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'''Richard J. Goldstone''' (born October 26, 1938) is a ]n former ]. He served on the ] Supreme Court and Appellate Division of the Supreme Court from 1980 to 1991. During the transition from ] to multiracial democracy he headed the influential ] into political violence in South Africa and was appointed by President ] to the newly-established ].<ref name="unhrc_pr"/>. He also served as the chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals ] and ] from 15 August 1994 to September 1996,<ref name="unhrc_pr"/> and in 2009 led an independent fact-finding mission created by the ] to investigate international human rights and humanitarian law violations related to the ].<ref name="unhrc_pr">{{citation | publisher = ] | title = Richard J. Goldstone Appointed to Lead Human Rights Council Fact-finding mission on Gaza Conflict | url = http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/2796E2CA43CA4D94C125758D002F8D25?opendocument | date = 3 April 2009}}</ref><ref name="unhrc_bbc_appointment">{{cite news | title = UN appoints Gaza war-crimes team | publisher = ] | date = 14:42 GMT, Friday, 3 April 2009 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7981538.stm | accessdate = Friday, 3 April 2009 | location=London}}</ref>
'''Richard J. Goldstone''' (born October 26, 1938) is a ]n former ]. After working for 17 years as a commercial lawyer, he was appointed by the South African government to serve on the ] Supreme Court from 1980 to 1989 and the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of South Africa from 1990 to 1994.

He was one of several liberal judges who issued key rulings that undermined ] from within the system by tempering the worst effects of the country's racial laws. Among other important rulings, Goldstone made the ] – under which non-whites were banned from living in "whites only" areas – virtually unworkable by restricting evictions. As a result, prosecutions under the act virtually ceased.

During the transition from apartheid to multiracial democracy in the early 1990s he headed the influential ] into political violence in South Africa between 1991 and 1994. His work enabled multi-party negotiations to remain on course despite repeated outbreaks of violence, and his willingness to criticise all sides and discover the truth led to him being dubbed "perhaps the most trusted man, certainly the most trusted member of the white establishment" in South Africa.<ref name="Keller" /> He was credited with playing an indispensable role in the transition and became a household name in South Africa, also attracting widespread international support and interest.

Goldstone's work investigating violence led directly to him being nominated to serve as the first chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals ] and ] from August 1994 to September 1996.<ref name="unhrc_pr"/> On his return to South Africa he took up a seat on the newly-established ], to which he had been nominated by President ].<ref name="unhrc_pr"/>

In 2009 Goldstone led an ] created by the ] to investigate international human rights and humanitarian law violations related to the ].<ref name="unhrc_pr">{{cite web | publisher = ] | title = Richard J. Goldstone Appointed to Lead Human Rights Council Fact-finding mission on Gaza Conflict | url = http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/2796E2CA43CA4D94C125758D002F8D25?opendocument | date = 3 April 2009}}</ref><ref name="unhrc_bbc_appointment">{{cite news | title = UN appoints Gaza war-crimes team | publisher = ] | date = 14:42 GMT, Friday, 3 April 2009 | url = http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7981538.stm | accessdate = Friday, 3 April 2009 | location=London}}</ref> The mission's findings that ] and ] had both committed serious violations of the laws of war led to a major international controversy.


==Family life and religious background== ==Family life and religious background==


Richard Goldstone is a third-generation South African born into a Jewish family in ] near ].<ref name="Southard">{{cite book|title=Human rights: the essential reference|chapter=Goldstone, Richard J.|last=Southard|first=Jo Lynn|editor1=Devine, Carol|editor2=Poole, Hilary|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=1999|isbn=9781573562058}}</ref> He is of mixed English-Lithuanian descent; his mother's father was English and his grandfather was a Lithuanian Jew who emigrated in the 19th century.<ref>{{cite news|title=Judge of our inactions|work=The Guardian|date=1 October 1994}}</ref> His family was non-religious<ref>{{cite news|last=Muller|first=Eli|title=World ORT president: Israel, S. Africa face similar problems|work=The Jerusalem Post|date=2000-06-07}}</ref> but he credits his Jewishness with having shaped his ethical views through being part of a community that has been persecuted throughout history.<ref name="Sudarsan" /> Richard Goldstone is a third-generation South African who was born in 1938 into a Jewish family in ] near ].<ref name="Southard">{{cite book|title=Human rights: the essential reference|chapter=Goldstone, Richard J.|last=Southard|first=Jo Lynn|editor1=Devine, Carol|editor2=Poole, Hilary|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=1999|isbn=9781573562058}}</ref> He is married to Noleen Goldstone. They have two daughters and four grandsons.

He is married to Noleen Goldstone. They have two daughters and four grandsons.


==Career== ==Career==
===South Africa=== ===South Africa===


While still a child, Goldstone's grandfather encouraged him to study law. He later recalled: "My grandfather decided when I was about four I was going to be a ], so I just always assumed I was. It turned out to be a wise decision."<ref name="Shaw">{{cite book|title=Washington diplomacy: profiles of people of world influence|last=Shaw|first=John|publisher=Algora Publishing|year=2002|isbn=9780875861609|page=61}}</ref> He was educated at King Edward VII School in Johannesburg<ref name="Whoswho">{{cite book|title=The International Who's Who 2004|publisher=Europa Publications|year=2004|page=624|isbn=9781857432176}}</ref> and subsequently undertook a six-year legal studies course at the ], from which he graduated in 1962 with a BA LLB ''cum laude''.<ref name="unhrc_pr">{{citation | publisher = ] | title = Richard J. Goldstone Appointed to Lead Human Rights Council Fact-finding mission on Gaza Conflict | url = http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/2796E2CA43CA4D94C125758D002F8D25?opendocument | date = 3 April 2009}}</ref> While still a child, Goldstone was encouraged by his grandfather to study law. He later recalled: "My grandfather decided when I was about 4 I was going to be a ], so I just always assumed I was. It turned out to be a wise decision."<ref name="Shaw">{{cite book|title=Washington diplomacy: profiles of people of world influence|last=Shaw|first=John|publisher=Algora Publishing|year=2002|isbn=9780875861609|page=61}}</ref> He was educated at King Edward VII School in Johannesburg<ref name="Whoswho">{{cite book|title=The International Who's Who 2004|publisher=Europa Publications|year=2004|page=624|isbn=9781857432176}}</ref> and subsequently undertook a six-year legal studies course at the ], from which he graduated in 1962 with a BA LLB ''cum laude''.<ref name="unhrc_pr">{{citation | publisher = ] | title = Richard J. Goldstone Appointed to Lead Human Rights Council Fact-finding mission on Gaza Conflict | url = http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/2796E2CA43CA4D94C125758D002F8D25?opendocument | date = 3 April 2009}}</ref>

At the university Goldstone became involved in the international effort to end South Africa's apartheid system. He had been brought up in an anti-apartheid atmosphere; although his parents were not activists, they were opposed to racial discrimination and this was to have a profound influence on his later career.<ref name="Shaw" /> Like many other Jewish South Africans, he chose to become conspicuously active in public life in an effort to oppose or alleviate the worst aspects of apartheid.<ref name="Shimoni">{{cite book|title=Jews and the state: dangerous alliances and the perils of privilege|page=38|last=Shimoni|first=Gideon|editor=Mendelsohn, Ezra|chapter=The Jewish Response to Apartheid: The Record and Its Consequences|publisher=Oxford University Press US|year=2004|isbn=9780195170870}}</ref> While he was chairman of the university's Students' Representative Council, he campaigned against the exclusion of black students.<ref>{{cite news|title=Chaskalson and Bizos come out in defence of Richard Goldstone|author1=Chaskalson, Arthur|author2=Bizos, George|work=SA Jewish Report|date=29 January - 05 February 2010|page=16}}</ref> He also attracted from the state security police by having contact with anti-apartheid groups within South Africa, including the ], which was a banned organisation at the time. On one occasion he secretly tape-recorded a spy sent by the police to infiltrate the anti-apartheid student movement at the university. The recording was later used as evidence in the firing of the national police commissioner.<ref name="Sudarsan">{{cite news|last=Raghavan|first=Sudarsan|title=Richard J. Goldstone - A South African jurist takes on Balkan and Rwanda conflicts, seeking to punish war criminals|work=Los Angeles Times|date=1995-03-14}}</ref>


At the university Goldstone became involved in the international effort to end South Africa's apartheid system. He had been brought up in an anti-apartheid atmosphere; although his parents were not activists, they were opposed to racial discrimination and this was to have a profound influence on his later career.<ref name="Shaw" /> Like many other Jewish South Africans, he chose to become conspicuously active in public life in an effort to oppose or alleviate the worst aspects of apartheid.<ref name="Shimoni">{{cite book|title=Jews and the state: dangerous alliances and the perils of privilege|page=38|last=Shimoni|first=Gideon|editor=Mendelsohn, Ezra|chapter=The Jewish Response to Apartheid: The Record and Its Consequences|publisher=Oxford University Press US|year=2004|isbn=9780195170870}}</ref> While he was chairman of the university's Students' Representative Council, he campaigned against the exclusion of black students.<ref>{{cite news|title=Chaskalson and Bizos come out in defence of Richard Goldstone|author1=Chaskalson, Arthur|author2=Bizos, George|work=SA Jewish Report|date=29 January - 05 February 2010|page=16}}</ref>
He was elected president of the National Union of South African Students, in which capacity he represented South African youth abroad at international gatherings.<ref name="Schabas">{{cite journal|title=For Humanity: Reflections of a War Crimes Investigator|last=Schabas|first=William A.|work=American Journal of International Law|page=742-744|volume=95|issue=3|date=2001-07-01|issn=0002-9300}}</ref>


