DIFEL/Difusão Editorial S.A., 1976. {{pt icon}}
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* Lynch, John. ''Argentine caudillo: Juan Manuel de Rosas''. Lanham: SR Books, 2001. ISBN 0-8420-2898-6 {{en icon}} * Lynch, John. ''Argentine caudillo: Juan Manuel de Rosas''. Lanham: SR Books, 2001. ISBN 0-8420-2898-6 {{en icon}}
* Lynch, John. ''Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850''. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992 (2002 reprint). ISBN 019821135X {{en icon}} * Lynch, John. ''Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800-1850''. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992 (2002 reprint). ISBN 019821135X {{en icon}}
* Lyra, Heitor. ''História de Dom Pedro II (1825 – 1891): Ascenção (1825 – 1870)''. v.1. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1977. {{pt icon}} * Lyra, Heitor. ''História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Ascenção (1825–1870)''. v.1. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1977. {{pt icon}}
* Lyra, Heitor. ''História de Dom Pedro II (1825 – 1891): Fastígio (1870 – 1880)''. v.2. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1977. {{pt icon}} * Lyra, Heitor. ''História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Fastígio (1870–1880)''. v.2. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1977. {{pt icon}}
* Magalhães, João Batista. ''Osório : síntese de seu perfil histórico''. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército, 1978. {{pt icon}} * Magalhães, João Batista. ''Osório : síntese de seu perfil histórico''. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército, 1978. {{pt icon}}
* Maia, João do Prado. ''A Marinha de Guerra do Brasil na Colônia e no Império''. 2 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Editora Cátedra, 1975. {{pt icon}} * Maia, João do Prado. ''A Marinha de Guerra do Brasil na Colônia e no Império''. 2 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Editora Cátedra, 1975. {{pt icon}}

Revision as of 08:54, 18 April 2010

Platine War
Scenes from various battles and naval engagements during the Platine War
Clockwise from top left: Brazilian 1st Division in the Caseros; Uruguayan infantry aiding Entre Rios cavalry in Caseros; Beginning of the Passage of the Tonelero; Charge of Urquiza's cavalry in Caseros; Passage of the Tonelero.
Date1851–1852
LocationUruguay,
Argentina northeast,
Río de la Plata
Result Allied victory,
Brazilian hegemony on South America
Belligerents
Empire of Brazil
Uruguay
Entre Rios
Corrientes		 Argentine Confederation
Blancos
Commanders and leaders
John Pascoe Grenfell
Duke of Caxias
Count of Porto Alegre
Justo José de Urquiza
Eugenio Garzón
José Miguel Galán		 Juan Manuel de Rosas
Lucio Norberto Mansilla
Ángel Pacheco
Manuel Oribe
Strength
20,000 Brazilians
15,000+ Argentines and Uruguayans		 34,500+ Argentines and Uruguayans
Casualties and losses
600+ dead and wounded 5,400+ dead and wounded
7,000 captured

The Platine War, also known as the War against Oribe and Rosas (August 18, 1851 – February 3, 1852) was fought between the Argentine Confederation and an alliance of the Empire of Brazil, Uruguay and the Argentine provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes. The war was part of a long-running contest between Argentina and Brazil for influence over Uruguay and Paraguay and hegemony over the regions bordering the Río de la Plata. The conflict took place in Uruguay, on the Río de la Plata and in the northeast of Argentina.

The civil war in Uruguay following its independence from Brazil combined with Argentine dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas's ambitions to generated instability in the Platine region. Argentina considered Uruguay and Paraguay to lie within its sphere of influence, and there was a desire to see its borders incorporate the area occupied by the old Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. These objectives ran contrary to Brazilian interests and sovereignty, since the old viceroyalty encompassed lands which had since been assimilated into Brazil's province of Rio Grande do Sul. Conflict between Brazilian and Argentine interests and influence in the region had already led to the Argentina-Brazil War, and would spark two future wars.

The Brazilian government, along with Uruguay and the Argentine rebel provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes, formed an offensive alliance against the Argentine Confederation. Rosas declared war on Brazil, followed by the advance of allied forces into Uruguayan territory. The allied army was then split, with the main arm advancing through Argentine territory to engage Rosas's defenses and the other launching a seaborne assault directed at the Argentine capital.

The Platine War ended in 1852 with the allied victory at the Battle of Caseros. This established Brazilian hegemony over much of South America, and further ushered in a period of economic and political stability in the Empire of Brazil itself. However, the other nations in the Platine region continued to experience turmoil, with internal disputes among political factions in Uruguay and a long civil war in a divided Argentina.

Background

Juan Manuel de Rosas dictatorship

Main article: Juan Manuel de Rosas See also: Argentine Civil War
map of South America with the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata indicated in red, the area of which incorporated portions of present-day Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia and Chile
The Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata.