====Judicial career==== ====Judicial career====


Goldstone initially practised corporate and intellectual property law in the capacity of an advocate of the Johannesburg Bar. He was appointed senior ] in 1976 and in 1980 he was selected to serve as a judge on the ] Supreme Court.<ref name="unhrc_pr" /> This posed obvious moral issues – as a judge, he was expected to uphold South Africa's apartheid laws. This included passing death sentences, although he had always been against the death penalty; during his term as a judge, he sentenced two people to death for murder as mandated by the law.<ref>{{cite news|last=Elgot|first=Jessica|title=Goldstone responds to 'death penalty' allegations|url=http://www.thejc.com/news/world-news/31527/goldstone-responds-death-penalty-allegations|work=The Jewish Chronicle|date=2010-05-06}}</ref> Nonetheless, Goldstone was seen as reluctant to impose the death penalty. One Transvaal judge, D. Curlewis, commented in 1991 that "a person who deserves to hang was more likely to get the death sentence from me or my ilk" than Goldstone or other liberal judges, who were "at heart abolitionists for one reason or another... Obviously, and for that reason, they cannot be sound on the imposition of the death penalty."<ref>{{cite book|title=In the shadow of Sharpeville: apartheid and criminal justice|author1=Parker, Peter|author2=Mokhesi-Parker, Joyce|page=171-172|publisher=NYU Press|year=1998|isbn=9780814766590}}</ref>
After being admitted to the Johannesburg Bar in 1963 Goldstone practised corporate and intellectual property law as a barrister.<ref name="Carlin">{{cite news|title=Referee in the eye of a storm|last=Carlin|first=John|work=Independent On Sunday|date=1992-11-22}}</ref> He was appointed senior ] in 1976 and in 1980 was selected by the government to serve as a judge on the Transvaal Supreme Court.<ref name="unhrc_pr" /> At the time of his appointment he was the youngest Supreme Court judge in South Africa.<ref>{{cite news|title=1,200 to meet here in ORT convention|work=Chicago Sun-Times|date=1987-10-15}}</ref>


Goldstone sought instead to employ the bench as a means of making ordinary South Africans aware of the iniquities of apartheid. He was described as "an outstanding commercial lawyer who had shrewdly and inventively applied the law to secure justice in politically controversial and human rights cases."<ref name="Shimoni" /> He said later: "I took an appointment to the bench, as did a number of liberal judges, and we had to uphold the law of the country. It was a moral dilemma to do that, but the approach was that it was better to fight from inside than not at all. The moral dilemma came up when I had to apply the law."<ref name="Akiva">{{cite news|last=Eldar|first=Akiva|title=Richard Goldstone: I have no regrets about the Gaza war report|url=http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/richard-goldstone-i-have-no-regrets-about-the-gaza-war-report-1.288535?localLinksEnabled=false|work=Haaretz|date=2010-05-06}}</ref> He noted in 1992 that most South African judges "applied such laws without commenting upon their moral turpitude." A number, including Goldstone, were more outspoken – a policy that he felt aided the credibility of the courts. There was a fine dividing line between applying moral standards and promoting political doctrines, but Goldstone believed that "in my view, if a judge is to err, it should be on the side of defending morality."<ref name="Bass">{{cite book|title=Stay the hand of vengeance: the politics of war crimes tribunals|last=Bass|first=Gary Jonathan|page=220|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2002|isbn=9780691092782}}</ref> He described his experience of being a judge in apartheid South Africa as being that although "I hated in the morning the thought of having to do this for another day, by the end of the day, I was exhilarated at the reaction and how important the work was."<ref name="Hagan" />
His elevation came despite his known opposition to apartheid. South Africa's ] government occasionally promoted "opposition" barristers to the Supreme Court Bench to demonstrate its claimed commitment to an independent judiciary. However, this raised obvious moral issues for Goldstone – as a judge, he would be expected to uphold South Africa's apartheid laws. He sought the advice of prominent anti-apartheid lawyers who urged him to take up the position on the basis that he could do more to undermine apartheid as a judge working within the system than as an attorney working on the outside.<ref name="Schabas" />


Goldstone issued rulings that undermined key aspects of the apartheid system, notably significantly weakening the ] that mandated the eviction of non-whites from reserved areas. After ruling in the case of ''S v Govender'' in 1982 that evictions were not automatically required by the Act, they virtually ceased.<ref name="Southard" /> It thus became so difficult to evict non-whites that Johannesburg's system of housing segregation began to break down.<ref>{{cite book|last=Tigar|first=Michael E.|title=Fighting injustice|page=334|publisher=American Bar Association|year=2002|isbn=9781590310151}}</ref> Geoffrey Budlender, former director of the anti-apartheid ], commented of Goldstone's decision in the ''Govender'' case that "it was an alert judge trying to apply human rights standards to a repressive piece of legislation. And it was Goldstone's work; it wasn't our work that stopped the Group Areas prosecutions in the end." Budlender noted that "it was a matter of great debate in the eighties about whether decent people should accept appointments to the bench, because they were enforcing repressive laws," but stated that "rom the point of view of the practitioner trying to run human rights cases and public-interest cases, we prayed for a Goldstone or a Didcott on the bench. That was our dream." <ref>Carnegie Corporation Oral History Project, 7 Aug. 1999 </ref> Goldstone also used his judicial prerogatives to visit thousands of people who had been imprisoned without trial, including some who later became members of the post-apartheid South African government.<ref name="Shaw" /> He gained a reputation as a committed and compassionate jurist who championed international human rights.<ref name="Southard" /> He went on to become a judge of the ] in 1989.<ref name="Southard" /> As one of three judges on the Supreme Court's appellate panel, he upheld a majority of appeals to the court.<ref name="Akiva" />
He commented later: "I took an appointment to the bench, as did a number of liberal judges, and we had to uphold the law of the country. It was a moral dilemma to do that, but the approach was that it was better to fight from inside than not at all. The moral dilemma came up when I had to apply the law."<ref name="Akiva">{{cite news|last=Eldar|first=Akiva|title=Richard Goldstone: I have no regrets about the Gaza war report|url=http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/richard-goldstone-i-have-no-regrets-about-the-gaza-war-report-1.288535?localLinksEnabled=false|work=Haaretz|date=2010-05-06}}</ref> He noted in 1992 that most South African judges "applied such laws without commenting upon their moral turpitude." A number, including Goldstone, were more outspoken – a policy that he felt aided the credibility of the courts. There was a fine dividing line between applying moral standards and promoting political doctrines, but Goldstone believed that "in my view, if a judge is to err, it should be on the side of defending morality."<ref name="Bass">{{cite book|title=Stay the hand of vengeance: the politics of war crimes tribunals|last=Bass|first=Gary Jonathan|page=220|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2002|isbn=9780691092782}}</ref> He took the view that "judges have a duty to act morally, and if they're dealing with laws which have an unjust effect, I think it's their duty – if they can, within the powers they've got legitimately – to interpret the laws and give judgments which will make them less harsh and less unjust."<ref name="Keller" /> Being a judge in apartheid-era South Africa was a challenge, but it had its rewards; "I hated in the morning the thought of having to do this for another day, by the end of the day, I was exhilarated at the reaction and how important the work was."<ref name="Hagan" />


====Goldstone Commission====
Goldstone's career as a judge was characterised by bold acts of ] that soon attracted national and international interest.<ref name="Schabas" /> He was described as "an outstanding commercial lawyer who had shrewdly and inventively applied the law to secure justice in politically controversial and human rights cases."<ref name="Shimoni" /> Employing the bench as a means of making ordinary South Africans aware of the iniquities of apartheid, he gained a reputation as a committed, compassionate, legally meticulous and politically astute jurist who championed international human rights and sought to temper the effects of South Africa's apartheid laws.<ref name="Keller">{{cite news|title=Cape Town Journal; In a Wary Land, the Judge Is Trusted (to a Point)|last=Keller|first=Bill|date=1993-03-08|work=The New York Times}}</ref><ref name="Southard" /> He sought to retain his independence, refusing to kowtow to the authorities.<ref name="Sudarsan" /> His judicial actions were aided by the fact that although the ruling National Party had built up a framework of racist and unequal laws aimed at repressing the rights of non-whites, the country had retained the underlying structure and principles of Anglo-Dutch ]. A group of liberal judges that included Goldstone, ], ], ], ] and ] sought to read the apartheid legislation as narrowly as possible to give effect to the values of the common law.<ref>{{cite book|title=Precedent & possibility: the (ab)use of law in South Africa|author1=Davis, Dennis|author2=Le Roux, Michelle|page=5-7|publisher=Juta and Company Ltd|year=2009|isbn=9781770130227}}</ref>