Don Juan Manuel de Rosas was elected governor of Buenos Aires during a time when the country had no formal head of state. After the Argentina-Brazil War in 1828 Bernardino Rivadavia resigned as President of Argentina, as well as his vice-president shortly after, the 1826 Constitution was repelled and the office dissolved. The many provinces were organized since then as a Confederation, with the governor of Buenos Aires Province being invested with the power to manage war, foreign relations, and debt payment. Rosas, leader of the Federalist party, exercised control over the other provinces through a combination of negotiation, bribery and military pressure. The wealth of Buenos Aires, generated because all of Argentina's international trade had to pass through its port, was a decisive tool to make political pressure over the other provinces. Rosas ran a first term as governor in the 1829-1832 period, declining to be reelected, and again in 1835, this time with the legislature granting him the "sum of public power" (Template:Lang-es). Rosas' government became more despotic as time went on, and some 14,000 of the political opposition (the Unitarians) fled to Uruguay to escape repression. Rosas had during part of his government a police force called "mazorca", used to intimidate the opposition and generate a state of terror. However, historians have deep disagreements on the number of deaths caused by the Mazorca, which vary from 80 to 2,000 and even 20,000.

Rosas desired to recreate the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, not as a monarchy, however. But instead, as a powerful, republican state, placing Argentina at the center of it. The defunct viceroyalty had been shattered into several separate countries once it achieved independence at the beginning of the 20th century. To achieve its reunification, the Argentine government would need to reannex the three neighbouring nations of Bolivia, Uruguay and Paraguay, as well as a portion of the southern region of Brazil. Rosas first had to gather allies across the region who shared his vision. In some instances, this entailed becoming involved in the internal politics of neighboring countries to back those sympathetic to union with Argentina, and occasionally even financing rebellions and wars.

Paraguay had considered itself a sovereign nation since 1811, but it was not recognized as such by any other nation. Argentina viewed it as a rebellious province. The Paraguayan dictator José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia decided that the best way to maintain his own rule and the independence of Paraguay from Argentina was to isolate the country from contacts with the outside world. It was for this reason that, up until 1840, the country had avoided establishing diplomatic relations with other nations. With the death of Francia, this policy began to shift, and his successor Don Carlos Antonio López signed two treaties in July 1841. These were the 'Friendship, Commerce and Navigation' and 'Limits' agreements made with the Argentine province of Corrientes, which itself had broken away from Argentina under Rosas. Meanwhile, Rosas began to place pressure on Paraguay. Rosas continued to refuse recognition of Paraguayan independence and placed a blockade on international traffic to and from Paraguay on the Paraná river.

La Guerra Grande

Main article: Uruguayan Civil War

Uruguay's internal troubles, including the long civil war, "La Guerra Grande" (The Great War), were heavily influential factors leading up to the Platine War. The old Brazilian province of Cisplatina had become the Oriental Republic of Uruguay after the Argentina-Brazil War of the 1820s. Uruguay's first constitution was adopted in 1830, and Don Fructuoso Rivera was elected its first president. The voting results, however, were disputed by Rivera's opponent, Don Juan Antonio Lavalleja. Lavalleja had gained fame during 1825 for declaring, with the support of the "Thirty-Three Orientals", Cisplatine's independence from Brazil. In due course Lavalleja attempted to resolve the disputed election by force, marking the beginning of a long civil war. Rivera and Lavalleja became associated with two rival political parties: the Blancos which supported Lavalleja, and the Colorados which were partisans of Rivera.

An old photograph showing the arched gate to the fortress at Buenos Aires, with sloping outerworks on each side of the gate and interior buildings rising in the background.Buenos Aires fort, c. 1852. Today the Argentine presidential palace (Casa Rosada) occupies the site.An old photograph showing buildings lining the river banks of the Rio de la Plata at Buenos Aires.View of the Río de la Plata (River Plate) from Buenos Aires, 1852. The Argentine capital was the center of Rosas' power.

Lavalleja soon discovered that Rosas in neighbouring Buenos Aires was interested in aiding him financially and militarily. In 1832, Lavalleja began to receive aid from Bento Gonçalves, a soldier and farmer from the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. Gonçalves had been encouraged by Rosas to rebel against the Brazilian government, with the ultimate aim of enabling Argentina to annex the province of Rio Grande do Sul. Together, Lavalleja and Gonçalves initiated a military campaign in Uruguay which was characterised by extensive violence and theft.

Rivera completed his term of office as President in October 1834. Manuel Oribe, like Lavalleja a member of the Blanco party, was elected in March 1835 and called for an end to the anarchy of the previous years. But election of the new president caused a shift in regional alliances. Outgoing president Rivera rebelled against Oribe but was militarily defeated and retreated into Rio Grande do Sul. There he joined forces with Gonçalves and his men, until then allies of Rosas. Lavajella, however, remained loyal to Oribe. Rivera and Gonçalves then invaded Uruguay and overran most of the country outside the environs of the capital, Montevideo. Defeated, Oribe renounced his position as president and decamped to Argentina. Rivera was then reelected president in 1838.