In 1990, President ] began the ] that was to lead to the end of apartheid in 1994. To aid the transition to multiracial democracy, a Commission of Inquiry Regarding the Prevention of Public Violence and Intimidation was established in October 1991 to investigate human rights abuses being committed by South Africa's various political factions. Its members were chosen by consensus among the three main parties;<ref>{{cite book|title=Words over war: mediation and arbitration to prevent deadly conflict|editor1=Greenberg, Melanie C.|editor2=Barton, John H.|editor3=McGuinness, Margaret E.|page=254|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|year=2000|isbn=9780847698929}}</ref> Goldstone was asked by ] to become the chair of the inquiry, resulting in it being known as the ].<ref name="Southard" /> He commented later that he had been selected because he had the confidence of both sides: "The government was aware that I would not make findings against it without good cause, and the majority of South Africans had confidence that I would quote hesitate to make findings against the government if the evidence justified it."<ref name="Kerr">{{cite book|title=The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia: an exercise in law, politics, and diplomacy|last=Kerr|first=Rachel|page=52|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2004|isbn=9780199263059}}</ref> He nonetheless received numerous death threats.<ref name="Shaw" /> The Commission sat for three years, carrying out over 40 major investigations. Its final report, issued in 1994, disclosed that the South African police and security forces had been involved in numerous abuses of human rights. According to Goldstone, its work helped to calm South Africa during the transition period and led to the establishment of the ] a year later.<ref name="Shaw" />
This approach led Goldstone to issue rulings that undermined key aspects of the apartheid system. One of his most significant rulings concerned the ] that mandated the eviction of non-whites from areas reserved for whites. His ruling in the case of ''S v Govender'' in 1982 that evictions of non-whites were not automatically required by the Act led to the virtual cessation of such evictions.<ref name="Southard" /> Following the judgement it became so difficult to evict non-whites from whites-only areas that the system of housing segregation began to break down.<ref>{{cite book|last=Tigar|first=Michael E.|title=Fighting injustice|page=334|publisher=American Bar Association|year=2002|isbn=9781590310151}}</ref> Prosecutions under the Act fell from 893 between 1978-1981 to only one in 1983.<ref>{{cite book|title=Politicians and apartheid: trailing in the people's wake|last=Gardner|first=John|page=46|publisher=HSRC Press|date=1997|isbn=9780796918215}}</ref> Geoffrey Budlender, former director of the anti-apartheid ], commented of Goldstone's decision in the ''Govender'' case that "it was an alert judge trying to apply human rights standards to a repressive piece of legislation. And it was Goldstone's work; it wasn't our work that stopped the Group Areas prosecutions in the end." Budlender noted that "it was a matter of great debate in the eighties about whether decent people should accept appointments to the bench, because they were enforcing repressive laws," but stated that "rom the point of view of the practitioner trying to run human rights cases and public-interest cases, we prayed for a Goldstone or a Didcott on the bench. That was our dream."<ref>{{cite web|title=Transcript of Interview with Geoffrey Budlender|url=http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/digital/collections/oral_hist/carnegie/pdfs/geoffrey-budlender.pdf|date=1999-08-07|publisher=Carnegie Corporation Oral History Project}}</ref>


Goldstone also served as the founding national president of the National Institute of Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO), a body established to look after prisoners who had been released; chairperson of the Bradlow Foundation, a charitable educational trust; and head of the board of the ] (HURISA).<ref name=Whoswho></ref>
In 1985, Goldstone ruled that the government's mass sacking of 1,700 black staff at Baragwanath Hospital in ] had been illegal.<ref>{{cite news|title=1,700 Blacks Reinstated by South African Hospital|agency=Reuters|date=1985-11-25}}</ref> The following year, he was the first judge to free a political prisoner who had been detained under a recently-imposed ] under which the government had given itself draconian police powers.<ref>{{cite news|title=Judge frees political prisoner in S. Africa|work=Houston Chronicle|date=1986-07-08}}</ref> Another important ruling against the state in 1988 resulted in the release of a detainee who had not been advised by the police that he was entitled to a lawyer.<ref name="Keller" /> In 1989, Goldstone became the first South African judge under apartheid to take on a black law clerk, an African-American ] law student named Vernon Grigg.<ref>{{cite news|title=Breaking One of South Africa's Barriers|last=Margolick|first=David|work=The New York Times|date=1989-08-16}}</ref> Goldstone also used his judicial prerogatives to visit thousands of people who had been imprisoned without trial, including some who later became members of the post-apartheid South African government.<ref name="Shaw" /> Although he could do little to free them, his visits served to reassure the prisoners – and serve notice to the prison administration – that someone in a position of power was taking an active interest in their well-being. Few white judges at the time enjoyed the trust and respect of the black majority; Goldstone became a notable exception.<ref name="Meintjes" />

Some of South Africa's laws and emergency regulations mandated particular penalties which judges had no discretion to modify. This included the death penalty for certain crimes such as murders committed without any extenuating circumstances; although Goldstone was personally opposed to the death penalty, he was nonetheless required to pass death sentences on two convicted murderers.<ref>{{cite news|last=Elgot|first=Jessica|title=Goldstone responds to 'death penalty' allegations|url=http://www.thejc.com/news/world-news/31527/goldstone-responds-death-penalty-allegations|work=The Jewish Chronicle|date=2010-05-06}}</ref> His reluctance to impose death penalties prompted criticism from judges who were in favour of capital punishment. Another Transvaal Supreme Court judge, D. Curlewis, commented in 1991 that "a person who deserves to hang was more likely to get the death sentence from me or my ilk" than Goldstone or other liberal judges, who were "at heart abolitionists for one reason or another... Obviously, and for that reason, they cannot be sound on the imposition of the death penalty."<ref>{{cite book|title=In the shadow of Sharpeville: apartheid and criminal justice|author1=Parker, Peter|author2=Mokhesi-Parker, Joyce|page=171-172|publisher=NYU Press|year=1998|isbn=9780814766590}}</ref>

Goldstone was promoted to the ] in 1989, a post which he took up in October 1990 after a year's study at ].<ref name="Ottaway">{{cite news|title=South African Judge Makes His Mark With Evenhanded Probe of Violence|work=The Washington Post|last=Ottaway|first=David B.|date=1992-07-12}}</ref> As one of three judges on the Supreme Court's appellate panel, he upheld a majority of appeals to the court.<ref name="Akiva" /> He also served as the founding national president of the National Institute of Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO), a body established to look after prisoners who had been released; chairperson of the Bradlow Foundation, a charitable educational trust; and head of the board of the ] (HURISA).<ref name=Whoswho></ref>

], who was later to serve alongside Goldstone on the ], commented that Goldstone's judicial career demonstrated "that an honest and dignified judge who's sensitive to fundamental human rights of all human beings, even in the most dire circumstances, could find some space for concepts of legality and respect for human dignity."<ref name="McDonough">{{cite news|title=SAF/GOLDSTONE (L-O)|last=McDonough|first=Challiss|date=2003-10-02|publisher=Voice of America}}</ref>

====Sebokeng Inquiry and Goldstone Commission====

In 1990, President ] began the ] that was to lead to the end of apartheid in 1994. At the time, South Africa was plagued by regular massacres as members of the African National Congress (ANC) and the ] (IFP) fought for dominance. The police and security forces reacted with often indiscriminate force to demonstrations, and the ANC claimed that a hypothesised "]" was engaged in covert destabilisation. The violence caused serious problems in building trust between the parties.

The negotiations broke down soon after they started due to a mass shooting at ] ] near Johannesburg in March 1990, in which 281 demonstrators were shot and 11 killed by South African police. After pressure from the ANC, de Klerk appointed Goldstone to investigate the incident. His report was published in September 1990 and was described at the time as "one of the strongest indictments of South Africa's police ever made by a government-appointed investigator."<ref>{{cite news|last=Kraft|first=Scott|title=S. Africa Police Blamed in Fatal Shootings of Black Protesters Last March|date=1990-09-02|work=Los Angeles Times}}</ref> He condemned the police for a breakdown in discipline and recommended that a number of individual police officers be prosecuted.<ref>{{cite news|title=Judicial Report: Police Killed Blacks Without Reason|last=Renfrew|first=Barry|date=1990-09-01|agency=The Associated Press}}</ref> Nine policemen were subsequently charged with murder.<ref name="Ottaway" />

To aid the transition to multiracial democracy, the South African government established a Commission of Inquiry Regarding the Prevention of Public Violence and Intimidation in October 1991 to investigate human rights abuses committed by the country's various political factions. Its members were chosen by consensus among the three main parties.<ref>{{cite book|title=Words over war: mediation and arbitration to prevent deadly conflict|editor1=Greenberg, Melanie C.|editor2=Barton, John H.|editor3=McGuinness, Margaret E.|page=254|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|year=2000|isbn=9780847698929}}</ref> Goldstone had by now become reputed as an impartial and unimpeachable judge, and was asked by ANC chairman ] to head the commission; it became known as the ].<ref name="Southard" /> Goldstone explained later that he had been selected because he had earned the confidence of both sides: "The government was aware that I would not make findings against it without good cause, and the majority of South Africans had confidence that I would quote hesitate to make findings against the government if the evidence justified it."<ref name="Kerr">{{cite book|title=The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia: an exercise in law, politics, and diplomacy|last=Kerr|first=Rachel|page=52|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2004|isbn=9780199263059}}</ref> He nonetheless received numerous death threats.<ref name="Shaw" /> He continued to work as an appeals court judge throughout his time chairing the Commission, hearing cases during the mornings and afternoons and then continuing through to midnight on Commission business.<ref name="Carlin" />

The Commission sat for three years, carrying out 503 investigations that triggered the initiation of 16 prosecutions.<ref name="Meintjes" /> It had no judicial powers and could not issue binding regulations but had to establish its legitimacy through its reports and recommendations. It soon gained a reputation for even handedness, criticising all sides in often trenchant terms. The rivalry between the ANC and IFP was blamed for being "the primary cause" of violence and Goldstone urged both sides to "abandon violence and intimidation as political weapons". The government's security forces were found to have been involved in numerous abuses of human rights, though Goldstone rejected Nelson Mandela's claims that President de Klerk was personally involved and described such suggestions as "unwise, unfair and dangerous".<ref name="Ottaway" /> One of Goldstone's most important findings was the revelation in November 1992 that a secret military intelligence unit of the ] was working to sabotage the ANC while posing as a legitimate business corporation. The ensuing scandal led to De Klerk purging the army and intelligence services.<ref name="Meintjes" />

Goldstone's findings attracted praise and criticism from all sides.<ref name="Ottaway" /> Some anti-apartheid activists criticised Goldstone for what they saw as balancing his reports by apportioning blame equally; Goldstone responded that his findings reflected the fact that all sides had "dirty hands".<ref name="Keller" /> Nonetheless, his impartiality and willingness to speak out led to him becoming, as the '']'' put it in 1993, "arguably the most indispensable arbitrator in South Africa's turbulent transition to democracy." He became a household name and was voted the top newsmaker of 1992 in a South African poll, well ahead of either de Klerk or Mandela.<ref name="Battersby">{{cite news|title=Safety Valve for S. Africa Tension|last=Battersby|first=John|work=The Christian Science Monitor|date=1993-02-10}}</ref> His character was cited by other lawyers as a key asset in making the commission a success; one lawyer commented, "He has the rare ability to straddle both the legal and political worlds. He is a great strategist and combines a deep humanity with a political sensitivity."<ref name="Shaw" />

As well as reporting on political violence, Goldstone proposed practical measures to end the violence in venues such as commuter trains, taxis, mines, township hostels and the troubled ] region. He also succeeded in persuading the government to accept an international role in the transition – which it had previously strongly opposed – as well as forcing it to undertake a major restructuring of the security forces and purging subversive elements in the military.<ref name="Battersby" /> According to Goldstone, the commission's work helped to calm South Africa during the transition period. He regarded it as "a vitally important safety valve" that provided a "credible public instrument" to deal with incidents that might otherwise have derailed the negotiations.<ref name="Shaw" /> The international community took a similar view; his work was supported and funded by the United Nations, the Commonwealth and the European Community, who regarded it as vital to expose the truth behind political violence in order to achieve democratic stability.<ref name="Carlin" /> Goldstone's work was to pave the way for the establishment of the ] in 1995, a body that he strongly supported. Its chairman, Archbishop ], commented that Goldstone had made an "indispensable" contribution to the peaceful democratic transition in South Africa.<ref name="McDonough" />


===Chief UN Prosecutor in Yugoslavia and Rwanda=== ===Chief UN Prosecutor in Yugoslavia and Rwanda===
], ]]] ], ]]]
In August 1994, Goldstone was named as the first chief prosecutor of the ] (ICTY), which was established by a resolution of the UN Security Council in 1993. When the Security Council established the ] (ICTR) in late 1994, he became its chief prosecutor, too. His appointment to the tribunals came as something of a surprise, even to Goldstone himself, as he had only limited experience of ] and Yugoslavian affairs and had never been a prosecutor before.<ref name="Shaw" /> He owed his appointment to the Italian chief judge of the ICTY, ]. There had been lengthy wrangling between UN member states about whom to appoint as a prosecutor and none of the candidates proposed so far had been accepted.<ref name="Hazan" /> The French national counsel, Roger Errera, suggested Goldstone, commenting that "if he is Jewish, that goes down well. Everyone suspects everyone in the former Yugoslavia. So it's better that he is neither Catholic, nor Orthodox, nor Muslim."<ref name="Hazan">{{cite book|title=Justice in a time of war: the true story behind the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|last=Hazan|first=Pierre|page=54-56|publisher=Texas A&M University Press|year=2004|isbn=9781585443772}}</ref> In August 1994, Goldstone was named as the first chief prosecutor of the ] (ICTY), which was established by a resolution of the UN Security Council in 1993. When the Security Council established the ] (ICTR) in late 1994, he became its chief prosecutor, too. His appointment to the tribunals came as something of a surprise, even to Goldstone himself, as he had only limited experience of ] and Yugoslavian affairs and had never been a prosecutor before.<ref name="Shaw" /> He owed his appointment to the Italian chief judge of the ICTY, Antonio Cassese. There had been lengthy wrangling between UN member states about whom to appoint as a prosecutor and none of the candidates proposed so far had been accepted.<ref name="Hazan" /> The French national counsel, Roger Errera, suggested Goldstone. Cassese later recalled the conversation:


:I answered, "Who's he?"
Goldstone was approached by Cassese and expressed an interest in the position. President Mandela supported his wish to take up the position at The Hague, as Goldstone later recalled: "He certainly encouraged me. He thought it was important to take what was the first offer of a major international position after South Africa ceased to be a pariah."<ref name="Bass" /> However, the offer put Mandela in a difficult spot. He wanted Goldstone, who was one of the few South African jurists to have earned the respect of both blacks and whites, for South Africa's newly-established Constitutional Court. Mandela struck a deal with the ], ], that Goldstone would serve only half of his four-year term as prosecutor and would then return to take up his post in South Africa.<ref>{{cite book|title=Judgement day: the trial of Slobodan Milošević|last=Stephen|first=Chris|page=104-105|publisher=Atlantic Books|year=2004|isbn=9781843541547}}</ref> The president rushed through a constitutional amendment that would allow Goldstone to be named, take an immediate period of leave to serve at the tribunal and then return to his spot on the Constitutional Court.<ref name="Hagan">{{cite book|title=Justice in the Balkans: prosecuting war crimes in the Hague Tribunal|last=Hagan|first=John|page=60-61|publisher=University of Chicago Press|year=2003|isbn=9780226312286}}</ref> He proved to be an ideal candidate, as he had been suggested by the French, was not too hot-headed for the British, was strong enough to satisfy the Americans and his credentials as a white South African who had opposed apartheid satisfied the Russians and Chinese. The ] unanimously approved his appointment to the role of prosecutor.<ref name="Hazan" />
:"Goldstone, the South African, the chairman of the Commission on Violence committed by the police under apartheid, a really good guy."
:"He's Jewish?"
:"Listen, we don't ask that question."
:"But no, if he is Jewish, that goes down well. Everyone suspects everyone in the former Yugoslavia. So it's better that he is neither Catholic, nor Orthodox, nor Muslim."<ref name="Hazan">{{cite book|title=Justice in a time of war: the true story behind the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia|last=Hazan|first=Pierre|page=54-56|publisher=Texas A&M University Press|year=2004|isbn=9781585443772}}</ref>


Goldstone was approached by Cassese and expressed an interest in the position. President Mandela supported his wish to take up the position at The Hague, as Goldstone later recalled: "He certainly encouraged me. He thought it was important to take what was the first offer of a major international position after South Africa ceased to be a pariah."<ref name="Bass" /> However, the offer put Mandela in a difficult spot. He wanted Goldstone, who had was one of the few South African jurists to have earned the respect of both blacks and whites, for South Africa's newly established Constitutional Court. Mandela struck a deal with the ], ], that Goldstone would serve only half of his four-year term as prosecutor and would then return to take up his post in South Africa.<ref>{{cite book|title=Judgement day: the trial of Slobodan Milošević|last=Stephen|first=Chris|page=104-105|publisher=Atlantic Books|year=2004|isbn=9781843541547}}</ref> The president rushed through a constitutional amendment that would allow Goldstone to be named, take an immediate period of leave to serve at the tribunal and then return to his spot on the Constitutional Court.<ref name="Hagan">{{cite book|title=Justice in the Balkans: prosecuting war crimes in the Hague Tribunal|last=Hagan|first=John|page=60-61|publisher=University of Chicago Press|year=2003|isbn=9780226312286}}</ref> He proved to be an ideal candidate, as he had been suggested by the French, was not too hot-headed for the British, was strong enough to satisfy the Americans and his credentials as a white South African who had opposed apartheid satisfied the Russians and Chinese. The ] unanimously approved his appointment to the role of prosecutor.<ref name="Hazan" />
In his roles at the ICTY and ICTR he had to design prosecutorial strategies for both those ground-breaking tribunals, from scratch. In doing so, he sought to be scrupulously even-handed – a goal he was more easily able to achieve at ICTY than at ICTR. He built his strategy at both courts to a large degree on that pursued by the prosecutors at the Nuremberg Tribunal of 1945-46. He served as the chief prosecutor of the two tribunals until September 1996.<ref name="unhrc_pr"/> Among his most notable legal achievements as chief prosecutor was securing the recognition of ] as a ] under the ].<ref>{{cite news|title=The Genocide-Buster|last=Nolan|first=Stephanie|work=The Globe and Mail|date=1999-10-18}}</ref>


In his roles at the ICTY and ICTR he had to design prosecutorial strategies for both those ground-breaking tribunals, from scratch. In doing so, he sought to be scrupulously even-handed – a goal he was more easily able to achieve at ICTY than at ICTR. He built his strategy at both courts to a large degree on that pursued by the prosecutors at the Nuremberg Tribunal of 1945-46. He served as the chief prosecutor of the two tribunals until September 1996.<ref name="unhrc_pr"/> He was hindered by the inflexible bureaucracy of the United Nations, finding the newly established ICTY in a shambles when he joined the tribunal. He estimated in December 1994 that he needed twice the number of staff that he had been given and had to make appeals to the UN's hierarchy and to donor nations for the equipment and funding that the tribunal needed to operate.<ref name="Bass" />
Goldstone was hindered by the inflexible bureaucracy of the United Nations, finding the newly established ICTY in a shambles when he joined the tribunal.<ref name="Bass" /> The tribunal lacked political legitimacy, financial support and prosecutorial direction; its failure to even bring any prosecutions had led to it being criticised by the media as "a fig leaf for inaction", and Goldstone was asked by the former British prime minister ]: "Why did you accept such a ridiculous job?"<ref name="Hagan" /> He had to make repeated appeals to the UN's hierarchy and to donor nations for the equipment and funding that the tribunal needed to operate.<ref name="Bass" /> He quickly found that the key to the job was to take " big-picture diplomatic role and that the hands-on prosecution work could be pushed down to experienced prosecutors and investigators like Blewitt – at least for the time being."<ref>{{cite journal|last=Horne|first=William|title=The Real Trial of the Century|journal=The American Lawyer|month=September|year=1995|page=7}}</ref> He undertook a flurry of media appearances and financial negotiations that led to the tribunal being properly staffed for the first time, with many staff being recruited through his own personal networks; a budget of eight million dollars from thirteen countries, supplemented by a $300,000 donation from ]; and the first indictment, of Bosnian Serb prison camp guard ].<ref>Hagan, p. 68, 71-72</ref>