Rosas was determined to restore Argentine suzerainty over Uruguay and take revenge on Gonçalves, and launched a sequence of interventions. In 1839 an army led by Pascual Echagüe, Lavalleja, Oribe and Justo José de Urquiza, (Governor of Entre Rios) was quickly defeated by Rivera. At this point, Lavalleja left the conflict for good and did not further participate in the civil war. Rosas sent another army of Argentines and Uruguayans in 1845, led by Oribe and Urquiza, and this time defeated Rivera's forces, slaughtering the survivors. Rivera was one of the few who managed to escape, and went into exile in Rio de Janeiro. The remains of the Colorado Uruguayan government in Montevideo chose Joaquín Suárez as the president's successor, as Oribe's forces began subjecting the capital to a siege. The violence in Uruguay escalated, with Oribe's men killing more than 17,000 Uruguayans and 15,000 Argentinians during the conflict.

The hostilities began to spread beyond Uruguay's borders. In 1847, Francisco Solano López sponsored a revolt led by Joaquín Madariaga and José María Paz against the Rosas regime in Argentina. This revolt was ultimately suppressed by de Urquiza. Meanwhile Oribe, having gained control of nearly all of Uruguay, enabled Rosas to launch an invasion of southern Brazil, his forces stealing cattle, pillaging ranches, and liquidating political enemies as they went. More than 188 Brazilian farms were attacked, with 814,000 cattle and 16,950 horses stolen. Francisco Pedro de Abreu, Baron of Jacuí independently decided to retaliate, making raids into Uruguay which became known as "Califórnias", in reference to the violence in western North America during California's revolt against Mexico, its brief independence and subsequent anexation by the U.S. As conflict further escalated with the support of Rosas for the Blancos, anarchy over wide areas in the region, and a growing threat to trade, the era's two greatest powers, France and Great Britain, were induced to declare war on Argentina. Buenos Aires suffered repeated attacks from Anglo-French fleets and endured several blockades. The Argentine government was able to mount effective resistance, however, leading to a peace accord in 1849.

The Empire of Brazil reacts

By the middle of the 19th century, the Empire of Brazil was the richest and most powerful nation in Latin America. It thrived under democratic institutions and a constitutional monarchy, and prided itself on the absence of the caudillos, dictators and coups d'état which were common across the rest of the continent. During the minority of emperor Dom Pedro II, however, there had been internal rebellions driven by local disputes for power within a few provinces. One of these, the War of Tatters, had been led by Gonçalves, as noted above. And although it began as just another local squabble within Rio Grande do Sul, it escalated into a fully fledged separatist revolt, aided by financial support from Rosas. Because there was no foreign intervention, Brazil was confident that its security was not threatened and that it would be able to handle the situation. Most of Rio Grande do Sul, including the largest and richest cities, remained loyal to the Emperor, who chose to pardon the rebels instead of prosecuting them. This helped lead to order and stability being restored. Once defeated, even Gonçalves, who had remained a firm monarchist even while leading the uprising against the crown, swore loyalty to the Emperor during Pedro II's inspection tour of the south in 1845.

Half-length portrait from a photograph showing the young, bearded Emperor Pedro the Second in full uniform with sash of office and various medals
Emperor Dom Pedro II around the time of the Platine War.

For the Brazilian Empire, expansionist plans on the part of powerful, republican Argentina represented an existential menace to the monarchy. It also signified a threat to Brazilian hegemony across its southern borders. A successful Argentine bid to incorporate Paraguay and Uruguay into a reconstituted Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, and control of the Platine river network consequently passing into entirely hostile hands, would have threatened to cut communication between the Brazilian province of Mato Grosso and Rio de Janeiro. With river transportation denied, the alternative land routes would require months of travel instead of days. Nor was Brazil keen to share a direct border with Argentina, fearing an increased vulnerability to an invasion by Rosas.

The members of the Brazilian Cabinet could not reach agreement as to how to address the danger posed by Rosas. Some ministers advocated pursuing a peaceful outcome at any cost, and others believed the only answer was a military solution. Pedro de Araújo Lima, then President of the Council of Ministers, firmly advocated a policy of peace. He feared that Brazil was unprepared for war and that a defeat would imperil the monarchy and lead to a situation similar to that of the 1820s when the loss of Cisplatine contributed to the abdication of Dom Pedro I, the emperor's father. In 1849, however, Araújo Lima concluded that his position had become untenable and resigned from office, clearing the way for the Emperor to call José da Costa Carvalho (later the Marquis of Monte Alegre) to head the cabinet. Paulino José Soares de Sousa, a member of the pro-war faction and later Viscount of Uruguay, was chosen as the new minister of Foreign Affairs. Soares made clear his intent to deal with Argentina without foreign assistance, announcing that the "Imperial Government does not desire or judge convenient an alliance with France or any other European nation related to the matters in the Platine region. It understands that they must be resolved by the nations which are closely connected with... It will not admit European influence over America." The Empire of Brazil was determined to extend its zone of influence over South America.