Another problem Goldstone faced was the reluctance of ] to apprehend war crimes suspects. He was bitterly critical of what he called the "highly inappropriate and pusillanimous policy" of Western countries in declining to pursue suspected war criminals, singling out France and the United Kingdom as particular culprits. By the end of his time as prosecutor he had issued 74 indictments but only seven of the accused had been apprehended.<ref>{{cite news|title=Goldstone ends stormy mandate as war crimes prosecutor|last=Gillot|first=Sabine|agency=Agence France-Presse|date=1996-09-29}}</ref>

Goldstone was instrumental in preventing the ] of December 1995 including amnesty provisions for those accused of war crimes in the former Yugoslavia. Some commentators had advocated including an amnesty as the price for peace; Goldstone was resolutely opposed to this, not only because it would enable those responsible for atrocities to escape justice but also because of the dangerous precedent it could set, where powerful actors such as the United States could bargain away the ICTY's mandate for political convenience. In response, Goldstone pushed through a new indictment of the Bosnian Serb president ] and his army chief ] for the ], which was issued two weeks into the peace talks at Dayton.<ref>{{cite book|title=International justice in Rwanda and the Balkans: virtual trials and the struggle for state cooperation|last=Peskin|first=Victor|page=41-43|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2008|isbn=9780521872300}}</ref> He lobbied President ] to resist any such demands and made it clear that an amnesty would not be a legal basis for the ICTY to suspend indictments. In the end, no amnesty was included in the Dayton Agreement.<ref name="Meintjes">{{cite book|title=Encyclopedia of genocide and crimes against humanity, Volume 1|editor=Shelton, Dinah|chapter=Goldstone, Richard|last=Meintjes|first=Garth}}</ref><ref>Hagan, p. 134</ref> Goldstone's actions were later credited with making the negotiations a success. The chief US negotiator, ], described the tribunal as "a huge valuable tool" which had enabled Karadžić and Mladić to be excluded from the talks, with the Serbian side represented instead by the more conciliatory Milosević. The Dayton Agreement put direct responsibility on all sides to send suspects to The Hague, committing the Serbian, Bosnian and Croatian governments to cooperating with the ICTY in future.<ref>Peskin, pp. 44-45</ref>

When he retired from the Office of the Prosecutor in 1996, Goldstone was replaced by the distinguished Canadian lawyer ]. His contribution was praised by colleagues at the ICTY: "Goldstone was absolutely right for his time because he came with moral clout from South Africa and his own particular status as a champion of human rights."<ref>Hagan, p. 220</ref>

===Constitutional Court===

On his return from The Hague, Goldstone took up his seat on the Constitutional Court, which he held until retiring in 2003. Justice Albie Sachs described Goldstone as representing "a sense of continuity" between the traditions of the past that managed to survive the years of apartheid, and the whole new era of the constitution that governs South Africa today.<ref name="McDonough" />


===Argentina=== ===Argentina===
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In April 2004, he was appointed by ], the ], to the ], chaired by ], to investigate the Iraq ] program.<ref name="unhrc_pr"/> In April 2004, he was appointed by ], the ], to the ], chaired by ], to investigate the Iraq ] program.<ref name="unhrc_pr"/>


===United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict=== ===United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the 2009 Gaza Conflict===
{{Main|United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict}} {{Main|United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict}}
Goldstone headed a fact finding mission "''to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that might have been committed at any time in the context of the military operations that were conducted in Gaza during the period from 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, whether before, during or after.''”<ref name="UNHRCOfficialPage">. ]. Accessed 17 October 2009.</ref><ref name="Goldstone_BBC">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/8076690.stm|title =Goldstone's UN inquiry team arrives in Gaza|date=1 June 2009|accessdate=4 June 2009|publisher=BBC | location=London}}</ref>
The mission originated in the resolution by ] (UNHRC) on January 12, 2009.<ref name="UNHRC resolution"></ref>.


On April 3, 2009, Goldstone was named as the head of the mission. He responded to the announcement that he was "shocked, as a Jew", to be invited to head the mission.<ref name="unhrc_bbc_appointment"/> Goldstone wrote that he accepted the mandate for the mission "because I believe deeply in the rule of law and the laws of war, and the principle that in armed conflict civilians should to the greatest extent possible be protected from harm."<ref> Justice in Gaza, By RICHARD GOLDSTONE, ''New York Times,'' September 17, 2009</ref>
During the ] between ] and ] in December 2008 – January 2009, the ] (UNHRC) passed a resolution condemning Israel for "grave violations" of human rights and calling for an international investigation. The UNHRC appointed a four-man team, headed by Goldstone,<ref name="Nebehay">{{cite news|last=Nebehay|first=Stephanie|title=South African to head U.N. rights inquiry in Gaza|agency=Reuters|date=2009-04-03}}</ref> to investigate "all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that might have been committed at any time in the context of the military operations that were conducted in Gaza during the period from 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, whether before, during or after."<ref name="UNHRCOfficialPage"></ref>


] (HRW) applauded the selection of Goldstone to head the mission, saying that "Justice Goldstone's reputation for fairness and integrity is unmatched, and his investigation provides the best opportunity to address alleged violations by both Hamas and Israel".<ref>{{cite web|author=Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch |url=http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/05/17/us-ask-israel-cooperate-goldstone-inquiry |title=US: Ask Israel to Cooperate with Goldstone Inquiry &#124; Human Rights Watch |publisher=Hrw.org |date=17 May 2009 |accessdate=17 October 2009}}</ref> According to UNHRC's mission page, at the time of the appointment to head the committee Goldstone was a board member of HRW.<ref></ref> Professor Gerald Steinberg of the Jerusalem-based ] and journalist ] argued that even though Goldstone resigned from HRW after the inquiry began, his impartiality was compromised by his link to the organization that accused Israel of war crimes in several reports issued during the course of the mission.<ref name="NGO Monitor: Gaza war probe tainted by anti-Israel ideology">, ''Haaretz,'' Sept 08 2009</ref><ref name="From Gulag Liberators to Saudi Retainers">, NRO, July 21, 2009</ref><ref name="The Goldstone show-trial">, Spectator, September 11, 2009</ref>
Goldstone acknowledged that he had faced a dilemma in deciding whether to accept the job, saying that it had come as "quite a shock". However, he took the view that "I can approach the daunting task I have accepted in an even-handed and impartial manner and give it the same attention that I have to situations in my own country," where his experience had been that "transparent, public investigations are very important, important particularly for the victims because it brings acknowledgement of what happened to them."<ref name="Nebehay" /> He explained that he had long "taken a deep interest in Israel, in what happens in Israel, and I have been associated with organisations that have worked in Israel" and "decided to accept it because of my deep concern for peace in the Middle East, and my deep concern for victims in all sides in the Middle East."<ref>{{cite news|last=Ephraim|first=Adrian|title=They show courage under fire|work=The Star|location=Johannesburg|date=2009-10-12}}</ref>


<!-- <ref> forecasthighs.com, originally in the news section of ''Jerusalem Post,'' October 1, 2009.</ref><ref> ''Mail & Guardian,'' April 16, 2010.</ref><ref>Moira Schneider: ''South African Jewish Report,'' April 23, 2010.</ref> -->
Goldstone insisted that he would not follow a one-sided mandate but would investigate any abuses committed by either side during the conflict.<ref>{{cite news|author1=Dixon, Robyn|author2=Boudreaux, Richard|title=S. African on the hot seat|work=The Chicago Tribune|date=2009-04-12}}</ref> He said that he had initially not been willing to take on the mission unless the mandate was expanded to cover all sides. The Human Rights Council agreed, accepting the revised mandate with no objections.<ref>{{cite news|title=Goldstone: Israel should cooperate|url=http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=148974|work=The Jerusalem Post|date=2009-07-16}}</ref> However, the Israeli government refused to cooperate with the investigation, accusing the UN Human Rights Council of anti-Israel bias and arguing that the report could not possibly be fair.<ref name="Federman" />


In a July 16 interview, Judge Goldstone said "at first I was not prepared to accept the invitation to head the mission". "It was essential," he continued, to expand the mandate to include "the sustained rocket attack on civilians in southern Israel, as well as other facts." He set this expansion of the mandate as a condition for chairing the mission.<ref> ''Jerusalem Post,'' Jul 16, 2009.</ref> The next day, he wrote in the New York Times, "I accepted because the mandate of the mission was to look at all parties: Israel; Hamas, which controls Gaza; and other armed Palestinian groups." <ref>, ''NY Times,'' Sept 17 2009.</ref> The UNHRC press release announcing his nomination documents the changed mandate of the mission.<ref> 3 April 2009.</ref>
The report, released on 15 September 2009, concluded that both sides had committed violations of the laws of war. It stated that Israel had used disproportionate force, targeted Palestinian civilians, used them as human shields and destroyed civilian infrastructure. Hamas and other armed Palestinian groups were found to have deliberately targeted Israeli civilians and sought to spread terror in southern Israel by mounting indiscriminate rocket attacks. The report's conclusions were endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council.<ref name="Federman">{{cite news|last=Federman|first=Josef|title=Jewish jurist says his attachment to Israel obligated him to carry out war crimes probe|work=The Canadian Press|date=2009-10-19}}</ref>