The new Council of Ministers settled upon a risky alternative to resolve the complicated situation in the Platine region. Instead of undertaking a period of conscription to build up the Brazilian Army, which would have been costly, the Council decided to rely on the standing army. It sent a contingent south to secure the region. Brazil held an advantage in possessing a powerful and modern navy, along with an experienced professional army hardened by years of internal and external warfare. Up until this point, no other nation in South America possessed true navies or regular armies. Rosas' and Oribe's forces were largely made up of irregular troops on loan from those caudillos who supported them. Even a decade later, Argentina could only field an army of 6,000 men. Brazil also decided to adopt Rosas' own tactics by financing his opponents to weaken him both internally and externally.

The war begins

The Alliance against Rosas

The Brazilian government set about creating a regional alliance against Rosas, sending a delegation to the region led by Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (later the Marquis of Paraná), who held plenipotentiary authority. He was assisted by José Maria da Silva Paranhos (later the Viscount of Rio Branco). Brazil signed a treaty with Bolívia in which Bolivia agreed to strengthen its border defenses to deter any attack by Rosas, though it declined to contribute troops to a war with Argentina. Isolationist Paraguay was more difficult to win over. Brazil made the initial overtures, becoming the first country to formally recognise Paraguayan independence in 1844. This soon led to the establishment of excellent diplomatic relations. The Brazilian ambassador in Paraguay, Pimenta Bueno, became a private councilor to Carlos López. A defensive alliance was signed on 25 December 1850 between Brazil and Paraguay, in which López agreed to supply the Empire with horses for its army. But Paraguay also refused to contribute troops to fight Rosas, believing that Justo José Urquiza, Rosas' rival in the neighbouring province of Entre Rios, secretly wished to annex Paraguay.

Half-length photographic portrait of Urquiza dressed in a military-style tunic, open at the front.
Justo José Urquiza, governor of Entre Rios, 1852.

Brazil's involvement in the Uruguayan civil war also began to deepen. Luis Alves de Lima e Silva, the Count of Caxias, assumed the presidency (governorship) of Rio Grande do Sul and command of the four Brazilian Army divisions headquartered in the province. Beginning in 1849, the imperial government directly assisted the besieged Colorado Uruguayan government in Montevideo, and on 6 September 1850 the Uruguayan representative Andres Lamas signed an agreement with Irineu Evangelista de Sousa to transfer money to the Montevideo government through his bank. The Empire of Brazil openly declared on 16 March 1851 its support of Colorado Uruguay against Oribe, something it had been covertly doing for more than two years. This did not please the Argentine government, and they began mobilizing for war.

Brazil had also been searching for support against Rosas inside Argentina, with some success. On 1 May 1851, the Argentine province of Entre Rios, governed by Urquiza, declared to Rosas that "it is the will of its people to reassume the entire exercise of its own sovereignty and power which had been delegated to the governor of Buenos Aires." It was followed by the province of Corrientes, governed by Benjamín Virasoro, which sent the same message. Brazil encouraged and financially supported both uprisings. One of the reasons for Urquiza's betrayal of Rosas was a long-running rivalry. Rosas had tried to remove him from power several times since 1845, suspecting that the caudillo was nurturing designs for his overthrow. This was the trigger for military intervention, and Brazil sent a naval force to the Platine region, basing it near the port of Montevideo. The British Rear admiral John Pascoe Grenfell, a veteran of the Brazilian War of Independence and of the Argentina–Brazil War was appointed to lead the fleet, which reached Montevideo on 4 May 1851. His command included one frigate, seven corvettes, three brigs and six steamships. The Brazilian Armada had a total of 59 vessels of various types in 1851, including: 36 armed sailing ships, 10 armed steamships, 7 unarmed sailing ships and 6 sailing transports.

Uruguay, Brazil and the Argentine provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes joined in an offensive alliance against Rosas on 29 May 1851. The text of the treaty declared that the objective was to protect Uruguayan independence, pacify its territory, and expel Oribe's forces. Urquiza would command the Argentine forces and Eugenio Garzón would lead the Colorado Uruguayans, with both receiving financial and military aid from the Empire of Brazil. This was followed on 2 August 1851 by landings of the first Brazilian detachments in Uruguay, consisting of approximately 300 soldiers of the 6th Battalion of Skirmishers sent to protect Fuerte del Cerro (Cerro Fort). In response, Rosas declared war against Brazil on 18 August 1851.

Allied invasion of Uruguay

The defeat of Oribe

Movement of the Allied forces into Uruguayan (left) and Argentine (right) territory.

The Count of Caxias led a Brazilian army of 16,200 professional soldiers across the border between Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay on September 4, 1851. His force consisted of four divisions, with 6,500 infantrymen, 8,900 cavalrymen, 800 artillerymen and 26 cannons, a little under half the total Brazilian army (37,000 men); while other 4,000 of his men remained in Brazil to protect its border.

The Brazilian Army entered Uruguay in three groups: the main force, consisting of the 1st and 2nd divisions - around 12,000 men, under Caxias's personal command - left from Santana do Livramento. The second force, under the command of Colonel David Canabarro departed from Quaraim, comprising the 4th division, protecting Caxias' right flank. The third force, the 3rd Division under Brigadier General José Fernandes, left from Jaguarão, protecting Caxias' left. Canabarro's 4th Division joined Caxias's troops a little after arriving at the Uruguayan town of Frutuoso, the combined force then joining up with Fernandes just before reaching Montevideo.

Meanwhile, the troops of Urquiza and Eugenio Garzón had surrounded the army of Oribe near Montevideo. Their forces numbered roughly 15,000 men, almost double Oribe's 8,500. Realising that the Brazilians were approaching and knowing that there was no hope of victory, Oribe orderered his troops to surrender without a fight on 19 October, and retreated into seclusion on his farm in Paso del Molino. The Brazilian fleet, with their ships scattered throughout the River Plate and tributaries, prevented the defeated army of Oribe from escaping into Argentina. Urquiza suggested to Grenfell that they should simply kill the resulting prisoners of war, but Grenfell refused to harm any of them. Instead, Oribe's Argentine soldiers were incorporated into the army of Urquiza, and the Uruguayans into Garzon's.

The Brazilian army safely took the remaining Blanco Uruguayan territory, fighting off Oribe's troops, who attacked their flanks in several skirmishes. On November 21 the representatives of Brazil, Uruguay, Entre Rios and Corrientes then formed another alliance in Montevideo with the objective of "freeing the Argentine people of the oppression that suffers under the tyrant rule of the Governor Rosas”.

Allied invasion of Argentina

The allied army advance

Shortly after the surrender of Oribe, the allied forces split into two groups, the plan being for one force to manoeuver upriver to sweep down on Buenos Aires from Santa Fe, while the other would make a landing at the port of Buenos Aires itself. The first of these groups, was composed of Uruguayan and Argentine troops, along with the 1st Division of the Brazilian Army under Brigadier General Manuel Marques de Sousa (later the Count of Porto Alegre). It was initially based in the town of Colonia del Sacramento in the south of Uruguay across the Río de la Plata estuary from the city of Buenos Aires.

A line of masted Brazilian warships, led by a sidewheel steamship, passing upriver while bombarding positions flying Argentine colors atop cliffs at the water's edge.
Brazilian warships passing the Tonelero.

On 17 December 1851, a squadron of Brazilian ships, consisting of four steamships, three corvettes and one brig under the command of Grenfell, forced a passage of the Paraná River in the battle which became known as the Passage of the Tonelero. The Argentines had formed a powerful defensive line at Tonelero, near the cliffs of Acevedo, protected by 16 pieces of artillery and 2,000 riflemen under the command of general Lucio Norberto Mansilla. The Argentine troops exchanged fire with the Brazilian warships but were unable to prevent from them from progressing upriver. The following day, the Brazilian ships returned and broke their way through Tonelero's defenses, carrying the remaining troops of Marques de Sousa's Brazilian division upstream towards Gualeguaichu. This second influx of ships caused Mansilla and his soldiers to withdraw in chaos, abandoning their artillery, believing that the allies were intending to land and attack their positions from the rear.

The allied army continued to make its way to the assembly point at Gualeguaichu. Urquiza and his cavalry traveled overland from Montevideo, while the infantry and artillery were carried by Brazilian warships up the Uruguay River. After meeting up, they marched west until they reached the city of Diamante on the east side of the Paraná River in the middle of December 1851. Eugenio Garzón and his the Uruguayan troops were taken from Montevideo up to Potrero Perez by Brazilian warships and continued on foot until arriving at Diamante on 30 December 1851, when all the allied forces were finally reunited. From Diamante contingents were ferried to the other side of the Paraná River, landing at Santa Fé. The Confederate Argentine troops in the region ran away without offering any resistance. The Allied Army, or the “Grand Army of South America” as it was officially called by Urquiza, marched on towards Buenos Aires.

Meanwhile, the second force, comprising the majority of the Brazilian troops (about 12,000 men) under the command of Caxias, had remained in Colonia del Sacramento. The Brazilian commander took the steamship Dom Afonso (named in honor of the late Prince Afonso) and entered the port at Buenos Aires to select the best place to disembark his troops. He expected to have to defeat the Argentine flotilla anchored there, but the force did nothing to stop him and he safely returned to Sacramento to plan his assault. The attack was prematurely aborted, however, when news arrived of the allied victory at Caseros.