On October 16, 2009, UN Human Rights Council voted in support of the Goldstone Report where twenty-five member nations voted in favour of the resolution endorsing the report, six voted against endorsement while another eleven remained impartial. Goldstone has criticized the United Nations Human Rights Council's selective endorsement of the report his commission compiled, since the resolution adopted chastises Israel only, when the report itself is critical of both parties.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1121610.html|title=PA 'won't oppose war crimes trials for Hamas militants' |publisher='']''|date=2009-10-17|author=Jack Khoury and Barak Ravid|accessdate=2009-10-17}}</ref>
The Israeli government and some Jewish groups strongly criticised the report, which they asserted was biased and commissioned by a UN body that was hostile to Israel. Hamas also dismissed the findings that it had committed war crimes. Goldstone himself came under sustained personal attack, with critics accusing him of bias, dishonesty and improper motives in being party to the report.<ref name="Russell">{{cite news|last=Russell|first=Cecilia|title=Pair of legal heavyweights defend Goldstone|work=The Star|location=Johannesburg|date=2010-01-22}}</ref> He rejected these claims, stating: "I would have been acting against principles and my own convictions and conscience if I had refused a request from the United Nations to investigate serious allegations of war crimes against both Israel and Hamas. As a Jew, I felt a greater and not a lesser obligation to do so."<ref name="Federman" /> His position was supported by the former South African Chief Justice, ], and the anti-apartheid attorney ], who wrote in the Johannesburg '']'' newspaper: "Some who have criticised him say that, as a Jew, he ought not to have accepted a mandate to enquire into the events in Gaza. We do not agree. Religion and ethnicity are irrelevant to the capacity to judge with integrity."<ref name="Russell" />

Opposition to the Goldstone report sparked a major controversy within South Africa's Jewish community in April 2010, when Goldstone said that he would be forced to stay away from his grandson's forthcoming ] due to a threatened demonstration against him at the synagogue where the ceremony was to be held. Many South African Jews spoke out to deplore the threats.<ref name="McGreal">{{cite news|last=McGreal|first=Chris|title=Goldstone family drawn into row over Gaza report: War crimes jurist attacked for report critical of Israel Jewish groups threaten to disrupt bar mitzvah|date=2010-05-01|work=The Guardian}}</ref> Former Chief Justice Arthur Chaskalson, who is himself Jewish, declared that they represented "a level of bigotry and intolerance meant to shut down any diversity of opinion".<ref name="Bearak">{{cite news|title=A Gaza War Study, an Outcry, A Bar Mitzvah's Missing Guest|last=Bearak|first=Barry|work=The New York Times||date=2010-04-17}}</ref> Another Jewish former supreme court justice, Albie Sachs, spoke of his dismay that "any Jew who speaks out with an independent voice, especially with the conduct of the State of Israel, is regarded as a self-hating Jew . . . Why should someone be made to choose between being a Jew and having a conscience?"<ref name="McGreal" /> The Union for Progressive Judaism and the South African Association of Progressive Rabbis issued a joint statement deploring the pressuring of Goldstone as a "disgrace."<ref name="Dixon">{{cite news|title=Israel critic to forgo grandson's bar mitvah|last=Dixon|first=Robyn|work=Los Angeles Times|date=2010-04-23}}</ref>

The source of the threats was unclear but was said to be linked to the South African Zionist Federation and South Africa's chief rabbi, ], who had been strongly critical of the report. After "discussions with the Jewish community", Goldstein declared that Goldstone should be allowed to attend: "It is simply a question of decency and compassion to the bar mitzvah boy not to ruin his day."<ref name="McGreal" /> Both sides agreed not to comment further until after the bar mitzvah had been held in May 2010.<ref name="Dixon" />


==Other activities== ==Other activities==
In March 1996, Goldstone was named as Chancellor of the University of the Witswatersrand.<ref>{{cite news|title=New Job for Prosecutor|url=http://www.nytimes.com/1996/03/27/world/croatian-war-crime-suspect-refuses-to-cooperate.html|date=1996-03-26|agency=Associated Press}}</ref> He served for two terms, stepping down in September 2006.<ref>{{cite news|title=Dikgang Moseneke to be Wits chancellor|url=http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=105&art_id=vn20060908112556287C474011|last=Cembi|first=Nomusa|date=2006-09-08|work=Independent Online}}</ref>

From 2004 through 2008, in addition to his teaching appointments, Goldstone was the chair of the Advisory Committee to the ].<ref>, an initiative of the Salzburg Global Seminar</ref> In 2008, the Institute became an independent entity, with Goldstone as its chairman.<ref>{{citation | title= About the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation | url= http://www.historyandreconciliation.org/about }}</ref> He also continues as a member of the board of directors of the ].<ref>{{citation | title= Salzburg Global Seminar Board of Directors | url= http://www.salzburgglobal.org/2009/board.cfm }}</ref> From 2004 through 2008, in addition to his teaching appointments, Goldstone was the chair of the Advisory Committee to the ].<ref>, an initiative of the Salzburg Global Seminar</ref> In 2008, the Institute became an independent entity, with Goldstone as its chairman.<ref>{{citation | title= About the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation | url= http://www.historyandreconciliation.org/about }}</ref> He also continues as a member of the board of directors of the ].<ref>{{citation | title= Salzburg Global Seminar Board of Directors | url= http://www.salzburgglobal.org/2009/board.cfm }}</ref>


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Goldstone participated as guest faculty in the Oxford-George Washington International Human Rights Program in 2005.<ref>{{cite|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~magazine/archive/2006_sept/docs/gwnews.html|title=GW-Oxford Program Targets Human Rights|publisher=GW Magazine|date=September 2006}}</ref> Goldstone participated as guest faculty in the Oxford-George Washington International Human Rights Program in 2005.<ref>{{cite|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~magazine/archive/2006_sept/docs/gwnews.html|title=GW-Oxford Program Targets Human Rights|publisher=GW Magazine|date=September 2006}}</ref>


Goldstone was a Global Visiting Professor of Law at New York University School of Law in spring 2004, and in the fall, he was the William Hughes Mulligan Visiting Professor at Fordham Law School. In spring 2005, he was the Henry Shattuck Visiting Professor Law at Harvard Law School.<ref name=Bio></ref> Goldstone was a Global Visiting Professor of Law at New York University School of Law in spring 2004, and in the fall, he was the William Hughes Mulligan Visiting Professor at Fordham Law
School. In spring 2005, he was the Henry Shattuck Visiting Professor Law at
Harvard Law School.<ref name=Bio></ref>


Goldstone is a Woodrow Wilson Visiting Scholar in Political Science at Washington & Jefferson College.<ref name="WW">{{cite web|url=http://www.cic.edu/projects_services/visitingfellows/visiting_fellows_bios.asp#GOLDSTONE|title=Woodrow Wilson Visiting Fellows Program|publisher=Council of Independent Colleges|accessdate=2009-09-28}}</ref> Goldstone is a Woodrow Wilson Visiting Scholar in Political Science at Washington & Jefferson College.<ref name="WW">{{cite web|url=http://www.cic.edu/projects_services/visitingfellows/visiting_fellows_bios.asp#GOLDSTONE|title=Woodrow Wilson Visiting Fellows Program|publisher=Council of Independent Colleges|accessdate=2009-09-28}}</ref>
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Richard J. Goldstone at Beloit College

Richard J. Goldstone (born October 26, 1938) is a South African former judge. He served on the Transvaal Supreme Court and Appellate Division of the Supreme Court from 1980 to 1991. During the transition from apartheid to multiracial democracy he headed the influential Goldstone Commission into political violence in South Africa and was appointed by President Nelson Mandela to the newly-established Constitutional Court of South Africa.. He also served as the chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda from 15 August 1994 to September 1996, and in 2009 led an independent fact-finding mission created by the United Nations Human Rights Council to investigate international human rights and humanitarian law violations related to the Gaza War.

Family life and religious background

Richard Goldstone is a third-generation South African who was born in 1938 into a Jewish family in Boksberg near Johannesburg. He is married to Noleen Goldstone. They have two daughters and four grandsons.

Career

South Africa

While still a child, Goldstone was encouraged by his grandfather to study law. He later recalled: "My grandfather decided when I was about 4 I was going to be a barrister, so I just always assumed I was. It turned out to be a wise decision." He was educated at King Edward VII School in Johannesburg and subsequently undertook a six-year legal studies course at the University of the Witwatersrand, from which he graduated in 1962 with a BA LLB cum laude.

At the university Goldstone became involved in the international effort to end South Africa's apartheid system. He had been brought up in an anti-apartheid atmosphere; although his parents were not activists, they were opposed to racial discrimination and this was to have a profound influence on his later career. Like many other Jewish South Africans, he chose to become conspicuously active in public life in an effort to oppose or alleviate the worst aspects of apartheid. While he was chairman of the university's Students' Representative Council, he campaigned against the exclusion of black students.