Rosas defeat

The Allied army had been advancing on the Argentinian capital of Buenos Aires by land, while the Brazilian Army commanded by Caxias planned a supporting attack by sea. On 29 January at the Battle of Alvarez Field the Allied vanguard defeated a force of 4,000 Argentines led by two colonels which General Ángel Pacheco had sent to slow down the advance. Pacheco retreated. Two days later, troops under his personal command were defeated at the Battle of Marques Bridge by two allied divisions, losing 4,000 men. On 1 February 1852, the Allied troops encamped approximately nine kilometers from Buenos Aires. The next day a brief skirmish between the vanguards of both armies ended with a retreat by the Argentines.

Three quarters length tintype portrait showing a mustachioed man in military dress uniform and cap with one foot resting on a rock and holding a sheathed sword.
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, future President of Argentina. He is wearing the Brazilian Order of the Southern Cross given to him by Pedro II during his exile in Petrópolis in 1852.

On 3 February the Allied army encountered the main Argentine force commanded by Rosas himself. On paper, the two sides were well-matched. The Allies included 20,000 Argentines, 2,000 Uruguayans, 4,000 Brazilian elite troops (or 16,000 cavalrymen, 9,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen), totalling 26,000 men and 45 cannon. On the Argentine side, Rosas had 15,000 cavalrymen, 10,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen, totalling of 26,000 men and 60 cannon. Rosas had been able to select the best positions for his army, choosing the high ground on the slopes of a hill at Caseros which lay on the other side of a small river called the Arrojo Morón. His headquarters were based in a mansion at the top of Caseros.

The Allied commanders were de Sousa, Manuel Luis Osório (later the Marquis of Erval), Jose Maria Pirán, Jose Miguel Galán (who replaced Garzón after his unexpected death in December 1851), Urquiza, and the future Argentine presidents Bartolomé Mitre and Domingo Sarmiento. These men formed a War Council, and gave orders to commence the attack. Almost immediately the forward units of the two armies began to engage in battle.

The Battle of Caseros, as the clash between the Allied and Argentine armies became known, resulted in a great victory for the opponents of Rosas. Although they started with the inferior position on the battlefield, the Allied soldiers managed to annihilate Rosas's troops in a fight that lasted for most of the day. A few minutes before the Allied forces reached Rosas' headquarters, the Argentine dictator escaped the battlefield. Disguised as a sailor, he sought out Robert Gore, British ambassador in Buenos Aires, and requested asylum. The ambassador agreed to have de Rosas and his daughter Manuelita taken to the United Kingdom, where he would spend the last twenty years of his life. The official report stated that 600 men on the Allied side had been wounded or died, while the Argentine army had 1,400 killed and 7,000 were captured. Given the duration and scale of the battle, however, this may be an underestimate.

To mark their victory, the Allied troops marched in triumph through the streets of Buenos Aires. The parades included the Brazilian Army, which insisted that their triumphal procession take place on 20 February, to mark payback for the defeat it had suffered at the hands of the Argentines in the Battle of Ituzaingó, twenty five years before on that date during the Argentina–Brazil War. The population of Buenos Aires was said to be ashamed, quiet and hostile as the Brazilians passed.

Aftermath

In Brazil

The triumph in Caseros was a pivotal military victory for Brazil. The independence of Paraguay and Uruguay was secured, and the planned Argentine invasion of Rio Grande do Sul was blocked. In a period of three years, the Empire of Brazil had destroyed any possibility of reconstituting a state encompassing the territories of old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, a goal cherished by many in Argentina since independence. What Great Britain and France, the great powers of that time, had not achieved through interventions by their powerful navies, Brazil's army and fleet had accomplished. This represented a watershed for the history of the region, as it not only ushered in Imperial hegemony over the Platine region, but also in the rest of South America. The victory over Paraguay eighteen years later would be only a confirmation of Brazilian dominance.

Daguerrotype portrait of Bartolomé Mitre seated next to a table and wearing black suit, vest and tie.
Bartolomé Mitre (photo of 1854) led Buenos Aires against the Argentine Confederation until he reunified Argentina after his victory in the Battle of Pavón in 1861.

Hispanic American nations from Mexico to Argentina suffered from coups d'état, revolts, dictatorships, political upheavals, economic instability, civil wars and secessions. Brazil, on the other hand, came out of the conflict with the monarchy stronger than ever and a cessation of internal revolts. The problematic province of Rio Grande do Sul had actively participated in the war effort. As a consequence, there was increased identification with Brazil among its populace, quelling of separatist feeling, and an easier and effective integration with the rest of the nation. Internal stability also allowed Brazil to begin assuming a respected place on the international scene, coinciding with the parallel emergence of the United States which was only now establishing its borders. The European powers perceived in the Empire of Brazil a rare exception in a continent afflicted by civil wars and dictatorships. Brazil entered into a period of great economic, scientific and cultural prosperity unmatched by any of its neighbors, lasting from 1850 until the end of the monarchy.

In Argentina

Soon after Caseros, the Agreement of San Nicolas was signed. It completely modified the unitary pact of the Argentine Confederation, further decentralizing the country and giving greater autonomy to the provinces. This agreement was not accepted by the province of Buenos Aires, since it reduced its influence and power over the other provinces. It thereupon seceded from the confederation, with the result being that from 1854 to 1861, Argentina was divided into two rival, independent states which fought to reestablish dominance. On one side were the Federalists of the Argentine Confederation, led by Justo José de Urquiza. On the other were the Unitarians of Buenos Aires under Bartolomé Mitre. The civil war between them was brought to an end with the victory of the Unitarians over the Federalists at the Battle of Pavón in 1861. The result was that Buenos Aires and the provinces of the Argentine Confederation were reunited, and in 1862 the Republic of Argentina was formed with Mitre as its first president.

In Paraguay and Uruguay

With the opening of the Platine rivers, Paraguay now found it possible to contract with European technicians and Brazilian specialists to aid in its development. Unhindered access to the outside world also enabled it to import more advanced military technology. During the greater part of the 1850s, the dictator Carlos López harassed Brazilian vessels attempting to freely navigate the Paraguay River. López condoned this because he feared that the province of Mato Grosso might become a base from which an invasion from Brazil could be launched. This dispute was also leverage with the Imperial government for acceptance of his territorial demands in the region. The nation also experienced difficulties in delimiting its borders with Argentina. Argentina wanted the Gran Chaco placed completely under its flag: a demand which Paraguay could not accept, as this would entail surrendering more than half of its national territory.

The end of the Platine War did not bring a halt to conflict in the region. Peace remained out of reach in Uruguay, which remained unstable and in a state of constant crisis due to continuing internecine strife between the Blancos and Colorados. Border disputes, power struggles among diverse regional factions, and attempts to establish regional and internal influence would eventually spark the Uruguayan War as well as the later War of the Triple Alliance.