Judicial career

Goldstone initially practised corporate and intellectual property law in the capacity of an advocate of the Johannesburg Bar. He was appointed senior counsel in 1976 and in 1980 he was selected to serve as a judge on the Transvaal Supreme Court. This posed obvious moral issues – as a judge, he was expected to uphold South Africa's apartheid laws. This included passing death sentences, although he had always been against the death penalty; during his term as a judge, he sentenced two people to death for murder as mandated by the law. Nonetheless, Goldstone was seen as reluctant to impose the death penalty. One Transvaal judge, D. Curlewis, commented in 1991 that "a person who deserves to hang was more likely to get the death sentence from me or my ilk" than Goldstone or other liberal judges, who were "at heart abolitionists for one reason or another... Obviously, and for that reason, they cannot be sound on the imposition of the death penalty."

Goldstone sought instead to employ the bench as a means of making ordinary South Africans aware of the iniquities of apartheid. He was described as "an outstanding commercial lawyer who had shrewdly and inventively applied the law to secure justice in politically controversial and human rights cases." He said later: "I took an appointment to the bench, as did a number of liberal judges, and we had to uphold the law of the country. It was a moral dilemma to do that, but the approach was that it was better to fight from inside than not at all. The moral dilemma came up when I had to apply the law." He noted in 1992 that most South African judges "applied such laws without commenting upon their moral turpitude." A number, including Goldstone, were more outspoken – a policy that he felt aided the credibility of the courts. There was a fine dividing line between applying moral standards and promoting political doctrines, but Goldstone believed that "in my view, if a judge is to err, it should be on the side of defending morality." He described his experience of being a judge in apartheid South Africa as being that although "I hated in the morning the thought of having to do this for another day, by the end of the day, I was exhilarated at the reaction and how important the work was."

Goldstone issued rulings that undermined key aspects of the apartheid system, notably significantly weakening the Group Areas Act that mandated the eviction of non-whites from reserved areas. After ruling in the case of S v Govender in 1982 that evictions were not automatically required by the Act, they virtually ceased. It thus became so difficult to evict non-whites that Johannesburg's system of housing segregation began to break down. Geoffrey Budlender, former director of the anti-apartheid Legal Resources Centre, commented of Goldstone's decision in the Govender case that "it was an alert judge trying to apply human rights standards to a repressive piece of legislation. And it was Goldstone's work; it wasn't our work that stopped the Group Areas prosecutions in the end." Budlender noted that "it was a matter of great debate in the eighties about whether decent people should accept appointments to the bench, because they were enforcing repressive laws," but stated that "rom the point of view of the practitioner trying to run human rights cases and public-interest cases, we prayed for a Goldstone or a Didcott on the bench. That was our dream." Goldstone also used his judicial prerogatives to visit thousands of people who had been imprisoned without trial, including some who later became members of the post-apartheid South African government. He gained a reputation as a committed and compassionate jurist who championed international human rights. He went on to become a judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa in 1989. As one of three judges on the Supreme Court's appellate panel, he upheld a majority of appeals to the court.

Goldstone Commission

In 1990, President F. W. de Klerk began the negotiation process that was to lead to the end of apartheid in 1994. To aid the transition to multiracial democracy, a Commission of Inquiry Regarding the Prevention of Public Violence and Intimidation was established in October 1991 to investigate human rights abuses being committed by South Africa's various political factions. Its members were chosen by consensus among the three main parties; Goldstone was asked by Nelson Mandela to become the chair of the inquiry, resulting in it being known as the Goldstone Commission. He commented later that he had been selected because he had the confidence of both sides: "The government was aware that I would not make findings against it without good cause, and the majority of South Africans had confidence that I would quote hesitate to make findings against the government if the evidence justified it." He nonetheless received numerous death threats. The Commission sat for three years, carrying out over 40 major investigations. Its final report, issued in 1994, disclosed that the South African police and security forces had been involved in numerous abuses of human rights. According to Goldstone, its work helped to calm South Africa during the transition period and led to the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission a year later.

Goldstone also served as the founding national president of the National Institute of Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of Offenders (NICRO), a body established to look after prisoners who had been released; chairperson of the Bradlow Foundation, a charitable educational trust; and head of the board of the Human Rights Institute of South Africa (HURISA).

Chief UN Prosecutor in Yugoslavia and Rwanda

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia building in The Hague, Netherlands

In August 1994, Goldstone was named as the first chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which was established by a resolution of the UN Security Council in 1993. When the Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in late 1994, he became its chief prosecutor, too. His appointment to the tribunals came as something of a surprise, even to Goldstone himself, as he had only limited experience of international law and Yugoslavian affairs and had never been a prosecutor before. He owed his appointment to the Italian chief judge of the ICTY, Antonio Cassese. There had been lengthy wrangling between UN member states about whom to appoint as a prosecutor and none of the candidates proposed so far had been accepted. The French national counsel, Roger Errera, suggested Goldstone. Cassese later recalled the conversation:

I answered, "Who's he?"
"Goldstone, the South African, the chairman of the Commission on Violence committed by the police under apartheid, a really good guy."
"He's Jewish?"
"Listen, we don't ask that question."
"But no, if he is Jewish, that goes down well. Everyone suspects everyone in the former Yugoslavia. So it's better that he is neither Catholic, nor Orthodox, nor Muslim."

Goldstone was approached by Cassese and expressed an interest in the position. President Mandela supported his wish to take up the position at The Hague, as Goldstone later recalled: "He certainly encouraged me. He thought it was important to take what was the first offer of a major international position after South Africa ceased to be a pariah." However, the offer put Mandela in a difficult spot. He wanted Goldstone, who had was one of the few South African jurists to have earned the respect of both blacks and whites, for South Africa's newly established Constitutional Court. Mandela struck a deal with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, that Goldstone would serve only half of his four-year term as prosecutor and would then return to take up his post in South Africa. The president rushed through a constitutional amendment that would allow Goldstone to be named, take an immediate period of leave to serve at the tribunal and then return to his spot on the Constitutional Court. He proved to be an ideal candidate, as he had been suggested by the French, was not too hot-headed for the British, was strong enough to satisfy the Americans and his credentials as a white South African who had opposed apartheid satisfied the Russians and Chinese. The United Nations Security Council unanimously approved his appointment to the role of prosecutor.

In his roles at the ICTY and ICTR he had to design prosecutorial strategies for both those ground-breaking tribunals, from scratch. In doing so, he sought to be scrupulously even-handed – a goal he was more easily able to achieve at ICTY than at ICTR. He built his strategy at both courts to a large degree on that pursued by the prosecutors at the Nuremberg Tribunal of 1945-46. He served as the chief prosecutor of the two tribunals until September 1996. He was hindered by the inflexible bureaucracy of the United Nations, finding the newly established ICTY in a shambles when he joined the tribunal. He estimated in December 1994 that he needed twice the number of staff that he had been given and had to make appeals to the UN's hierarchy and to donor nations for the equipment and funding that the tribunal needed to operate.

Argentina

He was a member of the International Panel of the Commission of Enquiry into the Activities of Nazism in Argentina (CEANA) which was established in 1997 to identify Nazi war criminals who had emigrated to Argentina, and transferred victim assets (Nazi gold) there.

Kosovo

Goldstone was chair of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo from August 1999 until December 2001.

Member of Volcker Committee

In April 2004, he was appointed by Kofi Annan, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to the Independent Inquiry Committee, chaired by Paul Volcker, to investigate the Iraq Oil for Food program.

United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the 2009 Gaza Conflict

Main article: United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict

Goldstone headed a fact finding mission "to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that might have been committed at any time in the context of the military operations that were conducted in Gaza during the period from 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, whether before, during or after.” The mission originated in the resolution by United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on January 12, 2009..

On April 3, 2009, Goldstone was named as the head of the mission. He responded to the announcement that he was "shocked, as a Jew", to be invited to head the mission. Goldstone wrote that he accepted the mandate for the mission "because I believe deeply in the rule of law and the laws of war, and the principle that in armed conflict civilians should to the greatest extent possible be protected from harm."

Human Rights Watch (HRW) applauded the selection of Goldstone to head the mission, saying that "Justice Goldstone's reputation for fairness and integrity is unmatched, and his investigation provides the best opportunity to address alleged violations by both Hamas and Israel". According to UNHRC's mission page, at the time of the appointment to head the committee Goldstone was a board member of HRW. Professor Gerald Steinberg of the Jerusalem-based NGO Monitor and journalist Melanie Phillips argued that even though Goldstone resigned from HRW after the inquiry began, his impartiality was compromised by his link to the organization that accused Israel of war crimes in several reports issued during the course of the mission.


In a July 16 interview, Judge Goldstone said "at first I was not prepared to accept the invitation to head the mission". "It was essential," he continued, to expand the mandate to include "the sustained rocket attack on civilians in southern Israel, as well as other facts." He set this expansion of the mandate as a condition for chairing the mission. The next day, he wrote in the New York Times, "I accepted because the mandate of the mission was to look at all parties: Israel; Hamas, which controls Gaza; and other armed Palestinian groups." The UNHRC press release announcing his nomination documents the changed mandate of the mission.

On October 16, 2009, UN Human Rights Council voted in support of the Goldstone Report where twenty-five member nations voted in favour of the resolution endorsing the report, six voted against endorsement while another eleven remained impartial. Goldstone has criticized the United Nations Human Rights Council's selective endorsement of the report his commission compiled, since the resolution adopted chastises Israel only, when the report itself is critical of both parties.