See also

Bibliography

Footnotes

  1. ^ de Santillán, Diego Abad (1965). Historia Argentina. Buenos aires: Tipográfica Editora Argentina. p. 196.
  2. Vainfas, p.447
  3. Lewis, p.45 "He became governor of Buenos Aires in 1929. The city of Buenos Aires remained at the center of Argentine politics, but now as a provincial capital. In reaction to the chaos that the political wars of the 1820s had created, he instituted an authoritarian regime. Rosas grew notorious for his repression of political opponents."
  4. Palmerlee, pp.32-33 "In the first half of the 19th century Juan Manuel de Rosas came to prominence as a caudillo in Buenos Aires province, representing the interests of rural elites and landowners. He became governor of the province in 1829 and, while he championed the Federalist cause, he also helped centralize political power in Buenos Aires and required all international trade to be funneled through the capital. His reign lasted more than 20 years (from 1829 to 1852), and he set ominous precedents in Argentine political life, creating the infamous mazorca (his ruthless political police force) and institucionalizing torture."
  5. Luna, Félix (1998). La época de Rosas. Buenos aires: Grupo Editorial Planeta. p. 74. ISBN 950-49-1116-1.
  6. Vianna, p.528
  7. O'Donnell, Pacho (2009). Juan Manuel de Rosas, el maldito de la historia oficial. Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Norma. p. 191. ISBN 978-987-545-555-9.
  8. Lynch (1992), p.261
  9. Scheina, p.125
  10. Lynch (2001), p.140 "Rosas had never recognized Paraguay as an independent nation. He still called it the província del Paraguay and sought its 'recovery', aiming to extend its frontiers of the confederation to those of the old Spanish viceroyalty."
  11. ^ Estado-maior do Exército, p.546
  12. Doratioto (2002), p.25 "A tentativa do ditador da Confederação Argentina, Juan Manuel de Rosas, na década de 1830, de se impor às antigas províncias do vice-reinado do Rio da Prata, abrigando-as em um Estado nacional sob sua chefia".
  13. ^ Maia, p.255
  14. ^ Lima, p.158 "O ditador de Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, sonhou reconstituir o antigo vice-reinado do Prata, criado na segunda metade do século XVIII e que abrangia, além da Argentina, as atuais repúblicas do Uruguai, Paraguai e Bolívia (alto Peru)."
  15. Pedrosa, p.50 "Cresceu, então, o velho receio do Paraguai, por que o objetivo de Rosas sempre foi reconstituir o Vice-Reinado."
  16. ^ Lyra (v.1), p.160
  17. Barman (1999), p.125 "Deliberate manipulation of Uruguayan politics for external advantage began in the year 1835, when Juan Manuel de Rosas became president of the Argentine Confederation . In 1836 the Colorados revolted against the Blanco-controlled government, which they overthrew two years later. The Blancos turned to President Rosas for support, which he willingly supplied. In 1839 the new Colorado-controlled government declared war on Argentina, starting a twelve-year conflict. Rosas not only enabled the Blancos to dominate the Uruguayan countryside but also encouraged them to give aid and asylum to the Farrapos rebels, across the frontier in Rio Grande do Sul."
  18. Doratioto (2002), p.24
  19. ^ Doratioto (2002), p.26
  20. ^ Holanda, p.113
  21. Holanda, p.113, 114
  22. ^ Holanda, p.116
  23. Vainfas, p.448
  24. ^ Holanda, p.114
  25. ^ Furtado, p.7
  26. Holanda, p.117
  27. Holanda, p.119
  28. ^ Holanda, p.120
  29. Holanda, p.121
  30. Vainfas, p.303
  31. ^ Vianna, p.526
  32. Costa, p.145
  33. ^ Estado-maior do Exército, p.547
  34. Costa, p.146
  35. ^ Vianna, p.527
  36. Pedrosa, p.110
  37. Calmon (1975), p.371
  38. ^ Bueno, p.207
  39. Pedrosa, p.232
  40. ^ Pedrosa, p.35
  41. Pedrosa, p.35 "quando o Brasil firmou-se como um país de governo sólido e situação interna estabilizada, a partir da vitória sobre a Farroupilha, em 1845, e contra a revolta pernambucana, consolidando, definitivamente, sua superioridade no continente. Compete admitir que, nesta mesma época, as novas repúblicas debatiam-se em lutas internas intermináveis iniciadas em 1810 e sofriam de visível complexo de insegurança em relação ao Brasil"
  42. Dolhnikoff, p.206
  43. Piccolo, p.43, 44
  44. Bueno, p.190
  45. Lyra (v.1), p.142
  46. ^ Doratioto (2002), p.28
  47. ^ Furtado, p.6
  48. ^ Furtado, p.8
  49. The former regent and future Marquis of Olinda.
  50. Lyra (v.1), p.158-162
  51. Calmon (1975), p.391
  52. Costa, p.148
  53. Barroso, p.119
  54. Furtado, p.21
  55. Calmon (1975), p.390
  56. Holanda, p.114, 115
  57. ^ Lima, p.159
  58. ^ Lyra (v.1), p.163
  59. Golin, p.41
  60. ^ Furtado, p.10
  61. Later Viscount of Mauá.
  62. Calmon (1975), p.387
  63. Golin, p.35
  64. ^ Maia, p.256
  65. ^ Lyra (v.1), p.164
  66. Estado-maior do Exército, p.548
  67. Carvalho, p.181
  68. Maia, p.256, 257
  69. Furtado, p.9
  70. ^ Golin, p.22
  71. Pedrosa, p.229
  72. Carvalho, p.185,186
  73. ^ Costa, p.150
  74. Barroso, p.101
  75. Golin, p.23
  76. Golin, p.38
  77. ^ Maia, p.257
  78. Estado-maior do Exército, p.551
  79. Barroso, p.112
  80. ^ Maia, p.258
  81. ^ Estado-maior do Exército, p.553
  82. Costa, p.155, 156
  83. ^ Costa, p.158
  84. ^ Títara, p.161
  85. Estado-maior do Exército, p.554
  86. Magalhães, p.64
  87. Títara, p.162
  88. Calmon (1975), p.407
  89. ^ Golin, p.42
  90. Calmon (2002), p.196
  91. ^ Costa, p.156
  92. ^ Golin, p.43
  93. Doratioto (2009), p.80
  94. Scheina, p.123
  95. Golin, p.42, 43
  96. Calmon (2002), p.195
  97. Lyra (v.2), p.9 "The end of the Paraguayan War marked the apogee of the Imperial regime in Brazil. It is the 'Golden Age' of the monarchy." and "...Brazil had a reputation in the international community that, with the sole exception of the United States of America, no other country in the Americas held."
  98. Lyra (v.1), p.200
  99. Bueno, p.196
  100. Lyra (v.1), p.199
  101. Doratioto (2002), p.29
  102. Furtado, p.17
  103. Pedrosa, p.168
  104. ^ Furtado, p.14
  105. Doratioto (2002), p.95, 96
  106. Furtado, p.13

References

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Empire of Brazil
General topics Coat of arms consisting of a shield with a green field with a golden armillary sphere superimposed on the red and white Cross of the Order of Christ, surrounded by a blue band with 20 silver stars; the bearers are two arms of a wreath, with a coffee branch on the left and a flowering tobacco branch on the right; and above the shield is an arched golden and jeweled crown.
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