Other activities

From 2004 through 2008, in addition to his teaching appointments, Goldstone was the chair of the Advisory Committee to the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation. In 2008, the Institute became an independent entity, with Goldstone as its chairman. He also continues as a member of the board of directors of the Salzburg Global Seminar.

Goldstone serves on the Board of Directors of several nonprofit organizations that promote justice, including Physicians for Human Rights, the International Center for Transitional Justice, the South African Legal Services Foundation, the Brandeis University Center for Ethics, Justice, and Public Life, Human Rights Watch, and the Center for Economic and Social Rights. He is a trustee of Hebrew University Goldstone was president of the Jewish training and education charity World ORT between 1997 and 2004.

Goldstone serves as a trustee for Link-SA, a charity which funds the tertiary education of South Africans from impoverished backgrounds

Goldstone participated as guest faculty in the Oxford-George Washington International Human Rights Program in 2005.

Goldstone was a Global Visiting Professor of Law at New York University School of Law in spring 2004, and in the fall, he was the William Hughes Mulligan Visiting Professor at Fordham Law School. In spring 2005, he was the Henry Shattuck Visiting Professor Law at Harvard Law School.

Goldstone is a Woodrow Wilson Visiting Scholar in Political Science at Washington & Jefferson College.

Goldstone was named the 2007 Weissberg Distinguished Professor of International Studies at Beloit College, in Beloit, Wisconsin. From January 17–28, 2007 he visited classes, worked with faculty and students, participated in panel discussions on human rights and transitional justice with leading figures in the field and delivered the annual Weissberg Lecture, "South Africa's Transition to Democracy: The Role of the Constitutional Court" on January 24 at the Moore Lounge in Pearsons Hall.

Justice Goldstone taught at Harvard University in the Spring 2007 semester. In Fall 2007 he was the William Hughes Mulligan Professor of International Law at Fordham University School of Law, and held that position again in Fall 2009. Fordham Law presented him with a Doctor of Laws, honoris causa, in 2007, the highest honor the school can bestow.

Awards and honors

Justice Goldstone has received many prominent awards, including the MacArthur Award for International Justice, announced by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation in October 2008, and bestowed in The Hague in May, 2009. In 1994, Goldstone received the International Human Rights Award of the American Bar Association and in 2005 he received the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights. He holds honorary degrees from Hebrew University, the University of Notre Dame, the University of Maryland, and the Universities of Cape Town, British Columbia, Glasgow, and Calgary among others. He was the first person to be granted the title, The Hague Peace Philosopher in 2009, as part of the new Spinoza Fellowship, a program run by the city of The Hague, the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences (NIAS), Radio Netherlands, and the Hague Campus of the University of Leiden. He is an honorary fellow of St Johns College, Cambridge, an honorary member of the Association of the Bar of New York, a foreign member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a fellow of the Center for International Affairs of Harvard University.

In October 2003, Goldstone gave a lecture entitled "Preventing Deadly Conflict" at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice Distinguished Lecture Series. In April 2005, Goldstone spoke on “The Future of International Criminal Justice,” at the Fletcher School (Tufts University) in Massachusetts.

Publications

Books by Richard Goldstone

  • International judicial institutions : the architecture of international justice at home and abroad, co-authored with Adam M. Smith. London and New York: Routledge, 2009. ISBN: 9780415776455, 0415776457 (hardback); 9780415776462, 0415776465 (pbk.)
  • For humanity: reflections of a war crimes investigator. New Haven : Yale University Press, c2000. ISBN 0300082053
  • Do judges speak out?. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1993. ISBN 0869824317

Contributions to edited volumes, and prefaces/forewords to books by others

  • "From the Holocaust: Some legal and moral implications", chapter in Alan S. Rosenbaum, ed., Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocide. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996.

Goldstone has written forewords to several books, including Martha Minow, Beyond Vengeance and Forgiveness: Facing History after Genocide and Mass Violence and War Crimes: The Legacy of Nuremberg, which examines the political and legal influence the Nuremberg trials have had over contemporary war crime proceedings. More recently, he has written about the challenge to individual human rights posed by counter-terror measures in R. A. Wilson, ed., "Human Rights in the 'War on Terror'".

References

  1. ^ Richard J. Goldstone Appointed to Lead Human Rights Council Fact-finding mission on Gaza Conflict, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, 3 April 2009
  2. ^ "UN appoints Gaza war-crimes team". London: BBC News. 14:42 GMT, Friday, 3 April 2009. Retrieved Friday, 3 April 2009. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= and |date= (help)
  3. ^ Southard, Jo Lynn (1999). "Goldstone, Richard J.". In Devine, Carol; Poole, Hilary (eds.). Human rights: the essential reference. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9781573562058.
  4. ^ Shaw, John (2002). Washington diplomacy: profiles of people of world influence. Algora Publishing. p. 61. ISBN 9780875861609.
  5. ^ The International Who's Who 2004. Europa Publications. 2004. p. 624. ISBN 9781857432176. Cite error: The named reference "Whoswho" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  6. ^ Shimoni, Gideon (2004). "The Jewish Response to Apartheid: The Record and Its Consequences". In Mendelsohn, Ezra (ed.). Jews and the state: dangerous alliances and the perils of privilege. Oxford University Press US. p. 38. ISBN 9780195170870.
  7. Chaskalson, Arthur; Bizos, George (29 January - 05 February 2010). "Chaskalson and Bizos come out in defence of Richard Goldstone". SA Jewish Report. p. 16. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  8. Elgot, Jessica (2010-05-06). "Goldstone responds to 'death penalty' allegations". The Jewish Chronicle.
  9. Parker, Peter; Mokhesi-Parker, Joyce (1998). In the shadow of Sharpeville: apartheid and criminal justice. NYU Press. p. 171-172. ISBN 9780814766590.
  10. ^ Eldar, Akiva (2010-05-06). "Richard Goldstone: I have no regrets about the Gaza war report". Haaretz.
  11. ^ Bass, Gary Jonathan (2002). Stay the hand of vengeance: the politics of war crimes tribunals. Princeton University Press. p. 220. ISBN 9780691092782.
  12. ^ Hagan, John (2003). Justice in the Balkans: prosecuting war crimes in the Hague Tribunal. University of Chicago Press. p. 60-61. ISBN 9780226312286.
  13. Tigar, Michael E. (2002). Fighting injustice. American Bar Association. p. 334. ISBN 9781590310151.
  14. Carnegie Corporation Oral History Project, Transcript of Interview with Geoffrey Budlender 7 Aug. 1999
  15. Greenberg, Melanie C.; Barton, John H.; McGuinness, Margaret E., eds. (2000). Words over war: mediation and arbitration to prevent deadly conflict. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 254. ISBN 9780847698929.
  16. Kerr, Rachel (2004). The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia: an exercise in law, politics, and diplomacy. Oxford University Press. p. 52. ISBN 9780199263059.
  17. ^ Hazan, Pierre (2004). Justice in a time of war: the true story behind the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Texas A&M University Press. p. 54-56. ISBN 9781585443772.
  18. Stephen, Chris (2004). Judgement day: the trial of Slobodan Milošević. Atlantic Books. p. 104-105. ISBN 9781843541547.
  19. US: Ask Israel to Cooperate with Goldstone Inquiry
  20. United Nations Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict. United Nations Human Rights Council. Accessed 17 October 2009.
  21. "Goldstone's UN inquiry team arrives in Gaza". London: BBC. 1 June 2009. Retrieved 4 June 2009.
  22. Resolution A/HRC/S-9/L.1, point 14.
  23. Justice in Gaza, By RICHARD GOLDSTONE, New York Times, September 17, 2009
  24. Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch (17 May 2009). "US: Ask Israel to Cooperate with Goldstone Inquiry | Human Rights Watch". Hrw.org. Retrieved 17 October 2009.
  25. Biographical information of the members
  26. NGO Monitor: Gaza war probe tainted by anti-Israel ideology, Haaretz, Sept 08 2009
  27. From Gulag Liberators to Saudi Retainers, NRO, July 21, 2009
  28. The Goldstone show-trial, Spectator, September 11, 2009
  29. Goldstone: Israel should cooperate Jerusalem Post, Jul 16, 2009.
  30. Richard Goldstone, NY Times, Sept 17 2009.
  31. UNHRC press release 3 April 2009.
  32. Jack Khoury and Barak Ravid (2009-10-17). "PA 'won't oppose war crimes trials for Hamas militants'". Haaretz. Retrieved 2009-10-17. {{cite news}}: Italic or bold markup not allowed in: |publisher= (help)
  33. Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation (official website), an initiative of the Salzburg Global Seminar
  34. About the Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation
  35. Salzburg Global Seminar Board of Directors
  36. "PHR Board of Directors — Justice Richard J. Goldstone". Physicians for Human Rights (PHR). Retrieved 2009-09-16.
  37. Goldstone to head UNHRC Gaza inquiry JTA, April 3, 2009
  38. "Former World ORT president wins international award". World ORT. 7 November 2008. Retrieved 2009-10-26.
  39. GW-Oxford Program Targets Human Rights, GW Magazine, September 2006
  40. ^ BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARD J GOLDSTONE
  41. "Woodrow Wilson Visiting Fellows Program". Council of Independent Colleges. Retrieved 2009-09-28.
  42. Justice Richard Goldstone , Weissberg Chair in International Studies 2006 - 2007
  43. Richard J. Goldstone to Lead Human Rights Commission Fact-Finding Mission on Gaza Conflict
  44. Frank Donaghue Congratulates Justice Richard Goldstone on MacArthur Award for International Justice, Physicians for Human Rights
  45. First Spinoza Fellow Richard Goldstone

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